Journal July & August 2014 Vol 2 No 2

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Mohammed Hanzab President, ICSS

Dear Reader,

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our years ago, when I envisaged an organisation focused on the security and safety of sport, I did not realise that match-fixing would turn out to be such a central issue for the institution , and, sadly, a crucial issue for sport.

F

At our first 'Securing Sport' conference in 2011, one of the expert panels discussed sport integrity and vigorously warned us of the threats from match-fixing and organised crime .

I learnt then that we needed a common understanding of the global reality of the problem, followed by internationally harmonised government legislation and sport regulation covering match-fixing and sport-betting fraud. In 2012 , we established the Sport Integrity Research Programme with the University Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne.

After two years of intensive study, working with leading academic and field experts in law, economics, sociology, ethics and the history of sport, we have published the first global , multi-disciplinary and comprehensive study of the threats to the integrity of sport.

I am sincerely grateful to the Sorbonne University, to the Chair of the Research Programme, Professor Laurent Vidal, to Chris Eaton , and to each and every one of the 70 experts who have been involved in this work.

We have published the first global, multidisciplinary and comprehensive study of the threats to the integrity of sport The International Centre for Sport Security was established as an independent organisation committed to the protect ion of sport across the world, and ex1sts only because we believe in sport. and only because other people have shared in the commitment to preserving the true values of sport.

Governments, presidents, prime ministers, ministers and members of the Council of Europe, UNESCO, FIFA, UEFA, and the former and current presidents of the International Olympic Committee have recognised that there is a serious prob lem with the integrity of sport and have al l called for a global solution.

The real power of sport is in bringing countries, communities and societies together and enacting change for t he better. It provides opportunit ies to people

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 213

Mohammed Hanzab President, ICSS

Dear Reader,

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our years ago, when I envisaged an organisation focused on the security and safety of sport, I did not realise that match-fixing would turn out to be such a central issue for the institution , and, sadly, a crucial issue for sport.

F

At our first 'Securing Sport' conference in 2011, one of the expert panels discussed sport integrity and vigorously warned us of the threats from match-fixing and organised crime .

I learnt then that we needed a common understanding of the global reality of the problem, followed by internationally harmonised government legislation and sport regulation covering match-fixing and sport-betting fraud. In 2012 , we established the Sport Integrity Research Programme with the University Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne.

After two years of intensive study, working with leading academic and field experts in law, economics, sociology, ethics and the history of sport, we have published the first global , multi-disciplinary and comprehensive study of the threats to the integrity of sport.

I am sincerely grateful to the Sorbonne University, to the Chair of the Research Programme, Professor Laurent Vidal, to Chris Eaton , and to each and every one of the 70 experts who have been involved in this work.

We have published the first global, multidisciplinary and comprehensive study of the threats to the integrity of sport The International Centre for Sport Security was established as an independent organisation committed to the protect ion of sport across the world, and ex1sts only because we believe in sport. and only because other people have shared in the commitment to preserving the true values of sport.

Governments, presidents, prime ministers, ministers and members of the Council of Europe, UNESCO, FIFA, UEFA, and the former and current presidents of the International Olympic Committee have recognised that there is a serious prob lem with the integrity of sport and have al l called for a global solution.

The real power of sport is in bringing countries, communities and societies together and enacting change for t he better. It provides opportunit ies to people

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 213

4.

4

Foreword

living in difficult environments; giving them a chance to succeed. It gives us all heroes, heroes who work on and off the playing field . And it teaches children to be better people and to break down barriers. Sport provides children with both physical and emotional rewards, and countless memories, that live with them throughout their lives. The real power of sport, however, is perhaps most evident through the fact that it does not discriminate. Sport has no borders.

Sport breaks down prejudices, and sport bui Ids trust to form new partnerships.

However, none of these inspirational and aspirational values are at all relevant if sport is corrupt.

Our report confirmed that most sport manipulation is carried out by transnational organised criminals who exploit legitimate gambling and thrive on the lack of international regulations. The problem is getting worse, but it is a problem that nobody owns. Governments are partly responsible; however, they struggle because the problem crosses so many borders. Sports governing bodies are partly responsible, but also struggle wi th responsibility because the problem cuts across so many different sports . Betting regulators are not responsible for fighting crime, but they are responsible for regulating the sports betting market.

Until now, no scientific study by a major academic institution has had either the resources or the time to do what the University Paris 1 PantheonSorbonne has done in this report. Nobody has really known how much the prob lem of match-fixing has cost, nor had the data to properly understand the problem. The report is a rea l milestone, and we call on governments to act on its findings, and act now.

The report is a real milestone, and we call on governments to act on its findings, and act now We owe it to everyone across the globe, everyone who expects to watch and enjoy a fair contest. We owe it to every aspiring competitor training in the belief that their sport is not rigged - in the belief that they can succeed in their sport as a result of effort and talent, not through match-fixing. • We owe it to the ideal that first motivated De Coubertin to revive Olympism 120 years ago: the idea l that sport is an arena of moral and socia l strength, aspiration, and fair play.

If we succeed, we will have preserved sport for future generations.

Governments must act to save the integrity of international sport. We must fight back against international organised crime. However, we can only do this as a united team, at an international level.

Yours sincerely, Mohammed Hanzab

41

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

4.

4

Foreword

living in difficult environments; giving them a chance to succeed. It gives us all heroes, heroes who work on and off the playing field . And it teaches children to be better people and to break down barriers. Sport provides children with both physical and emotional rewards, and countless memories, that live with them throughout their lives. The real power of sport, however, is perhaps most evident through the fact that it does not discriminate. Sport has no borders.

Sport breaks down prejudices, and sport bui Ids trust to form new partnerships.

However, none of these inspirational and aspirational values are at all relevant if sport is corrupt.

Our report confirmed that most sport manipulation is carried out by transnational organised criminals who exploit legitimate gambling and thrive on the lack of international regulations. The problem is getting worse, but it is a problem that nobody owns. Governments are partly responsible; however, they struggle because the problem crosses so many borders. Sports governing bodies are partly responsible, but also struggle wi th responsibility because the problem cuts across so many different sports . Betting regulators are not responsible for fighting crime, but they are responsible for regulating the sports betting market.

Until now, no scientific study by a major academic institution has had either the resources or the time to do what the University Paris 1 PantheonSorbonne has done in this report. Nobody has really known how much the prob lem of match-fixing has cost, nor had the data to properly understand the problem. The report is a rea l milestone, and we call on governments to act on its findings, and act now.

The report is a real milestone, and we call on governments to act on its findings, and act now We owe it to everyone across the globe, everyone who expects to watch and enjoy a fair contest. We owe it to every aspiring competitor training in the belief that their sport is not rigged - in the belief that they can succeed in their sport as a result of effort and talent, not through match-fixing. • We owe it to the ideal that first motivated De Coubertin to revive Olympism 120 years ago: the idea l that sport is an arena of moral and socia l strength, aspiration, and fair play.

If we succeed, we will have preserved sport for future generations.

Governments must act to save the integrity of international sport. We must fight back against international organised crime. However, we can only do this as a united team, at an international level.

Yours sincerely, Mohammed Hanzab

41

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

4.

4

Contents

Contents

32

The 2014 London and Boston marathons: an assessment of security protocols Dr Shaun McCarthy and Malcolm Tarbitt from the ICSS compare security approaches at this year's London and Boston marathons, identifying key strengths as well as areas in which improvements could be made

40

Ultras in Morocco Abderrahim Rharib and Mahfoud Amara ask what can be done about increasing violence from ultras groups in Morocco and report on what fans think

46

Participant safety in American sport Gil Fried , Peggy Keiper, Todd Seidler and Daniel Kmiechick examine the health and safety issues for those playing sport at all levels and discuss appropriate risk-management strategies

4 •4

Integrity

Contents Vol 2 Ju ly

I

No 2

I A ugust

52

Stumped? India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill Drawn up in response to a recent match-fixing scandal, India 's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill is intended to restore trust in cricket , writes Andy Brown

60

Tackling social barriers for women and girls Nathan Barri ck explores the triumphs and challenges of the US State Department's Empowering Women and Girls through Sports Initi ative

68

Courtsiding and the integrity of live sporting events Laura Scaife considers the issues raised for sports bodies and legislators from the use of communications technologi es to transmit betting data

74

Integrity and the game What exactly is sporting integrity? John Danaher takes a philosophical approach to solving the problem of integrity for professional sport in the modern world

Justin Green/ Alamy

News and opinion 08 A review of events and developments

Technology 80 Adapting security protocols to smart stadia Chris Phillips and Hugh Boyes conside r the development of modern sports stadia as complex IT-enabled buildings, along with the vulnerabilities this brings

A look at the threat posed by 'scraping' - the automated copying of data from websites; and th e launch of a Brazilian child protection app

10

Reactions and repercussions Simon Chadwick sees the question of how sport deals with racism moving up the agenda, and considers the impact on sport of recent events in Ukraine

12

Save sport from criminals and global greed Saving sport from criminal activities such as betting fraud must become a high priority for international leadership, says Chris Eaton

Security and safety 14

24

61

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Making Boston stronger Drawing on extensive interviews with participants, a team from Harvard University identified the lessons learnt from the Boston Marathon bombings in their report 'Why Was Boston Strong?'

Security and sport: a network perspective on 'Why Was Boston Strong?'

Dr Chad Whelan considers the Harvard University report's findings in the context of organisational networks through whic h agencies are required to work together

86

Audiovisual systems for entertainment and safety Tracey Caldwell explores the potential for integrating public display technology with intelligent and automated safety and security systems

92

Issues and developments in screening technology Chris Aaron takes a look at spec ialist screening so lutions and the issues surrounding their use, with particular reference to the British Standards lnstitute's latest best-practice gu ide to checkpoint security screening

Legacy 96 Turkish and Egyptian fans fight political battles James Dorsey tracks the turbulent recent history of militant footba ll fans in Turkey and Egypt, in tandem with political protest movements in those countries

Last word l0l

Fighting for clean sport in Spain Sports tsar Ana Munoz talks to Javier Santos about the fight against doping and match-fixing, and why sport in Spain is an example of strength in hard times

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 217

4.

4

Contents

Contents

32

The 2014 London and Boston marathons: an assessment of security protocols Dr Shaun McCarthy and Malcolm Tarbitt from the ICSS compare security approaches at this year's London and Boston marathons, identifying key strengths as well as areas in which improvements could be made

40

Ultras in Morocco Abderrahim Rharib and Mahfoud Amara ask what can be done about increasing violence from ultras groups in Morocco and report on what fans think

46

Participant safety in American sport Gil Fried , Peggy Keiper, Todd Seidler and Daniel Kmiechick examine the health and safety issues for those playing sport at all levels and discuss appropriate risk-management strategies

4 •4

Integrity

Contents Vol 2 Ju ly

I

No 2

I A ugust

52

Stumped? India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill Drawn up in response to a recent match-fixing scandal, India 's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill is intended to restore trust in cricket , writes Andy Brown

60

Tackling social barriers for women and girls Nathan Barri ck explores the triumphs and challenges of the US State Department's Empowering Women and Girls through Sports Initi ative

68

Courtsiding and the integrity of live sporting events Laura Scaife considers the issues raised for sports bodies and legislators from the use of communications technologi es to transmit betting data

74

Integrity and the game What exactly is sporting integrity? John Danaher takes a philosophical approach to solving the problem of integrity for professional sport in the modern world

Justin Green/ Alamy

News and opinion 08 A review of events and developments

Technology 80 Adapting security protocols to smart stadia Chris Phillips and Hugh Boyes conside r the development of modern sports stadia as complex IT-enabled buildings, along with the vulnerabilities this brings

A look at the threat posed by 'scraping' - the automated copying of data from websites; and th e launch of a Brazilian child protection app

10

Reactions and repercussions Simon Chadwick sees the question of how sport deals with racism moving up the agenda, and considers the impact on sport of recent events in Ukraine

12

Save sport from criminals and global greed Saving sport from criminal activities such as betting fraud must become a high priority for international leadership, says Chris Eaton

Security and safety 14

24

61

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Making Boston stronger Drawing on extensive interviews with participants, a team from Harvard University identified the lessons learnt from the Boston Marathon bombings in their report 'Why Was Boston Strong?'

Security and sport: a network perspective on 'Why Was Boston Strong?'

Dr Chad Whelan considers the Harvard University report's findings in the context of organisational networks through whic h agencies are required to work together

86

Audiovisual systems for entertainment and safety Tracey Caldwell explores the potential for integrating public display technology with intelligent and automated safety and security systems

92

Issues and developments in screening technology Chris Aaron takes a look at spec ialist screening so lutions and the issues surrounding their use, with particular reference to the British Standards lnstitute's latest best-practice gu ide to checkpoint security screening

Legacy 96 Turkish and Egyptian fans fight political battles James Dorsey tracks the turbulent recent history of militant footba ll fans in Turkey and Egypt, in tandem with political protest movements in those countries

Last word l0l

Fighting for clean sport in Spain Sports tsar Ana Munoz talks to Javier Santos about the fight against doping and match-fixing, and why sport in Spain is an example of strength in hard times

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 217

Brazil World Cup sees launch of child protection opp

'Scraping' poses threat to ticketing systems Scraping, where data and format information is automatically copied from websites, is increasing and poses a threat to ticketing integrity.

Scrapers are attacking ticketing systems on a large scale to secure and tout tickets, potentially causing significant reputational issues for stadia. Sweden-based IT security consultancy Sentor's ScrapeSentry Threat Report 2014 saw a 10 per cent increase in attacks in 2013. Almost one-fifth (18 per cent) of visitors to websites are identified as scrapers and make up 23 per cent of all traffic.

The attacks are also known as web, screen or data scraping and involve large amounts of data being copied from a targeted website, either manually or with a computer program. Scrapers might be copying data to populate their own site, or potentially to impersonate the stadia's own ticket sales web pages.

Scraping can also slow access to sites and result in customers being unable to complete transactions, so that they abandon and go elsewhere.

Scrapers have become more skilled and motivated in their activity.

A few years ago, they made little attempt to hide themselves, but more sophisticated scrapers now try to hide themselves using scripts and programs, and by cycling through a wide range of IP addresses. In 2013,

over 90 per cent of all scraping traffic used sophisticated techniques and over 50 per cent of all scraping activity originated from either China, the United States or Australia .

Sentor's co-founder Martin Zetterlund told /CSS Journal: "The problem is twofold . The scrapers hold an unfair advantage over the normal punters. They use web robots and are able to acquire tickets in bulk and do it a lot quicker than any

Scrapers have become more skilled human being could, which leaves the normal customers not being able to buy tickets for face value and having to pay the overpriced rates of scrapers. This often leads to bad PR with the customers because they are frustrated that an event is sold out in minutes and they were unable to acquire tickets.

"The other part of the problem is more technical in nature, as the scrapers often overload the sites because they are using so many robots, trying to acquire so many

Scraping can increase tickets prices by making events appear la be in higher demand

81 ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

tickets that they cause problems for websites. We have seen on some occasions that the scrapers sample for demand - they put a lot of tickets in their passbook which they don't buy. If the event doesn't sell out then they return the tickets and there is a problem selling them because the interest is huge when they are released but fades later.

"It's a way of increasing the demand on secondhand websites.

By holding onto the tickets they can create an artificial demand because the event will look sold out."

Stadia also lose ancillary sales such as merchandise and hospitality packages if tickets are sold through secondary sites. "It is a growing problem . There are a lot of companies providing scraper tools and services to anyone who wants to buy them ," says Zetterlund.

"If the scrapers realise that website owners are trying to spot them , they will go to great lengths to hide themselves using thousands of IP addresses and credit card accounts. It takes a lot of time and effort to identify them in this case.

In cases where they don't think someone will try to stop them they will go very bluntly after what they want." he says.

Many ticketing websites employ technology such as Captcha , where would-be ticket buyers have to input a string of text shown on the screen, often in barely readable fashion, to prove they are human. Zetterlund believes this technology should be used with care to avoid the real risk of alienating genuine customers . " It should be used with a lot of care and probably should not be ;;hown to all customers. You need a separate system to decide who's potentially a 'bot' and show the captcha to them rather than everyone."

He recommends that stadia research before implementing customer-facing solutions: "This is tampering with your core business and [you need to decide] what impact it will have and how to minimise the negative side-effects of it. "

With a population of 60 million under the age of 18, the safety and security of chi ldren and adolescents during the FIFA World Cup in Brazil has been a significant concern for government.

UN organisations and civil society groups. The World Cup is estimated to have attracted 600,000 foreign visitors to the country, and fears of increased child prostitution or other forms of exploitation , prompted the implementation of new measures to protect the vulnerable.

One such initiative was 'Protect Brazil' (Proteja Brasil), a smartphone application enabling members of the public to report any incidents of child abuse or exploitation that they might witness. The application is linked to various child protection agencies in the country, creating a responsive infrastructure that can be used easily

by Brazilians, visiting fans or tourists.

The application - developed by the Brazilian Human Rights Secretariat with UNICEF, Brazilian civil society organisations such as Cedeca-Bahia. and ICSS Save the Dream - was launched in May 2014 and will operate at least through to the Rio Olympic Games in 2016, not just the World Cup. The service is part of a wider campaign of public awareness and advocacy about child protection, and has been publicised in hotels, TV channels, taxi companies, and airlines such as TAP, as well as by sports personalities and in schools.

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Protect Brazil is a free smartphone application that allows the public to report abuse

to be reported by anyone with a smartphone," said Gary Stahl, UNICEF's representative in Brazil.

The application is now being offered to other countries, with discussions under way with Costa

The application is linked to various child protection agencies in the country It had 40,000 downloads before the end of the World Cup. Protect Brazil is part of the government's Convergence Agenda, a national initiative to protect young people from violence or exploitation related to mega-events. "Brazil is the first country in the world to provide an application that enables abuse

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Rica , Jamaica, the Dominican Republic and Iran. Massimiliano Montanari, ICSS Save the Dream executive director, hopes the application will also be used in Russia 2018 and Qatar 2022, and at other events to help hosting countries cope with the kind of threats that are associated with massive gatherings.

Save the Dream focuses on initiatives to increase awareness, empowerment and social innovation in sport. and in particular aims to preserve belief in sport's values within youth, while protecting them from illicit activities and misconduct.

One strand of its activity is to harness the cross-cultural power of art and imagery to communicate the core values of sport. During the Brazil World Cup, Save the Dream organised a collaborative project between the Magnum photography agency and young Brazilian photographers to capture the spirit and passion for sport experienced during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The first exhibition of the resulting photographs was held at the lnstituto Moreira Salles in Rio de Janeiro on 3 July 2014, and the collection will tour internationally afterwards.

ICSS Journal

Vol 2 I No 2

9

Brazil World Cup sees launch of child protection opp

'Scraping' poses threat to ticketing systems Scraping, where data and format information is automatically copied from websites, is increasing and poses a threat to ticketing integrity.

Scrapers are attacking ticketing systems on a large scale to secure and tout tickets, potentially causing significant reputational issues for stadia. Sweden-based IT security consultancy Sentor's ScrapeSentry Threat Report 2014 saw a 10 per cent increase in attacks in 2013. Almost one-fifth (18 per cent) of visitors to websites are identified as scrapers and make up 23 per cent of all traffic.

The attacks are also known as web, screen or data scraping and involve large amounts of data being copied from a targeted website, either manually or with a computer program. Scrapers might be copying data to populate their own site, or potentially to impersonate the stadia's own ticket sales web pages.

Scraping can also slow access to sites and result in customers being unable to complete transactions, so that they abandon and go elsewhere.

Scrapers have become more skilled and motivated in their activity.

A few years ago, they made little attempt to hide themselves, but more sophisticated scrapers now try to hide themselves using scripts and programs, and by cycling through a wide range of IP addresses. In 2013,

over 90 per cent of all scraping traffic used sophisticated techniques and over 50 per cent of all scraping activity originated from either China, the United States or Australia .

Sentor's co-founder Martin Zetterlund told /CSS Journal: "The problem is twofold . The scrapers hold an unfair advantage over the normal punters. They use web robots and are able to acquire tickets in bulk and do it a lot quicker than any

Scrapers have become more skilled human being could, which leaves the normal customers not being able to buy tickets for face value and having to pay the overpriced rates of scrapers. This often leads to bad PR with the customers because they are frustrated that an event is sold out in minutes and they were unable to acquire tickets.

"The other part of the problem is more technical in nature, as the scrapers often overload the sites because they are using so many robots, trying to acquire so many

Scraping can increase tickets prices by making events appear la be in higher demand

81 ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

tickets that they cause problems for websites. We have seen on some occasions that the scrapers sample for demand - they put a lot of tickets in their passbook which they don't buy. If the event doesn't sell out then they return the tickets and there is a problem selling them because the interest is huge when they are released but fades later.

"It's a way of increasing the demand on secondhand websites.

By holding onto the tickets they can create an artificial demand because the event will look sold out."

Stadia also lose ancillary sales such as merchandise and hospitality packages if tickets are sold through secondary sites. "It is a growing problem . There are a lot of companies providing scraper tools and services to anyone who wants to buy them ," says Zetterlund.

"If the scrapers realise that website owners are trying to spot them , they will go to great lengths to hide themselves using thousands of IP addresses and credit card accounts. It takes a lot of time and effort to identify them in this case.

In cases where they don't think someone will try to stop them they will go very bluntly after what they want." he says.

Many ticketing websites employ technology such as Captcha , where would-be ticket buyers have to input a string of text shown on the screen, often in barely readable fashion, to prove they are human. Zetterlund believes this technology should be used with care to avoid the real risk of alienating genuine customers . " It should be used with a lot of care and probably should not be ;;hown to all customers. You need a separate system to decide who's potentially a 'bot' and show the captcha to them rather than everyone."

He recommends that stadia research before implementing customer-facing solutions: "This is tampering with your core business and [you need to decide] what impact it will have and how to minimise the negative side-effects of it. "

With a population of 60 million under the age of 18, the safety and security of chi ldren and adolescents during the FIFA World Cup in Brazil has been a significant concern for government.

UN organisations and civil society groups. The World Cup is estimated to have attracted 600,000 foreign visitors to the country, and fears of increased child prostitution or other forms of exploitation , prompted the implementation of new measures to protect the vulnerable.

One such initiative was 'Protect Brazil' (Proteja Brasil), a smartphone application enabling members of the public to report any incidents of child abuse or exploitation that they might witness. The application is linked to various child protection agencies in the country, creating a responsive infrastructure that can be used easily

by Brazilians, visiting fans or tourists.

The application - developed by the Brazilian Human Rights Secretariat with UNICEF, Brazilian civil society organisations such as Cedeca-Bahia. and ICSS Save the Dream - was launched in May 2014 and will operate at least through to the Rio Olympic Games in 2016, not just the World Cup. The service is part of a wider campaign of public awareness and advocacy about child protection, and has been publicised in hotels, TV channels, taxi companies, and airlines such as TAP, as well as by sports personalities and in schools.

~

___________.. 1e e

t

Sabre o Proteja Brasil ..........

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Ap¥li"IXl«<lcrdeo..ru.To es;i

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~'~~U!!lilrl'SWRic2rO"'Clile~~ .JJ..dana~a~a:nnan'Jrcae~IV$~ ~-..

Como Funciona oapc...otai:12aderU"oaieml~lla2m."'1eeo:x""em.YU.nt10

·de~Cll!l'l:.t'Oasierrve

Protect Brazil is a free smartphone application that allows the public to report abuse

to be reported by anyone with a smartphone," said Gary Stahl, UNICEF's representative in Brazil.

The application is now being offered to other countries, with discussions under way with Costa

The application is linked to various child protection agencies in the country It had 40,000 downloads before the end of the World Cup. Protect Brazil is part of the government's Convergence Agenda, a national initiative to protect young people from violence or exploitation related to mega-events. "Brazil is the first country in the world to provide an application that enables abuse

o~

~1omeh:r~ p,Y<1ch'p"aaell!p:m~de

Rica , Jamaica, the Dominican Republic and Iran. Massimiliano Montanari, ICSS Save the Dream executive director, hopes the application will also be used in Russia 2018 and Qatar 2022, and at other events to help hosting countries cope with the kind of threats that are associated with massive gatherings.

Save the Dream focuses on initiatives to increase awareness, empowerment and social innovation in sport. and in particular aims to preserve belief in sport's values within youth, while protecting them from illicit activities and misconduct.

One strand of its activity is to harness the cross-cultural power of art and imagery to communicate the core values of sport. During the Brazil World Cup, Save the Dream organised a collaborative project between the Magnum photography agency and young Brazilian photographers to capture the spirit and passion for sport experienced during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The first exhibition of the resulting photographs was held at the lnstituto Moreira Salles in Rio de Janeiro on 3 July 2014, and the collection will tour internationally afterwards.

ICSS Journal

Vol 2 I No 2

9

Reactions and â&#x20AC;˘ repercussions The Ukraine crisis highlights the impact that geopolitics can have on sporting events, while the riposte by footballers Alves and Neymar to a racist taunt raises interesting questions for sports bodies, writes

ince the previous edition of this journal went to press, the standout internat ional story has been Russia 's annexation of Crimea. This followed a period of civil unrest in Ukraine, which reached a peak around the time of the Sochi Winter Olympics in February and culminated in the ousting of then Ukrainian president, Viktor Yanu kovych.

S

The timing of the conflict, whether planned or entirely coincidental, raised some immediate issues for event organisers. Following heavy investment and with the international media and public attention focused on Sochi , Russia could ill afford for attention and association to be diverted elsewhere. This underlines the point that event organisers need to consider carefu lly the geopolitical environments in which they operate, and the potential threat to future events posed by, for example, territorial disputes.

As both Brazil and Qatar are finding, global scrutiny can shine a light on domest ic problems. But, as Turkey discovered last year when concerns over conflict in Syria weighed in favour of Tokyo's bid to host the 2020 Olympics, and as Russia has now found , a country's geopolitical environment can also pose problems (such as causing reputational damage) for events.

Simon Chadwick

Given the standoff between proEuropean west Ukranians and their pro-Russian counterparts in the east of the country, the nation's football Premier League was suddenly thrust centre stage. With potentially explosive games ahead - such as Arsenal Kiev against Metalurg Donetsk (in essence, west versus east) - the league was suspended.

It is not difficult to understand why the league took such a decision under the circumstances: large groups of football fans moving

travel plans and relations with commercial partners - challenges that all have to be managed.

Notwithstanding the nature of the West's response to the Crimean situation , economic sanctions imposed by the United States could begin to have an impact on Russian sport and , possibly, beyond. In one case, the chief executive of the energy company Rosneft is now subject to US sanctions . Shares in the company fell by around 1.5 per cent upon the announcement.

Rosneft is a majority owner of the CSKA sports club in Moscow, and is also an active sport sponsor, for example, of ice hockey.

Clearly the enforcement and/or development of US economic sanctions has seemingly yet to have a tangible effect on sport.

With further strengthening or severity though , it could be that we start to see some spillover effects.

No doubt the situation is being monitored by Russian tycoons such as Roman Abramovich (Chelsea FC owner) and Alexander Usmanov (a shareholder at Arsenal). Some commentators have cal led for sanctions to be taken against both individuals. If this was to occur, measures may include restrictions on capital movements that could affect. for instance, player signings.

Meanwhile, as the crisis in Ukra ine continues , a race row recently

Economic sanctions could have an impact on Russian sport and, possibly, beyond

10

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

around the country, some of whom have a reputation for violent behaviour, many motivated by regional loyalties, at a time that was ext remely delicate for Ukraine.

Geopolitics and sport For the domestic football association seeking to manage the scheduling of games, the suspension created prob lems, especially given that this is a World Cup year, in which FIFA rules dictate that all domestic games must be completed by a specific date. At the same time, such disruption affects train ing regimes,

Protesters condemn racist comments made by Los Angeles Clippers owner Donald Sterling. The NBA reacted quickly by placing a life ban on him

raged within the United States' National Basketball Association (NBA) after Los Angeles Clippers owner Donald Sterling was secretly taped in Apri l making racist and provocative comments. When these tapes emerged in the media, it caused an immediate furore, which resulted in several advertisers pulling out of contracts with the NBA. Within days of the tape being released , NBA commissioner Adam Sil ver had announced that Sterling was banned from the sport for life and that the association would be seeking to force the Clippers owner to sell the franchise. The episode raises a multitude of issues, most notably because racism clearly continues to be a major problem that many sports still appear to have difficulty in dealing with.

What is especially pert inent about the Sterling case, however, is that market forces and business commerce increasingly appear to be exerting pressure on stakeholders to respond to behaviour deemed unacceptable to fans and consumers.

At the same t ime, the speed and

assertiveness of Silver's actions set a precedent that could well pose some interesting challenges for the NBA, and other sports bodies, in the future. Indeed, within 24 hours of Silver going public with the Sterling ruling, FIFA president Sepp Blatter expressed on Twitter his fu ll support for the decision.

Expect the issues of how to address racism , how to regulate owners in sport. and how to respond to commercial partners' concerns to move up the sporting agenda over the next 12 months.

In the same week as the Sterling case, FC Barcelona and Brazilian international footballer Dani Alves was racial ly abused during a game against Villarreal. Following the awarding of a corner, a Villarreal fan threw a banana at Alves, with the player responding by picking the banana up, eating it and then taking the corner. The incident was thrust centre stage of the social-media world when Alves's fellow Brazilian footballer Neymar posted a picture of himself with a banana and the hashtag: "We are all monkeys''.

Other footballers, celebrities and politicians around the globe followed suit. Alves used the widespread condemnation of the fan 's behaviour to make a public statement about the state of racism in Spain.

That Alves and Neymar's response to the racism had been pre-planned in conjunction with a marketing agency became public a few days later, raising some significant questions for sport s bodies. For example, to what extent should players be allowed to unilaterally act in addressing problems they perceive in the sport in which they participate?

While the pair's actions must be applauded for raising awareness of continuing racist behaviour in football, it will be interesting to see whether other marketers, commerc ial partners and stakeholders engage in similar forms of activity. If so, how then will the authorities respond? â&#x20AC;˘ Simon Chadwick is Director of the Centre for the International Business of Sport at Coventry University

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

11

Reactions and â&#x20AC;˘ repercussions The Ukraine crisis highlights the impact that geopolitics can have on sporting events, while the riposte by footballers Alves and Neymar to a racist taunt raises interesting questions for sports bodies, writes

ince the previous edition of this journal went to press, the standout internat ional story has been Russia 's annexation of Crimea. This followed a period of civil unrest in Ukraine, which reached a peak around the time of the Sochi Winter Olympics in February and culminated in the ousting of then Ukrainian president, Viktor Yanu kovych.

S

The timing of the conflict, whether planned or entirely coincidental, raised some immediate issues for event organisers. Following heavy investment and with the international media and public attention focused on Sochi , Russia could ill afford for attention and association to be diverted elsewhere. This underlines the point that event organisers need to consider carefu lly the geopolitical environments in which they operate, and the potential threat to future events posed by, for example, territorial disputes.

As both Brazil and Qatar are finding, global scrutiny can shine a light on domest ic problems. But, as Turkey discovered last year when concerns over conflict in Syria weighed in favour of Tokyo's bid to host the 2020 Olympics, and as Russia has now found , a country's geopolitical environment can also pose problems (such as causing reputational damage) for events.

Simon Chadwick

Given the standoff between proEuropean west Ukranians and their pro-Russian counterparts in the east of the country, the nation's football Premier League was suddenly thrust centre stage. With potentially explosive games ahead - such as Arsenal Kiev against Metalurg Donetsk (in essence, west versus east) - the league was suspended.

It is not difficult to understand why the league took such a decision under the circumstances: large groups of football fans moving

travel plans and relations with commercial partners - challenges that all have to be managed.

Notwithstanding the nature of the West's response to the Crimean situation , economic sanctions imposed by the United States could begin to have an impact on Russian sport and , possibly, beyond. In one case, the chief executive of the energy company Rosneft is now subject to US sanctions . Shares in the company fell by around 1.5 per cent upon the announcement.

Rosneft is a majority owner of the CSKA sports club in Moscow, and is also an active sport sponsor, for example, of ice hockey.

Clearly the enforcement and/or development of US economic sanctions has seemingly yet to have a tangible effect on sport.

With further strengthening or severity though , it could be that we start to see some spillover effects.

No doubt the situation is being monitored by Russian tycoons such as Roman Abramovich (Chelsea FC owner) and Alexander Usmanov (a shareholder at Arsenal). Some commentators have cal led for sanctions to be taken against both individuals. If this was to occur, measures may include restrictions on capital movements that could affect. for instance, player signings.

Meanwhile, as the crisis in Ukra ine continues , a race row recently

Economic sanctions could have an impact on Russian sport and, possibly, beyond

10

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

around the country, some of whom have a reputation for violent behaviour, many motivated by regional loyalties, at a time that was ext remely delicate for Ukraine.

Geopolitics and sport For the domestic football association seeking to manage the scheduling of games, the suspension created prob lems, especially given that this is a World Cup year, in which FIFA rules dictate that all domestic games must be completed by a specific date. At the same time, such disruption affects train ing regimes,

Protesters condemn racist comments made by Los Angeles Clippers owner Donald Sterling. The NBA reacted quickly by placing a life ban on him

raged within the United States' National Basketball Association (NBA) after Los Angeles Clippers owner Donald Sterling was secretly taped in Apri l making racist and provocative comments. When these tapes emerged in the media, it caused an immediate furore, which resulted in several advertisers pulling out of contracts with the NBA. Within days of the tape being released , NBA commissioner Adam Sil ver had announced that Sterling was banned from the sport for life and that the association would be seeking to force the Clippers owner to sell the franchise. The episode raises a multitude of issues, most notably because racism clearly continues to be a major problem that many sports still appear to have difficulty in dealing with.

What is especially pert inent about the Sterling case, however, is that market forces and business commerce increasingly appear to be exerting pressure on stakeholders to respond to behaviour deemed unacceptable to fans and consumers.

At the same t ime, the speed and

assertiveness of Silver's actions set a precedent that could well pose some interesting challenges for the NBA, and other sports bodies, in the future. Indeed, within 24 hours of Silver going public with the Sterling ruling, FIFA president Sepp Blatter expressed on Twitter his fu ll support for the decision.

Expect the issues of how to address racism , how to regulate owners in sport. and how to respond to commercial partners' concerns to move up the sporting agenda over the next 12 months.

In the same week as the Sterling case, FC Barcelona and Brazilian international footballer Dani Alves was racial ly abused during a game against Villarreal. Following the awarding of a corner, a Villarreal fan threw a banana at Alves, with the player responding by picking the banana up, eating it and then taking the corner. The incident was thrust centre stage of the social-media world when Alves's fellow Brazilian footballer Neymar posted a picture of himself with a banana and the hashtag: "We are all monkeys''.

Other footballers, celebrities and politicians around the globe followed suit. Alves used the widespread condemnation of the fan 's behaviour to make a public statement about the state of racism in Spain.

That Alves and Neymar's response to the racism had been pre-planned in conjunction with a marketing agency became public a few days later, raising some significant questions for sport s bodies. For example, to what extent should players be allowed to unilaterally act in addressing problems they perceive in the sport in which they participate?

While the pair's actions must be applauded for raising awareness of continuing racist behaviour in football, it will be interesting to see whether other marketers, commerc ial partners and stakeholders engage in similar forms of activity. If so, how then will the authorities respond? â&#x20AC;˘ Simon Chadwick is Director of the Centre for the International Business of Sport at Coventry University

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

11

Save sport from criminals and global greed With no international sport-betting regulation and little attention given to issues of match-fixing, Chris Eaton calls on international leadership both inside and outside of this field to take action before the integrity of sport is shattered for good

he world of sport was dominated by the FIFA World Cup hosted by Brazil in June and July. Arguably the biggest global sport competition after the Summer Olympics, and always controversial in some way, no prior World Cup has been so effected by the shadows of administrative corruption, matchfixing and public expressions of negative sentiment.

In some ways this is an echo of the International Olympic Committee's travails at Salt Lake City. In other ways it is reminiscent of the drawn-out doping scandals that have rocked cycling and other sports.

It is this double impact on football - the perceptions and realities of corruption both on the field and in governance - that is now challenging the hitherto seemingly impervious edifice of Fl FA. There is a simple enough reason for this . The growing frequency of football scandals worldwide is seriously weakening the confidence of football fans in the game itself and the credibility of its administrative organs. When the institutions of governance cannot exercise the real purpose of their existence, just as when the police cannot maintain public safety, the blame naturally falls on institutional leaders, as it should. When you lose

T

the confidence of your 'public', you will pay the price sooner or later.

And the confidence level of large numbers of people in a society, in a city, in a country, and also in a sport, is ultimately crucial not only to governance stability, but to development and growth, and in the extreme to institutional survival itself. Debilitating cynicism is the enemy, and, whether senior people in football like this reality or not, football institutions must either firmly deal with the cause, which

that naturally brings those who illicitly prey on it into the scene.

Quite simply, cheats, frauds and thieves - criminals!

But the wealth surrounding football is even bigger than the wea lth in football, and this has its own attraction for transnational criminals. For example, with the extremely significant arrests of illegal gambling organisers during the World Cup in Macau , Vietnam and the United States, among others, and with hundreds of millions of dollars seized and billions of dollars in bets taken by those arrested , the prediction by John Sun , chairman and CEO of AGTech that betting on this World Cup would be four times higher than for the previous tournament, with some games attracting as much as six times the revenue, seems to have been accurate.

In this global sport-bettingwithout-borders environment, a reputable betting monitor has estimated that over €14 mil iion on average was bet for every minute of play during the 64 matches of the World Cup. In totalling the illegal, legal and under-regulated betting markets, it was also estimated that an average of €2 billion was bet on each match, and that €5 billion was gambled on the final.

It is a rather obvious association that greed and corruption in sport

When you lose the confidence of your 'public', you will pay the price sooner or later

l

21

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

is now wel l beyond being ascribed to individual instances of corruption, or continue to slowly wither. This withering of confidence might not be so obvious, particularly to those blinkered in short-term office or to those dominant in the business of sport, but nor was it so obvious in wrestling and boxing until it was too late and these have now become discredited fringe sports.

Football is the archetypal modern sport. It is dominated by wealth and the wea lthy, and by those who want to join them on that 'pedestal ' in any way possible. It is this wealth

l .U,..- l o , ; . ._.M

Police in Hong Kong smoshed an illegal cross-border gambling syndicate and seized their cash just days before the start of the Brazil World Cup

and in sport-betting has created a permissive environment within which match-fixing and bettingfraud has at worst become tantamount to acceptable, and at best easily ignored .

And because today there is no international sport-betting regulation or supervision , and as there is no international platform to join up those countries that actually do regulate sport betting, in effect, sport-betting is a global market free-for-a 11.

Sadly, international sport just doesn't seem to care enough and does not find a voice on match-fixing until it actually hurts its image or its income. Even then , responses are usua lly calls for soft solutions, such as education and betting monitoring.

Generally, international sport betting just does not care either.

Sport betting globally is competitive, business-driven and without either a social context or a social responsibility outside of those forced on them by some individual governments. The sport betting industry will not responsibly selfregulate. Only governments have the power to do this.

A vulnerable marketplace Overall, the international conspiracies of betting-fraud and match-fixing are perfect examples of how the global marketplace is vulnerable to criminal abuse and invulnerable to traditional police investigation methods and existing national government regulation.

There is a critical failure in credible, strong and committed international leadership within sport, governments and policing, sufficient to effectively mount a unified and concerted international challenge to transnational organised crime in both match-fixing and betting-fraud, and criminals are getting stronger as a result.

In short, too many key people fail to see this attack on the credibility of sport seriously enough. Saving sport from criminals and global greed must become one of the highest priorities of international leadership. Sport cannot be completely lost to greed and transnational criminality. If we lose sport to criminality and greed, what is left to unify and challenge the youth of the world? •

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2 11 3

Save sport from criminals and global greed With no international sport-betting regulation and little attention given to issues of match-fixing, Chris Eaton calls on international leadership both inside and outside of this field to take action before the integrity of sport is shattered for good

he world of sport was dominated by the FIFA World Cup hosted by Brazil in June and July. Arguably the biggest global sport competition after the Summer Olympics, and always controversial in some way, no prior World Cup has been so effected by the shadows of administrative corruption, matchfixing and public expressions of negative sentiment.

In some ways this is an echo of the International Olympic Committee's travails at Salt Lake City. In other ways it is reminiscent of the drawn-out doping scandals that have rocked cycling and other sports.

It is this double impact on football - the perceptions and realities of corruption both on the field and in governance - that is now challenging the hitherto seemingly impervious edifice of Fl FA. There is a simple enough reason for this . The growing frequency of football scandals worldwide is seriously weakening the confidence of football fans in the game itself and the credibility of its administrative organs. When the institutions of governance cannot exercise the real purpose of their existence, just as when the police cannot maintain public safety, the blame naturally falls on institutional leaders, as it should. When you lose

T

the confidence of your 'public', you will pay the price sooner or later.

And the confidence level of large numbers of people in a society, in a city, in a country, and also in a sport, is ultimately crucial not only to governance stability, but to development and growth, and in the extreme to institutional survival itself. Debilitating cynicism is the enemy, and, whether senior people in football like this reality or not, football institutions must either firmly deal with the cause, which

that naturally brings those who illicitly prey on it into the scene.

Quite simply, cheats, frauds and thieves - criminals!

But the wealth surrounding football is even bigger than the wea lth in football, and this has its own attraction for transnational criminals. For example, with the extremely significant arrests of illegal gambling organisers during the World Cup in Macau , Vietnam and the United States, among others, and with hundreds of millions of dollars seized and billions of dollars in bets taken by those arrested , the prediction by John Sun , chairman and CEO of AGTech that betting on this World Cup would be four times higher than for the previous tournament, with some games attracting as much as six times the revenue, seems to have been accurate.

In this global sport-bettingwithout-borders environment, a reputable betting monitor has estimated that over €14 mil iion on average was bet for every minute of play during the 64 matches of the World Cup. In totalling the illegal, legal and under-regulated betting markets, it was also estimated that an average of €2 billion was bet on each match, and that €5 billion was gambled on the final.

It is a rather obvious association that greed and corruption in sport

When you lose the confidence of your 'public', you will pay the price sooner or later

l

21

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

is now wel l beyond being ascribed to individual instances of corruption, or continue to slowly wither. This withering of confidence might not be so obvious, particularly to those blinkered in short-term office or to those dominant in the business of sport, but nor was it so obvious in wrestling and boxing until it was too late and these have now become discredited fringe sports.

Football is the archetypal modern sport. It is dominated by wealth and the wea lthy, and by those who want to join them on that 'pedestal ' in any way possible. It is this wealth

l .U,..- l o , ; . ._.M

Police in Hong Kong smoshed an illegal cross-border gambling syndicate and seized their cash just days before the start of the Brazil World Cup

and in sport-betting has created a permissive environment within which match-fixing and bettingfraud has at worst become tantamount to acceptable, and at best easily ignored .

And because today there is no international sport-betting regulation or supervision , and as there is no international platform to join up those countries that actually do regulate sport betting, in effect, sport-betting is a global market free-for-a 11.

Sadly, international sport just doesn't seem to care enough and does not find a voice on match-fixing until it actually hurts its image or its income. Even then , responses are usua lly calls for soft solutions, such as education and betting monitoring.

Generally, international sport betting just does not care either.

Sport betting globally is competitive, business-driven and without either a social context or a social responsibility outside of those forced on them by some individual governments. The sport betting industry will not responsibly selfregulate. Only governments have the power to do this.

A vulnerable marketplace Overall, the international conspiracies of betting-fraud and match-fixing are perfect examples of how the global marketplace is vulnerable to criminal abuse and invulnerable to traditional police investigation methods and existing national government regulation.

There is a critical failure in credible, strong and committed international leadership within sport, governments and policing, sufficient to effectively mount a unified and concerted international challenge to transnational organised crime in both match-fixing and betting-fraud, and criminals are getting stronger as a result.

In short, too many key people fail to see this attack on the credibility of sport seriously enough. Saving sport from criminals and global greed must become one of the highest priorities of international leadership. Sport cannot be completely lost to greed and transnational criminality. If we lose sport to criminality and greed, what is left to unify and challenge the youth of the world? •

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2 11 3

Making Boston stronger In the wake of the Boston Marathon bombing in

2013,

a team from Harvard

University carried out extensive interviews with participants to identify strengths and weaknesses in the incident response to the terror attack. This abridged version of their final report focuses on the lessons learnt

0

n 15 April 2013 at 2.49pm, two improvised explosive devices (IEDs) detonated near the finish line of the Boston Marathon.

Three people died and more than 260 others needed hospital care, many having lost limbs or suffered horrific wounds. Those explosions set off about 100 hours of intense activity that drew worldwide public attention. The response by emergency medical, emergency management and law enforcement agencies and by the public at large has now become known as 'Boston Strong'.

Viewed as a whole, the events following the marathon bombing posed enormous challenges.

The response spanned geographic boundaries, levels of government (local , state and federal), professional disciplines and the public and private sectors. It brought together in both we llplanned and spontaneous ways organisations with widely varying operating norms, procedures, cultures , sources of authority, perspectives and interests.

Our aim in researching this response, through interviews with a wide range of participants, was to examine the conditions that contributed to making Boston Strong - as well as those that made the response less effective than it might have been. One key factor was command - the processes, procedures, and structures that facilitated decision-making and execution within the various agencies and organisations involved in the response. A second key factor was coordination among the wide array of agencies, organisations and groups that mobilised in one or more aspects of response. Many of th ese entities worked together in teams, both small and large. The fact that they could work together as effective ly as they did is a credit to those involved, but it is also an object lesson to those who will face the next unpredictab le, swiftly evo lving disaster or attack. What was it - in prior preparation and in the moment - that enabled these very different groups and organisations to work together as effective ly as they did? What are the obstacles that still need to be addressed to ensure an even better performance

in future events? In part icular, what aspects of the way command and coordination of these organisations were estab lished and practised contributed to the substant ial success - and to the less successful moments - in the aftermath of the Boston Marathon attack?

'Task environment' in rapidly evolving events It is useful to begin by taking a step back from the specific circumstances of the marathon bombing to understand more generally the nature of similar events from the perspective of those trying to lead and manage them. Crisis events can be characterised as: • High-consequence: lives, property, community and economy are at grave risk; • Complex: many things are happening that may or may not be connected ; • Novel: this situation, or combination of situations , has not been routinely experienced so there is no pre-prepared 'script' of actions to address it. Instead , plans for coping must be developed , in real time, as the event evolves; • Volati le/rapidly evolving: additional novel elements continue to be generated as the event evolves ; • Chaotic: the environment is 'noisy' due to the circumstances and to the reactions of surv ivors, bystanders, citizens, responders and leaders.

From the perspective of the observer or leader, events of this kind create a task environment that is highly uncertain, ambiguous , confu sing and unstructured. In turn, this impl ies intrinsically that leaders are trying to lead during an event where th ey confront: • In an adversaria l situation or criminal investigation , there is a profusion of leads, clu es, valuable insights and, simultaneously, a great number of distractions, red herrings and false leads. Valuable information is confounded wi th , and difficult to distin guish from, irrelevant or inaccurate reports;

-

- .. ~

~

.

~

. 4

............ ~

-·. -

"J - -

.--

;

...

Making Boston stronger In the wake of the Boston Marathon bombing in

2013,

a team from Harvard

University carried out extensive interviews with participants to identify strengths and weaknesses in the incident response to the terror attack. This abridged version of their final report focuses on the lessons learnt

0

n 15 April 2013 at 2.49pm, two improvised explosive devices (IEDs) detonated near the finish line of the Boston Marathon.

Three people died and more than 260 others needed hospital care, many having lost limbs or suffered horrific wounds. Those explosions set off about 100 hours of intense activity that drew worldwide public attention. The response by emergency medical, emergency management and law enforcement agencies and by the public at large has now become known as 'Boston Strong'.

Viewed as a whole, the events following the marathon bombing posed enormous challenges.

The response spanned geographic boundaries, levels of government (local , state and federal), professional disciplines and the public and private sectors. It brought together in both we llplanned and spontaneous ways organisations with widely varying operating norms, procedures, cultures , sources of authority, perspectives and interests.

Our aim in researching this response, through interviews with a wide range of participants, was to examine the conditions that contributed to making Boston Strong - as well as those that made the response less effective than it might have been. One key factor was command - the processes, procedures, and structures that facilitated decision-making and execution within the various agencies and organisations involved in the response. A second key factor was coordination among the wide array of agencies, organisations and groups that mobilised in one or more aspects of response. Many of th ese entities worked together in teams, both small and large. The fact that they could work together as effective ly as they did is a credit to those involved, but it is also an object lesson to those who will face the next unpredictab le, swiftly evo lving disaster or attack. What was it - in prior preparation and in the moment - that enabled these very different groups and organisations to work together as effective ly as they did? What are the obstacles that still need to be addressed to ensure an even better performance

in future events? In part icular, what aspects of the way command and coordination of these organisations were estab lished and practised contributed to the substant ial success - and to the less successful moments - in the aftermath of the Boston Marathon attack?

'Task environment' in rapidly evolving events It is useful to begin by taking a step back from the specific circumstances of the marathon bombing to understand more generally the nature of similar events from the perspective of those trying to lead and manage them. Crisis events can be characterised as: • High-consequence: lives, property, community and economy are at grave risk; • Complex: many things are happening that may or may not be connected ; • Novel: this situation, or combination of situations , has not been routinely experienced so there is no pre-prepared 'script' of actions to address it. Instead , plans for coping must be developed , in real time, as the event evolves; • Volati le/rapidly evolving: additional novel elements continue to be generated as the event evolves ; • Chaotic: the environment is 'noisy' due to the circumstances and to the reactions of surv ivors, bystanders, citizens, responders and leaders.

From the perspective of the observer or leader, events of this kind create a task environment that is highly uncertain, ambiguous , confu sing and unstructured. In turn, this impl ies intrinsically that leaders are trying to lead during an event where th ey confront: • In an adversaria l situation or criminal investigation , there is a profusion of leads, clu es, valuable insights and, simultaneously, a great number of distractions, red herrings and false leads. Valuable information is confounded wi th , and difficult to distin guish from, irrelevant or inaccurate reports;

-

- .. ~

~

.

~

. 4

............ ~

-·. -

"J - -

.--

;

...

4

.4

Security and safety

•

• •

Poor understanding: the plethora of information and misinformation is disorganised and difficult to verify, assess, analyse and grasp as a whole.

This condition is commonly described as 'low situational awareness'; High risks for the community and, therefore, for the organisations and the individuals involved; Fear and anxiety for all concerned.

No individual, organisation or structure can perform with a high degree of precision and efficiency in such a task environment. Much of our work in the report, therefore, was an examination of the way incident management, as the structure of coordinated command, operated in the context of the Boston bombing events.

The high degree of effective coordination among response agencies and other organisations was, in many ways , the hallmark of the successful elements of the response.

This contrasts sharply with some prior events Hurricane Katrina is perhaps the most salient example - during which cooperation and coordination were dramatically weaker. Much has been learnt in the intervening years - and was on display in Boston during the week of 15 April 2013.

There were, however, significant weaknesses as well.

The stresses of the events in Boston showed some fault lines in the doctrine - and in the depth of implementation of the doctrine - and these provide an opportunity to progress in Boston and elsewhere before another crisis .

Command in 'fixed' and 'no-notice' events The week of 15 April provided examples of two very different settings of incident command. The response to the bombing at the finish line was in the context of a 'fixed event' - a highly planned and structured event in which assets necessary to operate the marathon, as well as assets that might be needed to deal with contingencies arising in the context of the marathon , were carefully identified, provided and pre-positioned before the race.

The marathon itself - as a huge collection of interrelated operational activities - was set up to be managed through an incident command structure. Possible emergencies arising from or during the event had been considered - including scenarios involving large-scale medical emergencies (such as widespread heat exhaustion on a very hot day) and the possibility of a terror attack. Thus, the immediate response on the Monday sprang from a platform of structure, process and personnel designed to be able to cope with a significant emergency.

While there was no detailed plan to deal with the precise scenario that unfolded, there was a general structure, already activated , that brought together many of the agencies that would naturally be involved in responding to an event of this type; and this structure formed the skeleton of the command structure that would be developed as the event progressed . In effect, the incident command structure set up to manage the event could transition to a 'war' footing when the emergency arose.

161

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Security and safety

The events of Thursday 18 April to Friday 19 April stand in sharp contrast as 'no-notice' events. The two alleged bombers are believed to have shot and killed an MIT police officer, carjacked a vehicle and engaged in a gun battle with police in Watertown that resulted in the death of one of them. The conclusion of this shootout then triggered an intense 18-hour manhunt for the surviving perpetrator, which ended early on the Friday evening. As these events unfolded, command had to be organically assembled while events were ongoing. By contrast with Monday's events , the rapidly assembling responders in Watertown had only the doctrine of incident management and their experience and personal relationships with one another to bui Id upon.

The marathon bombing events thus enable us to see the same organisations and people cope with two contrasting events and the resulting challenges of applying incident command in two quite different settings.

First responders spring into action in Boston. Due to the nature of marathon planning, the command structure was able to move quickly to a 'war' footing II! '

lj:

Decentralised actions

Given the characteristics and implications of the environment flowing from the bombing, the strengths shown by the response in Boston were quite dramatic, and are listed below under categories of medical, law enforcement and community response.

Emergency medical response

• • •

• •

• •

Rapid, effective response by survivors, bystanders and many types of professional responders to help the blast survivors; Rapid, effective mobilisation of trained personnel from the marathon 's medical tents ; Effective on-scene triage and identification of which victims needed transport most urgently; Rapid, effective mobilisation of transport to convey injured survivors to emergency departments (EDs) , including summoning of additional ambulances, maintaining open roadways, and use of police vehicles; Coordinated apportionment of seriously wounded patients among local trauma centres; Preparing for the unpredictable, all bombing victims were searched by hospital staff outside the ED in case one was a suspect carrying weapons or explosives ; Effective work in EDs handling the surge of grievously wounded survivors; Creation of ED 'micro-sites' in which individual teams of medical personnel could concentrate without distraction on a single victim .

• • •

• • • • • • •

Law enforcement response

• •

•

Rapid response to help survivors of the blasts; Great initiative and improvisation shown at the blast scene (eg use of police cars to transport blast survivors once available ambulances had been fully utilised); Rapid securing of the blast area - including stopping 5,000 runners a mile short of the finish

Community acceptance of and cooperation with the request to 'shelter in place' (stay at home during the police manhunt for the perpetrators).

In addition to the years of training, joint exercises and comprehensive planning, what made these strengths possible? Effectiveness at the finish line (emergency medical and law enforcement), in the trauma-centre EDs, in the criminal investigation, in the apprehension of the perpetrators, was a result of extensive prior planning and a product of both centralised and decentralised action in the moment of the crisis.

Strengths of the response

•

•

4.

line and evacuating thousands of bystanders on the street and in establishments in the 13-block crime scene; Rapid ground-up and top-down establishment of central coordination/command; Delegation from central command to subordinate structures for tactical operations; Rapid mobilisation of a sweep of the area for additional explosive devices by Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) teams; Rapid mobilisation of investigative work; Securing the crime scene; Obtaining public and private surveillance video; Searching for evidence to identify methods and the perpetrator(s); Requesting information (especially photos and video) from the public to aid the investigation; Mobilisation of a massive investigative review of video , pictures and other evidence; Pursuit of suspects: while leaving room for improvement, definite strengths were also exhibited in: • Confrontation with suspects in Watertown; • Massive manhunt for the second suspect after he escaped from the initial contact area; • Successful apprehension of the second suspect.

Community care

• •

Community response to help stranded runners and spectators; Community provision of video, photographs and other information;

Survivors, bystanders, and responders of all types near the blast zone determined independently what needed to be done and could and did take action at their own initiative with little or no direction. Medical responders from the medical tents self-deployed and acted without needing centralised direction. People in the trauma centres receiving patients had the requisite skills, equipment and facilities, so that they could and did act swiftly without needing much direction or additional organisation.

Individual subordinate leaders across many disciplines (eg police, fire, emergency medical response [EMS]) demonstrated effective personal leadership in organising and directing small-scale operations with little need for direction by central commanders.

Members of the public submitted video and photographic evidence. Professionalism and courtesy were displayed by tactical units and other law-enforcement officers to neighbourhood residents in Watertown during the shelter-in-place request on Friday 19 April.

Cooperation with the request by the public was high.

Training, practice, experience and, in the moment, near-selfless behaviour and ingenuity figured prominently.

Medical personnel (at the scene and in EDs) had years of training , drills and practice at handling mass-casualty events and they were willing to work despite the threat of possible additional explosions. Many survivors, bystanders and non-medical responders (police, National Guard , spectators, runners etc) also had some knowledge of first aid (eg use and availability of tourniquets) and were willing to stay and help (at great risk from possible further blasts) . Business owners and managers displayed ingenuity and cooperation . For example, buildings were evacuated through rear doors; some buildings directly in the cordoned-off crime-scene area voluntarily emptied.

The general public also contributed to these efforts in the following days. Many people generously gave their time to help - for example, Lenox Hotel staff volunteered for days. The public also responded very positively to requests for photographic and video images of the marathon scene and with surprising degrees of compliance to the shelterin-place request on the climactic Friday.

Tactical leaders at the scene when the blasts occurred or who arrived shortly thereafter showed self-conscious, disciplined self-management - supported by their years of training and experience, as well as by mental access to

ICSS Journal - Vol

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4

4

.4

Security and safety

•

• •

Poor understanding: the plethora of information and misinformation is disorganised and difficult to verify, assess, analyse and grasp as a whole.

This condition is commonly described as 'low situational awareness'; High risks for the community and, therefore, for the organisations and the individuals involved; Fear and anxiety for all concerned.

No individual, organisation or structure can perform with a high degree of precision and efficiency in such a task environment. Much of our work in the report, therefore, was an examination of the way incident management, as the structure of coordinated command, operated in the context of the Boston bombing events.

The high degree of effective coordination among response agencies and other organisations was, in many ways , the hallmark of the successful elements of the response.

This contrasts sharply with some prior events Hurricane Katrina is perhaps the most salient example - during which cooperation and coordination were dramatically weaker. Much has been learnt in the intervening years - and was on display in Boston during the week of 15 April 2013.

There were, however, significant weaknesses as well.

The stresses of the events in Boston showed some fault lines in the doctrine - and in the depth of implementation of the doctrine - and these provide an opportunity to progress in Boston and elsewhere before another crisis .

Command in 'fixed' and 'no-notice' events The week of 15 April provided examples of two very different settings of incident command. The response to the bombing at the finish line was in the context of a 'fixed event' - a highly planned and structured event in which assets necessary to operate the marathon, as well as assets that might be needed to deal with contingencies arising in the context of the marathon , were carefully identified, provided and pre-positioned before the race.

The marathon itself - as a huge collection of interrelated operational activities - was set up to be managed through an incident command structure. Possible emergencies arising from or during the event had been considered - including scenarios involving large-scale medical emergencies (such as widespread heat exhaustion on a very hot day) and the possibility of a terror attack. Thus, the immediate response on the Monday sprang from a platform of structure, process and personnel designed to be able to cope with a significant emergency.

While there was no detailed plan to deal with the precise scenario that unfolded, there was a general structure, already activated , that brought together many of the agencies that would naturally be involved in responding to an event of this type; and this structure formed the skeleton of the command structure that would be developed as the event progressed . In effect, the incident command structure set up to manage the event could transition to a 'war' footing when the emergency arose.

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Security and safety

The events of Thursday 18 April to Friday 19 April stand in sharp contrast as 'no-notice' events. The two alleged bombers are believed to have shot and killed an MIT police officer, carjacked a vehicle and engaged in a gun battle with police in Watertown that resulted in the death of one of them. The conclusion of this shootout then triggered an intense 18-hour manhunt for the surviving perpetrator, which ended early on the Friday evening. As these events unfolded, command had to be organically assembled while events were ongoing. By contrast with Monday's events , the rapidly assembling responders in Watertown had only the doctrine of incident management and their experience and personal relationships with one another to bui Id upon.

The marathon bombing events thus enable us to see the same organisations and people cope with two contrasting events and the resulting challenges of applying incident command in two quite different settings.

First responders spring into action in Boston. Due to the nature of marathon planning, the command structure was able to move quickly to a 'war' footing II! '

lj:

Decentralised actions

Given the characteristics and implications of the environment flowing from the bombing, the strengths shown by the response in Boston were quite dramatic, and are listed below under categories of medical, law enforcement and community response.

Emergency medical response

• • •

• •

• •

Rapid, effective response by survivors, bystanders and many types of professional responders to help the blast survivors; Rapid, effective mobilisation of trained personnel from the marathon 's medical tents ; Effective on-scene triage and identification of which victims needed transport most urgently; Rapid, effective mobilisation of transport to convey injured survivors to emergency departments (EDs) , including summoning of additional ambulances, maintaining open roadways, and use of police vehicles; Coordinated apportionment of seriously wounded patients among local trauma centres; Preparing for the unpredictable, all bombing victims were searched by hospital staff outside the ED in case one was a suspect carrying weapons or explosives ; Effective work in EDs handling the surge of grievously wounded survivors; Creation of ED 'micro-sites' in which individual teams of medical personnel could concentrate without distraction on a single victim .

• • •

• • • • • • •

Law enforcement response

• •

•

Rapid response to help survivors of the blasts; Great initiative and improvisation shown at the blast scene (eg use of police cars to transport blast survivors once available ambulances had been fully utilised); Rapid securing of the blast area - including stopping 5,000 runners a mile short of the finish

Community acceptance of and cooperation with the request to 'shelter in place' (stay at home during the police manhunt for the perpetrators).

In addition to the years of training, joint exercises and comprehensive planning, what made these strengths possible? Effectiveness at the finish line (emergency medical and law enforcement), in the trauma-centre EDs, in the criminal investigation, in the apprehension of the perpetrators, was a result of extensive prior planning and a product of both centralised and decentralised action in the moment of the crisis.

Strengths of the response

•

•

4.

line and evacuating thousands of bystanders on the street and in establishments in the 13-block crime scene; Rapid ground-up and top-down establishment of central coordination/command; Delegation from central command to subordinate structures for tactical operations; Rapid mobilisation of a sweep of the area for additional explosive devices by Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) teams; Rapid mobilisation of investigative work; Securing the crime scene; Obtaining public and private surveillance video; Searching for evidence to identify methods and the perpetrator(s); Requesting information (especially photos and video) from the public to aid the investigation; Mobilisation of a massive investigative review of video , pictures and other evidence; Pursuit of suspects: while leaving room for improvement, definite strengths were also exhibited in: • Confrontation with suspects in Watertown; • Massive manhunt for the second suspect after he escaped from the initial contact area; • Successful apprehension of the second suspect.

Community care

• •

Community response to help stranded runners and spectators; Community provision of video, photographs and other information;

Survivors, bystanders, and responders of all types near the blast zone determined independently what needed to be done and could and did take action at their own initiative with little or no direction. Medical responders from the medical tents self-deployed and acted without needing centralised direction. People in the trauma centres receiving patients had the requisite skills, equipment and facilities, so that they could and did act swiftly without needing much direction or additional organisation.

Individual subordinate leaders across many disciplines (eg police, fire, emergency medical response [EMS]) demonstrated effective personal leadership in organising and directing small-scale operations with little need for direction by central commanders.

Members of the public submitted video and photographic evidence. Professionalism and courtesy were displayed by tactical units and other law-enforcement officers to neighbourhood residents in Watertown during the shelter-in-place request on Friday 19 April.

Cooperation with the request by the public was high.

Training, practice, experience and, in the moment, near-selfless behaviour and ingenuity figured prominently.

Medical personnel (at the scene and in EDs) had years of training , drills and practice at handling mass-casualty events and they were willing to work despite the threat of possible additional explosions. Many survivors, bystanders and non-medical responders (police, National Guard , spectators, runners etc) also had some knowledge of first aid (eg use and availability of tourniquets) and were willing to stay and help (at great risk from possible further blasts) . Business owners and managers displayed ingenuity and cooperation . For example, buildings were evacuated through rear doors; some buildings directly in the cordoned-off crime-scene area voluntarily emptied.

The general public also contributed to these efforts in the following days. Many people generously gave their time to help - for example, Lenox Hotel staff volunteered for days. The public also responded very positively to requests for photographic and video images of the marathon scene and with surprising degrees of compliance to the shelterin-place request on the climactic Friday.

Tactical leaders at the scene when the blasts occurred or who arrived shortly thereafter showed self-conscious, disciplined self-management - supported by their years of training and experience, as well as by mental access to

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2 11 7

4

•

• •

Security and safety

Security and safety •

New Year's Eve, 4 July concerts on Boston's esp lanade along the Charles River) and major episodic events (eg home games when Boston was in the World Series, the Super Bowl, and celebrations following championships). Hosting the Democratic presidential nomin ating convention in 2004 - the first post-9/ 11 political convention in the nation - led to new levels of sophistication in subsequent event planning and cooperation across agencies and levels of government.

As the National Incident Management System (NIMS) took hold in the past decade, it too contributed to more effecti ve co llaboration in both simulated and real events.

Public safety agencies planned and conducted interagency and cross-jurisdictional exercises and drills for mass-casualty events - with scenarios for transportation disasters, terrorist attacks and natural disasters. Post-9/ 11, increased federal funding for training and exercises, as well as the requirement that most occur at regional scale, contributed to the development of closer institutional relationships. Response to regular winter storms and less frequent hurricanes or severe wind storms also shaped a culture of collaboration at the command level. Overall , t hese leaders established professional relationships and got to know each other personally through meetings and other interactions. As a result, they developed

An explosion erupts near the finish line . As part of the law-enforcement response around 5,000 runners abandoned the marathon

models of effective leadership in moments of great stress.

Illustratively, as senior law enforcement leaders told us: "I was tempted to go hands-on, but I knew I was needed to organise and direct", and "I thought about historical leaders and what they had done, and I realised that the people around me needed me to remain calm and that wou ld help them be able to do what they needed to do".

In hospital emergency departments, senior leaders emphasised maintaining 'micro-sites' within the ED environment in which small teams of medical personnel operated in conditions as similar as possible to their normal operating situations. The setting and situation of dealing with the flow of casualties from the bombing sites was very different from usua l for the policy-level leaders overseeing the situation, but they took it as their task to make the tactical conditions and situations of the individual medical teams - working on one patient at a time - as familiar as possible.

Centra lised actions in the moment While tactical leaders disp layed considerab le initiative at the scene and in hospita ls, top leaders of many organisations and jurisdictions were creating a structure for command and coordination at the strategic/policy level. This worked both from the bottom up (individual leaders seeking each other out on the street in the minutes after the bomb blasts) and from the top down, once the command post was established at the Westin Copley Place Hotel. Within a short time period, senior leadership of the Boston Police Department, the FBI , ATF (Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms) , Massachusetts State Police, Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authori ty police, Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency,

81ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

1

the Massachusetts National Guard and others were gathered at the hotel, with Governor Deval Patrick soon arriving, followed later by Boston Mayor Thomas Menino (who was released from a hospital where he was recuperating from surgery). This structure generally worked effectively to manage the need for strategic thinking and policy setting, while balancing the pressures that each leader felt to be involved in tactical decisions and information flows within their own organisations.

Another form of centralised control operated as injured victims of the bombing were triaged and allocated to different hospital facilities through the Massachusetts Public Hea lth Coordination Center, which had been preactivated for the marathon.

High-level coordination among multiple agencies in the response was also effective ly achieved in the criminal investigation - both for evidence processing at the crime scene by mu lti-agency teams led by FBI evidence technicians and in the processing of surveillance, mediaand citizen-provided video and photographic evidence.

Similarly, communication with the public about the status of the investigation and requests to the public were regularly handled effectively on a centralised bas is.

Centralised actions in advance This capacity for coordinated action at the command level was the result of many years of collaborative effort, driven by planning and carrying out public safety support for numerous fixed events organised in the Boston area each year. These inc luded 'routine' events (eg regular season games of the city's profess iona l teams) as well as annual events that attracted large crowds (eg the Boston Marathon, First Night celebrations on

• •

examining options, and issuing instructions. In a highly confusing event, there is a tendency for everyone to be pulled into tactical matters despite knowing that it is important to estab lish a cross-agency, integrated , senior strategic and policy-making level of engagement that looks to the big picture and a longer timeframe. Recognising that they needed to form such a command and to have a location for it, senior officials gathered at the Westin Copley Place Hotel, commandeering a ballroom. Repeated attempts were made to convene the group and to get it focused on work at the strategic level; it finally took the governor, saying, in effect, " I want everyone to put down their phones and gather so that we can figure out what we have and what we are going to do." The tactical pull from subordinate staff - represented by the cell phones that the senior leaders had in their hands - can be overwhelmingly powerful.

There are many forces that combine to pull in this direction, including: (a) the tactical issues are important; (b) subordinates actively seek, and do seem to need, guidance; (c) the tactical issues have a clarity and sense of urgency that the more abstract and yet-to-bedefined strategic issues may not; (d) senior commanders often were promoted from subordinate ranks, and are comfortable in and feel competent and confident in tactical/operational command roles; (e) senior commanders may not have full confidence that their subordinates can handle issues wi th the suddenly elevated importance of those now on the table. With the importance of the issues having suddenly been elevated, everyone needs to step up a level (away from tactics towa rd strategy), but the tendency is to be pulled down a level instead.

Making this step upward toward strategy is not a natural act, particularly under the stress of a breaking, highly uncertain event - and, while many participants seemed intellectually to recognise the necessity to do so, it was still difficult to maintain the more strategic focus consistently.

The setting and situation of dealing with the flow of casualties from the bombing sites was very different from usual trust, respect for the competence of their peers and their agencies , and understanding of complementary capabilities across their respective professional disciplines (eg law enforceme nt, fire service, emergency medical , public health and hospital-based emergency medicine); they also developed an understanding of how best to coordinate and collaborate across agencies and built mutual understanding of the cultures and imperatives of their respective organisations.

W eaknesses in the response Inevitably, wea knesses also appeared in the handling of the response. Our research focused on structural and procedural elements of the response apparatus that resulted in persistent and remediable weaknesses so as to suggest ways in which these weaknesses could be ameliorated:

Strategic command issues Establishing and maintaining strategic oversight or 'command': Early in the event, senior officia ls in every

response agency were immediately notified (if t hey were not already on the scene) and became engaged with subordinates in defining the situation, developing and

Secure, dedicated facilities for command and coordination: In an event of the size, complexity and

duration of the marathon bombing, there is a need for a substantial command facility near the locus of the event.

The space needs to be secured, covered, lit and equipped with chairs, tables and the tools useful for coordination and collaboration - everything from easels and pens to copiers and printers. Services - bathrooms, coffee, food - need to be readi ly available. Some process needs to be developed to secure the area (since it would be a natural target in the case of a multi-stage attack) and to screen entrants (since an overwhelming number of people from mu ltip le agencies will present themselves at the boundary, each with a story that he or she regards as compelling about why he or she should be inside). For operationa l security, the work area must have a we ll-defined perimeter,

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•

• •

Security and safety

Security and safety •

New Year's Eve, 4 July concerts on Boston's esp lanade along the Charles River) and major episodic events (eg home games when Boston was in the World Series, the Super Bowl, and celebrations following championships). Hosting the Democratic presidential nomin ating convention in 2004 - the first post-9/ 11 political convention in the nation - led to new levels of sophistication in subsequent event planning and cooperation across agencies and levels of government.

As the National Incident Management System (NIMS) took hold in the past decade, it too contributed to more effecti ve co llaboration in both simulated and real events.

Public safety agencies planned and conducted interagency and cross-jurisdictional exercises and drills for mass-casualty events - with scenarios for transportation disasters, terrorist attacks and natural disasters. Post-9/ 11, increased federal funding for training and exercises, as well as the requirement that most occur at regional scale, contributed to the development of closer institutional relationships. Response to regular winter storms and less frequent hurricanes or severe wind storms also shaped a culture of collaboration at the command level. Overall , t hese leaders established professional relationships and got to know each other personally through meetings and other interactions. As a result, they developed

An explosion erupts near the finish line . As part of the law-enforcement response around 5,000 runners abandoned the marathon

models of effective leadership in moments of great stress.

Illustratively, as senior law enforcement leaders told us: "I was tempted to go hands-on, but I knew I was needed to organise and direct", and "I thought about historical leaders and what they had done, and I realised that the people around me needed me to remain calm and that wou ld help them be able to do what they needed to do".

In hospital emergency departments, senior leaders emphasised maintaining 'micro-sites' within the ED environment in which small teams of medical personnel operated in conditions as similar as possible to their normal operating situations. The setting and situation of dealing with the flow of casualties from the bombing sites was very different from usua l for the policy-level leaders overseeing the situation, but they took it as their task to make the tactical conditions and situations of the individual medical teams - working on one patient at a time - as familiar as possible.

Centra lised actions in the moment While tactical leaders disp layed considerab le initiative at the scene and in hospita ls, top leaders of many organisations and jurisdictions were creating a structure for command and coordination at the strategic/policy level. This worked both from the bottom up (individual leaders seeking each other out on the street in the minutes after the bomb blasts) and from the top down, once the command post was established at the Westin Copley Place Hotel. Within a short time period, senior leadership of the Boston Police Department, the FBI , ATF (Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms) , Massachusetts State Police, Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authori ty police, Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency,

81ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

1

the Massachusetts National Guard and others were gathered at the hotel, with Governor Deval Patrick soon arriving, followed later by Boston Mayor Thomas Menino (who was released from a hospital where he was recuperating from surgery). This structure generally worked effectively to manage the need for strategic thinking and policy setting, while balancing the pressures that each leader felt to be involved in tactical decisions and information flows within their own organisations.

Another form of centralised control operated as injured victims of the bombing were triaged and allocated to different hospital facilities through the Massachusetts Public Hea lth Coordination Center, which had been preactivated for the marathon.

High-level coordination among multiple agencies in the response was also effective ly achieved in the criminal investigation - both for evidence processing at the crime scene by mu lti-agency teams led by FBI evidence technicians and in the processing of surveillance, mediaand citizen-provided video and photographic evidence.

Similarly, communication with the public about the status of the investigation and requests to the public were regularly handled effectively on a centralised bas is.

Centralised actions in advance This capacity for coordinated action at the command level was the result of many years of collaborative effort, driven by planning and carrying out public safety support for numerous fixed events organised in the Boston area each year. These inc luded 'routine' events (eg regular season games of the city's profess iona l teams) as well as annual events that attracted large crowds (eg the Boston Marathon, First Night celebrations on

• •

examining options, and issuing instructions. In a highly confusing event, there is a tendency for everyone to be pulled into tactical matters despite knowing that it is important to estab lish a cross-agency, integrated , senior strategic and policy-making level of engagement that looks to the big picture and a longer timeframe. Recognising that they needed to form such a command and to have a location for it, senior officials gathered at the Westin Copley Place Hotel, commandeering a ballroom. Repeated attempts were made to convene the group and to get it focused on work at the strategic level; it finally took the governor, saying, in effect, " I want everyone to put down their phones and gather so that we can figure out what we have and what we are going to do." The tactical pull from subordinate staff - represented by the cell phones that the senior leaders had in their hands - can be overwhelmingly powerful.

There are many forces that combine to pull in this direction, including: (a) the tactical issues are important; (b) subordinates actively seek, and do seem to need, guidance; (c) the tactical issues have a clarity and sense of urgency that the more abstract and yet-to-bedefined strategic issues may not; (d) senior commanders often were promoted from subordinate ranks, and are comfortable in and feel competent and confident in tactical/operational command roles; (e) senior commanders may not have full confidence that their subordinates can handle issues wi th the suddenly elevated importance of those now on the table. With the importance of the issues having suddenly been elevated, everyone needs to step up a level (away from tactics towa rd strategy), but the tendency is to be pulled down a level instead.

Making this step upward toward strategy is not a natural act, particularly under the stress of a breaking, highly uncertain event - and, while many participants seemed intellectually to recognise the necessity to do so, it was still difficult to maintain the more strategic focus consistently.

The setting and situation of dealing with the flow of casualties from the bombing sites was very different from usual trust, respect for the competence of their peers and their agencies , and understanding of complementary capabilities across their respective professional disciplines (eg law enforceme nt, fire service, emergency medical , public health and hospital-based emergency medicine); they also developed an understanding of how best to coordinate and collaborate across agencies and built mutual understanding of the cultures and imperatives of their respective organisations.

W eaknesses in the response Inevitably, wea knesses also appeared in the handling of the response. Our research focused on structural and procedural elements of the response apparatus that resulted in persistent and remediable weaknesses so as to suggest ways in which these weaknesses could be ameliorated:

Strategic command issues Establishing and maintaining strategic oversight or 'command': Early in the event, senior officia ls in every

response agency were immediately notified (if t hey were not already on the scene) and became engaged with subordinates in defining the situation, developing and

Secure, dedicated facilities for command and coordination: In an event of the size, complexity and

duration of the marathon bombing, there is a need for a substantial command facility near the locus of the event.

The space needs to be secured, covered, lit and equipped with chairs, tables and the tools useful for coordination and collaboration - everything from easels and pens to copiers and printers. Services - bathrooms, coffee, food - need to be readi ly available. Some process needs to be developed to secure the area (since it would be a natural target in the case of a multi-stage attack) and to screen entrants (since an overwhelming number of people from mu ltip le agencies will present themselves at the boundary, each with a story that he or she regards as compelling about why he or she should be inside). For operationa l security, the work area must have a we ll-defined perimeter,

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4 ..4

Security and safety

but there is no simple way to describe which people from which agencies should be admitted and who should be turned back. (Exercising judgement at the boundary is delicate, and a recipe for negative 'my agency doesn't take instructions from your agency' interactions.)

The Westin Copley Place Hotel was a reasonable choice in the circumstances on the afternoon of the bombing, as it provided many of the kinds of spaces (large rooms for press conferences and for organising task groups, smaller rooms for command staff to meet in) and could provide needed facilities and services. Even so, no space that is suddenly taken over will be perfectly configured . At the Westin, the command group had to evolve through several different iterations to finally reach space in which it could work effectively, as successive chosen locations each became overcrowded and noisy.

(Some key meetings among a very small group of senior officials, for example, took place in a suite high up in the hotel , and removed from the ballroom area where most of the group was assembled and most of the work was being done.)

One area in which further work might be useful would be to specify some of the general characteristics that would be desirable for a forward 'command space', so that those in the area early could take control of configuring the space to provide some of the 'zones' within it that will , predictably, be necessary.

Focus and filtering of distractions: In an event with 2417 news and social media saturation , and minuteby-m inute 'news' breaking on social media, there is an enormous amount of information circulating at any

Security and safety

particularly difficult to sort out. Such conflicts may be part of the essence of true crisis events - that is, part of what makes them crises is that not all of the values are aligned, and the conflicts among them have not been anticipated and sorted out in advance, and so instead have to be confronted and dealt with in real time under the pressure of the event. Better mechanisms for identifying and resolving these conflicts are needed.

This is appropriately a role for political leaders, but also involves operational officials in defining the issues and questions for practical resolution.

Rotation, depth and fatigue: By the end of the lawenforcement pursuit and apprehension of the second suspect on Friday evening, many of the people managing the overall event generally, and the Watertown event specifi cally, had been awake for 36 or more hours and had more generally been sleep-deprived since Monday's bombing. Part of the reason for this is that few had true deputies on whom they could trustingly rely and with whom they were reasonably interchangeable - or, to put it another way, both they and their deputies had been fully deployed throughout the event. leaving no unused (rested) capacity in the system. This inevitably degrades performance. No one knows in an ongoing event just how long it will go on , so methods for ensuring rotation and rest are essential to sustained performance.

What people need most in the moment of crisis is for feelings of safety and security to be restored given time, and much of it is wrong . It is important for senior-level decision-makers not to be unduly exposed to the flow of raw information, lest their attention be diverted away from the central real events. Better systems need to be developed for monitoring and vetting the external flow of information and filtering it for presentation to policylevel commanders - while ensuring to the greatest extent possible that significant information is not filtered out.

Mission conflicts: Inevitably, when many organisations come together to work on a common challenge they do not all see it the same way, or see the importance of different goals and priorities within it in exactly the same rank order. Conflicts among these values within a collection of organisations in which there is no intrinsic hierarchy - no one overarching agency that has authority over all and that can resolve the issue definitively - are

20

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done effectively in most cases during this event. better means of monitoring and responding to the flow of public information emanating from numerous media and social media sources are still needed.

Tactical command issues

Mayor Thomas Menino, Governor Deval Patrick and Boston Police Commissioner Ed Davis address the media . Effective communication is vital in such events

Systems for coordinating and communicating information:

One particularly compelling need for better coordinated information concerned the information families needed about the location of their loved ones who might have been injured during the event. Were they among the injured? If so, where were they now? In the swirl of the event, there will inevitably be some mistakes and misinformation . While there is no way to eliminate all such errors, there could be a much better system for capturing and disseminating reliable information about patient status and location.

Legal changes to allow more information to be conveyed:

In ordinary circumstances, there are severe restrictions (for example, those embodied in privacy clauses of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 [HIPAA] and in policies adopted by health institutions to maintain compliance with it) on the release of information about the health status of patien¡ts. These may well be wise and appropriate in circumstances where patients can provide guidance about what information they want released and to whom. In mass casualty situations, however, it may make sense to provide exceptions to these restrictions by creating a presumption that the patient would prefer to have information released to friends or relatives if in the good-faith judgment of health professionals this would be helpful in providing better care or reducing the likelihood of errors of identification or treatment.

4 ..4

Attending to the emotional needs of survivors and fa mily members: What people need most in the moment

of crisis is for feelings of safety and security to be restored . They may also have needs that are idiosyncratic, as individuals all respond differently. The need to protect the young and preserve the dignity of the dead is a near universal sentiment. The honour guard that stayed with the body of Martin Richard not only afforded him the dignity and respect he deserved , but also allowed his father, with a severely injured wife and young daughter, to leave the scene. These kinds of actions are easy to take and very important for victims and family members. Developing plans for community care should be a high priority.

Maintaining regular general communication with the public: As events rapidly evolved, combined official

communication with the public (joint press conferences and press releases) decreased. The effort that would be required to coordinate on a more continuous basis may well be worth it - and by developing standard protocols to simpl ify that coordination in durable ongoing events we might be able to reduce the costs of this necessary function further.

Maintaining accuracy of public information in a mediaand social media-saturated event: Other definitive, officia l

information about the event also needs to be coordinated and communicated, directly (through press conferences and social media) and through the press. While that was

'Self-deployment': To a great extent. people deployed to assigned tasks in many episodes of this event as a result of official requests and in the context of units of which they were a part (eg when tactical teams were requested to deploy to Watertown in the early hours of Friday morning). However, in a number of episodes there were many self-deployments or self-reassignments in the sense that the movement was initiated by the individual rather than as the result of a mutual assistance request transmitted between agencies and then affirmatively or systematically from a dispatcher to a unit.

Examples of self-deployment in this sense are med ical staff reporting to the trauma centres on Monday (though this was managed well and presents positive lessons that should be applied more generally); some of the officers responding to the shooting of Officer Sean Collier at MIT on Thursday evening (18 April); many officers responding to radio traffic concerning the encounter with terror suspects at Dexter and Laurel streets in Watertown; tactical teams chasing reports within their assigned search sector during the search ; people moving toward the boat on Franklin Street in Watertown on Friday evening (where news media video shows a large and unstructured flow of poli ce officers in many different uniforms moving toward the reported location). This created confusion, command challenges, crossfire situations, and other conflicts in a number of instances. Better mechanisms for determining the appropriate limits to improvisation and self-deployment are needed , including rapidly identifying a staging area for all responders and not permitting any breach of the established perimeter.

Micro-command: Self-deployment. together with a great desire to be present and involved in the events, created problems of establishing effective command . At the macro-level, the process of leadership and management tends to be collaborative and to focus on cooperation and coordination , but in tactical situations definitive and author itative command is an essential resource. Someone needs to be 'in charge' - and those present need to recognise who that is and to accept it - or grave and unnecessary danger can be created for responders present at the scene, civilians nearby and suspects. The difficulty of establishing micro-command at various episodes within the marathon response looms as one of the most persistent and troubling weaknesses. In contrast to the formation of unified command at the strategic level , the establishment of definitive command in fluid situations among ground-level responders from multiple agencies was repeatedly prob lematic (eg at the MIT shooting scene; at the 'naked man' event in Watertown, where the driver of a vehicle was directed to strip naked ; and at the Franklin Street boat episode). This implies unfinished

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2121

4 ..4

Security and safety

but there is no simple way to describe which people from which agencies should be admitted and who should be turned back. (Exercising judgement at the boundary is delicate, and a recipe for negative 'my agency doesn't take instructions from your agency' interactions.)

The Westin Copley Place Hotel was a reasonable choice in the circumstances on the afternoon of the bombing, as it provided many of the kinds of spaces (large rooms for press conferences and for organising task groups, smaller rooms for command staff to meet in) and could provide needed facilities and services. Even so, no space that is suddenly taken over will be perfectly configured . At the Westin, the command group had to evolve through several different iterations to finally reach space in which it could work effectively, as successive chosen locations each became overcrowded and noisy.

(Some key meetings among a very small group of senior officials, for example, took place in a suite high up in the hotel , and removed from the ballroom area where most of the group was assembled and most of the work was being done.)

One area in which further work might be useful would be to specify some of the general characteristics that would be desirable for a forward 'command space', so that those in the area early could take control of configuring the space to provide some of the 'zones' within it that will , predictably, be necessary.

Focus and filtering of distractions: In an event with 2417 news and social media saturation , and minuteby-m inute 'news' breaking on social media, there is an enormous amount of information circulating at any

Security and safety

particularly difficult to sort out. Such conflicts may be part of the essence of true crisis events - that is, part of what makes them crises is that not all of the values are aligned, and the conflicts among them have not been anticipated and sorted out in advance, and so instead have to be confronted and dealt with in real time under the pressure of the event. Better mechanisms for identifying and resolving these conflicts are needed.

This is appropriately a role for political leaders, but also involves operational officials in defining the issues and questions for practical resolution.

Rotation, depth and fatigue: By the end of the lawenforcement pursuit and apprehension of the second suspect on Friday evening, many of the people managing the overall event generally, and the Watertown event specifi cally, had been awake for 36 or more hours and had more generally been sleep-deprived since Monday's bombing. Part of the reason for this is that few had true deputies on whom they could trustingly rely and with whom they were reasonably interchangeable - or, to put it another way, both they and their deputies had been fully deployed throughout the event. leaving no unused (rested) capacity in the system. This inevitably degrades performance. No one knows in an ongoing event just how long it will go on , so methods for ensuring rotation and rest are essential to sustained performance.

What people need most in the moment of crisis is for feelings of safety and security to be restored given time, and much of it is wrong . It is important for senior-level decision-makers not to be unduly exposed to the flow of raw information, lest their attention be diverted away from the central real events. Better systems need to be developed for monitoring and vetting the external flow of information and filtering it for presentation to policylevel commanders - while ensuring to the greatest extent possible that significant information is not filtered out.

Mission conflicts: Inevitably, when many organisations come together to work on a common challenge they do not all see it the same way, or see the importance of different goals and priorities within it in exactly the same rank order. Conflicts among these values within a collection of organisations in which there is no intrinsic hierarchy - no one overarching agency that has authority over all and that can resolve the issue definitively - are

20

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

done effectively in most cases during this event. better means of monitoring and responding to the flow of public information emanating from numerous media and social media sources are still needed.

Tactical command issues

Mayor Thomas Menino, Governor Deval Patrick and Boston Police Commissioner Ed Davis address the media . Effective communication is vital in such events

Systems for coordinating and communicating information:

One particularly compelling need for better coordinated information concerned the information families needed about the location of their loved ones who might have been injured during the event. Were they among the injured? If so, where were they now? In the swirl of the event, there will inevitably be some mistakes and misinformation . While there is no way to eliminate all such errors, there could be a much better system for capturing and disseminating reliable information about patient status and location.

Legal changes to allow more information to be conveyed:

In ordinary circumstances, there are severe restrictions (for example, those embodied in privacy clauses of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 [HIPAA] and in policies adopted by health institutions to maintain compliance with it) on the release of information about the health status of patien¡ts. These may well be wise and appropriate in circumstances where patients can provide guidance about what information they want released and to whom. In mass casualty situations, however, it may make sense to provide exceptions to these restrictions by creating a presumption that the patient would prefer to have information released to friends or relatives if in the good-faith judgment of health professionals this would be helpful in providing better care or reducing the likelihood of errors of identification or treatment.

4 ..4

Attending to the emotional needs of survivors and fa mily members: What people need most in the moment

of crisis is for feelings of safety and security to be restored . They may also have needs that are idiosyncratic, as individuals all respond differently. The need to protect the young and preserve the dignity of the dead is a near universal sentiment. The honour guard that stayed with the body of Martin Richard not only afforded him the dignity and respect he deserved , but also allowed his father, with a severely injured wife and young daughter, to leave the scene. These kinds of actions are easy to take and very important for victims and family members. Developing plans for community care should be a high priority.

Maintaining regular general communication with the public: As events rapidly evolved, combined official

communication with the public (joint press conferences and press releases) decreased. The effort that would be required to coordinate on a more continuous basis may well be worth it - and by developing standard protocols to simpl ify that coordination in durable ongoing events we might be able to reduce the costs of this necessary function further.

Maintaining accuracy of public information in a mediaand social media-saturated event: Other definitive, officia l

information about the event also needs to be coordinated and communicated, directly (through press conferences and social media) and through the press. While that was

'Self-deployment': To a great extent. people deployed to assigned tasks in many episodes of this event as a result of official requests and in the context of units of which they were a part (eg when tactical teams were requested to deploy to Watertown in the early hours of Friday morning). However, in a number of episodes there were many self-deployments or self-reassignments in the sense that the movement was initiated by the individual rather than as the result of a mutual assistance request transmitted between agencies and then affirmatively or systematically from a dispatcher to a unit.

Examples of self-deployment in this sense are med ical staff reporting to the trauma centres on Monday (though this was managed well and presents positive lessons that should be applied more generally); some of the officers responding to the shooting of Officer Sean Collier at MIT on Thursday evening (18 April); many officers responding to radio traffic concerning the encounter with terror suspects at Dexter and Laurel streets in Watertown; tactical teams chasing reports within their assigned search sector during the search ; people moving toward the boat on Franklin Street in Watertown on Friday evening (where news media video shows a large and unstructured flow of poli ce officers in many different uniforms moving toward the reported location). This created confusion, command challenges, crossfire situations, and other conflicts in a number of instances. Better mechanisms for determining the appropriate limits to improvisation and self-deployment are needed , including rapidly identifying a staging area for all responders and not permitting any breach of the established perimeter.

Micro-command: Self-deployment. together with a great desire to be present and involved in the events, created problems of establishing effective command . At the macro-level, the process of leadership and management tends to be collaborative and to focus on cooperation and coordination , but in tactical situations definitive and author itative command is an essential resource. Someone needs to be 'in charge' - and those present need to recognise who that is and to accept it - or grave and unnecessary danger can be created for responders present at the scene, civilians nearby and suspects. The difficulty of establishing micro-command at various episodes within the marathon response looms as one of the most persistent and troubling weaknesses. In contrast to the formation of unified command at the strategic level , the establishment of definitive command in fluid situations among ground-level responders from multiple agencies was repeatedly prob lematic (eg at the MIT shooting scene; at the 'naked man' event in Watertown, where the driver of a vehicle was directed to strip naked ; and at the Franklin Street boat episode). This implies unfinished

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2121

4

.4

Security and sa fety

Security and safety

4â&#x20AC;˘4

Recommended preparations for future crises Robust development, practice, exercise, and application of incident management processes and skills (codified in the National Management System) greatly enhance the ability of emergency responders to operate in complex, multi-organ isationa I, cross-ju ri sd ictiona I crisis situations.

The great value of common systems and the understanding that these produce among responders who have never previously met or worked together should not be underestimated. They can literally be lifesavers for responders and others at a crisis scene.

'F ixed ' or planned events can be effective platforms for practising incident management skills even when no emergency occurs, and they are highly useful if emergency contingencies materialise at a fixed event as happened at and after the 2013 Boston Marathon.

Skills honed at such events can also prepare responders and response organisations to perform more effectively even in 'no-notice' emergencies that may occur at other times.

Because coordinating multiple agencies and disciplines will be particularly difficult in 'no-notice' events,

during such events, senior commanders should themselves form a unified command structure to make decisions and implement them , identify a separate staging area to which deploying individuals and organisations should report and await instructions before undertaking field operations, and in advance of such events should establish protocols for the formation of 'sudden' teams composed of individuals from different organisations that may not have previously worked together.

Community resilience should be systematically developed and celebrated.

Protocols and technology: When the bombs exploded on Monday afternoon , arriving police and other vehicles in the area were warned through dispatch and other radio traffic not to block egress routes for emergency medical ve hicles, and to a great extent roadways remained passable for ambu lances and other emergency vehicles. In Watertown, by contrast, a large number of police officers from different jurisdictions arriving individually in separate vehicles in the middle of a confusing night-time gunfight jumped from their ca rs to join the fray and left a tangle of abandoned vehicles with flashing lights that would later impede both the exodus of an ambulance transporting a gravely wounded police officer to hospital and the pursuit of a fleeing suspect because no one could quickly figure out who had the keys and ability to operate which vehicle.

Thi s may cal l for different training and protoco ls for officers arriving at an unfolding trouble event, and it may require additional procedures for dispatchers to remind arriving vehicles not to block local streets (unless there is a tactical reason to do so). It might also call for the development of a shared 'universa l key' that cou ld be used by any police officer to operate vehicles fro m any jurisdiction in emergency circumstances .

In a confusing night-time gunfight, police iumped from their cars to ioin the fray business in the process of developing and successfully cascading the doctrine of unified command down to the lowest levels of tactical operation.

Micro-coordination, trust and respect: Related to the problem of establishing micro-command is the issue of generating appropr iate coord inati on and collaboration at the field level in encounte rs among officials from different agencies.

In several instances during this event, officials from one agency, when asked to identify themselves to officers of the jurisdiction in which they were operating, refused to do so or refused to show identification. Better protoco ls a ritualised process recognised by and participated in by both parties - for self-identificati on and introduction need to be developed and practised.

Discipline, fire control and training: Cont ro l over fields of fire and authorisation to f ire is another critical microcommand issue, and it is more complicated in a sudden team of people from mu ltiple agencies. The risks of co ntagious or otherwise undisciplined fire in a US city are substantial. This may call for further emphasis in training on fire control; waiting for authorisation to fire ; care in identification of targets; and slow, ai med fire. It may also call for changes in procedures used in training.

For example, a common practice is to have all people on a firin g line fire at the same time - it might be useful on occasion to practise 'd irected fire' in which the range supervisor calls out individual authorisation to fire (so th at officers become practised in listening in some circumstances for authorisation and firing after hearing it).

22 1 ICSS Journal -

Vol

2 I No 2

Structuring field teams to take advantage of local knowledge and external resources: A key feature of events where multiple jurisdictions are involved is that no one entity has al l of the resources, capabilities and knowledge needed to address the event most effectively - and that is precisely why so many are called upon to be involved. This means that the division of labour among the responders is important. Often , a singularly important asset in situations of this kind is the loca l knowledge of those from the immediate vicinity of the event - that is, the knowledge held by the local team. Better processes

In the face of the bombing, Boston showed strength, resilience, even defiance and these were key drivers of the overall outcomes ... that is, of 'Boston Strong' .

These qualities are latent in many communities in the United States and elsewhere.

Celebrating examples of community resilience - both local examples and from further afield - may help to cultivate a culture of confidence and self-reliance.

Police beneath a 'Boston Strong' sign near the site of one of the bomb bla sts on the first anniversary of the attack

for integrat ing, in the field and in real-time, the useful local knowledge of the 'home-town team' wi th the capabil ities of the external groups that are contributing capacities are much needed .

Extraordinary powers and procedures in emergency situations: Police and other organisations generally operate in 'routine' situations - circumstances that are familiar to them , for which they have evolved standard operating procedures, for which t hey have trained and pract ised, and in which their actions fit and are supported by the legal and policy framework in which they are embedded. For examp le, procedures gene rally specify that when a police officer has fired his weapon in an 'officer-invo lved shooting' incident, an investigation should be instituted and he or she should more or less immedi ately surrender his or her weapon to a supervisor.

Most officer-involved shootings are of short duration, and are over before supervi so ry officials are on the scene, so this protocol general ly makes a good deal of sense. But in Watertown in the early hours of Friday 19 April, there was substantial ambiguity about whether the 'event' was over. Some officers who had fired the ir weapons trie d to surrender them to supervisors, and some su pervisors sought and obtained weapons from offi cers involved in the shooting at Dexter and Laure l streets. Others, however, said that officers should retain their weapons and stay in the effort until the event was over. It may be useful to clari fy guidel in es and provide greater discret ion in the event of longer-duration events than current guidelines seem to be predicated upon.

Conclusion: focus on macro and micro-command Overal l, the research ca rr ied out during the project points strongly to the fact that the emergency response following the bomb ing in Boston and the events in Cambridge and Watertown at the end of the week were shaped to a

substantial degree by the multi-dimensional preparedness of the region . Response organisations have undertaken detailed and careful planning for the many fixed events, such as the marathon, that are staged annually in the Boston area. They have seen to the development of both institutional and personal relationships among response organisations and their senior commanders, ensured the adoption of formal coordination practices, regularly held intra- and cross-organisation drills and exercises, and generated experience during actual events.

Importantly, the senior commanders of these organisations seem to have internalised the 'mindset' of strategic and ope rational coordination.

It also suggests that the major contribut ing factors to much of what went well - and to some of what went less well - were command and coordination structures, relationships, and processes through which responding organisations were deployed and managed. Th e response organisat ions - particu lar ly at senior levels - demonstrated effective utilisation of the spirit and core principles of the NIMS, mandated by Congress in 2002 but still a work in progress in many areas of the country. But the many highly positive dimensions of interorganisational co ll aboration in the Boston response are juxtaposed with some notable difficulties in what might be termed 'micro-command', for example the leadership and coordination at the street level when individuals and smal l teams from different organisations suddenly come together and need to operate in concert. Improving these aspects of crisis response will , we hope, help make Boston , and other cities round the world, even stronger. â&#x20AC;˘ This article is an abridged version of the full report ' Why Was Boston Strong?' , authored by Herman B 'Dutch' Leonard, Christine M Cole, and Arnold M Howitt of the Harvard Kennedy School, and Philip B Heymann of Harvard Law School (April 2014) www.hks.horvard.edu/programs/crisisleadership/events/why-was-boston-strong

ICSS Journal - Vol

2 I No 2 1 23

4

.4

Security and sa fety

Security and safety

4â&#x20AC;˘4

Recommended preparations for future crises Robust development, practice, exercise, and application of incident management processes and skills (codified in the National Management System) greatly enhance the ability of emergency responders to operate in complex, multi-organ isationa I, cross-ju ri sd ictiona I crisis situations.

The great value of common systems and the understanding that these produce among responders who have never previously met or worked together should not be underestimated. They can literally be lifesavers for responders and others at a crisis scene.

'F ixed ' or planned events can be effective platforms for practising incident management skills even when no emergency occurs, and they are highly useful if emergency contingencies materialise at a fixed event as happened at and after the 2013 Boston Marathon.

Skills honed at such events can also prepare responders and response organisations to perform more effectively even in 'no-notice' emergencies that may occur at other times.

Because coordinating multiple agencies and disciplines will be particularly difficult in 'no-notice' events,

during such events, senior commanders should themselves form a unified command structure to make decisions and implement them , identify a separate staging area to which deploying individuals and organisations should report and await instructions before undertaking field operations, and in advance of such events should establish protocols for the formation of 'sudden' teams composed of individuals from different organisations that may not have previously worked together.

Community resilience should be systematically developed and celebrated.

Protocols and technology: When the bombs exploded on Monday afternoon , arriving police and other vehicles in the area were warned through dispatch and other radio traffic not to block egress routes for emergency medical ve hicles, and to a great extent roadways remained passable for ambu lances and other emergency vehicles. In Watertown, by contrast, a large number of police officers from different jurisdictions arriving individually in separate vehicles in the middle of a confusing night-time gunfight jumped from their ca rs to join the fray and left a tangle of abandoned vehicles with flashing lights that would later impede both the exodus of an ambulance transporting a gravely wounded police officer to hospital and the pursuit of a fleeing suspect because no one could quickly figure out who had the keys and ability to operate which vehicle.

Thi s may cal l for different training and protoco ls for officers arriving at an unfolding trouble event, and it may require additional procedures for dispatchers to remind arriving vehicles not to block local streets (unless there is a tactical reason to do so). It might also call for the development of a shared 'universa l key' that cou ld be used by any police officer to operate vehicles fro m any jurisdiction in emergency circumstances .

In a confusing night-time gunfight, police iumped from their cars to ioin the fray business in the process of developing and successfully cascading the doctrine of unified command down to the lowest levels of tactical operation.

Micro-coordination, trust and respect: Related to the problem of establishing micro-command is the issue of generating appropr iate coord inati on and collaboration at the field level in encounte rs among officials from different agencies.

In several instances during this event, officials from one agency, when asked to identify themselves to officers of the jurisdiction in which they were operating, refused to do so or refused to show identification. Better protoco ls a ritualised process recognised by and participated in by both parties - for self-identificati on and introduction need to be developed and practised.

Discipline, fire control and training: Cont ro l over fields of fire and authorisation to f ire is another critical microcommand issue, and it is more complicated in a sudden team of people from mu ltiple agencies. The risks of co ntagious or otherwise undisciplined fire in a US city are substantial. This may call for further emphasis in training on fire control; waiting for authorisation to fire ; care in identification of targets; and slow, ai med fire. It may also call for changes in procedures used in training.

For example, a common practice is to have all people on a firin g line fire at the same time - it might be useful on occasion to practise 'd irected fire' in which the range supervisor calls out individual authorisation to fire (so th at officers become practised in listening in some circumstances for authorisation and firing after hearing it).

22 1 ICSS Journal -

Vol

2 I No 2

Structuring field teams to take advantage of local knowledge and external resources: A key feature of events where multiple jurisdictions are involved is that no one entity has al l of the resources, capabilities and knowledge needed to address the event most effectively - and that is precisely why so many are called upon to be involved. This means that the division of labour among the responders is important. Often , a singularly important asset in situations of this kind is the loca l knowledge of those from the immediate vicinity of the event - that is, the knowledge held by the local team. Better processes

In the face of the bombing, Boston showed strength, resilience, even defiance and these were key drivers of the overall outcomes ... that is, of 'Boston Strong' .

These qualities are latent in many communities in the United States and elsewhere.

Celebrating examples of community resilience - both local examples and from further afield - may help to cultivate a culture of confidence and self-reliance.

Police beneath a 'Boston Strong' sign near the site of one of the bomb bla sts on the first anniversary of the attack

for integrat ing, in the field and in real-time, the useful local knowledge of the 'home-town team' wi th the capabil ities of the external groups that are contributing capacities are much needed .

Extraordinary powers and procedures in emergency situations: Police and other organisations generally operate in 'routine' situations - circumstances that are familiar to them , for which they have evolved standard operating procedures, for which t hey have trained and pract ised, and in which their actions fit and are supported by the legal and policy framework in which they are embedded. For examp le, procedures gene rally specify that when a police officer has fired his weapon in an 'officer-invo lved shooting' incident, an investigation should be instituted and he or she should more or less immedi ately surrender his or her weapon to a supervisor.

Most officer-involved shootings are of short duration, and are over before supervi so ry officials are on the scene, so this protocol general ly makes a good deal of sense. But in Watertown in the early hours of Friday 19 April, there was substantial ambiguity about whether the 'event' was over. Some officers who had fired the ir weapons trie d to surrender them to supervisors, and some su pervisors sought and obtained weapons from offi cers involved in the shooting at Dexter and Laure l streets. Others, however, said that officers should retain their weapons and stay in the effort until the event was over. It may be useful to clari fy guidel in es and provide greater discret ion in the event of longer-duration events than current guidelines seem to be predicated upon.

Conclusion: focus on macro and micro-command Overal l, the research ca rr ied out during the project points strongly to the fact that the emergency response following the bomb ing in Boston and the events in Cambridge and Watertown at the end of the week were shaped to a

substantial degree by the multi-dimensional preparedness of the region . Response organisations have undertaken detailed and careful planning for the many fixed events, such as the marathon, that are staged annually in the Boston area. They have seen to the development of both institutional and personal relationships among response organisations and their senior commanders, ensured the adoption of formal coordination practices, regularly held intra- and cross-organisation drills and exercises, and generated experience during actual events.

Importantly, the senior commanders of these organisations seem to have internalised the 'mindset' of strategic and ope rational coordination.

It also suggests that the major contribut ing factors to much of what went well - and to some of what went less well - were command and coordination structures, relationships, and processes through which responding organisations were deployed and managed. Th e response organisat ions - particu lar ly at senior levels - demonstrated effective utilisation of the spirit and core principles of the NIMS, mandated by Congress in 2002 but still a work in progress in many areas of the country. But the many highly positive dimensions of interorganisational co ll aboration in the Boston response are juxtaposed with some notable difficulties in what might be termed 'micro-command', for example the leadership and coordination at the street level when individuals and smal l teams from different organisations suddenly come together and need to operate in concert. Improving these aspects of crisis response will , we hope, help make Boston , and other cities round the world, even stronger. â&#x20AC;˘ This article is an abridged version of the full report ' Why Was Boston Strong?' , authored by Herman B 'Dutch' Leonard, Christine M Cole, and Arnold M Howitt of the Harvard Kennedy School, and Philip B Heymann of Harvard Law School (April 2014) www.hks.horvard.edu/programs/crisisleadership/events/why-was-boston-strong

ICSS Journal - Vol

2 I No 2 1 23

Se curity and sport: a nehvork perspective on 1

W hy Was Boston Strong?'

Dr Chad Whelan considers what lessons can be learnt when the principles of organisational networking are applied to the findings of Harvard Kennedy School's report on the Boston Marathon bombings

S

ecuri ng major sporting events is a task that necessarily involves the well-known four Cs: command, coordination , communication , and colla boration. The security operation often crosses many divides, professional disciplines and levels of govern ment.

Organisation is therefore one of the most challenging aspects of securing sporting events. A centra l f igure is usually appointed as the head of security, and that person is generally responsible for overal l command of t he security operatio n. There is, in this sense, a level of hierarchy. However, command is not the same as coordination, and it cannot rep lace cooperation and collaboration. Whenever there are multiple agencies involved in a security operati on , especial ly across

wel l-established divides, that operation is cha racterised by the organising princ iple of networks. The purpose of t his art icle is to introduce a network perspect ive on the topic of sports security and to consider the lessons such an approach can offer when viewed in light of the findings from the report, 'Why Was Boston Strong'?

The word 'network' refers to a particu lar logic of coordinati on. Networks are defined as those orga ni sati onal forms where agencies are req ui red to work together in order to achieve their own goa ls as wel l as a co llect ive goal. We can clearly distinguish a network from a hierarchical arrangement, which is differentiated vert ica lly (leve ls of authority) and horizontal ly (d ivisions between units), and has recognised processes of control. Networks are

Se curity and sport: a nehvork perspective on 1

W hy Was Boston Strong?'

Dr Chad Whelan considers what lessons can be learnt when the principles of organisational networking are applied to the findings of Harvard Kennedy School's report on the Boston Marathon bombings

S

ecuri ng major sporting events is a task that necessarily involves the well-known four Cs: command, coordination , communication , and colla boration. The security operation often crosses many divides, professional disciplines and levels of govern ment.

Organisation is therefore one of the most challenging aspects of securing sporting events. A centra l f igure is usually appointed as the head of security, and that person is generally responsible for overal l command of t he security operatio n. There is, in this sense, a level of hierarchy. However, command is not the same as coordination, and it cannot rep lace cooperation and collaboration. Whenever there are multiple agencies involved in a security operati on , especial ly across

wel l-established divides, that operation is cha racterised by the organising princ iple of networks. The purpose of t his art icle is to introduce a network perspect ive on the topic of sports security and to consider the lessons such an approach can offer when viewed in light of the findings from the report, 'Why Was Boston Strong'?

The word 'network' refers to a particu lar logic of coordinati on. Networks are defined as those orga ni sati onal forms where agencies are req ui red to work together in order to achieve their own goa ls as wel l as a co llect ive goal. We can clearly distinguish a network from a hierarchical arrangement, which is differentiated vert ica lly (leve ls of authority) and horizontal ly (d ivisions between units), and has recognised processes of control. Networks are

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

essential in order to address what are referred to as 'wicked ' problems; that is, tasks that cannot be divided into neat parts and allocated to individual agencies alone. Security is a classic example. Therefore, it goes without saying that the response to the Boston Marathon terror attacks involved many principles of networks. As the report notes: "The agencies involved are not part of a single hierarchy; they are under the legal authority of and accountable to different political jurisdictions and levels of government, as well as the private and non-profit sectors. Even in a unitary system where governmental authority clearly spans levels of government, commanding and coordinating a host of response organisations is a challenging task" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 5).

It is clear that networks are complex modes of organisation . Network forms of organisation can be understood to display two sets of basic properties: structural and relational. Structural properties include such attributes as forming a network, as well as the design, size and level of goal-consensus between network members. Design is important and directly relates to how network activities are internally organised and controlled. For instance, we know that as networks increase in size or decrease in goal consensus, coordination within networks becomes increasingly complex and important. Relational

1

4

.4

infrastructure is usually needed to connect all members of the network and to enable them to efficiently and effectively communicate, coordinate and collaborate.

The remainder of this article will attempt to identify how a network perspective would enhance our understanding of some of the issues identified in 'Why Was Boston Strong?'. Due to space limitations, I will not address all five levels of analysis (structure, culture , policy, technology and relationships). Rather, I will focus on the structural, policy and relational properties, including, where relevant, some of the cultural properties under the broad category of network relationships . I will look at the organisational structures and practices governing the response to the marathon bombings. More specifically, in order to further refine this analysis, I will concentrate on the law enforcement dimension of this response, particularly issues pertaining to the command and coordination arrangements among agencies involved in the response to the attacks.

Network structure Network structure concerns such important issues as forming a network, as we ll as the design, size, level of goal consensus and the importance of the tasks that the network performs (what we refer to as 'network-level' competencies). It is critically important not to only examine how network structures are established, but also how they evolve in response to particular contingencies. A security network operates very differently when in ordinary modes compared with when it is dea ling with a crisis. At least two important aspects of network structure are identified in the Boston Marathon bombing report.

The first relates to forming a network. According to the report, command structures tended to form from below (through tactical teams on the street) and from above on a more centralised basis by agency leaders, suggesting that command "was complete when these two emergent structures connected". Effectively, the authors describe a process where command formed as senior members of different agencies sought to "find each other", and began "self-organising into a multi-agency structure".

As the report states: "Various participants described a felt need to find their colleagues and create a command structure that included and integrated key partner agencies." ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 5) The key princip le when forming a network should be goals. Once the goals of that network are defined, the next step is to identify partner agencies that are relevant to, or have a stake in, achieving those goals. Being a major sporting event, the Boston situation was different to many other locations where a terror attack could occur because there were already a substantial number of diverse agencies on the scene. As such, many of these agencies became members of the network by proximity to the event. This did not prevent new security and law

O nce a network s goals are defined, the next step is to identify partner agencies

Personnel from several federal agencies arrive on scene following the bombings, which killed three people and injured more than 260

26 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

properties are less easily defined, but include those for mal and informal relationships between members of each network. Relationships take place at the interpersonal and interorganisational levels and are shaped by different qualities, such as reciprocity and trust, cooperation and conflict.

In addition to the structura l and relational properties we should add a further three levels of analysis to gain a full appreciation of the complex dynamics of networks and the factors shaping their performance: culture, pol icy and technology. Culture refers to the cultures in networks and the cultures of networks. We know that security and law enforcement agencies tend to hold particularly strong occupational cultures. There is al so considerable evidence suggesting the existence of cultural barriers among the public and private sectors, professional disciplines, and levels of government.

Poli cy concerns the formal procedures used to prescribe courses of action to network members. These policies can exist at a level 'above' networks (for example, the legal requirements for managing security-classified information) or be specifica lly established to regulate the activities of netwo rks. Technology is another important factor, Parti cularly in information-intensive networks that process large volumes of information. Some form of technological

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

27

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

essential in order to address what are referred to as 'wicked ' problems; that is, tasks that cannot be divided into neat parts and allocated to individual agencies alone. Security is a classic example. Therefore, it goes without saying that the response to the Boston Marathon terror attacks involved many principles of networks. As the report notes: "The agencies involved are not part of a single hierarchy; they are under the legal authority of and accountable to different political jurisdictions and levels of government, as well as the private and non-profit sectors. Even in a unitary system where governmental authority clearly spans levels of government, commanding and coordinating a host of response organisations is a challenging task" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 5).

It is clear that networks are complex modes of organisation . Network forms of organisation can be understood to display two sets of basic properties: structural and relational. Structural properties include such attributes as forming a network, as well as the design, size and level of goal-consensus between network members. Design is important and directly relates to how network activities are internally organised and controlled. For instance, we know that as networks increase in size or decrease in goal consensus, coordination within networks becomes increasingly complex and important. Relational

1

4

.4

infrastructure is usually needed to connect all members of the network and to enable them to efficiently and effectively communicate, coordinate and collaborate.

The remainder of this article will attempt to identify how a network perspective would enhance our understanding of some of the issues identified in 'Why Was Boston Strong?'. Due to space limitations, I will not address all five levels of analysis (structure, culture , policy, technology and relationships). Rather, I will focus on the structural, policy and relational properties, including, where relevant, some of the cultural properties under the broad category of network relationships . I will look at the organisational structures and practices governing the response to the marathon bombings. More specifically, in order to further refine this analysis, I will concentrate on the law enforcement dimension of this response, particularly issues pertaining to the command and coordination arrangements among agencies involved in the response to the attacks.

Network structure Network structure concerns such important issues as forming a network, as we ll as the design, size, level of goal consensus and the importance of the tasks that the network performs (what we refer to as 'network-level' competencies). It is critically important not to only examine how network structures are established, but also how they evolve in response to particular contingencies. A security network operates very differently when in ordinary modes compared with when it is dea ling with a crisis. At least two important aspects of network structure are identified in the Boston Marathon bombing report.

The first relates to forming a network. According to the report, command structures tended to form from below (through tactical teams on the street) and from above on a more centralised basis by agency leaders, suggesting that command "was complete when these two emergent structures connected". Effectively, the authors describe a process where command formed as senior members of different agencies sought to "find each other", and began "self-organising into a multi-agency structure".

As the report states: "Various participants described a felt need to find their colleagues and create a command structure that included and integrated key partner agencies." ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 5) The key princip le when forming a network should be goals. Once the goals of that network are defined, the next step is to identify partner agencies that are relevant to, or have a stake in, achieving those goals. Being a major sporting event, the Boston situation was different to many other locations where a terror attack could occur because there were already a substantial number of diverse agencies on the scene. As such, many of these agencies became members of the network by proximity to the event. This did not prevent new security and law

O nce a network s goals are defined, the next step is to identify partner agencies

Personnel from several federal agencies arrive on scene following the bombings, which killed three people and injured more than 260

26 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

properties are less easily defined, but include those for mal and informal relationships between members of each network. Relationships take place at the interpersonal and interorganisational levels and are shaped by different qualities, such as reciprocity and trust, cooperation and conflict.

In addition to the structura l and relational properties we should add a further three levels of analysis to gain a full appreciation of the complex dynamics of networks and the factors shaping their performance: culture, pol icy and technology. Culture refers to the cultures in networks and the cultures of networks. We know that security and law enforcement agencies tend to hold particularly strong occupational cultures. There is al so considerable evidence suggesting the existence of cultural barriers among the public and private sectors, professional disciplines, and levels of government.

Poli cy concerns the formal procedures used to prescribe courses of action to network members. These policies can exist at a level 'above' networks (for example, the legal requirements for managing security-classified information) or be specifica lly established to regulate the activities of netwo rks. Technology is another important factor, Parti cularly in information-intensive networks that process large volumes of information. Some form of technological

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

27

4.

4

Security and safety

Security and safety

4

.4

and coordination among multiple agencies" ('Why Was Boston Strong? ', page 13). While leaders of the organisations invo lved in the investigation reported ly agreed to cooperate fully wi th each other, this apparently did not always filter down to the operational levels .

This is clearly demonstrated in relation to the coordination difficulties encountered wi th the 'endgame'.

In this context. the authors note that "implicitly, some officers seemed ready to accept orders only from someone else in their own hierarchy". In other words, there was no legitimate and recognised leadership across multi-agency networks. It is absolutely criti ca l that in comp lex environments wi th multiple agenc ies, conflicting organisational goals and high failure costs, that there are clear and accepted processes of leadership .

The report acknowledges this, particularly in relation to tactical issues, but it is likely that stronger provisions for leadership will result in significantly better coordination at the strategic level as well. Importantly, it is not necessarily the case that the same organisation should lead all activities of the network (this again relates to each specified goal). There are also many different versions of leadership, although it must be emphasised t hat. in network terms , no version replaces the need for cooperation and co ll aboration. The end point. however, is that it is very difficult to coordinate large networks with differing organisational goals through shared governance.

Network policy

Hundreds gather at the finish line in 2014 to mark the one-year anniversary of the Boston Marathon bombings

enforcement agencies arriving within moments. These agencies wou ld then form critical members of the overall response. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that many of these agencies did not immediately recognise how to 'wo rk together' rather than focus on their respective roles.

Thi s is particularly the case at the strategic level , where it was reportedly not unti I the Massachusetts Governor Deval Patrick requested it that senior agency representatives got together and began to exchange the knowledge and skills needed to coordinate the respon se.

It is not clear exactly how prominent the principle of goal definition was in organising networks. While it is ce rtainly positive that partner agencies began forming emergent networks, this is a much less formal process than forming networks by design. An important recommendation, then , could be that better processes are estab lished to underpin the formation of networks.

It is not helpful or desirable to have too many agencies involved in a network at any one point in time. A policy framework that helps identify who should be included in a network, and how they should be included, would assist in network formation. Th e report makes a similar

28

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

recommendation with regard to 'structuring field teams' and forming 'sudden teams', but this is a much broader point. In network terms, this is sometimes approached on the basis of actors at the core and periphery, meaning agencies come in and out of the periphery as they bring some form of resources relevant to achieving the goals.

This is critical when we consider the comp lexities of coord inating large networks.

The second aspect of network stru cture relates to the coordination of activities in the network. Keith Provan and Patrick Kenis outl ine three models whereby networks can be internally coordinated: brokered governance ¡in which a network is coordinated by a lead organisation; shared governance, where there is no lead actor, but rather equa l status among network members; and what is ca ll ed a "network administrative organisation", which is an entity specifica lly designed to govern the activities of a network. 1 Th ere is no 'one-size-fits-all ' approach. For instance, if a network is relati ve ly sma ll in size and has a relatively high leve l of goal consensus and trust. shared governance may be the preferred mode. However, in large networks with high failure costs and conflicting organisational

goal s, a lead organisation and/or network administrative organ isation is almost certainly needed to coordinate the activiti es of the network. Furthermore, the governance model that is adopted may need to change in response to operational contingencies; for example, when the size of a network and the need for network-level competencies increases the network shou ld adapt to appoint a recognised lead organisation .

These coordination issues seem ev ident wi th the response to the Boston bombings. For t he Boston response networks, it seems the network governance model shifted between a brokered to a shared governance model. It was widely anticipated that the Federa l Bureau of Investigation would ta ke the lead role (and thus become the lead organisation in the network). But adopting a lead ro le is not the same as hierarchy, and it is clear th at other agencies had their own respective interests in investigating the bombings.

Essentially, as the report notes, all aspects of t he investigation necessarily "involved cooperation fro m

Network policy refers to the formal procedures used to prescribe certain courses of action to, and in, networks.

Effectively, a policy framework is there to enhance the likelihood that network-level goals can be attained . In the case of the Boston Marathon bombings, the National Incident Management System (NIMS) can be thought of as such a policy, although the report notes that integrating the NIMS into the practices and cultures of response agencies is st ill ve ry much a work in progress.

The main findings of the report address policy in relation to defining roles and responsibilities of agencies relating to how they can contribute to the goals of the network rather than their own goa ls. In the words of the report: "Confli cts among these values wi thin a collection of organisations in which there is no intrinsic hierarchy are particular ly

It is not helpful or desirable to have too many agencies involved in a network difficult to sort out. Better mechanisms for identifying and resolving the se conflicts are needed" ('Why Was Boston Strong?' , page 36).

Whi le this has been discussed above under 'Network structure' - where it was suggested th at a lead organisation or network administrative organisation is likely to be needed to resolve these issues - policy provides another

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

29

4.

4

Security and safety

Security and safety

4

.4

and coordination among multiple agencies" ('Why Was Boston Strong? ', page 13). While leaders of the organisations invo lved in the investigation reported ly agreed to cooperate fully wi th each other, this apparently did not always filter down to the operational levels .

This is clearly demonstrated in relation to the coordination difficulties encountered wi th the 'endgame'.

In this context. the authors note that "implicitly, some officers seemed ready to accept orders only from someone else in their own hierarchy". In other words, there was no legitimate and recognised leadership across multi-agency networks. It is absolutely criti ca l that in comp lex environments wi th multiple agenc ies, conflicting organisational goals and high failure costs, that there are clear and accepted processes of leadership .

The report acknowledges this, particularly in relation to tactical issues, but it is likely that stronger provisions for leadership will result in significantly better coordination at the strategic level as well. Importantly, it is not necessarily the case that the same organisation should lead all activities of the network (this again relates to each specified goal). There are also many different versions of leadership, although it must be emphasised t hat. in network terms , no version replaces the need for cooperation and co ll aboration. The end point. however, is that it is very difficult to coordinate large networks with differing organisational goals through shared governance.

Network policy

Hundreds gather at the finish line in 2014 to mark the one-year anniversary of the Boston Marathon bombings

enforcement agencies arriving within moments. These agencies wou ld then form critical members of the overall response. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that many of these agencies did not immediately recognise how to 'wo rk together' rather than focus on their respective roles.

Thi s is particularly the case at the strategic level , where it was reportedly not unti I the Massachusetts Governor Deval Patrick requested it that senior agency representatives got together and began to exchange the knowledge and skills needed to coordinate the respon se.

It is not clear exactly how prominent the principle of goal definition was in organising networks. While it is ce rtainly positive that partner agencies began forming emergent networks, this is a much less formal process than forming networks by design. An important recommendation, then , could be that better processes are estab lished to underpin the formation of networks.

It is not helpful or desirable to have too many agencies involved in a network at any one point in time. A policy framework that helps identify who should be included in a network, and how they should be included, would assist in network formation. Th e report makes a similar

28

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

recommendation with regard to 'structuring field teams' and forming 'sudden teams', but this is a much broader point. In network terms, this is sometimes approached on the basis of actors at the core and periphery, meaning agencies come in and out of the periphery as they bring some form of resources relevant to achieving the goals.

This is critical when we consider the comp lexities of coord inating large networks.

The second aspect of network stru cture relates to the coordination of activities in the network. Keith Provan and Patrick Kenis outl ine three models whereby networks can be internally coordinated: brokered governance ¡in which a network is coordinated by a lead organisation; shared governance, where there is no lead actor, but rather equa l status among network members; and what is ca ll ed a "network administrative organisation", which is an entity specifica lly designed to govern the activities of a network. 1 Th ere is no 'one-size-fits-all ' approach. For instance, if a network is relati ve ly sma ll in size and has a relatively high leve l of goal consensus and trust. shared governance may be the preferred mode. However, in large networks with high failure costs and conflicting organisational

goal s, a lead organisation and/or network administrative organ isation is almost certainly needed to coordinate the activiti es of the network. Furthermore, the governance model that is adopted may need to change in response to operational contingencies; for example, when the size of a network and the need for network-level competencies increases the network shou ld adapt to appoint a recognised lead organisation .

These coordination issues seem ev ident wi th the response to the Boston bombings. For t he Boston response networks, it seems the network governance model shifted between a brokered to a shared governance model. It was widely anticipated that the Federa l Bureau of Investigation would ta ke the lead role (and thus become the lead organisation in the network). But adopting a lead ro le is not the same as hierarchy, and it is clear th at other agencies had their own respective interests in investigating the bombings.

Essentially, as the report notes, all aspects of t he investigation necessarily "involved cooperation fro m

Network policy refers to the formal procedures used to prescribe certain courses of action to, and in, networks.

Effectively, a policy framework is there to enhance the likelihood that network-level goals can be attained . In the case of the Boston Marathon bombings, the National Incident Management System (NIMS) can be thought of as such a policy, although the report notes that integrating the NIMS into the practices and cultures of response agencies is st ill ve ry much a work in progress.

The main findings of the report address policy in relation to defining roles and responsibilities of agencies relating to how they can contribute to the goals of the network rather than their own goa ls. In the words of the report: "Confli cts among these values wi thin a collection of organisations in which there is no intrinsic hierarchy are particular ly

It is not helpful or desirable to have too many agencies involved in a network difficult to sort out. Better mechanisms for identifying and resolving the se conflicts are needed" ('Why Was Boston Strong?' , page 36).

Whi le this has been discussed above under 'Network structure' - where it was suggested th at a lead organisation or network administrative organisation is likely to be needed to resolve these issues - policy provides another

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

29

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

In practice, however, we find that institutional systems nd processes are not always as effective as personal ~rust. Persona l, trust-based relationships ca n be leveraged to overcome all sorts of prob lems. Examples include etting around cumbersome bureaucratic processes that grevent organisations from working together, as well as ~vercoming resource deficits.

Indeed , this seemingly applied in the respo nse to the Boston bombings, with the report identifying one instance in which a personal relationship between a Boston police officer and an Air Force officer was leveraged to overcome institutiona l barriers prohibiting the Air Force from le nding an explosive ordinance disposal dog team to the City of Boston.

As noted in the report, "the capacity for coordin ated action at the command level was the result of many years of collaborati ve effort" ('W hy Was Boston Strong?', page 32) . In network te rm s, we wou ld look at this in term s of 'relational' coord in ation ; that is, the capacity was enhanced precisely because of the interpersonal relati onships between people representing independent agencies. However, thi s ca n always be improved. The report's recommendation that "seni or offi cia ls (and t heir top deputies) across agencies and discip lines have met and worked together - and ta ke every reasonable opportunity for them to form personal relationships" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 43) is therefore substantiated many times over when taking a network

30

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

.4

However, cul t ure can equally be positive for networks.

Cu ltural differences encourage an agency to think and act differently, which, in turn, min imi ses the risk of 'groupthink'. Networks can also be characterised by a 'cu lture of collaboration', a strong sense of teamwork and affiliat ion to the goals of the network.

Such a culture develops as agencies work together and share expe rie nces over time. It can also be promoted throu gh strong management who embed th e princip les of cooperation and collaborat ion in an agency's culture, and constantly work to promote those principles at all levels of their respective organ isations. In this sense, culture is like trust, in that it develops as people or groups share positive experi ences.

Why was Boston strong?

In co ncluding, the report argues: "Much during the response worked very we ll, and a great deal of th at was the result of extens ive and careful planning, years of investments and training, structure, skill - and relationship - and tru st-building (together wi th some good fortune)" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 31). From a network perspective, such a conc lu sion makes very good sense.

Among other things, the priority recommendations listed in the report have t he combined effect of working to improve network structure, policy and relati onships.

The lesso ns from the network persp ecti ve wou ld likely serve to strength en those objecti ves. In particular, th e lessons identified here relate to modes of internal coordination within networks and the mechanisms for adapting coordination processes to operational co ntingencies, sett ing out roles and responsibilities of agenc ies and practicing those roles in different operational environments, as well as the personal and institutional processes for developing trustbased relationships. If th ere is one principle lesson that we can identify in light of th e command and coordination requirements from the response to the Boston Marathon bomb ings it is this: no matter how strong Boston was, multi-agency networks can almost never be strong enough . That is, we should always consciously work on improving coordination between agencies at all leve ls in and across the field of security networks. â&#x20AC;˘

Trust is an incredibly multifaceted concept. We know that security networks involve very different levels of trust

A K9 unit takes part in the manhunt for one of the Boston Marathon bombing suspects. The follow-up by the authorities entailed many principles of networks

mechanism. For example, roles and responsi biliti es are generally defined and agreed to when planning secu rity at large-scale major eve nts. It is simply not possibl e or desirable for organisations t hat operate wi th many uncertainties to develop a policy framework for every imaginable set of circumstances . But it is possible to establish in-princip le agreem ents that provide a broad bas is from which network members can ada pt when the need arises. Establishing t his policy and practising it dramatically enhances the capacity for consistent network responses and management.

An important factor here is the tension between stab ility and flexibility. The report recognises this, suggesting in a potentially contentiou s recommendation that "greater discretion and judgment shoul d be offered to officials operat ing in unusual circumstances" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 41). Pol icy is clearly important for reasons of process and accou ntabil ity. There is certainly a tensio n between th ese attributes and greater discretion or flexibility. Although balancing these competing values is well beyond th e scope of th is article to address, it is unavoidable that circumstances will arise that require

4

agencies to engage in collaborative and flexible decision making. Thi s essenti al ly depends on a cultural bias towa rd s the interests of the network over th e interests of the organisat ion, which is enhanced signif icantly by positive interpersonal and interorganisational relationships.

Network relationships Network relationships are likely to be central to the performance of most networks. Relationships concern the level of respect and trust between network members at the micro (inte rpersonal) and macro (interorganisational) levels. Trust is an incredibly multifaceted concept. We know that security networks invol ve very different leve ls of tru st. On th e one hand, we have interpersonal trust, which essentially develops as individuals build relationships and share experiences over time. On the other hand, we have what we can describe as 'i nstitutio nal' -based trust. For examp le, an individual who has a security clearance that corresponds to the appropriate classifi cation level fo r information should , in theory, be trusted to have that informati on regardless of whether they have ever met t he person sharing it.

perspective. In fact, it could be argued that this should be extended to multipl e leve ls of agenc ies (includi ng mid-l evel management) whereve r possible, especially without being accompanied by extensive resource costs . lnterorganisational relationsh ips will be strengthened in many ways. Through developing a history of work ing together, age ncies change th eir outlooks in significant ways. Much of this relates to culture. A leading expert on organisational culture, Edgar Schein, approaches culture fro m the perspect ive of organisational psychology 2 . In effect, Schein suggests t hat cul ture is to a grou p what personality is to an individual: the beli efs, va lues and attitudes that form over the cou rse of a grou p's hi story and influence how it thi nks and acts.

Culture is often viewed only as a negative va riable affecting performance. As previously indicated, it is often attributed to organisational ri valries. The report on the Boston re sponse suggests thi s may have also been the case in at least one incident, whereby direct orders from one command structure were intent io nally ignored by offi ce rs from another agency.

Dr Chad Whelan is a Lecturer in Criminology at Deakin Un ivers ity. He has previously worked in security and risk management and currently lectu res in the field s of serious crime, terrorism, intelligence and security References 1.

Provan. K and Kenis, P, 'Modes of Network Governance: Structure, Management. and Effecti veness', Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 18(2): 229-52, 2008

2.

Schein, E, Organizational Culture and Leadership, fourth edition, Hoboken , NJ: Jessey-Bass, 2010

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

31

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

In practice, however, we find that institutional systems nd processes are not always as effective as personal ~rust. Persona l, trust-based relationships ca n be leveraged to overcome all sorts of prob lems. Examples include etting around cumbersome bureaucratic processes that grevent organisations from working together, as well as ~vercoming resource deficits.

Indeed , this seemingly applied in the respo nse to the Boston bombings, with the report identifying one instance in which a personal relationship between a Boston police officer and an Air Force officer was leveraged to overcome institutiona l barriers prohibiting the Air Force from le nding an explosive ordinance disposal dog team to the City of Boston.

As noted in the report, "the capacity for coordin ated action at the command level was the result of many years of collaborati ve effort" ('W hy Was Boston Strong?', page 32) . In network te rm s, we wou ld look at this in term s of 'relational' coord in ation ; that is, the capacity was enhanced precisely because of the interpersonal relati onships between people representing independent agencies. However, thi s ca n always be improved. The report's recommendation that "seni or offi cia ls (and t heir top deputies) across agencies and discip lines have met and worked together - and ta ke every reasonable opportunity for them to form personal relationships" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 43) is therefore substantiated many times over when taking a network

30

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

.4

However, cul t ure can equally be positive for networks.

Cu ltural differences encourage an agency to think and act differently, which, in turn, min imi ses the risk of 'groupthink'. Networks can also be characterised by a 'cu lture of collaboration', a strong sense of teamwork and affiliat ion to the goals of the network.

Such a culture develops as agencies work together and share expe rie nces over time. It can also be promoted throu gh strong management who embed th e princip les of cooperation and collaborat ion in an agency's culture, and constantly work to promote those principles at all levels of their respective organ isations. In this sense, culture is like trust, in that it develops as people or groups share positive experi ences.

Why was Boston strong?

In co ncluding, the report argues: "Much during the response worked very we ll, and a great deal of th at was the result of extens ive and careful planning, years of investments and training, structure, skill - and relationship - and tru st-building (together wi th some good fortune)" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 31). From a network perspective, such a conc lu sion makes very good sense.

Among other things, the priority recommendations listed in the report have t he combined effect of working to improve network structure, policy and relati onships.

The lesso ns from the network persp ecti ve wou ld likely serve to strength en those objecti ves. In particular, th e lessons identified here relate to modes of internal coordination within networks and the mechanisms for adapting coordination processes to operational co ntingencies, sett ing out roles and responsibilities of agenc ies and practicing those roles in different operational environments, as well as the personal and institutional processes for developing trustbased relationships. If th ere is one principle lesson that we can identify in light of th e command and coordination requirements from the response to the Boston Marathon bomb ings it is this: no matter how strong Boston was, multi-agency networks can almost never be strong enough . That is, we should always consciously work on improving coordination between agencies at all leve ls in and across the field of security networks. â&#x20AC;˘

Trust is an incredibly multifaceted concept. We know that security networks involve very different levels of trust

A K9 unit takes part in the manhunt for one of the Boston Marathon bombing suspects. The follow-up by the authorities entailed many principles of networks

mechanism. For example, roles and responsi biliti es are generally defined and agreed to when planning secu rity at large-scale major eve nts. It is simply not possibl e or desirable for organisations t hat operate wi th many uncertainties to develop a policy framework for every imaginable set of circumstances . But it is possible to establish in-princip le agreem ents that provide a broad bas is from which network members can ada pt when the need arises. Establishing t his policy and practising it dramatically enhances the capacity for consistent network responses and management.

An important factor here is the tension between stab ility and flexibility. The report recognises this, suggesting in a potentially contentiou s recommendation that "greater discretion and judgment shoul d be offered to officials operat ing in unusual circumstances" ('Why Was Boston Strong?', page 41). Pol icy is clearly important for reasons of process and accou ntabil ity. There is certainly a tensio n between th ese attributes and greater discretion or flexibility. Although balancing these competing values is well beyond th e scope of th is article to address, it is unavoidable that circumstances will arise that require

4

agencies to engage in collaborative and flexible decision making. Thi s essenti al ly depends on a cultural bias towa rd s the interests of the network over th e interests of the organisat ion, which is enhanced signif icantly by positive interpersonal and interorganisational relationships.

Network relationships Network relationships are likely to be central to the performance of most networks. Relationships concern the level of respect and trust between network members at the micro (inte rpersonal) and macro (interorganisational) levels. Trust is an incredibly multifaceted concept. We know that security networks invol ve very different leve ls of tru st. On th e one hand, we have interpersonal trust, which essentially develops as individuals build relationships and share experiences over time. On the other hand, we have what we can describe as 'i nstitutio nal' -based trust. For examp le, an individual who has a security clearance that corresponds to the appropriate classifi cation level fo r information should , in theory, be trusted to have that informati on regardless of whether they have ever met t he person sharing it.

perspective. In fact, it could be argued that this should be extended to multipl e leve ls of agenc ies (includi ng mid-l evel management) whereve r possible, especially without being accompanied by extensive resource costs . lnterorganisational relationsh ips will be strengthened in many ways. Through developing a history of work ing together, age ncies change th eir outlooks in significant ways. Much of this relates to culture. A leading expert on organisational culture, Edgar Schein, approaches culture fro m the perspect ive of organisational psychology 2 . In effect, Schein suggests t hat cul ture is to a grou p what personality is to an individual: the beli efs, va lues and attitudes that form over the cou rse of a grou p's hi story and influence how it thi nks and acts.

Culture is often viewed only as a negative va riable affecting performance. As previously indicated, it is often attributed to organisational ri valries. The report on the Boston re sponse suggests thi s may have also been the case in at least one incident, whereby direct orders from one command structure were intent io nally ignored by offi ce rs from another agency.

Dr Chad Whelan is a Lecturer in Criminology at Deakin Un ivers ity. He has previously worked in security and risk management and currently lectu res in the field s of serious crime, terrorism, intelligence and security References 1.

Provan. K and Kenis, P, 'Modes of Network Governance: Structure, Management. and Effecti veness', Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 18(2): 229-52, 2008

2.

Schein, E, Organizational Culture and Leadership, fourth edition, Hoboken , NJ: Jessey-Bass, 2010

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

31

Security and safety

4â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘

The 2014 London and Boston marathons: an assessment of security protocols Representatives from the International Centre for Sport Security observed the security operations deployed during the 2014 London and Boston marathons.

Dr Shaun McCarthy and Malcolm Tarbitt

olicing and securing any event that covers the distance and area of a marathon presents a host of organisational and logistical concerns.

These are extended further when the adjoining spectator areas are considered, and the fact that most marathon routes traverse crowded , congested, built-up metropolitan areas, where spectators mingle with the general public, who have their own behaviours, such as shopp ing or delivering packages. The security issues are therefore rather different to those encountered in an isolated, more predictable, homogenous, stadium environment where controlled access is easier to manage.

P

As a result of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings, subsequent events - such as London a week later and all marathons being run in 2014 - attracted an increased level of security concern and media attention . The retrospective analysis of the 2013 Boston bombings recognised that the num ber of fatalities and serious injuries would have been consid erably higher if it had not been for the presence of a large number of high ly trained medical personnel within t he vicinity and the effect ive coordination of eme rgency responders. The Boston Athletic Association (BAA), which hosted the marathon, was a major driver of all of t he preparations for the event. In the aftermath of the 2013 event, a number of officials appropriately drew attention to the pr ior contingency planning of the BAA, appla uding their 'pub lic safety perspective '.

The contingen cy planning, event manage ment and th e immediate, coordinated and capable response combined to significantly reduce the potential impact of the Boston bom bs. Such factors have since become entrenched withi n secu rity and safety protoco ls for major sporting eve nts and other mass gatherings. The augmentation and imp lementation of the se new protocols wi ll come to

report their findings

underpin the running of all 2014 ma rath ons, but was most notably evident at the 2014 Boston Marathon.

Th e International Centre for Sport Security ( ICSS) was afforded obse rver status to evaluate the security approaches ado pted for both the London and Boston marathons in 2014. Th is articl e reviews their respective approaches and effectiveness. In this regard we are indebted to a number of individuals wi th out whom this insight would not have been possible.

Security at both events was influenced by the 2013 bombings, although to different degrees, with Boston unde rstand ab ly needing a more visible security presence and protocols for both actual and perceived security measures to demonstrate functional and perceived safety.

The 2014 Boston Marathon As a resu lt of t he 2013 marathon bombing , the 2014 event was subjected to a more wide-ranging risk assessment than previous years, as security concerns were amplified by an anniversary aftermath that delivered intense media scrutiny and raised additiona l issues of public and athlete confidence, among others.

Global media outlets communicated concerns of repeat or copycat attacks In the preceding months, local, national and global media outlets communicated concerns of repeat or copycat attacks, which escalated the need for a robust, comprehensive security protocol to be both designed and made visible to the public in order to insti l confidence.

In the Official Threat and Risk Assessment (TARA) evaluation in preparation for the 2014 marathon, a range

ICSS Journal - Val

2I No 2133

Security and safety

4â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘

The 2014 London and Boston marathons: an assessment of security protocols Representatives from the International Centre for Sport Security observed the security operations deployed during the 2014 London and Boston marathons.

Dr Shaun McCarthy and Malcolm Tarbitt

olicing and securing any event that covers the distance and area of a marathon presents a host of organisational and logistical concerns.

These are extended further when the adjoining spectator areas are considered, and the fact that most marathon routes traverse crowded , congested, built-up metropolitan areas, where spectators mingle with the general public, who have their own behaviours, such as shopp ing or delivering packages. The security issues are therefore rather different to those encountered in an isolated, more predictable, homogenous, stadium environment where controlled access is easier to manage.

P

As a result of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings, subsequent events - such as London a week later and all marathons being run in 2014 - attracted an increased level of security concern and media attention . The retrospective analysis of the 2013 Boston bombings recognised that the num ber of fatalities and serious injuries would have been consid erably higher if it had not been for the presence of a large number of high ly trained medical personnel within t he vicinity and the effect ive coordination of eme rgency responders. The Boston Athletic Association (BAA), which hosted the marathon, was a major driver of all of t he preparations for the event. In the aftermath of the 2013 event, a number of officials appropriately drew attention to the pr ior contingency planning of the BAA, appla uding their 'pub lic safety perspective '.

The contingen cy planning, event manage ment and th e immediate, coordinated and capable response combined to significantly reduce the potential impact of the Boston bom bs. Such factors have since become entrenched withi n secu rity and safety protoco ls for major sporting eve nts and other mass gatherings. The augmentation and imp lementation of the se new protocols wi ll come to

report their findings

underpin the running of all 2014 ma rath ons, but was most notably evident at the 2014 Boston Marathon.

Th e International Centre for Sport Security ( ICSS) was afforded obse rver status to evaluate the security approaches ado pted for both the London and Boston marathons in 2014. Th is articl e reviews their respective approaches and effectiveness. In this regard we are indebted to a number of individuals wi th out whom this insight would not have been possible.

Security at both events was influenced by the 2013 bombings, although to different degrees, with Boston unde rstand ab ly needing a more visible security presence and protocols for both actual and perceived security measures to demonstrate functional and perceived safety.

The 2014 Boston Marathon As a resu lt of t he 2013 marathon bombing , the 2014 event was subjected to a more wide-ranging risk assessment than previous years, as security concerns were amplified by an anniversary aftermath that delivered intense media scrutiny and raised additiona l issues of public and athlete confidence, among others.

Global media outlets communicated concerns of repeat or copycat attacks In the preceding months, local, national and global media outlets communicated concerns of repeat or copycat attacks, which escalated the need for a robust, comprehensive security protocol to be both designed and made visible to the public in order to insti l confidence.

In the Official Threat and Risk Assessment (TARA) evaluation in preparation for the 2014 marathon, a range

ICSS Journal - Val

2I No 2133

4 •4

Security and safety

Security and safety

of scenarios were examined and formed the bases of security and safety planning. Among the potential threats identified were: • Vehicle-borne explosive devices; • Improvised explosive devices (IED); • Drone-delivered devices; • Chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) attacks - although the likelihood of a chemical attack was discounted given the vast open-air footprint of the marathon; • Sniper or firearms attack (based on the history of random shootings throughout the United States).

A key observation taken from the pursuit of the perpetrators of the 2013 bombings was that law enforcement agencies needed to become more adept at recognising and responding to both fixed events (such as a bombing or dedicated attack in a fixed position) and dynamic events - where the span of attack and response could be dispersed over time and geographical location.

Both variations demanded different response strategies.

Security logistics and command The Commonwealth of Massachusetts Department of State Police carried the overall responsibility for security planning, with coordination across al l federal , local law enforcement and emergency services carried out by the Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency (M EMA).

Building upon the successfu l medical response to the 2013 bombings it was decided that emergency personnel should be located a maximum of two minutes away from any potential target area, any identified threat or from any reported suspicious activities. In addition, a mobi le command and contro l centre was established at the athletes' village/muster area in Hopkinton , whic h is also where the marathon starts, and augmented by four law enforcement aerial patro l/survei llance craft. all patched into a nearby MEMA control centre.

Access control and accreditation was tightened and the integration between technology and manpower was improved through the effective deployment of surveillance technology. Other direct consequences of the 2013 bombing included: expanding the total number of police barriers to 8,000; deploying 3,500 un iformed police, state troopers and military (Home Guard); and deploying approximately 500 plain-clothes law enforcement and FBI agents .

A Massachusetts State Police Incident Command Center trai ler was located near the race start in Hopkinton Green.

This served as a forward operations command and control centre and housed a state-of-the-art proven technology system known as 'Boomerang'. Developed

by Raytheon BBN Techno logies, Boomerang has been used in combat zones such as Iraq and Afghanistan. It is designed to acousti cal ly detect. triangu late and plot on a clock reference grid any supersonic gun fire. It is therefore

able to rapid ly provide law enforcement agencies with a grid reference of any sniper attacks, while simultaneously traversing and focussing any available surveillance cameras under law enforcement control to that location.

The system can enable law enforcement agencies with the information necessary to respond to and neutralise a sniper within seconds of detection - something the ICSS team witnessed during a field exercise in Boston in the days before the 2014 marathon.

The MEMA control centre was located away from the marathon route itself, in Framingham , adjacent to Massachusetts State Police headquarters. This facility was the main command and control point with personnel from a total of 65 different federal, state and city agencies present. The central feature of the facility was its joint intelligence assessment centre. This system deployed real-time reporting of all TARA-related incidents, collating data, tactical unit response, threat levels (low, moderate, high and critical) . A six-person unit evaluated all reported incidents, looking for any patterns. In addition, a socialmedia tracking and response unit was activated in order to monitor any social-media chatter and ease pub Iic concerns. Emergency medical response was provided , predominantly by the Red Cross.

People/ crowd management Access control was strict ly enforced, with checkpoints manned by a mixture of law enforcement officers augmented by BAA race officials. All BAA volunteers, medics and other civilian officials were issued with accreditation badges. Separate badges for each sector (start and finish, including grandstands) were issued and checked, wi th an anti-pass-back facility in use at the finish line. BAA race officials, vo lunteers and logistica l (delivery) staff were provided with accreditation. Each key area, such as the start arena and the stadia grandstand at the finish line, had its own sty le of accreditation badges, with nopass-back facilities in force. An effective and discernible 'moat area' was created, which served as a buffer between the spectators' zone and the athletes' track.

All athletes were issued with race bibs that contained a unique recorded race entry number. Each bib housed a radio frequency identification (RF ID) chip that was

As a direct consequence of the 2013 bombing, all rucksacks were banned

34 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

4••

designed to identify the runners and ensure the course's integrity at discrete way -points along the route, as wel l as at the start and finish lines. The athletes were t ransported from the main convening centre in coaches to the athletes' village at the start line. As a direct consequence of the 2013 bomb ing all rucksacks were banned and athletes were compel led to leave their accessories at the athlete convening area. Road space was carefu lly managed and

Kurt Schwartz, Undersecretary far Homeland Security and Emergency Management Director announcing the new safety policies adopted for the 2014 Boston Marathon

no passenger vehicles except for local residents (with perm its) and law enforcement vehicles were allowed to enter the vicinity on race day. Dedicated and controlled parking spaces were allocated to the va rious BAA and law enforcement vehic les, while shuttl e buses carried athletes to th e start or the athletes' vi llage.

Perimeter and target hardening The entire route was subject to a buffer zone between the spectators' zone and the athletes' track (road).

Eight thousand physica l barriers were deployed along the route on both sides of the road. On ly BAA officials, accredited volunteers and media, and law enforcement official s were al lowed to position themselves in t he buffer zone. These zones were physica lly demarcated by metal and/or hard PVC barriers fastened together wi th th ick nylon cable ties . In addition, hostile-vehicle mitigation (HVM ) barriers filled with gravel were pos it ioned across roads leading to the spectator and athlete route as a precaution against vehicle-borne IEDs. Effective 'mag and bag' screening was enforced, being carried out by a private secu rity contractor at the finish-line area. Also in the vicinity of the finish line, bollards and dedicated vehicle blockers prevented ran dom vehicular access with checkpoints manned by armed law enforcement officers. Al l of these measures combined to enhance both security and the perception of safety to those who witnessed such measures.

Security and safety along the route was provided by a combination of the access control, perimeter and HVM

measures as described above. A heavy law enforcement presence was clearly evident at regular intervals and K9 units roamed the spectator and perimeter areas. SWAT teams and sniper pods were strategica lly placed on rooftops along the route and were interspersed with 40 law enforcement/guardsmen donning mobi le back-pack Boomerang detectors.

These were further supported by additional SWAT and Specia l Forces teams with go lf cart amphibious ve hicles. This demonstration of force was matched by numerous medical responders along the entire route, who had access to ambu lances, cyc les and electricpowered amphibious (golf cart) vehicles.

In addition to manpower there was a plethora of CCTV and mobile surveillance evident. These were supported by fou r law enforcement helicopters that provided aeria l survei ll ance coverage throughout the day. Air space above the rou te was shared with light aircraft used by a combination of media and sponsors.

Overall assessment It was evident that lessons had been learnt from th e 2013 attack and were successfully applied to the 2014 Boston Marathon. The ICSS's independent observation is that in many respects the security concept appl ied together with some of the system integration (Boomerang, RFID, logistics and app li cati ons) shou ld be a mode l for future marathons. That said , as always the security approach adopted has room for improvement. as highlighted in the adjoining ICSS strength/weakness assess ment (see box).

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2135

4 •4

Security and safety

Security and safety

of scenarios were examined and formed the bases of security and safety planning. Among the potential threats identified were: • Vehicle-borne explosive devices; • Improvised explosive devices (IED); • Drone-delivered devices; • Chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) attacks - although the likelihood of a chemical attack was discounted given the vast open-air footprint of the marathon; • Sniper or firearms attack (based on the history of random shootings throughout the United States).

A key observation taken from the pursuit of the perpetrators of the 2013 bombings was that law enforcement agencies needed to become more adept at recognising and responding to both fixed events (such as a bombing or dedicated attack in a fixed position) and dynamic events - where the span of attack and response could be dispersed over time and geographical location.

Both variations demanded different response strategies.

Security logistics and command The Commonwealth of Massachusetts Department of State Police carried the overall responsibility for security planning, with coordination across al l federal , local law enforcement and emergency services carried out by the Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency (M EMA).

Building upon the successfu l medical response to the 2013 bombings it was decided that emergency personnel should be located a maximum of two minutes away from any potential target area, any identified threat or from any reported suspicious activities. In addition, a mobi le command and contro l centre was established at the athletes' village/muster area in Hopkinton , whic h is also where the marathon starts, and augmented by four law enforcement aerial patro l/survei llance craft. all patched into a nearby MEMA control centre.

Access control and accreditation was tightened and the integration between technology and manpower was improved through the effective deployment of surveillance technology. Other direct consequences of the 2013 bombing included: expanding the total number of police barriers to 8,000; deploying 3,500 un iformed police, state troopers and military (Home Guard); and deploying approximately 500 plain-clothes law enforcement and FBI agents .

A Massachusetts State Police Incident Command Center trai ler was located near the race start in Hopkinton Green.

This served as a forward operations command and control centre and housed a state-of-the-art proven technology system known as 'Boomerang'. Developed

by Raytheon BBN Techno logies, Boomerang has been used in combat zones such as Iraq and Afghanistan. It is designed to acousti cal ly detect. triangu late and plot on a clock reference grid any supersonic gun fire. It is therefore

able to rapid ly provide law enforcement agencies with a grid reference of any sniper attacks, while simultaneously traversing and focussing any available surveillance cameras under law enforcement control to that location.

The system can enable law enforcement agencies with the information necessary to respond to and neutralise a sniper within seconds of detection - something the ICSS team witnessed during a field exercise in Boston in the days before the 2014 marathon.

The MEMA control centre was located away from the marathon route itself, in Framingham , adjacent to Massachusetts State Police headquarters. This facility was the main command and control point with personnel from a total of 65 different federal, state and city agencies present. The central feature of the facility was its joint intelligence assessment centre. This system deployed real-time reporting of all TARA-related incidents, collating data, tactical unit response, threat levels (low, moderate, high and critical) . A six-person unit evaluated all reported incidents, looking for any patterns. In addition, a socialmedia tracking and response unit was activated in order to monitor any social-media chatter and ease pub Iic concerns. Emergency medical response was provided , predominantly by the Red Cross.

People/ crowd management Access control was strict ly enforced, with checkpoints manned by a mixture of law enforcement officers augmented by BAA race officials. All BAA volunteers, medics and other civilian officials were issued with accreditation badges. Separate badges for each sector (start and finish, including grandstands) were issued and checked, wi th an anti-pass-back facility in use at the finish line. BAA race officials, vo lunteers and logistica l (delivery) staff were provided with accreditation. Each key area, such as the start arena and the stadia grandstand at the finish line, had its own sty le of accreditation badges, with nopass-back facilities in force. An effective and discernible 'moat area' was created, which served as a buffer between the spectators' zone and the athletes' track.

All athletes were issued with race bibs that contained a unique recorded race entry number. Each bib housed a radio frequency identification (RF ID) chip that was

As a direct consequence of the 2013 bombing, all rucksacks were banned

34 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

4••

designed to identify the runners and ensure the course's integrity at discrete way -points along the route, as wel l as at the start and finish lines. The athletes were t ransported from the main convening centre in coaches to the athletes' village at the start line. As a direct consequence of the 2013 bomb ing all rucksacks were banned and athletes were compel led to leave their accessories at the athlete convening area. Road space was carefu lly managed and

Kurt Schwartz, Undersecretary far Homeland Security and Emergency Management Director announcing the new safety policies adopted for the 2014 Boston Marathon

no passenger vehicles except for local residents (with perm its) and law enforcement vehicles were allowed to enter the vicinity on race day. Dedicated and controlled parking spaces were allocated to the va rious BAA and law enforcement vehic les, while shuttl e buses carried athletes to th e start or the athletes' vi llage.

Perimeter and target hardening The entire route was subject to a buffer zone between the spectators' zone and the athletes' track (road).

Eight thousand physica l barriers were deployed along the route on both sides of the road. On ly BAA officials, accredited volunteers and media, and law enforcement official s were al lowed to position themselves in t he buffer zone. These zones were physica lly demarcated by metal and/or hard PVC barriers fastened together wi th th ick nylon cable ties . In addition, hostile-vehicle mitigation (HVM ) barriers filled with gravel were pos it ioned across roads leading to the spectator and athlete route as a precaution against vehicle-borne IEDs. Effective 'mag and bag' screening was enforced, being carried out by a private secu rity contractor at the finish-line area. Also in the vicinity of the finish line, bollards and dedicated vehicle blockers prevented ran dom vehicular access with checkpoints manned by armed law enforcement officers. Al l of these measures combined to enhance both security and the perception of safety to those who witnessed such measures.

Security and safety along the route was provided by a combination of the access control, perimeter and HVM

measures as described above. A heavy law enforcement presence was clearly evident at regular intervals and K9 units roamed the spectator and perimeter areas. SWAT teams and sniper pods were strategica lly placed on rooftops along the route and were interspersed with 40 law enforcement/guardsmen donning mobi le back-pack Boomerang detectors.

These were further supported by additional SWAT and Specia l Forces teams with go lf cart amphibious ve hicles. This demonstration of force was matched by numerous medical responders along the entire route, who had access to ambu lances, cyc les and electricpowered amphibious (golf cart) vehicles.

In addition to manpower there was a plethora of CCTV and mobile surveillance evident. These were supported by fou r law enforcement helicopters that provided aeria l survei ll ance coverage throughout the day. Air space above the rou te was shared with light aircraft used by a combination of media and sponsors.

Overall assessment It was evident that lessons had been learnt from th e 2013 attack and were successfully applied to the 2014 Boston Marathon. The ICSS's independent observation is that in many respects the security concept appl ied together with some of the system integration (Boomerang, RFID, logistics and app li cati ons) shou ld be a mode l for future marathons. That said , as always the security approach adopted has room for improvement. as highlighted in the adjoining ICSS strength/weakness assess ment (see box).

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2135

Security and safety

Security and safety

4 . ..

ICSS 2014 Boston Marathon assessment Key strengths: • • • • •

• • • • • • •

Technology integration and technology to manpower integration; Scenario planning and 'what if' planning; Social media unit; Inter-agency and law enforcement cooperation; Cooperation between the Boston Athletics Association (BAA) and law enforcement and emergency medical services (EMS) teams; Accreditation; Vehicular access, HMV deployment and restrictions; Command and control; Intelligence reporting and assessment; Systems integration (Boomerang); Logistics security (barcode system); and The two-minute response time based on interspersed modular units.

• • • •

•

•

•

Areas to improve: •

•

More active screening of delivery vehicles or cargocarrying vehicles into the athletes' village, along the route and at the finish line; Accreditation badges - while these were mandatory for all officials, it was noted that none of these badges had any photo images of the bearer. Rather a separate means of identification, such as drivers' licence or passport was required . This additional measure was not always demanded or requested, providing a potential loophole;

•

•

Expansion of the barcode or radio frequency identification (RFID) technology; Security escort of athletes buses from Boston Common; Continuity in use of hand-held metal detectors; Towards the end of the day and at the finish line area we saw some levels of inconsistency in 'mag and bag' screening, possibly due to operational fatigue and onset of complacency over time; There was no evidence as to whether the security personnel were rotated during the day to combat fatigue and inattention from setting in; Accreditation and ID badges issued to officials, volunteers and observers were not linked to photographs; however, they were validated against a control sheet (master list); As to be expected by the nature of this event, sidewalks were congested and not always clear enough to allow for effective scrutiny by law enforcement/security personnel; There were no demarcated exits or evacuation routes evident or clearly marked that led spectators away from the perimeter. Should an incident have occurred, the plethora of barriers, and in some cases channels of barriers, could have created obstacles to speedy evacuation, and could have contributed to added panic and injuries; and In general, signage was minimal and could be improved. Signs were in English language only.

A police officer on duty during the 2014 London Marathon. The London Metropolitan Police Service took the lead role in providing security for the event

The London Marathon A not iceable distinction betwee n the London and Boston security organisations was the much higher number of diverse law enforcement and security agencies that were invol ved in the Boston event. In con trast, London involved just three law enforcement bodies and one interna l security service.

The London secu rity structure was therefore less com plex and it was conseque ntly probably easie r to achieve cross- and inter-agency coordination and cooperation than for Boston, especially given London 's sad ly greater experience of responding to terrorist events.

In London , the Metropolitan Police Service took the lead role, with the City of London Poli ce and the British Transport Police in supporting roles.

Despite being considered a major sport ing event, the Virgin London Marathon has no direct history of political violence or terrori sm linked to the event. That said , in 2007, in the hours following the announcement that London had won the right to host the 2012 Summer Olympic Games, a series of explosi ons ripped through the London Underground and a bus in central London. These bombings , as well as recent isolated incidents, such as the brutal murder of British soldier Lee Rigby, served as a reminder that

the United Kingdom harbours its own risks from home-grown terrorists. Consequently, terrori sm is considered a possibi lity at any major event, including the London Marathon , and preventive protocols are being adopted accordingly.

The ICSS observed a security briefing cond ucted at New Scotland Yard on the eve of the event, and on the day prior to the event participated in a tour of the route and fa cilities as guests of the London Marathon. During

The United Kingdom harbours its own

risks from home-grown terrorists, which must be considered at any maior event

A vi sibly heavy police presence near the finish line of the 2014 Boston Marathon. Cooperation between forces was a core strength of the security strategy

36

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

the briefing with the Metropolitan Gold Command , the following security and general pre-2014 event safety concerns were highlighted: • General public disorder and petty crime Following the 2013 marat hon, higher than usual incidents of drunk and disorderly behaviour had to be dealt with. There was also a noted increase in burglaries during the marathon, as premises were left unoccupied or unattended.

ICSS Journol - Vol

2I No 2137

Security and safety

Security and safety

4 . ..

ICSS 2014 Boston Marathon assessment Key strengths: • • • • •

• • • • • • •

Technology integration and technology to manpower integration; Scenario planning and 'what if' planning; Social media unit; Inter-agency and law enforcement cooperation; Cooperation between the Boston Athletics Association (BAA) and law enforcement and emergency medical services (EMS) teams; Accreditation; Vehicular access, HMV deployment and restrictions; Command and control; Intelligence reporting and assessment; Systems integration (Boomerang); Logistics security (barcode system); and The two-minute response time based on interspersed modular units.

• • • •

•

•

•

Areas to improve: •

•

More active screening of delivery vehicles or cargocarrying vehicles into the athletes' village, along the route and at the finish line; Accreditation badges - while these were mandatory for all officials, it was noted that none of these badges had any photo images of the bearer. Rather a separate means of identification, such as drivers' licence or passport was required . This additional measure was not always demanded or requested, providing a potential loophole;

•

•

Expansion of the barcode or radio frequency identification (RFID) technology; Security escort of athletes buses from Boston Common; Continuity in use of hand-held metal detectors; Towards the end of the day and at the finish line area we saw some levels of inconsistency in 'mag and bag' screening, possibly due to operational fatigue and onset of complacency over time; There was no evidence as to whether the security personnel were rotated during the day to combat fatigue and inattention from setting in; Accreditation and ID badges issued to officials, volunteers and observers were not linked to photographs; however, they were validated against a control sheet (master list); As to be expected by the nature of this event, sidewalks were congested and not always clear enough to allow for effective scrutiny by law enforcement/security personnel; There were no demarcated exits or evacuation routes evident or clearly marked that led spectators away from the perimeter. Should an incident have occurred, the plethora of barriers, and in some cases channels of barriers, could have created obstacles to speedy evacuation, and could have contributed to added panic and injuries; and In general, signage was minimal and could be improved. Signs were in English language only.

A police officer on duty during the 2014 London Marathon. The London Metropolitan Police Service took the lead role in providing security for the event

The London Marathon A not iceable distinction betwee n the London and Boston security organisations was the much higher number of diverse law enforcement and security agencies that were invol ved in the Boston event. In con trast, London involved just three law enforcement bodies and one interna l security service.

The London secu rity structure was therefore less com plex and it was conseque ntly probably easie r to achieve cross- and inter-agency coordination and cooperation than for Boston, especially given London 's sad ly greater experience of responding to terrorist events.

In London , the Metropolitan Police Service took the lead role, with the City of London Poli ce and the British Transport Police in supporting roles.

Despite being considered a major sport ing event, the Virgin London Marathon has no direct history of political violence or terrori sm linked to the event. That said , in 2007, in the hours following the announcement that London had won the right to host the 2012 Summer Olympic Games, a series of explosi ons ripped through the London Underground and a bus in central London. These bombings , as well as recent isolated incidents, such as the brutal murder of British soldier Lee Rigby, served as a reminder that

the United Kingdom harbours its own risks from home-grown terrorists. Consequently, terrori sm is considered a possibi lity at any major event, including the London Marathon , and preventive protocols are being adopted accordingly.

The ICSS observed a security briefing cond ucted at New Scotland Yard on the eve of the event, and on the day prior to the event participated in a tour of the route and fa cilities as guests of the London Marathon. During

The United Kingdom harbours its own

risks from home-grown terrorists, which must be considered at any maior event

A vi sibly heavy police presence near the finish line of the 2014 Boston Marathon. Cooperation between forces was a core strength of the security strategy

36

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

the briefing with the Metropolitan Gold Command , the following security and general pre-2014 event safety concerns were highlighted: • General public disorder and petty crime Following the 2013 marat hon, higher than usual incidents of drunk and disorderly behaviour had to be dealt with. There was also a noted increase in burglaries during the marathon, as premises were left unoccupied or unattended.

ICSS Journol - Vol

2I No 2137

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

The effective execution of rood closures and the removal of unauthorised vehicles were important aspects of the tactical management of the 2014 London Marathon

consequently, a significant number of the law enforcement resources were deployed to manage traffic along seven key routes, to effectively manage communications and to be alert and responsive to dynam ic (rea l-time) intelligence.

These offi cers were managed at an operational level by the Silver Command Structure.

At the Bronze (tactical) leve l, on-the-ground man age ment and implementation of traffic control, route sea rches and secure maintenance (accompanied by the police), crowd management, potential impromptu protest management, and policing of t he transport network and precincts were carried out. Furthermore, the execution of schedu led road closures and reopening pla ns, the validation of vehicle and peop le accreditation, and un authorised vehicle removals also had to be ma naged effectively.

Crowd management was acknowledged as another key safety principle that involved deploying resources to safeguard certain areas of concern, such as drinking water stations (based on an incident in 2013 invol vi ng theft of water) , access for emergency services vehic les , authori sed cross-route access for vehicles and dedicated pedestrian crossi ngs across the marathon route.

The overall security and safety concept adopted by the London Metro po litan Police Service reflected the ir phi losophy of community po licing, an approach that pl aces the well-being of the public at the forefront in as con siderate and courteous a manner as possible, wi th out sacrificing or diminishing safety and security.

Th is was borne out by the ICSS observati ons of the 2014 London Marathon, where we witnessed a high degree of integration and operational collaborati on between the law enforcement agencies, as we ll as with loca l security contractors acting on behalf of the marathon organisers .

4•4

with other events , such as footbal l matches, wh ich are general ly over in 90 minutes, plus the lead-up time to the match and the crowd dispersa l after the game.

Marathons usually require a full-day attention spa n and a constant state of vigi lance by security personnel to allow for the slower athletes to comp lete the course.

Implicit is the need , therefore , for greater resources to maintain the requisite security levels.

Furthermore, marathons also stretch logistics security, as the ath letes' refreshments and aid need to accompany them along the route or be avai lable at sufficientl y accessible staging points along the way.

Access control and the screening and va lidation of support items requires multiple and rep li cable logistics contro l and screening points.

Notwithstanding the heinous attack in 2013, the fact that every injured spectator who left the scene after receiving immediate first aid survived is a direct tribute to the training and adoption of best practice that

Marathons stretch logistics security, as athletes' refreshments and aid need to accompany them along the route

•

•

Furthermore, increased incidents of pickpocketing were reported by the public ; Anticipated acts of political violence and terrorism While the terrorism threat for t he UK at a national level was posted as substantial , the event itse lf was considered to be at low risk.

Nevertheless, higher attention was given to the event finish area, which was subject to enhanced screening. These measures in clu ded access contro l and th e requirement of offi cial ticketing and accred itation. PSA and explosives teams were deployed wi th a focus on vehic les and suspicious packages. Spec ifi c threats - which cou ld emanate from a variety of meth ods, such as pre-planted vehic le-born e IEDs, armed attacks, sniper, mortar, attack on transport hubs and crowded public places - were considered and eva luated; Dangerous and disruptive individuals (DOI) There was no recorded concern about any known dangerous individuals; however, attention was focused on the potentially disruptive (attention seeki ng indi viduals/troub lemakers) . In this regard, one particular known individual had been identified and adequate provisional briefing was provided to enab le appropriate engagement should it be requ ired.

Alth ough known VIPs and several ce lebrities were taking part in the London event, the intellige nce gathered

381

ICSS Journa l - Vol 2 I No 2

and analysed had not raised any cause for concern. In addition to the London Marathon , the city was to host five other major events on the same day, with no specific intel ligence raising cause for concern at any of these.

Additionally, it was determ in ed that no political protests were planned or expected on the day.

All in all, the 2014 London Marathon was categorised as a low risk event. Nick Bitel, Chief Executive Officer of the London Marat hon, explained that the overa ll philosophy and approach that underlays the security operation was that not every kind of threat could be anticipated and meticulously planned for, the strategy was, therefore, to have appropriate manpower and resource levels on hand to respond flexibly to incidents.

Concluding remarks

was already in place prior to the attack. The success of the security operat ion during the 2014 Boston Marathon is also a direct tribute to the va luab le lessons learnt, the successfu l harmonisation between agencies and the fusion of techno logy with human resources.

The Virg in London Marat hon was no less successful an operation than at Boston. However, secu rity was less visible and more community oriented in comparison with Boston, which , whi le friendly, adopted a high-profile security strategy, both to reassure participants and spectators , and to display Boston's strength of purpose. •

Th e security challenges posed by the large spectator and arena footpr int areas associated with marathon events have already been documented . Another key challen ge is the durat ion of a marathon in comparison

Dr Shaun McCarthy is the ICSS director of research and knowledge gathering. Malcolm Tarbitt is the ICSS director of security and risk advisory services

Policing strategy The London Metropolitan Pol ice Serv ice has a long hi story of successful ly planning and managing ma jor mass gatherings, of which the London Marath on is just one among many. Th e recent 2012 Summer Olympics is a good examp le, as are annua l events such as the Wimbledon tennis tournament and more frequent Barclays Premier League and England international football matches. A key principle underlying their security concept is to embed effective but unobtrusive security measures. Emphasis is placed on ensuring that the event is a memorable and en joyab le experience for th e public and athletes, wh il e simu ltaneously ensuring that any disruptions to the rest of the city are kept to a minimum.

The ICSS would like to thank the following individuals who were instrumental in providing access to both marathons:

• •

•

Richard Caborn, former UK Minister for Sport; Nick Bite/, Chief Executive Officer, London Marathon; Assistant Commissioner Chris Allison, London Metropolitan Police Service; Commander Simon Broy, Gold Commander, London Metropolitan Police Service; Lieutenant Colonel Jomes Hanafin, Deputy Superintendent, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Deportment of State Police;

•

Moior Thomas Grenham, Troop H Commander, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Department of State Police; Kathy O'Toole, former Boston Police Commissioner; Tom Grilk, Executive Director, Boston Athletics Association; Kurt Schwartz, Undersecretary, Homeland Security and Emergency Management Director, Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency, Massachusetts Executive Office of Public Safety and Security; Amy Dominici, Boston Athletics Association Coordinator; Charles Betack, Director, Raytheon Integrated Defense Systems.

ICSSJournal

Vol

2I No 21_3_9___

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

The effective execution of rood closures and the removal of unauthorised vehicles were important aspects of the tactical management of the 2014 London Marathon

consequently, a significant number of the law enforcement resources were deployed to manage traffic along seven key routes, to effectively manage communications and to be alert and responsive to dynam ic (rea l-time) intelligence.

These offi cers were managed at an operational level by the Silver Command Structure.

At the Bronze (tactical) leve l, on-the-ground man age ment and implementation of traffic control, route sea rches and secure maintenance (accompanied by the police), crowd management, potential impromptu protest management, and policing of t he transport network and precincts were carried out. Furthermore, the execution of schedu led road closures and reopening pla ns, the validation of vehicle and peop le accreditation, and un authorised vehicle removals also had to be ma naged effectively.

Crowd management was acknowledged as another key safety principle that involved deploying resources to safeguard certain areas of concern, such as drinking water stations (based on an incident in 2013 invol vi ng theft of water) , access for emergency services vehic les , authori sed cross-route access for vehicles and dedicated pedestrian crossi ngs across the marathon route.

The overall security and safety concept adopted by the London Metro po litan Police Service reflected the ir phi losophy of community po licing, an approach that pl aces the well-being of the public at the forefront in as con siderate and courteous a manner as possible, wi th out sacrificing or diminishing safety and security.

Th is was borne out by the ICSS observati ons of the 2014 London Marathon, where we witnessed a high degree of integration and operational collaborati on between the law enforcement agencies, as we ll as with loca l security contractors acting on behalf of the marathon organisers .

4•4

with other events , such as footbal l matches, wh ich are general ly over in 90 minutes, plus the lead-up time to the match and the crowd dispersa l after the game.

Marathons usually require a full-day attention spa n and a constant state of vigi lance by security personnel to allow for the slower athletes to comp lete the course.

Implicit is the need , therefore , for greater resources to maintain the requisite security levels.

Furthermore, marathons also stretch logistics security, as the ath letes' refreshments and aid need to accompany them along the route or be avai lable at sufficientl y accessible staging points along the way.

Access control and the screening and va lidation of support items requires multiple and rep li cable logistics contro l and screening points.

Notwithstanding the heinous attack in 2013, the fact that every injured spectator who left the scene after receiving immediate first aid survived is a direct tribute to the training and adoption of best practice that

Marathons stretch logistics security, as athletes' refreshments and aid need to accompany them along the route

•

•

Furthermore, increased incidents of pickpocketing were reported by the public ; Anticipated acts of political violence and terrorism While the terrorism threat for t he UK at a national level was posted as substantial , the event itse lf was considered to be at low risk.

Nevertheless, higher attention was given to the event finish area, which was subject to enhanced screening. These measures in clu ded access contro l and th e requirement of offi cial ticketing and accred itation. PSA and explosives teams were deployed wi th a focus on vehic les and suspicious packages. Spec ifi c threats - which cou ld emanate from a variety of meth ods, such as pre-planted vehic le-born e IEDs, armed attacks, sniper, mortar, attack on transport hubs and crowded public places - were considered and eva luated; Dangerous and disruptive individuals (DOI) There was no recorded concern about any known dangerous individuals; however, attention was focused on the potentially disruptive (attention seeki ng indi viduals/troub lemakers) . In this regard, one particular known individual had been identified and adequate provisional briefing was provided to enab le appropriate engagement should it be requ ired.

Alth ough known VIPs and several ce lebrities were taking part in the London event, the intellige nce gathered

381

ICSS Journa l - Vol 2 I No 2

and analysed had not raised any cause for concern. In addition to the London Marathon , the city was to host five other major events on the same day, with no specific intel ligence raising cause for concern at any of these.

Additionally, it was determ in ed that no political protests were planned or expected on the day.

All in all, the 2014 London Marathon was categorised as a low risk event. Nick Bitel, Chief Executive Officer of the London Marat hon, explained that the overa ll philosophy and approach that underlays the security operation was that not every kind of threat could be anticipated and meticulously planned for, the strategy was, therefore, to have appropriate manpower and resource levels on hand to respond flexibly to incidents.

Concluding remarks

was already in place prior to the attack. The success of the security operat ion during the 2014 Boston Marathon is also a direct tribute to the va luab le lessons learnt, the successfu l harmonisation between agencies and the fusion of techno logy with human resources.

The Virg in London Marat hon was no less successful an operation than at Boston. However, secu rity was less visible and more community oriented in comparison with Boston, which , whi le friendly, adopted a high-profile security strategy, both to reassure participants and spectators , and to display Boston's strength of purpose. •

Th e security challenges posed by the large spectator and arena footpr int areas associated with marathon events have already been documented . Another key challen ge is the durat ion of a marathon in comparison

Dr Shaun McCarthy is the ICSS director of research and knowledge gathering. Malcolm Tarbitt is the ICSS director of security and risk advisory services

Policing strategy The London Metropolitan Pol ice Serv ice has a long hi story of successful ly planning and managing ma jor mass gatherings, of which the London Marath on is just one among many. Th e recent 2012 Summer Olympics is a good examp le, as are annua l events such as the Wimbledon tennis tournament and more frequent Barclays Premier League and England international football matches. A key principle underlying their security concept is to embed effective but unobtrusive security measures. Emphasis is placed on ensuring that the event is a memorable and en joyab le experience for th e public and athletes, wh il e simu ltaneously ensuring that any disruptions to the rest of the city are kept to a minimum.

The ICSS would like to thank the following individuals who were instrumental in providing access to both marathons:

• •

•

Richard Caborn, former UK Minister for Sport; Nick Bite/, Chief Executive Officer, London Marathon; Assistant Commissioner Chris Allison, London Metropolitan Police Service; Commander Simon Broy, Gold Commander, London Metropolitan Police Service; Lieutenant Colonel Jomes Hanafin, Deputy Superintendent, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Deportment of State Police;

•

Moior Thomas Grenham, Troop H Commander, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Department of State Police; Kathy O'Toole, former Boston Police Commissioner; Tom Grilk, Executive Director, Boston Athletics Association; Kurt Schwartz, Undersecretary, Homeland Security and Emergency Management Director, Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency, Massachusetts Executive Office of Public Safety and Security; Amy Dominici, Boston Athletics Association Coordinator; Charles Betack, Director, Raytheon Integrated Defense Systems.

ICSSJournal

Vol

2I No 21_3_9___

4••

Security and safety

Security and safety

Firefighters deal with the aftermath after fans threw flare s onto the pitch during a match between Raia Club Athletic of Casablanca and Tetouan team Maghreb Athletic in May 2014

Football vandalism on the streets "On the occasion of a match between RCA [Raja Club Athletic, Casablanca] and FAR Rabat on 11 April 2013, troublemakers armed with all kinds of knives, cutlasses, swords, blades and stones engaged wholeheartedly in what appears to be their favourite sport, spreading panic everywhere they wen t. Black Thursday will remain in th e

4•4

black annals of vandalism ... Eight trams, seven buses, 13 cars and 15 commercial premises were severely vandalised.

In view of this situation, 213 people were arrested, according to the Ministry of Interior."

L'Observafeur du Maroc, 7 May 2013

Police escort supporters of FAR Rabat as they arrive at the Mohamed V stadium in Casablanca in April 2013.

Shops and buses were damaged and 200 people were arrested during clashes on the fringes of the match

kits, stickers, photos and posters.

There are also competitions between ultras for the best tifo (visual display of passionate support) , the best foot ball chanting and the best graffit i, for exampl e.

Another activity is the sim ultaneous sett ing off (known in North Africa as 'craquage ') of hundreds of flares , both in the stadium and in designated areas. This activity is organised via social media, usually in the territory of each group. A good examp le of a major craquage to ok place in Bab El Oued, in the heart of Algiers in 2013. It was organised by Les Ultras Verde Leone of Mouloudia Club d'Alger (Algeria 's oldest football club , founded in 1921 during the French occupation of the country) on the occasion of the club's 92nd an ni versary. A video clip was subsequently posted on YouTube.

It should be noted that ultras in Morocco are not totally disengaged from politics. For them , footbal l is one of the few spaces where they can protest against the establishment represented by t he ruling party, the head of state and business elites (or the nouveaux riches) - those who have benefited from the system and th e liberalisation of the economy.

The most popular groups are ultras Winners (Wydad Athletic Club, Casablanca), Green Boys (Raja Club

The reputation of ultras has been

damaged in recent years as violence and vandalism have become more frequent

of MAD25 milli on ($3 mil lion) made by the Hassan II Fund for Economic and Social Development in 2009.

On the political level, even before the independence of Morocco, sport, and especially football, was the domain of El-M akhzen (the royal palace), as Moncef Lya zgh i, auth or of La makhzenisa tion du sport. le modefe du footb all, ha s argued. This was und erlined post-indepe ndence by the use of the word 'royal' rather than 'national' in the naming of the country's sports federation s. This has been significant for their intern al politics, since most federation heads have been appointed by El-Makhzen (a nd come mostl y from the ranks of the military) .

In 1959, the th en Prince Hassan II (Ki ng Hassan II from 1961) established his own football club. The Forces Armees Royales was to become one of the dominant teams in the Moroccan league, now better known by its initials as FAR Rabat. King Hassan II was also honorary president of the Natio nal Olympi c Committee from its inception in 1959 until 1965. Th e acti ve involvement of the mona rchi c state in sport continued through the 1970s and 1980s; King Hassan 11 once declared in an offi cial

42

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

speech that "Morocco is known in the world thanks to its athletes more than its King".

Sport has also been viewed as an instrument of social integration, a means of placating the crowd and occupying young people, distracting them from being seduced by t he theses - subversive, accord ing to the palace - of thirdworldism largely in vogue in the latter half of th e 20th century, particularly in neighbouring Algeria . Today, in the midst of political turmoil in the Arab World, sport remains an important factor for stability in the kingdom.

Ultras in action The development of ultras in Morocco, as elsewhere in the Arab world, has been influenced to an extent by ultras in other count ries, particularly Italy. Th is influence affects how ultras express t hemselves, through slogans, songs and sym bols, and how they organise themselves.

Ultras grou ps are often transformed by their most active members (mainly unemployed) into small enterprises, involved in organising trips to attend away games and arranging th e sa le (on the black market) of flags, replica

Athletic, Casablanca) and Ultras Askary (FAR , Rabat).

For Moroccan youth, belonging to these fan groups is becoming more th an just a way of supporting their preferred football clubs, it is becoming a lifestyle. They are not ju st consu mers, th ey are also producers of spectacles. In con trast to other fan groups, which have a legal existence, ultras prefer to be autonomous, but also want to be leaders and innovators in the animation of football grounds.

Th e reputation of ultras groups has been damaged in recent yea rs as acts of violen ce and vandal ism have become more frequent both inside and outside Moroccan stadia. These incidents threaten the integrity and the positive image of sport as a sector with potential to attract investment and create jobs.

In an effort to stamp out football vio lence, a new law (09-09) was introduced in June 2011 to punish acts of violence, vandalism and incitement to hatred in sport. The law seems to have had little impact so far, and newspaper

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

43

4••

Security and safety

Security and safety

Firefighters deal with the aftermath after fans threw flare s onto the pitch during a match between Raia Club Athletic of Casablanca and Tetouan team Maghreb Athletic in May 2014

Football vandalism on the streets "On the occasion of a match between RCA [Raja Club Athletic, Casablanca] and FAR Rabat on 11 April 2013, troublemakers armed with all kinds of knives, cutlasses, swords, blades and stones engaged wholeheartedly in what appears to be their favourite sport, spreading panic everywhere they wen t. Black Thursday will remain in th e

4•4

black annals of vandalism ... Eight trams, seven buses, 13 cars and 15 commercial premises were severely vandalised.

In view of this situation, 213 people were arrested, according to the Ministry of Interior."

L'Observafeur du Maroc, 7 May 2013

Police escort supporters of FAR Rabat as they arrive at the Mohamed V stadium in Casablanca in April 2013.

Shops and buses were damaged and 200 people were arrested during clashes on the fringes of the match

kits, stickers, photos and posters.

There are also competitions between ultras for the best tifo (visual display of passionate support) , the best foot ball chanting and the best graffit i, for exampl e.

Another activity is the sim ultaneous sett ing off (known in North Africa as 'craquage ') of hundreds of flares , both in the stadium and in designated areas. This activity is organised via social media, usually in the territory of each group. A good examp le of a major craquage to ok place in Bab El Oued, in the heart of Algiers in 2013. It was organised by Les Ultras Verde Leone of Mouloudia Club d'Alger (Algeria 's oldest football club , founded in 1921 during the French occupation of the country) on the occasion of the club's 92nd an ni versary. A video clip was subsequently posted on YouTube.

It should be noted that ultras in Morocco are not totally disengaged from politics. For them , footbal l is one of the few spaces where they can protest against the establishment represented by t he ruling party, the head of state and business elites (or the nouveaux riches) - those who have benefited from the system and th e liberalisation of the economy.

The most popular groups are ultras Winners (Wydad Athletic Club, Casablanca), Green Boys (Raja Club

The reputation of ultras has been

damaged in recent years as violence and vandalism have become more frequent

of MAD25 milli on ($3 mil lion) made by the Hassan II Fund for Economic and Social Development in 2009.

On the political level, even before the independence of Morocco, sport, and especially football, was the domain of El-M akhzen (the royal palace), as Moncef Lya zgh i, auth or of La makhzenisa tion du sport. le modefe du footb all, ha s argued. This was und erlined post-indepe ndence by the use of the word 'royal' rather than 'national' in the naming of the country's sports federation s. This has been significant for their intern al politics, since most federation heads have been appointed by El-Makhzen (a nd come mostl y from the ranks of the military) .

In 1959, the th en Prince Hassan II (Ki ng Hassan II from 1961) established his own football club. The Forces Armees Royales was to become one of the dominant teams in the Moroccan league, now better known by its initials as FAR Rabat. King Hassan II was also honorary president of the Natio nal Olympi c Committee from its inception in 1959 until 1965. Th e acti ve involvement of the mona rchi c state in sport continued through the 1970s and 1980s; King Hassan 11 once declared in an offi cial

42

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

speech that "Morocco is known in the world thanks to its athletes more than its King".

Sport has also been viewed as an instrument of social integration, a means of placating the crowd and occupying young people, distracting them from being seduced by t he theses - subversive, accord ing to the palace - of thirdworldism largely in vogue in the latter half of th e 20th century, particularly in neighbouring Algeria . Today, in the midst of political turmoil in the Arab World, sport remains an important factor for stability in the kingdom.

Ultras in action The development of ultras in Morocco, as elsewhere in the Arab world, has been influenced to an extent by ultras in other count ries, particularly Italy. Th is influence affects how ultras express t hemselves, through slogans, songs and sym bols, and how they organise themselves.

Ultras grou ps are often transformed by their most active members (mainly unemployed) into small enterprises, involved in organising trips to attend away games and arranging th e sa le (on the black market) of flags, replica

Athletic, Casablanca) and Ultras Askary (FAR , Rabat).

For Moroccan youth, belonging to these fan groups is becoming more th an just a way of supporting their preferred football clubs, it is becoming a lifestyle. They are not ju st consu mers, th ey are also producers of spectacles. In con trast to other fan groups, which have a legal existence, ultras prefer to be autonomous, but also want to be leaders and innovators in the animation of football grounds.

Th e reputation of ultras groups has been damaged in recent yea rs as acts of violen ce and vandal ism have become more frequent both inside and outside Moroccan stadia. These incidents threaten the integrity and the positive image of sport as a sector with potential to attract investment and create jobs.

In an effort to stamp out football vio lence, a new law (09-09) was introduced in June 2011 to punish acts of violence, vandalism and incitement to hatred in sport. The law seems to have had little impact so far, and newspaper

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

43

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

Profile of violent fans 42%

58%

Do not pay for entry tickets

14%

Consume psychotropic substances

23%

Use cannabis

28%

Consume alcohol

25%

Belong to ultras

10%

reports suggest that acts of vandalism have increased since its promulgation, though there is a shortage of reliable data. The violence has also moved onto social media, which are used to diffuse abusive messages and incitements to violence. Another development is the organisation of punitive expeditions into the territory of rival groups to steal objects such as flags, club kits and scarves. The rivalry is only put aside (briefly) on th e occasion of matches involving the Moroccan national football team, known as the Atlas Lions.

Perceptions of fans To better understand the impact that ultras are having on the security of th e footbal I sector and of other spectators, a survey of Moroccan footba ll supporters was carried out in 2013. Taking a random sample of 1,703 fans across 12 cities, the study was constructed around two principal questions: • What is the profile type of violent persons during sports events? and ; • Can hooliganism be eradicated by technical (security and legal) measures alone?

The general purpose of the st udy was to assist decision-makers in understanding the factors which may lead to vio lence and vanda lism during spo rts events, particularly in football, in order to move from a punitive to a preventive approach in the fight against hooliganism in sport in Morocco. Similar results can be found in other North African countries that share the same passion for football and experience similar socioeconomic and political condi tion s.

The survey revealed a large and, perhaps, predictable difference between ultras' perceptions of themselves and how they are viewed by others. For members of ult ras groups, 75 per cent perceived ultras as im portant for providing organisation and a sense of direction for members; 55 per cent thought they provide services to their members; 74 per cent believed they protect the interests of football fans ; 25 per cent recognised that

44 1 ICSS Journal -

Vol 2 I No 2

.4

Marital and educational status of violent fans

Enter stadium by corrupt means

Have a police record

4

Single

ultras coordinate with the clubs, the football governing body and nati ona l security serv ices.

For non-members of ultras groups, 29 per cent perceived ultras as important to organising supporters ; 18 per cent perceived them as providers of services to their group's members; 44 per cent believed that ultras protect the interests of supporters in general; and 19 per cent thought ultras coordinate with other stakeholders in Moroccan football.

On the question of violence inside football stadia, 27 per cent of all supporters had been victims of violence, 18 per cent think about vengeance, 49 per cent claim that they can easily buy smoke flares and 51 per cent believe th at they can easily acqu ire flares in side th e stadium.

Fifty per cent of respondents admitted they cannot control their language (use bad language/ swearing) inside the stadium , and 25 per cent who do not generally tend to use bad language outside the stadium are incapable of controlling themselves inside the stadium. Nineteen per cent confessed t hat they took part in acts of violence and vandalism both in and outside the stadium , and 9 per cent used bladed weapons inside the stadium ; 23 per cent were involved in stealing the belongings of rival supporters.

Interestingly, 72 per cent of respondents blamed journalists, referees and footbal l club administrators for violence. Fifty three per cent recognised th at their chant ing involved racist abuse. It should be noted that many football players from sub-Saharan Africa play in the Moroccan professional league. Some spend their entire career in Morocco, while others play there in the hope that they will one day secure a professional contract in Europe.

The fans were also asked about their perception of services provided by clubs and the state with regard to football. Seventy one per cent claimed that transportation facilities to footbal l stadia were mediocre, and 61 per cent believed th at the price of food and drink is extremely high. Sixty per cent considered that ticketing fac il iti es are poorly managed; whil e 45 per cent rate the performance of event organisers as average. Moroccan football organisers clearly have a way to go if they want to keep fans happy.

Primary school

College

High school

The survey also asked about the kinds of fans who were vio lent. According to the responses, a profile emerges of unemp loyed young men who have dropped out of education at secondary level, eit her at college or highschool stage; who do less sport and travel more to football matches than non-violent supporters. One-tenth have

Higher education

insecure environment to develop in Moroccan stadia. In that environment, margi nalised individuals may find social support, but they also find cover and opportunities for violent behaviour that is less possible elsewhere.

The survey found that very little of the violence and vandalism in Moroccan football grounds is politically motivated. Drugs and alcohol, revenge, clientelism and corruption are however all part of t he environment that explains it. Law 09/ 09, whose scope is known by 75 per cent of respondents , does not seem to deter agitators.

Better management of ticket sales, tighter cont rol at the gates, seat numbering and survei ll ance cameras are likely to reduce violence, or at least push it outside the stadium. Currently, the main focus is on police/ security ope rations to seize troublesome fans. While this approach is necessary, it is far from sufficient in the fight against vio lent fans in footba ll grounds. There must be a longterm approach that tackles the roots of a problem that is caused by a crisis in education and values in Moroccan society. It is not surprising that t he most vulnerable fans - generally young and unemployed, from disadvantaged backgrounds and with low education levels, who are poorly integrated into society, and for whom be longing to ultras gives meaning to th eir lives - are more likely to be involved in violence in football and elsewhere. •

Consumption of drugs and alcohol, revenge, clientelism and corruption are all part of the environment poli ce records. They are attracted by the crowd and prefer to sit in the corners of th e stadium and are more likely to consume alcohol , cannabis and psychotropic (mindaltering) substances than the ave ra ge fan. The probability of them being a victim of violence is almost twice the average, and they are very likely to access a football stadium without paying for a ticket.

Security response Asked what could be done to reduce violence in stadia and to ensure a secure environment, respondents advocated: • reform of football administration; • installation of cameras and modern surveillance technology; • numbering of seats and tight control at the stad iu m entrance; • imposition of sanctions on violent fans; • banning of minors and troublemakers from stadia.

Other measures, such as a ban on smoke flares, or intervention in the distribution of fan s around th e stadium, were not deemed to be feasible.

The survey suggests that poor management and poor quality of services has allowed a low-valued ,

Aberrahim Rharib is a university lecturer in sport governance at the Ecole Nationale de Commerce et de Gestion, Casablanca, Morocco. Mahfoud Amara is a university lecturer in sport policy and management at Loughborough University, UK References 1.

Amara , M, Sport. Politics and Society in the Arab World, 2012

2.

Rharib, A, 'Abd errahim Rharib analyse le vandalisme: Les deri ves de l' ec hec social ', Perspectives Med, issue 81, May 2013, pp 132-133

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

45

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

Profile of violent fans 42%

58%

Do not pay for entry tickets

14%

Consume psychotropic substances

23%

Use cannabis

28%

Consume alcohol

25%

Belong to ultras

10%

reports suggest that acts of vandalism have increased since its promulgation, though there is a shortage of reliable data. The violence has also moved onto social media, which are used to diffuse abusive messages and incitements to violence. Another development is the organisation of punitive expeditions into the territory of rival groups to steal objects such as flags, club kits and scarves. The rivalry is only put aside (briefly) on th e occasion of matches involving the Moroccan national football team, known as the Atlas Lions.

Perceptions of fans To better understand the impact that ultras are having on the security of th e footbal I sector and of other spectators, a survey of Moroccan footba ll supporters was carried out in 2013. Taking a random sample of 1,703 fans across 12 cities, the study was constructed around two principal questions: • What is the profile type of violent persons during sports events? and ; • Can hooliganism be eradicated by technical (security and legal) measures alone?

The general purpose of the st udy was to assist decision-makers in understanding the factors which may lead to vio lence and vanda lism during spo rts events, particularly in football, in order to move from a punitive to a preventive approach in the fight against hooliganism in sport in Morocco. Similar results can be found in other North African countries that share the same passion for football and experience similar socioeconomic and political condi tion s.

The survey revealed a large and, perhaps, predictable difference between ultras' perceptions of themselves and how they are viewed by others. For members of ult ras groups, 75 per cent perceived ultras as im portant for providing organisation and a sense of direction for members; 55 per cent thought they provide services to their members; 74 per cent believed they protect the interests of football fans ; 25 per cent recognised that

44 1 ICSS Journal -

Vol 2 I No 2

.4

Marital and educational status of violent fans

Enter stadium by corrupt means

Have a police record

4

Single

ultras coordinate with the clubs, the football governing body and nati ona l security serv ices.

For non-members of ultras groups, 29 per cent perceived ultras as important to organising supporters ; 18 per cent perceived them as providers of services to their group's members; 44 per cent believed that ultras protect the interests of supporters in general; and 19 per cent thought ultras coordinate with other stakeholders in Moroccan football.

On the question of violence inside football stadia, 27 per cent of all supporters had been victims of violence, 18 per cent think about vengeance, 49 per cent claim that they can easily buy smoke flares and 51 per cent believe th at they can easily acqu ire flares in side th e stadium.

Fifty per cent of respondents admitted they cannot control their language (use bad language/ swearing) inside the stadium , and 25 per cent who do not generally tend to use bad language outside the stadium are incapable of controlling themselves inside the stadium. Nineteen per cent confessed t hat they took part in acts of violence and vandalism both in and outside the stadium , and 9 per cent used bladed weapons inside the stadium ; 23 per cent were involved in stealing the belongings of rival supporters.

Interestingly, 72 per cent of respondents blamed journalists, referees and footbal l club administrators for violence. Fifty three per cent recognised th at their chant ing involved racist abuse. It should be noted that many football players from sub-Saharan Africa play in the Moroccan professional league. Some spend their entire career in Morocco, while others play there in the hope that they will one day secure a professional contract in Europe.

The fans were also asked about their perception of services provided by clubs and the state with regard to football. Seventy one per cent claimed that transportation facilities to footbal l stadia were mediocre, and 61 per cent believed th at the price of food and drink is extremely high. Sixty per cent considered that ticketing fac il iti es are poorly managed; whil e 45 per cent rate the performance of event organisers as average. Moroccan football organisers clearly have a way to go if they want to keep fans happy.

Primary school

College

High school

The survey also asked about the kinds of fans who were vio lent. According to the responses, a profile emerges of unemp loyed young men who have dropped out of education at secondary level, eit her at college or highschool stage; who do less sport and travel more to football matches than non-violent supporters. One-tenth have

Higher education

insecure environment to develop in Moroccan stadia. In that environment, margi nalised individuals may find social support, but they also find cover and opportunities for violent behaviour that is less possible elsewhere.

The survey found that very little of the violence and vandalism in Moroccan football grounds is politically motivated. Drugs and alcohol, revenge, clientelism and corruption are however all part of t he environment that explains it. Law 09/ 09, whose scope is known by 75 per cent of respondents , does not seem to deter agitators.

Better management of ticket sales, tighter cont rol at the gates, seat numbering and survei ll ance cameras are likely to reduce violence, or at least push it outside the stadium. Currently, the main focus is on police/ security ope rations to seize troublesome fans. While this approach is necessary, it is far from sufficient in the fight against vio lent fans in footba ll grounds. There must be a longterm approach that tackles the roots of a problem that is caused by a crisis in education and values in Moroccan society. It is not surprising that t he most vulnerable fans - generally young and unemployed, from disadvantaged backgrounds and with low education levels, who are poorly integrated into society, and for whom be longing to ultras gives meaning to th eir lives - are more likely to be involved in violence in football and elsewhere. •

Consumption of drugs and alcohol, revenge, clientelism and corruption are all part of the environment poli ce records. They are attracted by the crowd and prefer to sit in the corners of th e stadium and are more likely to consume alcohol , cannabis and psychotropic (mindaltering) substances than the ave ra ge fan. The probability of them being a victim of violence is almost twice the average, and they are very likely to access a football stadium without paying for a ticket.

Security response Asked what could be done to reduce violence in stadia and to ensure a secure environment, respondents advocated: • reform of football administration; • installation of cameras and modern surveillance technology; • numbering of seats and tight control at the stad iu m entrance; • imposition of sanctions on violent fans; • banning of minors and troublemakers from stadia.

Other measures, such as a ban on smoke flares, or intervention in the distribution of fan s around th e stadium, were not deemed to be feasible.

The survey suggests that poor management and poor quality of services has allowed a low-valued ,

Aberrahim Rharib is a university lecturer in sport governance at the Ecole Nationale de Commerce et de Gestion, Casablanca, Morocco. Mahfoud Amara is a university lecturer in sport policy and management at Loughborough University, UK References 1.

Amara , M, Sport. Politics and Society in the Arab World, 2012

2.

Rharib, A, 'Abd errahim Rharib analyse le vandalisme: Les deri ves de l' ec hec social ', Perspectives Med, issue 81, May 2013, pp 132-133

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

45

Participant safety in American sport Sport can be a dangerous exercise.

Gil Fried, Peggy Keiper, Todd

Seidler and Daniel Kmiechick examine the legal and medical concerns, and show how risk-management strategies can help keep people safe

hile many articles in the /CSS Journal have focused on facility and spectator safety, it is important to examine safety issues for those who play games at

W

all levels. There are well-known competitive and comm ercial concerns about injuries to star players and elite athletes, but fundamental issues of safety in wider sporti ng activities have come under the spotlight in recent years and are having a cascading effect. Recent litigation regarding concussions in the United States National Football League has now spread to college and high-school football and will more than likely lead to litigation against youth football programmes/facilities.

In the context of the American legal system and sporting landscape, sport administrators, facil ity executives and event organisers face a number of riskmanagement concerns with regard to participant safety.

While every country and legal system is different , some basic risk-management techniques have universal validity and can be practiced by anyone. Take, for

example , the running of the bulls in Pamplona and the Great Bull Run that came to the Texas Motorplex on 5 Apri l 2014. Both events clearly present certain risks associated with crowds and animals. The risk of injuries to participants in city streets might be different to the more controlled environment on a racetrack, but the risk of serious injuries still clearly exists.

Foreseeable risks With reference to sport and recreation environments, in the US there exists significant potential liability for not providing a safe environment. Facilities do not need to be perfectly safe, but they need to let participants and spectators know about the most dangerous cond iti ons and the most foreseeab le risks. Even if a facility thinks a risk is obvious, someone can still get injured and sue. The following case highlights the challenges a facility might face: In 2014, a New York state court granted summary judgement to a youth sports organisation that was

Participant safety in American sport Sport can be a dangerous exercise.

Gil Fried, Peggy Keiper, Todd

Seidler and Daniel Kmiechick examine the legal and medical concerns, and show how risk-management strategies can help keep people safe

hile many articles in the /CSS Journal have focused on facility and spectator safety, it is important to examine safety issues for those who play games at

W

all levels. There are well-known competitive and comm ercial concerns about injuries to star players and elite athletes, but fundamental issues of safety in wider sporti ng activities have come under the spotlight in recent years and are having a cascading effect. Recent litigation regarding concussions in the United States National Football League has now spread to college and high-school football and will more than likely lead to litigation against youth football programmes/facilities.

In the context of the American legal system and sporting landscape, sport administrators, facil ity executives and event organisers face a number of riskmanagement concerns with regard to participant safety.

While every country and legal system is different , some basic risk-management techniques have universal validity and can be practiced by anyone. Take, for

example , the running of the bulls in Pamplona and the Great Bull Run that came to the Texas Motorplex on 5 Apri l 2014. Both events clearly present certain risks associated with crowds and animals. The risk of injuries to participants in city streets might be different to the more controlled environment on a racetrack, but the risk of serious injuries still clearly exists.

Foreseeable risks With reference to sport and recreation environments, in the US there exists significant potential liability for not providing a safe environment. Facilities do not need to be perfectly safe, but they need to let participants and spectators know about the most dangerous cond iti ons and the most foreseeab le risks. Even if a facility thinks a risk is obvious, someone can still get injured and sue. The following case highlights the challenges a facility might face: In 2014, a New York state court granted summary judgement to a youth sports organisation that was

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

ecul ate upon the quality of the safety advice given to suffered head injuries. p No matter the nature of the activity or the venue being used, there are certain inherent risks associated with every situation . Though best practices that can eliminate or reduce potential risks, it is a truism that accidents can happen at any time and in any place. There a number of common sources of injury - such as improper training, lack of supervision, inappropriate equipment and unsafe fac ilities - that can lead to negligence issues.

s~rticipants who had

Contributing factors

Rival high-school teams meet at o New Hoven derby. Girls of high-school age ploying Amer icon football report twice as many concussions as boys

sued after a nine-year-old boy suffered an injury while horseplaying on a lacrosse goal, which fell on top of him .

Specifically, the court found that the school district, which had rented the fields to the youth sports organisation, was responsible for maintaining the fields "in a reasonably safe manner", rather th an the organisati on . The organisation also claimed it did not owe a duty of care to the child , since it did not own, possess or control the school property on which the accident occurred , but merely had a licence to use it for lacrosse practices and games.

This recent case helps show that all stakeholders invo lved in a sporting eve nt, activity or contest need to be aware of their potential li ability in being associated with that activity. There is no way to eliminate all potential claims , but a facility or organisation can minimise the chance of being sued by identifying major safety issues and developing appropriate risk-management strategies.

Common complaints The Center for Disease Control reported that, in 2009, young people made nearly 250,000 emergency-room visits with brain injuries from sport and recreation activities in the US . Th is number does not include cases where injured ath letes saw their own family physicians or did not seek treatment. Thu s, the number could be much greater. According to High School Reporting Information

48 ,

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Online, since 2008 high-school-aged girls' football players have reported an average of 14 concussions per 10,000 games played - twice the average of boys' football (at 7.3 concussions), but still less than the average of 27 concussions for American football and 18 for boys' hockey.

Injuries at the Olympics Participant injuries at the Olympics were examined in the Scientific American in July 2012, based on data compiled

by Lars Engebretsen of the University of Oslo in Norway.

Reportedly, one in 10 Olympians are injured during the Games and, in the 2008 Summer Olympics, 50 per cent of those sustaining injuries were prevented from competing or training due to the extent of these.

During the 2008 Summer Olympics, the majority of injuries occurred to the lower halves of athlete'sâ&#x20AC;˘ bodies, possibly because of the type of events included in the summer competition . The Winter Olympics, on the other hand, saw 10.5 per cent of its injured participants suffer head injuries. More than half of the injured Winter Olympians sustained their injuries in training sessions, while at the Summer Olympics 73 per cent of injured athletes were hurt during competition. Perhaps the most striking fact at the Winter Olympics of 2010 was that only 23 per cent of the injured athletes were ultimately prevented from competition, leading one to

A major risk in ath letics is in regard to the qualifications and experience of trainers. In an article in the American Coll ege of Sports Medicine's Health & Fitness Journal in 2014, Dr Betul Sekendiz reported that lack of pre-exercise screening, failure to use emergency response procedures, and training outside the scope of practise are commonly fa ced programmatic risks.

The major negligence issue associated with improper training is that a trainer has a duty to provide a client (trainee) a certain level of care. If an injury occurs and the plaintiff proves that the injury was the result of the breached duty then the trainer and/or fitness facility can be found negligent. For example, in Kahn v East Side Union High School District et al (2003) , a swimming coach was found negligent based on the notion that there was a failure to teach progression when a swimmer broke her neck as a result of diving into a shallow pool without be ing safely instructed on how to do so.

Another common source of injury is a lack of supervision. When dealing with a facility or athletic programme, there is a duty to properly supervise the activity, group or ind ividuals associated with that fa cility or programme. Whenever a person puts his or her well-being into the hands of another, the duty to properly supervise that programme or facil ity is extended. Essentially, proper supervision is accomplished by establishing a safe place to play or com pete and by physically watching over the acti vities and individuals involved, as John 0 Spengler and Bruce B Hronek have argued in their book, Legal Liability in Recreation and Sports. However, having supervision is not enough, there must be proper and adequate supervision. For example, in the case of Zalkin v American Learning Systems Inc (1994) , a high-school football coach was found negligent after allowing a player to compete (improper supervision) too soon after an inj ury, which resulted in further injury.

4â&#x20AC;˘4

provides another opportunity for negligence that could result in injury. The presence and correct use of automated externa l defibrillators (AEDs) in ath letic facilities and schools, and at sporting events and venues, for example, may be critical in saving lives.

In addition to the various theories highlighted above, facilities can themselves contribute to injuries if they are improperly designed, poorly built, inadequately maintained, or ineffectively run . Participants assume certain risks inherent in each activity or sport. However, improper design or unsafe conditions are not considered inherent risks and can constitute a source of negligence.

In this context, injuries from defects or deficiencies at the facility itself can result, for example, from dangerous conditions, failure to meet facility standards or to keep playing areas clear of obstacles, or poor maintenance.

Legal concerns When examining potential legal concerns, a key area of analysis is foreseeability. Foreseeability is generally based on the likelihood of a given injury, such as the potential injury someone might suffer from slipping on a wet floor.

The failure to act when an injury is foreseeable is often the hallmark of a negligence claim. The key for any injury claimed by a participant is whether he or she can prove the four elements of negligence, which are: duty of care, breach of duty, proximate cause and injury. Foreseeability is attached to duty and if a facility knows or reasonably could know about the potential for harm then they can be in violation of the duty rule. Foreseeability can take the form of actual notice (seeing a dangerous area or being told about an actual concern, for example) or constructive

There is a duty to properly supervise the activity, group or individuals associated with the facility or programme

Responsibility for equipment Alongside improper supervision and improper training, inappropriate equipment is another frequent cause of liab ility issues. Sports-equipment issues can arise from lack of inspection, lack of repair, improper set-up and installation , or improper fit. In addition, safety equipment

notice (where the facility should have known about a hazard, such as a slippery surface from snow melting and freezing). Notice might also be derived from industry knowledge or best practices.

Breaching a duty occurs when a facility employee understands a risk yet fails to minimise it. Breach of duty does not mean the facility must be entirely safe, rather it should be reasonably safe, as it is impossible to prevent all sport-related injuries. Proximate cause is the direct cause of an injury, meaning that the breach of duty was the cause-in-fact of a participant's injury. For example, if a facility failed to have medical staffing on hand at an event and a participant's injuries became worse while wa iting for medical staff to arrive, that person may have a legitimate negligence claim.

For every negligence claim there are also numerous defences. The most common defences in sport-related

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

49

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

ecul ate upon the quality of the safety advice given to suffered head injuries. p No matter the nature of the activity or the venue being used, there are certain inherent risks associated with every situation . Though best practices that can eliminate or reduce potential risks, it is a truism that accidents can happen at any time and in any place. There a number of common sources of injury - such as improper training, lack of supervision, inappropriate equipment and unsafe fac ilities - that can lead to negligence issues.

s~rticipants who had

Contributing factors

Rival high-school teams meet at o New Hoven derby. Girls of high-school age ploying Amer icon football report twice as many concussions as boys

sued after a nine-year-old boy suffered an injury while horseplaying on a lacrosse goal, which fell on top of him .

Specifically, the court found that the school district, which had rented the fields to the youth sports organisation, was responsible for maintaining the fields "in a reasonably safe manner", rather th an the organisati on . The organisation also claimed it did not owe a duty of care to the child , since it did not own, possess or control the school property on which the accident occurred , but merely had a licence to use it for lacrosse practices and games.

This recent case helps show that all stakeholders invo lved in a sporting eve nt, activity or contest need to be aware of their potential li ability in being associated with that activity. There is no way to eliminate all potential claims , but a facility or organisation can minimise the chance of being sued by identifying major safety issues and developing appropriate risk-management strategies.

Common complaints The Center for Disease Control reported that, in 2009, young people made nearly 250,000 emergency-room visits with brain injuries from sport and recreation activities in the US . Th is number does not include cases where injured ath letes saw their own family physicians or did not seek treatment. Thu s, the number could be much greater. According to High School Reporting Information

48 ,

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Online, since 2008 high-school-aged girls' football players have reported an average of 14 concussions per 10,000 games played - twice the average of boys' football (at 7.3 concussions), but still less than the average of 27 concussions for American football and 18 for boys' hockey.

Injuries at the Olympics Participant injuries at the Olympics were examined in the Scientific American in July 2012, based on data compiled

by Lars Engebretsen of the University of Oslo in Norway.

Reportedly, one in 10 Olympians are injured during the Games and, in the 2008 Summer Olympics, 50 per cent of those sustaining injuries were prevented from competing or training due to the extent of these.

During the 2008 Summer Olympics, the majority of injuries occurred to the lower halves of athlete'sâ&#x20AC;˘ bodies, possibly because of the type of events included in the summer competition . The Winter Olympics, on the other hand, saw 10.5 per cent of its injured participants suffer head injuries. More than half of the injured Winter Olympians sustained their injuries in training sessions, while at the Summer Olympics 73 per cent of injured athletes were hurt during competition. Perhaps the most striking fact at the Winter Olympics of 2010 was that only 23 per cent of the injured athletes were ultimately prevented from competition, leading one to

A major risk in ath letics is in regard to the qualifications and experience of trainers. In an article in the American Coll ege of Sports Medicine's Health & Fitness Journal in 2014, Dr Betul Sekendiz reported that lack of pre-exercise screening, failure to use emergency response procedures, and training outside the scope of practise are commonly fa ced programmatic risks.

The major negligence issue associated with improper training is that a trainer has a duty to provide a client (trainee) a certain level of care. If an injury occurs and the plaintiff proves that the injury was the result of the breached duty then the trainer and/or fitness facility can be found negligent. For example, in Kahn v East Side Union High School District et al (2003) , a swimming coach was found negligent based on the notion that there was a failure to teach progression when a swimmer broke her neck as a result of diving into a shallow pool without be ing safely instructed on how to do so.

Another common source of injury is a lack of supervision. When dealing with a facility or athletic programme, there is a duty to properly supervise the activity, group or ind ividuals associated with that fa cility or programme. Whenever a person puts his or her well-being into the hands of another, the duty to properly supervise that programme or facil ity is extended. Essentially, proper supervision is accomplished by establishing a safe place to play or com pete and by physically watching over the acti vities and individuals involved, as John 0 Spengler and Bruce B Hronek have argued in their book, Legal Liability in Recreation and Sports. However, having supervision is not enough, there must be proper and adequate supervision. For example, in the case of Zalkin v American Learning Systems Inc (1994) , a high-school football coach was found negligent after allowing a player to compete (improper supervision) too soon after an inj ury, which resulted in further injury.

4â&#x20AC;˘4

provides another opportunity for negligence that could result in injury. The presence and correct use of automated externa l defibrillators (AEDs) in ath letic facilities and schools, and at sporting events and venues, for example, may be critical in saving lives.

In addition to the various theories highlighted above, facilities can themselves contribute to injuries if they are improperly designed, poorly built, inadequately maintained, or ineffectively run . Participants assume certain risks inherent in each activity or sport. However, improper design or unsafe conditions are not considered inherent risks and can constitute a source of negligence.

In this context, injuries from defects or deficiencies at the facility itself can result, for example, from dangerous conditions, failure to meet facility standards or to keep playing areas clear of obstacles, or poor maintenance.

Legal concerns When examining potential legal concerns, a key area of analysis is foreseeability. Foreseeability is generally based on the likelihood of a given injury, such as the potential injury someone might suffer from slipping on a wet floor.

The failure to act when an injury is foreseeable is often the hallmark of a negligence claim. The key for any injury claimed by a participant is whether he or she can prove the four elements of negligence, which are: duty of care, breach of duty, proximate cause and injury. Foreseeability is attached to duty and if a facility knows or reasonably could know about the potential for harm then they can be in violation of the duty rule. Foreseeability can take the form of actual notice (seeing a dangerous area or being told about an actual concern, for example) or constructive

There is a duty to properly supervise the activity, group or individuals associated with the facility or programme

Responsibility for equipment Alongside improper supervision and improper training, inappropriate equipment is another frequent cause of liab ility issues. Sports-equipment issues can arise from lack of inspection, lack of repair, improper set-up and installation , or improper fit. In addition, safety equipment

notice (where the facility should have known about a hazard, such as a slippery surface from snow melting and freezing). Notice might also be derived from industry knowledge or best practices.

Breaching a duty occurs when a facility employee understands a risk yet fails to minimise it. Breach of duty does not mean the facility must be entirely safe, rather it should be reasonably safe, as it is impossible to prevent all sport-related injuries. Proximate cause is the direct cause of an injury, meaning that the breach of duty was the cause-in-fact of a participant's injury. For example, if a facility failed to have medical staffing on hand at an event and a participant's injuries became worse while wa iting for medical staff to arrive, that person may have a legitimate negligence claim.

For every negligence claim there are also numerous defences. The most common defences in sport-related

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

49

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

Lightning strikes behind the scoreboard ot the Sun Life Stadium in Miami Gardens. A strategy for what to do in the event of a severe lightning storm shou ld be an element of any sports facility's emergency action pion

ases are identified as assumption of risk, comparative/ ~ontributory negligence, government immunity and not breaching a duty (ie acting reasonably). If a participant willingly assumes a known risk, the courts are more inc lined to let them suffer open and obvious risks associated with participating in the event. Through its lawyers, a sport facility wi ll typically attempt to show that a participant is somewhat responsible for their own injuries, whether through acting in an inappropriate manner or just by the very nature of a dangerous sport.

It should be noted that if a participant is considered an emp loyee, at least in the US, they will be covered by workers' compensation laws which are designed as a no-fault liability requirement. Therefore, even if the facility did not do anything wrong, it could be liable for the injury of a parti cipant who also happens to be an employee, regardless of why they were injured.

â&#x20AC;˘

Minimising injuries As stated by D J Cotten in Law for Recreation and Sport Managers, co-edited with J T Wolohan, the pri mary purpose of risk management is not to avoid legal li ability, but to maintain a quality programme. Thus, the purpose of risk management for a sport facility is to provide a reasonably safe and quality experience for everyone involved in the event or the facility.

A well-developed risk-management plan (RMP) is an essential element of a quality sports organisation.

A comprehensive RMP is specific to each provider and must be customised to fit the particular nature of the individual facility. A good RMP will cover many

4

.4

exist that may lead to issues related to safety, operations and staffing. Examples that have caused problems in the past include uneven stairs that cause tripping, use of unsuitable materials on concourse surfaces that become slippery when wet. inadequate storage provision so that equipment has to be stored in hallways, and failing to plan for rowdy or overflow crowds.

Management: safety problems caused by poor management are also of great concern. These may include inadequate cleaning, maintenance or supervision of the facility. Management practices that promote facility safety include performing a facility risk review - a proactive inspection of all facilities , where hazardous conditions are identified and treated before someone is injured.

The risk review is then followed up by developing a safety checklist and using it for periodic inspections, estab lishing a good preventive maintenance programme and educating staff about safety and risk management. Good facility managers will regularly inspect, identify and properly treat hazards as they are discovered.

Planning for emergencies Complementary to an RMP and equally as important, an emergency action plan (EAP) is also based on foreseeability. Determining what emergency situations are most likely to occur in a given situation is a good place to start. In order to develop an EAP we must ask ourselves many "what if..." questions. What if one of your athletes has a severe neck injury during practise?

What if a severe lightning storm is approaching your outdoor spectator facility during an event? What if a fire breaks out when your facility is full of people? It is important to establish a proper response to such situations. A mistake many people make is to think, "I 'll know what to do when the situation arises." In fact. most people do not know the proper way to react to emergency situations. The correct reacti on must be thought out in advance and staff must be trained to respond quickly and correctly.

The above suggestions and strategies have been put in practice successfully over a number of years to reduce both potential injury and liability. By undertaking a proactive risk management approach a sport facility can significantly enhance its safety, its image, its playability and its profitability. â&#x20AC;˘

ood risk management is, ideally, about being proactive and preventing iniuries in the first place management aspects , possibly including facility safety and security, proper supervision, event management and crowd control, emergency management, crisis management, transportation policy, hiring and training qual ified personnel , alcohol policy and insurance. Good risk management is, ideally, about being proactive and preventing injuries in the first place, or at least reducing the likelihood and severity of injuries as far as possible.

Some example components of an RMP include:

Design factors â&#x20AC;˘

50

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Facility planning and design: it is not uncommon for a sport or recreation facility to be designed by an architect who has little or no experience in that type of building. For those without the proper background and understanding of the unique properties of sport and recreation facilities, many opportunities for mistakes

Gil Fried is a Professor in the Management of Sports Industries Program at the University of New Haven School of Business; Peggy Keiper is National Sports Sales Manager at the West Michigan Sports Commission; Todd Seidler is Coordinator of the Graduate Program in Sport Administration at the University of New Mexico; Daniel Kmiechick is a Graduate Assistant in the Sports Management Department at the University of New Haven

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2151

4

.4

Security and safety

Security and safety

Lightning strikes behind the scoreboard ot the Sun Life Stadium in Miami Gardens. A strategy for what to do in the event of a severe lightning storm shou ld be an element of any sports facility's emergency action pion

ases are identified as assumption of risk, comparative/ ~ontributory negligence, government immunity and not breaching a duty (ie acting reasonably). If a participant willingly assumes a known risk, the courts are more inc lined to let them suffer open and obvious risks associated with participating in the event. Through its lawyers, a sport facility wi ll typically attempt to show that a participant is somewhat responsible for their own injuries, whether through acting in an inappropriate manner or just by the very nature of a dangerous sport.

It should be noted that if a participant is considered an emp loyee, at least in the US, they will be covered by workers' compensation laws which are designed as a no-fault liability requirement. Therefore, even if the facility did not do anything wrong, it could be liable for the injury of a parti cipant who also happens to be an employee, regardless of why they were injured.

â&#x20AC;˘

Minimising injuries As stated by D J Cotten in Law for Recreation and Sport Managers, co-edited with J T Wolohan, the pri mary purpose of risk management is not to avoid legal li ability, but to maintain a quality programme. Thus, the purpose of risk management for a sport facility is to provide a reasonably safe and quality experience for everyone involved in the event or the facility.

A well-developed risk-management plan (RMP) is an essential element of a quality sports organisation.

A comprehensive RMP is specific to each provider and must be customised to fit the particular nature of the individual facility. A good RMP will cover many

4

.4

exist that may lead to issues related to safety, operations and staffing. Examples that have caused problems in the past include uneven stairs that cause tripping, use of unsuitable materials on concourse surfaces that become slippery when wet. inadequate storage provision so that equipment has to be stored in hallways, and failing to plan for rowdy or overflow crowds.

Management: safety problems caused by poor management are also of great concern. These may include inadequate cleaning, maintenance or supervision of the facility. Management practices that promote facility safety include performing a facility risk review - a proactive inspection of all facilities , where hazardous conditions are identified and treated before someone is injured.

The risk review is then followed up by developing a safety checklist and using it for periodic inspections, estab lishing a good preventive maintenance programme and educating staff about safety and risk management. Good facility managers will regularly inspect, identify and properly treat hazards as they are discovered.

Planning for emergencies Complementary to an RMP and equally as important, an emergency action plan (EAP) is also based on foreseeability. Determining what emergency situations are most likely to occur in a given situation is a good place to start. In order to develop an EAP we must ask ourselves many "what if..." questions. What if one of your athletes has a severe neck injury during practise?

What if a severe lightning storm is approaching your outdoor spectator facility during an event? What if a fire breaks out when your facility is full of people? It is important to establish a proper response to such situations. A mistake many people make is to think, "I 'll know what to do when the situation arises." In fact. most people do not know the proper way to react to emergency situations. The correct reacti on must be thought out in advance and staff must be trained to respond quickly and correctly.

The above suggestions and strategies have been put in practice successfully over a number of years to reduce both potential injury and liability. By undertaking a proactive risk management approach a sport facility can significantly enhance its safety, its image, its playability and its profitability. â&#x20AC;˘

ood risk management is, ideally, about being proactive and preventing iniuries in the first place management aspects , possibly including facility safety and security, proper supervision, event management and crowd control, emergency management, crisis management, transportation policy, hiring and training qual ified personnel , alcohol policy and insurance. Good risk management is, ideally, about being proactive and preventing injuries in the first place, or at least reducing the likelihood and severity of injuries as far as possible.

Some example components of an RMP include:

Design factors â&#x20AC;˘

50

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Facility planning and design: it is not uncommon for a sport or recreation facility to be designed by an architect who has little or no experience in that type of building. For those without the proper background and understanding of the unique properties of sport and recreation facilities, many opportunities for mistakes

Gil Fried is a Professor in the Management of Sports Industries Program at the University of New Haven School of Business; Peggy Keiper is National Sports Sales Manager at the West Michigan Sports Commission; Todd Seidler is Coordinator of the Graduate Program in Sport Administration at the University of New Mexico; Daniel Kmiechick is a Graduate Assistant in the Sports Management Department at the University of New Haven

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2151

Stumped? India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill W hile Indian Premier League cricket was embroiled in the biggest match-fixing scandal in its history, India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill w as being drawn up in the background.

Andy Brown examines

' the proposals contained in the planned legislation, plus how a change of government and the outcry over the rigging of results are affecting its drafting

port in India has become big business.

The Ind ian Premier League (IPL) , which has just completed its seventh season , is the most-watched Twenty20 cricket league on the planet. It has sold television rights in over 100 countries, as well as mobile and internet deals worldw ide. This has enabled it to attract global brands, such as Pepsi , as sponsors. It is described as the cricketing world 's answer to football 's Premier League with good reason: in 2010, Brand Finance India estimated the value of the IPL at $4.13 billion .

Unfortunately, cricket is also big business for the illegal betting market. Between $250 million and $1 billion is bet on the outcome of every IPL match, and around $2 billion on every India-versus-Pakistan international. This liquidity makes the market attractive to match-fixers. Part of the problem is also that. despite the IPL's success. its player wages mirror the inequality

S

seen within Indian soc iety, making players potentially easier to corrupt. Although the IPL has a salary cap of Rs60 crore ($10.2 million), players' salaries range from $2.3 million to just $16,000. Threats and 'honey traps' are also used. "A honey trap is where a player or official is provided with escorts by the bookies in order to trap them into the network of illi cit deals," exp lained Vidushpat Singhania, principal associate at Lakshmi Kumaran and Sridharan Attorneys, New Delh i, and a member of the com mittee involved in drafting India 's latest Sporting Fraud Bil l last year.

Towards the end of the IPL's seventh season, somethin g extraordinary happened. Rajasthan Royals looked set to enter the play-offs during the final game of the IPL season on 25 May, setting Mumbai Indians a target of 190 runs in 14.3 overs . For non-cricket fans, this means that Mumbai Indi ans wou ld need to score 13.5 runs per over to win - or 2.3 runs per ball.

Stumped? India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill W hile Indian Premier League cricket was embroiled in the biggest match-fixing scandal in its history, India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill w as being drawn up in the background.

Andy Brown examines

' the proposals contained in the planned legislation, plus how a change of government and the outcry over the rigging of results are affecting its drafting

port in India has become big business.

The Ind ian Premier League (IPL) , which has just completed its seventh season , is the most-watched Twenty20 cricket league on the planet. It has sold television rights in over 100 countries, as well as mobile and internet deals worldw ide. This has enabled it to attract global brands, such as Pepsi , as sponsors. It is described as the cricketing world 's answer to football 's Premier League with good reason: in 2010, Brand Finance India estimated the value of the IPL at $4.13 billion .

Unfortunately, cricket is also big business for the illegal betting market. Between $250 million and $1 billion is bet on the outcome of every IPL match, and around $2 billion on every India-versus-Pakistan international. This liquidity makes the market attractive to match-fixers. Part of the problem is also that. despite the IPL's success. its player wages mirror the inequality

S

seen within Indian soc iety, making players potentially easier to corrupt. Although the IPL has a salary cap of Rs60 crore ($10.2 million), players' salaries range from $2.3 million to just $16,000. Threats and 'honey traps' are also used. "A honey trap is where a player or official is provided with escorts by the bookies in order to trap them into the network of illi cit deals," exp lained Vidushpat Singhania, principal associate at Lakshmi Kumaran and Sridharan Attorneys, New Delh i, and a member of the com mittee involved in drafting India 's latest Sporting Fraud Bil l last year.

Towards the end of the IPL's seventh season, somethin g extraordinary happened. Rajasthan Royals looked set to enter the play-offs during the final game of the IPL season on 25 May, setting Mumbai Indians a target of 190 runs in 14.3 overs . For non-cricket fans, this means that Mumbai Indi ans wou ld need to score 13.5 runs per over to win - or 2.3 runs per ball.

Integrity •

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XI Punjab's Amit Yadav received a one-year ban; and Abhinav Bali was banned for one year. Interestingly, Bali claimed that he had spot-fixed during the 2009 season. During the sting ope rati on , some of the players involved claimed to have received extra 'bl ack money' from franchise owners, beyond the IPL's salary cap and outside the terms agreed under its player auction. Just a year later, in May 2013, Delhi police arrested three Rajasthan Royals players suspected of being involved in match-fi xing: Shanthakuma ran Sreesanth, Ajit Chandila and Ankeet Chavan, along with a form er player turned bookie, Amit Singh. A month later, Delhi pol ice announced th at they had arrested a number of oth er people in connection with the case.

In a separate May 2013 case, Mumbai police arrested Gu run ath Meiyappan and film and television actor Vindu Dara Singh for al legedly being invo lved in betting and having links with bookmakers. Embarrassingly for the BCCI and the IPL, Meiyappan was a former team principal for IPL team Chennai Super Kings and is the son-in-law of BCCI president N Srinivasan , who stepped aside in June 2013 following the allegations. In September 2013, following a BCCI investigation , Sreesanth and Chandila were banned for life and Si ngh was banned for fi ve years.

Political activists demanding the banning of an Indian Premier League cricket tournament in 2013 following the arrest of two cricketers over spot-fixing allegations

Justice Mudgal committee report Former test cricketer Shanthakumaran Sreesanth, foreground, was banned for life after an investigation by the Board of Control for Cricket in India Am azingly, they did it. In more innocent times, such a result would have been heralded as one of the most fa nta st ic games of cricket ever wi t nessed. However, as events were unfolding, the 'twitterati' began to speculate ove r whether the match had been fi xed.

Unfort unate ly, people had good reason ; in its short hi story, the IPL has been dogged by corruption and spotfi xing allegations, wh ich have already affected its brand value. By 2013, Brand Finance India 's valu ation of the IPL had dropped from $4.13 billion to $3.03 billion , despite th e addition of a ninth f ranch ise, Sunrisers Hyderabad, in 2013. Perhaps significantl y, the f irst spot-fixing 'sting' organised by an Indian news channel - took pl ace in 2012.

Spot-fixing cases Following this sting operation, which lasted for almost a ye ar, India TV aired a documentary in May 2012 accus ing fi ve players of acceptin g money for spot-fi xi ng. Following an investigati on by the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) headed by Raj iv Shukla , forme r chief of th e International Cricket Council's (ICC) Anti-Corruption and Security Unit (ACS U), all five players were banned.

Deccan Cha rge rs' TP Sudhindra received a life ban; Kings XI Punjab's Shalabh Srivastava received a fi ve-year ban; Pun e Warriors India's Mohnish Mishra and Kings

Due to the seriousness of the allegations , in July 2013 India 's Supreme Court commissioned Justice Mukul Mudgal , a former Delhi High Court Judge, to oversee a fact-finding report into whether IPL franchise -owners had been involved in fixing games. "The composition of the BCCI probe committee was questioned in the Mumbai High Court, which turned down the BCCl's suggested probe committee and appointed the Justice Mudgal IPL Probe Committee," said Singhania . The subsequent report was re leased on 9 February thi s year. As well as implicating Meiyappan , th e report implicated Raj Kundra and his wi fe, Bollywood actress and star of the United Kingdom's Celebrity Big Brother Shilpa Shetty - both part owners of Rajasthan Royals.

The report presented evidence that Meiyappan had bet on IPL games , which is illegal and in vio lat ion of IPL rules, and asked the Supreme Court to co nsider indictin g him. "The committee is not in a position to render any conc lu sive fin ding as to whethe r Mr Meiyappan was involved in match-fi xing or spot-fixing," reads the report; however, "th ere is a general perception amongst many persons who deposed before the commi ttee that matches involving CSK and other IPL tea ms we re fi xed and required through investigation." The report said that Meiyappan had declined to appea r before the com mittee owing to his

In its short history, the IPL has been dogged by corruption and spot-fixing allegations, affecting its brand value

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XI Punjab's Amit Yadav received a one-year ban; and Abhinav Bali was banned for one year. Interestingly, Bali claimed that he had spot-fixed during the 2009 season. During the sting ope rati on , some of the players involved claimed to have received extra 'bl ack money' from franchise owners, beyond the IPL's salary cap and outside the terms agreed under its player auction. Just a year later, in May 2013, Delhi police arrested three Rajasthan Royals players suspected of being involved in match-fi xing: Shanthakuma ran Sreesanth, Ajit Chandila and Ankeet Chavan, along with a form er player turned bookie, Amit Singh. A month later, Delhi pol ice announced th at they had arrested a number of oth er people in connection with the case.

In a separate May 2013 case, Mumbai police arrested Gu run ath Meiyappan and film and television actor Vindu Dara Singh for al legedly being invo lved in betting and having links with bookmakers. Embarrassingly for the BCCI and the IPL, Meiyappan was a former team principal for IPL team Chennai Super Kings and is the son-in-law of BCCI president N Srinivasan , who stepped aside in June 2013 following the allegations. In September 2013, following a BCCI investigation , Sreesanth and Chandila were banned for life and Si ngh was banned for fi ve years.

Political activists demanding the banning of an Indian Premier League cricket tournament in 2013 following the arrest of two cricketers over spot-fixing allegations

Justice Mudgal committee report Former test cricketer Shanthakumaran Sreesanth, foreground, was banned for life after an investigation by the Board of Control for Cricket in India Am azingly, they did it. In more innocent times, such a result would have been heralded as one of the most fa nta st ic games of cricket ever wi t nessed. However, as events were unfolding, the 'twitterati' began to speculate ove r whether the match had been fi xed.

Unfort unate ly, people had good reason ; in its short hi story, the IPL has been dogged by corruption and spotfi xing allegations, wh ich have already affected its brand value. By 2013, Brand Finance India 's valu ation of the IPL had dropped from $4.13 billion to $3.03 billion , despite th e addition of a ninth f ranch ise, Sunrisers Hyderabad, in 2013. Perhaps significantl y, the f irst spot-fixing 'sting' organised by an Indian news channel - took pl ace in 2012.

Spot-fixing cases Following this sting operation, which lasted for almost a ye ar, India TV aired a documentary in May 2012 accus ing fi ve players of acceptin g money for spot-fi xi ng. Following an investigati on by the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) headed by Raj iv Shukla , forme r chief of th e International Cricket Council's (ICC) Anti-Corruption and Security Unit (ACS U), all five players were banned.

Deccan Cha rge rs' TP Sudhindra received a life ban; Kings XI Punjab's Shalabh Srivastava received a fi ve-year ban; Pun e Warriors India's Mohnish Mishra and Kings

Due to the seriousness of the allegations , in July 2013 India 's Supreme Court commissioned Justice Mukul Mudgal , a former Delhi High Court Judge, to oversee a fact-finding report into whether IPL franchise -owners had been involved in fixing games. "The composition of the BCCI probe committee was questioned in the Mumbai High Court, which turned down the BCCl's suggested probe committee and appointed the Justice Mudgal IPL Probe Committee," said Singhania . The subsequent report was re leased on 9 February thi s year. As well as implicating Meiyappan , th e report implicated Raj Kundra and his wi fe, Bollywood actress and star of the United Kingdom's Celebrity Big Brother Shilpa Shetty - both part owners of Rajasthan Royals.

The report presented evidence that Meiyappan had bet on IPL games , which is illegal and in vio lat ion of IPL rules, and asked the Supreme Court to co nsider indictin g him. "The committee is not in a position to render any conc lu sive fin ding as to whethe r Mr Meiyappan was involved in match-fi xing or spot-fixing," reads the report; however, "th ere is a general perception amongst many persons who deposed before the commi ttee that matches involving CSK and other IPL tea ms we re fi xed and required through investigation." The report said that Meiyappan had declined to appea r before the com mittee owing to his

In its short history, the IPL has been dogged by corruption and spot-fixing allegations, affecting its brand value

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being subject to a criminal trial (C.C.No. 738/ PW/2013).

It also received information from police that Kundra and Shetty had been betting on IPL games. " If the allegation s of betting and/or spot-fixing/match-fi xing can be proved," reads the report. "a ppropriate action should be taken against Mr Kundra and Ms Shetty as well as the franchise."

The report unearthed many other "allegations of sporting fraud". The names of these people and the allegations against them were provided to the Supreme Court in a sea led enve lope. "There were two parts to the report," explained Singhania. "Th e first part was made available to the public and to the parties; the second part was in a sealed envelope which was only for the eyes of the judges. It contained 13 names."

The report also considered the role played by the ICC's ACSU and the BCCl 's Anti-Corruption Unit to be "far from satisfactory and ineffective" , and criticised changes to BCCI rule 6.4.2, allowing BCCI officials to own IPL franchises, as representing a "conflict of interest".

It also mentioned that investigating agencies had to ld the committee that "legalising sports betting would reduce th e element of black money and the influence of the underworld besides help them in detection and focusing their investigation. " It further urged the cricketing authorit ies to implement stricter regulations on player agents, in response to the invo lvement of people masquerading as agents in the allegations.

"We need to remember that criminal prosecution proceedings are pending against the players, as well as the named IPL franchise owners/officials for these acts," said Amrut Joshi , founder of sports business consu ltancy GameChanger Sports Ventures. "The Justice Mudgal committee report's mandate was merely to obtain all necessary facts. The reason why it assumes so much significance is that it could present a threat to the existence of two IPL franchises. If th e Supreme Court eventually finds th at there is enough evidence to suggest that both franchise owners were involved in illegal betting and have vio lated the terms of the franchise agreement. the Supreme Court could direct the BCCI to terminate the franchise agreement. "

N Srinivasan speaking to the media . He stepped down as President of the Board of Control for Cricket in Ind ia in June 2013, following the arrest of his son-in-law, Gurunath Meiyappan

The Hansie Cronie match-fixing affair of 2000 occurred during a tour of India

Supreme Court judgement On 16 May 2014, the Supreme Court asked Justice Mudgal to submit a further report by the end of August on the unsubstantiated allegations relating to 13 people named in th e sealed envelope. The investigation will be led by BB Mi shra, deputy director general of the Narcotics Control Bureau , based in New Delhi , and will include off icers from Mumbai , Chennai and Delhi police, as well as a "former cricketer of repute and integrity".

"They can also call up any officer from any authority that they require," added Singhania. "The central government has also been directed to assist and provide any help required. The BCCI has also been directed to provide help. It is a unique situat ion that has

56

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4.

arisen now in order to investigate a particular sporting fraud and in the absence of a bill, the Supreme Court has actually stepped up to make a body to which it has give n specia l powers. It can summon people and documents and has all necessary powers , except power to actua lly arrest." The BCCI wi ll bear all related costs. â&#x20AC;˘ Meanwhile, the Supreme Court has denied N Srinivasan's plea to be reinstated as BCC I president for non -IPL affairs. The court cited an earlier order asking Srinivasan to stand aside for the duration of the investigation into al leged corruption within the IPL. Howeve r, in June, his appoint ment as cha irman of the ICC's new board structure was confirmed, before the Justice Mudgal report had completed the second investigation. Sunil Gavaskar was appoi nted inter im president of the BCCI for IPL-related matters whe n

Srinivasa n stood aside in June 2013, and former cricketer Sh ivlal Yadav was appointed interim president for non-IPL rel ated matters. That pos it ion sti ll stands.

"Th ree things are now happeni ng in parallel ," said Singha nia. "The first is this committee investigating the IPL. There is also the Central Bureau of Investigation [CBI] , which is trying to set up a sports fraud investigation unit to investigate how sporting fraud comes about. The third is the gove rnment's Preve ntion of Sporting Fraud Bill."

Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill Lurking in the background behind the media circus th at ha s surrounded the IPL allegations is th e Preve ntion of Sporting Fraud Bill . Or, rather, its latest incarnation.

The Hansie Cronje match-fixing affair of 2000 occurred during a South African tour of India, during wh ich India's CBI highlighted a lacuna in criminal law regarding the punishment of match-fixing.

"This spurred the Government of India into drafting a Bill named the Sporting Events (Prevention of Dishonest Practices) Bill in 2003-04, " said Singhania. "Thi s Bill , however, was never enacted. The alleged invo lvement

of so me cricketers and other officials in spot-fixing and betting in May 2013 again spurred the Government of Indi a to revamp the Sporting Events Bill. Thi s resulted in th e drafting of the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill 2013.

"In order to determ ine the nature of the offences and the quantum of punishment, the legislation of approximately 22 cou ntries was analysed," he contin ued.

"In particular, the provisions of legislation in Australia, South Africa , the United Kingdom, Brazil , Portugal and the United States - among others - were examined. In addition, certain documents of the European Union, the ICC's Anti-Corruption Code, FIFA's Code of Ethics and UEFA's Discipl inary Code in football , and the International Olympic Committee Code of Ethics were also examined.

"The Sporting Fraud Bill has contemplated a system of screening complaints before a trial is undertaken in a criminal court. This process has been included to keep aside frivolous complaints. The investigat io n of an offence of sporting fraud may involve a number of authorit ies, for example the National Sport Federation , state pol ice, the Central Bureau of Investigation , the

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being subject to a criminal trial (C.C.No. 738/ PW/2013).

It also received information from police that Kundra and Shetty had been betting on IPL games. " If the allegation s of betting and/or spot-fixing/match-fi xing can be proved," reads the report. "a ppropriate action should be taken against Mr Kundra and Ms Shetty as well as the franchise."

The report unearthed many other "allegations of sporting fraud". The names of these people and the allegations against them were provided to the Supreme Court in a sea led enve lope. "There were two parts to the report," explained Singhania. "Th e first part was made available to the public and to the parties; the second part was in a sealed envelope which was only for the eyes of the judges. It contained 13 names."

The report also considered the role played by the ICC's ACSU and the BCCl 's Anti-Corruption Unit to be "far from satisfactory and ineffective" , and criticised changes to BCCI rule 6.4.2, allowing BCCI officials to own IPL franchises, as representing a "conflict of interest".

It also mentioned that investigating agencies had to ld the committee that "legalising sports betting would reduce th e element of black money and the influence of the underworld besides help them in detection and focusing their investigation. " It further urged the cricketing authorit ies to implement stricter regulations on player agents, in response to the invo lvement of people masquerading as agents in the allegations.

"We need to remember that criminal prosecution proceedings are pending against the players, as well as the named IPL franchise owners/officials for these acts," said Amrut Joshi , founder of sports business consu ltancy GameChanger Sports Ventures. "The Justice Mudgal committee report's mandate was merely to obtain all necessary facts. The reason why it assumes so much significance is that it could present a threat to the existence of two IPL franchises. If th e Supreme Court eventually finds th at there is enough evidence to suggest that both franchise owners were involved in illegal betting and have vio lated the terms of the franchise agreement. the Supreme Court could direct the BCCI to terminate the franchise agreement. "

N Srinivasan speaking to the media . He stepped down as President of the Board of Control for Cricket in Ind ia in June 2013, following the arrest of his son-in-law, Gurunath Meiyappan

The Hansie Cronie match-fixing affair of 2000 occurred during a tour of India

Supreme Court judgement On 16 May 2014, the Supreme Court asked Justice Mudgal to submit a further report by the end of August on the unsubstantiated allegations relating to 13 people named in th e sealed envelope. The investigation will be led by BB Mi shra, deputy director general of the Narcotics Control Bureau , based in New Delhi , and will include off icers from Mumbai , Chennai and Delhi police, as well as a "former cricketer of repute and integrity".

"They can also call up any officer from any authority that they require," added Singhania. "The central government has also been directed to assist and provide any help required. The BCCI has also been directed to provide help. It is a unique situat ion that has

56

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4.

arisen now in order to investigate a particular sporting fraud and in the absence of a bill, the Supreme Court has actually stepped up to make a body to which it has give n specia l powers. It can summon people and documents and has all necessary powers , except power to actua lly arrest." The BCCI wi ll bear all related costs. â&#x20AC;˘ Meanwhile, the Supreme Court has denied N Srinivasan's plea to be reinstated as BCC I president for non -IPL affairs. The court cited an earlier order asking Srinivasan to stand aside for the duration of the investigation into al leged corruption within the IPL. Howeve r, in June, his appoint ment as cha irman of the ICC's new board structure was confirmed, before the Justice Mudgal report had completed the second investigation. Sunil Gavaskar was appoi nted inter im president of the BCCI for IPL-related matters whe n

Srinivasa n stood aside in June 2013, and former cricketer Sh ivlal Yadav was appointed interim president for non-IPL rel ated matters. That pos it ion sti ll stands.

"Th ree things are now happeni ng in parallel ," said Singha nia. "The first is this committee investigating the IPL. There is also the Central Bureau of Investigation [CBI] , which is trying to set up a sports fraud investigation unit to investigate how sporting fraud comes about. The third is the gove rnment's Preve ntion of Sporting Fraud Bill."

Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill Lurking in the background behind the media circus th at ha s surrounded the IPL allegations is th e Preve ntion of Sporting Fraud Bill . Or, rather, its latest incarnation.

The Hansie Cronje match-fixing affair of 2000 occurred during a South African tour of India, during wh ich India's CBI highlighted a lacuna in criminal law regarding the punishment of match-fixing.

"This spurred the Government of India into drafting a Bill named the Sporting Events (Prevention of Dishonest Practices) Bill in 2003-04, " said Singhania. "Thi s Bill , however, was never enacted. The alleged invo lvement

of so me cricketers and other officials in spot-fixing and betting in May 2013 again spurred the Government of Indi a to revamp the Sporting Events Bill. Thi s resulted in th e drafting of the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill 2013.

"In order to determ ine the nature of the offences and the quantum of punishment, the legislation of approximately 22 cou ntries was analysed," he contin ued.

"In particular, the provisions of legislation in Australia, South Africa , the United Kingdom, Brazil , Portugal and the United States - among others - were examined. In addition, certain documents of the European Union, the ICC's Anti-Corruption Code, FIFA's Code of Ethics and UEFA's Discipl inary Code in football , and the International Olympic Committee Code of Ethics were also examined.

"The Sporting Fraud Bill has contemplated a system of screening complaints before a trial is undertaken in a criminal court. This process has been included to keep aside frivolous complaints. The investigat io n of an offence of sporting fraud may involve a number of authorit ies, for example the National Sport Federation , state pol ice, the Central Bureau of Investigation , the

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Enforcement Directorate and income tax authorities, among others. Detailed provisions pertaining to the manner of investigation and coordination between these agencies wou ld form a part of the rules."

According to Singhania, the new bill seeks to cover four specific kinds of sporting fraud that would attract penal provisions. These are: • Manipulation of a sports result or attempt thereof, irrespective of the fact of whether the outcome is actually altered or not. It covers irregular alteration of the field of play, the result of the sporting event and its incidental events, and deliberate misapplication of the

Integrity •

•

from compatriots or known outside agencies.

It was felt that there was a need to get the information to the appropriate authority to strengthen the fight against sporting fraud , while at the same time protecting the identity of the informants themselves.

"The penalty for the offences covered in the first two bullet points is simp le imprisonment for a term extending up to five years and a fine of 10 lakh rupees (one million rupees or $16,900), or five times the amount of economic benefit, whichever is greater," said Singhania. "Both a quantified fine as we ll as one involving multiples of the economic benefit were included because somet imes the gains to be made from such activities are far greater than the fine proposed.

On the other hand, a penalty in the nature of the multiple only would also not have sufficed, as benefits are sometimes intangible, such as the use of a honey trap where a player or official is provided with escorts by the bookies in order to trap them into the network of illicit deals. Similarly, the penalty for the offences covered in the second two bullet points is a simple imprisonment for a term extending up to three years and a fine of five lakh rupees ($8,450) or three times the amount of economic benefit, whichever is greater."

The reputation of India's most popular sport could be irreparably damaged

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rules of sport in order to obtain any economic or other advantage, or t he promise of such an advantage. A key element of this offence is that the manipulation has led to a removal or reduction in the uncertainty normally associated with a sporting event.

Wilful failure to perform to one's true potential for economic or other advantage, excluding any underperformance for strategic or tactical reasons, the rationale being that, while any kind of wilful underperformance in sports undermines the integrity of the sport in question, wilful underperformance for strategic or tactical reasons should fall within the ambit of the disciplinary procedure established in sports, rather than the scope of the criminal law.

Disclosing inside information without authorisation for a benefit, or doing so knowing that it could be used in relation to betting or the manipulation of a sporting event. This provision is akin to the use of insider information for trading in securities. With India's unauthorised betting market having achieved enormous size, it was felt that there was a need to punish those who used their proximity to the participants of a sporting event to their own advantage. This provision also seeks to capture, where necessary, t hose agencies such as bookmakers that operate outside the ambit of the sporting structure and cannot be punished by the sporting bodies.

Omission to inform the team management of an approach to manipulate, underperform or divulge inside information. In order to step up the fight against sporting fraud, it was necessary to include this provision. Many in the sports industry had indicated that, although the sportsperso n in question may not themselves have been involved, they tended to ignore approaches

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Political cricket However, after the victory of Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party in India 's May 2014 elections, it is unlikely that the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill will be considered any time soon. "A ll the legislation that was passed by the previous government will need to be reviewed again, and I am not sure that the Sporting Fraud Bill will be given high priority, given the other more pressing matters that the government has to deal wi th ," said Joshi. "I am sure that this will be taken up by the ministry of sport at some time, but we shouldn't be expecting anything to be passed in the next year or so."

When the bill does come up for consideration, its passage could depend on whether it is viewed as the work of the new government or the previous one.

"W hen th ey come round to co nsidering it, th ey are likely to pass it, as it is not a coalition government," pointed out Singhania. "They have an absolute majority."

In the absence of an official act, all complaints of offences fall under the ambit of the Indian Penal Code.

"Persons engaged in sporting fraud are charged for offences under section 420 (cheating), section 120B (criminal conspiracy) and section 409 (criminal breach of trust) of the Indian Penal Code," explained Singhania.

"In addition, provisions of the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act 1999 have also been used, due to the alleged link of the players and bookies wi th organised crime networks."

Until that happens, we must wait until the end of August for the second round of the Justice Mudgal

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bha ratiya Janata Party won India's elections in May. The change of government means that the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill will need to be reviewed

committee to report on the further allegations concerning the names con tain ed in the sealed envelope. After th is, the Indian Supreme Court must decide what action to take.

If the outcom e is particularly explosive, it might just spur India's new government into taking action, otherwise the reputation of its most popular - and profitable - sport could be irreparably damaged .

Joshi added that the recent leaking to the press of New Zealand captain Brendon McCullum 's testimony to the ACSU had "ca used a fair amount of co nsternation ...

People are asking how the players can be expected to confide in the ACSU if the testimonies are going to be leaked to the media during the course of an investigation.

"Among the serious followers of cricket, there is an increasing sense of disillusionment," he continued.

"Everybody knows that a lot of what is happening in the games today is make-believe. Once there are aspersions cast on a fair number of cricket games, there is no

stopping it, and you can't ever be sure if what you have seen is genuine or f ixed. Sadly, I think that cri cket has already reached that stage, especially T20 cricket, which is so easy to fi x. Although it has brought in sponsors hip and television money, thi s form of cricket has also damaged the fabric of th e game."

Singhania sees the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill as the answer to this. "The importance of promulgating the bill cannot be overstated," he sa id . " It can on ly be hoped that the bill culminates in legis lation. " • Andy Brown is the editor of World Sports Law Report.

Parts of this article were based on 'India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill: Insider Perspective' by Vidushpat Singhania, published in World Sports Law Report volume 12, issued on 5 May 2014 and available at: www.e-comlaw.com/world-sports-law-report/ article_template.asp?ID=l657

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Enforcement Directorate and income tax authorities, among others. Detailed provisions pertaining to the manner of investigation and coordination between these agencies wou ld form a part of the rules."

According to Singhania, the new bill seeks to cover four specific kinds of sporting fraud that would attract penal provisions. These are: • Manipulation of a sports result or attempt thereof, irrespective of the fact of whether the outcome is actually altered or not. It covers irregular alteration of the field of play, the result of the sporting event and its incidental events, and deliberate misapplication of the

Integrity •

•

from compatriots or known outside agencies.

It was felt that there was a need to get the information to the appropriate authority to strengthen the fight against sporting fraud , while at the same time protecting the identity of the informants themselves.

"The penalty for the offences covered in the first two bullet points is simp le imprisonment for a term extending up to five years and a fine of 10 lakh rupees (one million rupees or $16,900), or five times the amount of economic benefit, whichever is greater," said Singhania. "Both a quantified fine as we ll as one involving multiples of the economic benefit were included because somet imes the gains to be made from such activities are far greater than the fine proposed.

On the other hand, a penalty in the nature of the multiple only would also not have sufficed, as benefits are sometimes intangible, such as the use of a honey trap where a player or official is provided with escorts by the bookies in order to trap them into the network of illicit deals. Similarly, the penalty for the offences covered in the second two bullet points is a simple imprisonment for a term extending up to three years and a fine of five lakh rupees ($8,450) or three times the amount of economic benefit, whichever is greater."

The reputation of India's most popular sport could be irreparably damaged

•

•

•

58 1

rules of sport in order to obtain any economic or other advantage, or t he promise of such an advantage. A key element of this offence is that the manipulation has led to a removal or reduction in the uncertainty normally associated with a sporting event.

Wilful failure to perform to one's true potential for economic or other advantage, excluding any underperformance for strategic or tactical reasons, the rationale being that, while any kind of wilful underperformance in sports undermines the integrity of the sport in question, wilful underperformance for strategic or tactical reasons should fall within the ambit of the disciplinary procedure established in sports, rather than the scope of the criminal law.

Disclosing inside information without authorisation for a benefit, or doing so knowing that it could be used in relation to betting or the manipulation of a sporting event. This provision is akin to the use of insider information for trading in securities. With India's unauthorised betting market having achieved enormous size, it was felt that there was a need to punish those who used their proximity to the participants of a sporting event to their own advantage. This provision also seeks to capture, where necessary, t hose agencies such as bookmakers that operate outside the ambit of the sporting structure and cannot be punished by the sporting bodies.

Omission to inform the team management of an approach to manipulate, underperform or divulge inside information. In order to step up the fight against sporting fraud, it was necessary to include this provision. Many in the sports industry had indicated that, although the sportsperso n in question may not themselves have been involved, they tended to ignore approaches

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

Political cricket However, after the victory of Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party in India 's May 2014 elections, it is unlikely that the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill will be considered any time soon. "A ll the legislation that was passed by the previous government will need to be reviewed again, and I am not sure that the Sporting Fraud Bill will be given high priority, given the other more pressing matters that the government has to deal wi th ," said Joshi. "I am sure that this will be taken up by the ministry of sport at some time, but we shouldn't be expecting anything to be passed in the next year or so."

When the bill does come up for consideration, its passage could depend on whether it is viewed as the work of the new government or the previous one.

"W hen th ey come round to co nsidering it, th ey are likely to pass it, as it is not a coalition government," pointed out Singhania. "They have an absolute majority."

In the absence of an official act, all complaints of offences fall under the ambit of the Indian Penal Code.

"Persons engaged in sporting fraud are charged for offences under section 420 (cheating), section 120B (criminal conspiracy) and section 409 (criminal breach of trust) of the Indian Penal Code," explained Singhania.

"In addition, provisions of the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act 1999 have also been used, due to the alleged link of the players and bookies wi th organised crime networks."

Until that happens, we must wait until the end of August for the second round of the Justice Mudgal

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bha ratiya Janata Party won India's elections in May. The change of government means that the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill will need to be reviewed

committee to report on the further allegations concerning the names con tain ed in the sealed envelope. After th is, the Indian Supreme Court must decide what action to take.

If the outcom e is particularly explosive, it might just spur India's new government into taking action, otherwise the reputation of its most popular - and profitable - sport could be irreparably damaged .

Joshi added that the recent leaking to the press of New Zealand captain Brendon McCullum 's testimony to the ACSU had "ca used a fair amount of co nsternation ...

People are asking how the players can be expected to confide in the ACSU if the testimonies are going to be leaked to the media during the course of an investigation.

"Among the serious followers of cricket, there is an increasing sense of disillusionment," he continued.

"Everybody knows that a lot of what is happening in the games today is make-believe. Once there are aspersions cast on a fair number of cricket games, there is no

stopping it, and you can't ever be sure if what you have seen is genuine or f ixed. Sadly, I think that cri cket has already reached that stage, especially T20 cricket, which is so easy to fi x. Although it has brought in sponsors hip and television money, thi s form of cricket has also damaged the fabric of th e game."

Singhania sees the Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill as the answer to this. "The importance of promulgating the bill cannot be overstated," he sa id . " It can on ly be hoped that the bill culminates in legis lation. " • Andy Brown is the editor of World Sports Law Report.

Parts of this article were based on 'India's Prevention of Sporting Fraud Bill: Insider Perspective' by Vidushpat Singhania, published in World Sports Law Report volume 12, issued on 5 May 2014 and available at: www.e-comlaw.com/world-sports-law-report/ article_template.asp?ID=l657

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

59

Tackling social barriers for women and girls Nathan Barrick

describes the

US

government programme that

aims to empower women through involvement in sport, highlighting the importance of personal contact with role models

he strongest barriers to improving the opportunities of women and girls around the world are socio-cultural. One of the approaches used successfully by a range of organisations is to break down some of these barriers through women's involvement in sport. Sport has an ability to establ ish common ground between people, frequently without a need to communicate through translators, and to transcend some of the cultural or social differences within and between communities.

T

A key component of such initiatives is the power of personal example through role models and envoys.

Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak, head coach for women's soccer at the University of Central Florida, a gold medalist and former member of the US National Team and a Sports Envoy for the United States, told the ICSS Journal: "I was personally inspired to become an athlete when I was in the 2nd Grade watching Mary Lou Retton win a Gold Medal on TV and then four years later, wanting to be like Jackie Joyner-Kersee winning her medals. As a Sports Envoy, my hope is that young people, boys and girls, will see me and my fellow Sports Envoys and be inspired themselves."

Sahaydak recently returned from her second trip to Brazil as a Sports Envoy, in company with another US soccer star, Cobi Jones. She recounted her experience of meeting a young girl who was moved by the experience of a few moments spent talking with her about sports, music and life. The girl said how significant it was that a widely known soccer star like Sahaydak would spend even iust a few moments with her. It is at this personal interaction level that sports diplomacy can have powerful effects in terms of empowering women and girls. In ICSS Journal Volume 1, Issue 3, Gary Armstrong and James Rosbrook-Thompson provided an overview of

The US diplomatic drive: the departure of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in early 2013 prompted President Barack Obama to issue a Presidential Memorandum to strengthen the capacity of US diplomatic efforts to address "one of the greatest unmet challenges of our time:" the empowerment of women and girls. Former Secretary Clinton is well-known as a tireless activist in promoting women's voices and empowerment around the world; she also established the US State Department's Office of Global Women's Issues. In responding to the President's charge soon after taking on the duties of Secretary of State, John Kerry stressed "promoting the rights of women and girls is a priority, not just because it's the right thing to do, but because societies that empower the talents of their entire populations are more stable and more prosperous."

sports diplomacy in terms of soft power projection and possible implications associated with sports diplomacy.

This article examines a particular sports diplomacy global agenda item - the empowerment of women and girls through sport. Although I will focus on the United States' Department of State programme, it is important to understand that this diplomatic drive contributes to an international effort that has many different aspects.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) has appropriately been the standard setter and lead organisation for engaging women in sports as a component of female empowerment. Since 1991. the IOC has insisted that any new sport added to the Olympic programme must feature women's events.

In 1994, the IOC recommended modifying the Olympic Charter to include encouraging and supporting "the promotion of women in sport at all levels and in all

Tackling social barriers for women and girls Nathan Barrick

describes the

US

government programme that

aims to empower women through involvement in sport, highlighting the importance of personal contact with role models

he strongest barriers to improving the opportunities of women and girls around the world are socio-cultural. One of the approaches used successfully by a range of organisations is to break down some of these barriers through women's involvement in sport. Sport has an ability to establ ish common ground between people, frequently without a need to communicate through translators, and to transcend some of the cultural or social differences within and between communities.

T

A key component of such initiatives is the power of personal example through role models and envoys.

Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak, head coach for women's soccer at the University of Central Florida, a gold medalist and former member of the US National Team and a Sports Envoy for the United States, told the ICSS Journal: "I was personally inspired to become an athlete when I was in the 2nd Grade watching Mary Lou Retton win a Gold Medal on TV and then four years later, wanting to be like Jackie Joyner-Kersee winning her medals. As a Sports Envoy, my hope is that young people, boys and girls, will see me and my fellow Sports Envoys and be inspired themselves."

Sahaydak recently returned from her second trip to Brazil as a Sports Envoy, in company with another US soccer star, Cobi Jones. She recounted her experience of meeting a young girl who was moved by the experience of a few moments spent talking with her about sports, music and life. The girl said how significant it was that a widely known soccer star like Sahaydak would spend even iust a few moments with her. It is at this personal interaction level that sports diplomacy can have powerful effects in terms of empowering women and girls. In ICSS Journal Volume 1, Issue 3, Gary Armstrong and James Rosbrook-Thompson provided an overview of

The US diplomatic drive: the departure of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in early 2013 prompted President Barack Obama to issue a Presidential Memorandum to strengthen the capacity of US diplomatic efforts to address "one of the greatest unmet challenges of our time:" the empowerment of women and girls. Former Secretary Clinton is well-known as a tireless activist in promoting women's voices and empowerment around the world; she also established the US State Department's Office of Global Women's Issues. In responding to the President's charge soon after taking on the duties of Secretary of State, John Kerry stressed "promoting the rights of women and girls is a priority, not just because it's the right thing to do, but because societies that empower the talents of their entire populations are more stable and more prosperous."

sports diplomacy in terms of soft power projection and possible implications associated with sports diplomacy.

This article examines a particular sports diplomacy global agenda item - the empowerment of women and girls through sport. Although I will focus on the United States' Department of State programme, it is important to understand that this diplomatic drive contributes to an international effort that has many different aspects.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) has appropriately been the standard setter and lead organisation for engaging women in sports as a component of female empowerment. Since 1991. the IOC has insisted that any new sport added to the Olympic programme must feature women's events.

In 1994, the IOC recommended modifying the Olympic Charter to include encouraging and supporting "the promotion of women in sport at all levels and in all

4 •4

structures, with a view to implementing the principle of equality of men and women." The experience of the past few decades has been that when the IOC sets object ives for participating nations in meeting targeted standards for female participation, incremental progress results . For example, the IOC set a goa l of at least 20 per cent of decision-making positions in National Olympic Committees and international and national sport federations to be held by women by 2005. Although this goal was not achieved, an interim goal of 10 per cent was set for the end of 2000, which was met by 61 per cent of National Olympic Committees and 52 per cent of international sport federations. As of October 2013, 11 National Olympic Committees were led by women, and women comprised approximately 26 per cent of international sport federation executive boards.

The IOC created a Women and Sport Working Group In 1995, which became a formal IOC Commission in 2004. The Commission works to provide training, education and advocacy for female administrators, coaches. officials. ath letes and sport journalists. The IOC hosts an international conference every four years to assess progress in improving and increasing women's participation in the Olympics and its related activities.

The most recent conference was hosted in Los Angeles.

United States in February 2012 and attended by over 800 delegates from 135 countries.

'

I

J

I

Integrity

Integrity

4•4

UCF Knights head coach Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak before the start of a women's soccer game between the Stetson Hatters and the UCF Knights in Orlando, Florida

Zahra Mahmaodi, captain of Afghanistan's women's national football team , signs a ball for US Secretary of State John Kerry, who has said that promoting the rights of women and girls is a priority

International efforts Another major conference to promote women's role in sport is organised by the non-governmental International Working Group (IWG) on Women and Sport. In May 1994, the British Sports Council hosted an international conference in Brighton, United Kingdom attended by 280 delegates from 82 countries, which resulted in the Brighton Declaration on Women in Sport. The Si xth IWG World Conference on Women and Sport was held in Helsinki , Finland in June 2014 and produced an updated Declaration (see page 66) . The IWG conference is supported by the IOC and other spo rts governing

The Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport: this is a voluntary agreement affirming an organisation's commitment to gender equality. It calls for: • equality in society and sport; • sport facilities that meet the needs of women; • an increase in the number of women coaches, advisors, and decision-makers in sport; • education, training, and development programmes that address gender equality; • information and research on women and sport; • allocation of resources for sportswomen and women's programmes; and • incorporation of the promotion of gender equality and sharing of good practices into governmental and non-governmental policies and programmes on women and sport.

62

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

bodies and has focused on practical training and tools to accomplish progress. The IWG also publishes a Progress Report. which attempts to identify and share the specific activities and accomplishments that contribute to realising the objectives set out in the Brighton Declaration.

The efforts and accomplishments of the IOC and the IWG reflect independent. non-governmental emphasis on trying to improve the co ndition of women around the planet. In 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the El imination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The Convention 's Article 13 dictates. "States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in other areas of economic and social life in order to ensure, on a basis of equality of men and women, the same rights . in particular ... [paragraph (c)] the right to participate in recreational activities, sports and all aspects of cultural life." This rights-based approach to empowering women in sports gained further ground during the UN's Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China in 1995. The Beijing Platform for Action included specific policy recommendations on women, gender equal ity and sports. As a substantive result of UN efforts to monitor implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, the UN General Assembly in 2006 specifically invited Member States to initiate sport programmes to promote gender equality and the empowerment of women (UN Re solution 61/ 10, 3 November 2006).

In the December 2007 issue of Women 2000 and Beyond , the UN's Division for the Advancement of

Women highlighted what empowering women and girls thro ugh sport means. The issue is not just increasing the number of female athletes or permitting women to compete in a broader range of sports. "S port can be an im portant tool for social empowerment through the skills and values learned , such as team work. negotiation , leadership, communication and respect for others."

Women and girls can establish interpersonal networks through sports and become more engaged in society th anks to increased self-confidence and freedom of express ion. Empowerment encompasses physical and psychological benefits. which impact individual needs in caring for oneself - as opposed to focusing on caring for others - and enab ling leadership skills. Women, setting an example for others in sport. are accomplishing more to advance empowerment than the important foundational policy actions that organisations have initiated.

The power of example is the foundation of the US State Department's Empowering Women and Girls through Sports Initiative (EWGSI). Former Secretary of State Hilla ry Clinton stated the initiative in February 2012 as part of the 40th anniversary of the Title IX promulgation.

Then Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs Ann Stock subsequently launched the

Title IX: a US federal law passed in 1972 that states: "No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance ."

programme at the 5th IOC World Conference on Women in Sport in Los Angeles the same month. However, the United States has been dispatching female athletes on Sports Envoy type missions for much longer - Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak, for example, first went to Uganda back in 2006 as one of the first female soccer envoys.

The three pillars of the initiative are Sports Envoys, hosting Sports Visitors. and a mentorship programme.

The EWG SI is advised by a council of leading American women in sport who support the programme's goals and efforts. These 17 women, according to the State Department websi te, come from all levels of leadership in women's sports and industry. The Sports Envoys and Sports Visitors are part of a broader Sports Diplomacy effort under the auspices of the State Department's Bureau of Ed ucational and Cultural Affairs. SportsUnited.

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2163

4 •4

structures, with a view to implementing the principle of equality of men and women." The experience of the past few decades has been that when the IOC sets object ives for participating nations in meeting targeted standards for female participation, incremental progress results . For example, the IOC set a goa l of at least 20 per cent of decision-making positions in National Olympic Committees and international and national sport federations to be held by women by 2005. Although this goal was not achieved, an interim goal of 10 per cent was set for the end of 2000, which was met by 61 per cent of National Olympic Committees and 52 per cent of international sport federations. As of October 2013, 11 National Olympic Committees were led by women, and women comprised approximately 26 per cent of international sport federation executive boards.

The IOC created a Women and Sport Working Group In 1995, which became a formal IOC Commission in 2004. The Commission works to provide training, education and advocacy for female administrators, coaches. officials. ath letes and sport journalists. The IOC hosts an international conference every four years to assess progress in improving and increasing women's participation in the Olympics and its related activities.

The most recent conference was hosted in Los Angeles.

United States in February 2012 and attended by over 800 delegates from 135 countries.

'

I

J

I

Integrity

Integrity

4•4

UCF Knights head coach Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak before the start of a women's soccer game between the Stetson Hatters and the UCF Knights in Orlando, Florida

Zahra Mahmaodi, captain of Afghanistan's women's national football team , signs a ball for US Secretary of State John Kerry, who has said that promoting the rights of women and girls is a priority

International efforts Another major conference to promote women's role in sport is organised by the non-governmental International Working Group (IWG) on Women and Sport. In May 1994, the British Sports Council hosted an international conference in Brighton, United Kingdom attended by 280 delegates from 82 countries, which resulted in the Brighton Declaration on Women in Sport. The Si xth IWG World Conference on Women and Sport was held in Helsinki , Finland in June 2014 and produced an updated Declaration (see page 66) . The IWG conference is supported by the IOC and other spo rts governing

The Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport: this is a voluntary agreement affirming an organisation's commitment to gender equality. It calls for: • equality in society and sport; • sport facilities that meet the needs of women; • an increase in the number of women coaches, advisors, and decision-makers in sport; • education, training, and development programmes that address gender equality; • information and research on women and sport; • allocation of resources for sportswomen and women's programmes; and • incorporation of the promotion of gender equality and sharing of good practices into governmental and non-governmental policies and programmes on women and sport.

62

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

bodies and has focused on practical training and tools to accomplish progress. The IWG also publishes a Progress Report. which attempts to identify and share the specific activities and accomplishments that contribute to realising the objectives set out in the Brighton Declaration.

The efforts and accomplishments of the IOC and the IWG reflect independent. non-governmental emphasis on trying to improve the co ndition of women around the planet. In 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the El imination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The Convention 's Article 13 dictates. "States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in other areas of economic and social life in order to ensure, on a basis of equality of men and women, the same rights . in particular ... [paragraph (c)] the right to participate in recreational activities, sports and all aspects of cultural life." This rights-based approach to empowering women in sports gained further ground during the UN's Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China in 1995. The Beijing Platform for Action included specific policy recommendations on women, gender equal ity and sports. As a substantive result of UN efforts to monitor implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, the UN General Assembly in 2006 specifically invited Member States to initiate sport programmes to promote gender equality and the empowerment of women (UN Re solution 61/ 10, 3 November 2006).

In the December 2007 issue of Women 2000 and Beyond , the UN's Division for the Advancement of

Women highlighted what empowering women and girls thro ugh sport means. The issue is not just increasing the number of female athletes or permitting women to compete in a broader range of sports. "S port can be an im portant tool for social empowerment through the skills and values learned , such as team work. negotiation , leadership, communication and respect for others."

Women and girls can establish interpersonal networks through sports and become more engaged in society th anks to increased self-confidence and freedom of express ion. Empowerment encompasses physical and psychological benefits. which impact individual needs in caring for oneself - as opposed to focusing on caring for others - and enab ling leadership skills. Women, setting an example for others in sport. are accomplishing more to advance empowerment than the important foundational policy actions that organisations have initiated.

The power of example is the foundation of the US State Department's Empowering Women and Girls through Sports Initiative (EWGSI). Former Secretary of State Hilla ry Clinton stated the initiative in February 2012 as part of the 40th anniversary of the Title IX promulgation.

Then Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs Ann Stock subsequently launched the

Title IX: a US federal law passed in 1972 that states: "No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance ."

programme at the 5th IOC World Conference on Women in Sport in Los Angeles the same month. However, the United States has been dispatching female athletes on Sports Envoy type missions for much longer - Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak, for example, first went to Uganda back in 2006 as one of the first female soccer envoys.

The three pillars of the initiative are Sports Envoys, hosting Sports Visitors. and a mentorship programme.

The EWG SI is advised by a council of leading American women in sport who support the programme's goals and efforts. These 17 women, according to the State Department websi te, come from all levels of leadership in women's sports and industry. The Sports Envoys and Sports Visitors are part of a broader Sports Diplomacy effort under the auspices of the State Department's Bureau of Ed ucational and Cultural Affairs. SportsUnited.

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2163

4•4

Integrity Integrity

,.c-•-t---•

4.

4

Sports star and football coach Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak playing pick-up football with boys from an orphanage near Bangkok, Thailand

Sports announcer Fatima Saleem with young fans during a Go Girl Pakistan event

with its Facebook page, is the face of the sports diplomacy effort that links sports professionals with peers to help strengthen relations between the United States and other co untri es. The exchanges are a way of transcending lingu istic and socio-cultural differences through sports.

The practical benefit for the you ng people involved in the United States and in the countries visi ted is training in leadership, teamwork and communication skills.

Triumphs and challenges The mentors programme is the 'flagship' of EWGSI and is jointly run by the US Department of State and espnW. The programme identifies emerging women leaders in sports from around the wor ld and pairs them with selected American female leaders in the sports industry - coaching, sports administration or management and sports journalism. One example of a success story in this programme is Paki sta n's Fatima Saleem, who is the on ly female sports announcer at GEO News, a TV channel in Pakistan. Fatima spent one month shadowing ESPN's Senior Vice President of Operations Jodi Markley, in a move that Clinton ca lled "smart power." Saleem's experience inspired her to form Go Girl Pakistan. Go Girl Pakistan offers young girls th e opportunity to improve football skills in a safe, culturally acceptable manner

acti vities. It is important to note that Pakistan does have a women's national football team - currently ranked #125, wh ich will certa in ly improve as more girl s choose to be athletes because of the inspiring role models they see.

A challenge that Fatima encounters in Pakistan is a concern in other parts of th e world , including Brazil overcoming cul tural perceptions that girls shou ld not be athletes. Despite Brazil's world-renowned love of football , women 's football teams are still struggling to gain wide accepta nce. Sahaydak also described a more concrete example of these cul t ural perception barriers - resistance from family: "I did not realise how fortunate I was to have a father who supported me; he even pushed me to become an athlete and is proud of my accomplishments.

It wasn't until I got involved in Em powering Women and Girls through Sport that I realised even girls who participate in our events are not supported by their families to become athletes. I think the initiative should start inc lud ing families in these activities as well."

Another pressure girl s can sometimes face is family members attempting to push the perception that female beauty or being fem inine and sports do not mi x. These types of perception issues can probably only be challenged through the personal examp le of female Sports Envoys from around the world increasing ly debunking thi s common obstacle for girls who are considering participation in sport.

Another barrier girls face is sharing the playing field with boys.

Even in cultu res where girls might pl ay sports freely, th ey will have a difficult time gaini ng access. if the boys will not sha re. Sahaydak gave an example from Brazil. LoveFutbol is an international charitable organisation dedicated to building football fie lds in commun ities that are safe areas in wh ich to play sports. She explained that during her Sports Envoy trip to Brazil , gi rl s claimed the boys would not let them use th e football field that LoveFutbol had built in their commun ity. When a community recognises this problem and is energised to promote girls participation in sports, sharing of community fields will be a scheduling challenge to be resolved fairly. Sahaydak described the results of

These girls need proper training and, most of all, places where they can train and exercise their talents with parental and community involvement, an important aspect of her approach. Saleem has expressed: "There are so many talented women in Pakistan. Despite th e challenges ... they still come out and play. The passion and the drive is unbelievable. These girls need proper training and, most of all , places where they can tra in and exe rcise their talent. " Saleem hopes that involving the who le comm unity in her efforts will help to break down the barriers that are holding girls back from sports

64 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

participating in sports diplomacy events with boys and feels the opportunity for boys and young men around the world to see world class female athletes will open their eyes to recognising what girls and women can be capable of achieving. Sharing spaces will still present challenges - for example, in scheduling and in cultural perceptions but they are not insurmountable. The first steps in tackling th ese obstacles are acceptance and respect. two qualities great female athletes are increasingly engendering around th e world by their personal examples.

Life-changing impact Another EWGS I event illustrates a further positive aspect of how women's lives can be changed through sports diplomacy initiatives. Sitting Volleyball is a Paraly mpic event. In February 2014, the Mongolia's Women's Sitting Volleyball team visited Oklahoma, United States. On Vale ntine's Day, they visited the Limbs for Life Foundation and were fitted for custom prosthetics. After re ceivi ng the new prosthetics, the Mongo lian women's team visited a food bank in Oklahoma City and helped by volunteer ing to distribute food to the homeless. The value of suc h an eve nt may seem inconsequenti al during gove rnm ental pla nning stages when facing constrained budgets, but the impact on lives for all who participate from each country is immeasurable, and the investment may be more endu rin g and value- laden than other types of event.

US State Department planners and organisers of the EWGSI told /CSS Journal that th e most significant cha llenges they faced in implementing the programme we re, in fact. logistical. Coordinating an event through embassies and governments, identifying the women

or girls to participate, arranging travel and ove rcom ing language barriers, as well as being the responsible agents for girls travelling to the US, can turn worthy or good ideas into bureaucratic and organisational quagmires.

However, State Department officials and others supporting the programme consider the efforts entirely worthwhile,

"Coming together through sports allows us to forget about our differences, and focus more on things like building connections through teamwork, dedication, and leadership. Sports diplomacy programmes build on our global commitment to advance the rights and participation of women, girls, and people with disabilities around the world." - Evan Ryan, US Assistant Secretary of State

for Educational and Cultural Affairs

especially given the concrete examples of powerful and positive impacts for the girls and women involved .

It is hoped that programmes such as these will be sustained. The international effort demonstrates incre mental progress, measurable targets and proactive pl anning, with nation s continuing to participate and support a ran ge of diplomacy efforts. Sport is capable of yielding significant results in impacting li ves, and providing personal examples is an important approach towards breaking down th e socio-cultural barriers preventing wome n from achieving their potential. • Nathan Barrick is an international affairs and sport security analyst, and former US army major

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

65

4•4

Integrity

Integrity

,.c-•-t---•

4.

4

Sports star and football coach Tiffany Roberts Sahaydak playing pick-up football with boys from an orphanag e near Bangkok, Thailand

Sports announcer Fatima Saleem with young fans during a Go Girl Pakistan event

with its Facebook page, is the face of the sports diploma cy effort that links sports professionals with peers to help strengthen relations between the United States and other co untri es. The exchanges are a way of transcending lingu istic and socio-cultural differences through sports.

The practical benefit for the you ng people involved in the United States and in the countries visi ted is training in leadership, teamwork and commun ication skills.

Triumphs and challenges The mentors programme is the 'flagship' of EWGSI and is jointly run by the US Departm ent of State and espnW. The programme identifies emerging women leaders in sports from around the wor ld and pairs them with selected American female leaders in the sports industry - coaching, sports adminis tration or management and sports journalism. One example of a success story in this programme is Paki sta n's Fatima Saleem, who is the on ly female sports announcer at GEO News, a TV channel in Pakistan. Fatima spent one month shadow ing ESPN's Senior Vice President of Operations Jodi Markley, in a move that Clinton ca lled "smart power." Saleem's experience inspired her to form Go Girl Pakistan. Go Girl Pakistan offers young girls th e opportu nity to improve football skills in a safe, cultural ly acceptable manner

acti vities. It is importa nt to note that Pakistan does have a women's national football team - currentl y ranked #125, wh ich will certa in ly improve as more girl s choose to be athletes because of the inspiring role models they see.

A challenge that Fatima encounters in Pakistan is a concern in other parts of th e world , includin g Brazil overcoming cul tural perceptions that girls shou ld not be athletes. Despite Brazil's world-renowned love of football , women 's football teams are still struggli ng to gain wide accepta nce. Sahaydak also described a more concrete example of these cul t ural perception barriers - resistance from family: "I did not realise how fortunate I was to have a father who supported me; he even pushed me to become an athlete and is proud of my accomplishments.

It wasn't until I got involved in Em powering Women and Girls through Sport that I realised even girls who particip ate in our events are not supported by their families to become athletes. I think the initiative should start inc lud ing families in these activities as well."

Another pressure girl s can sometimes face is family members attempt ing to push the perception that female beauty or being fem inine and sports do not mi x. These types of perception issues can probably only be challenged through the personal examp le of female Sports Envoys from around the world increasing ly debunk ing thi s commo n obstacle for girls who are considering particip ation in sport.

Another barrier girls face is sharing the playing field with boys.

Even in cultu res where girls might pl ay sports freely, th ey will have a difficult time gaini ng access. if the boys will not sha re. Sahaydak gave an example from Brazil. LoveFutbol is an international charitable organisation dedicated to building football fie lds in commun ities that are safe areas in wh ich to play sports. She explained that during her Sports Envoy trip to Brazil , gi rl s claimed the boys would not let them use th e football field that LoveFutbol had built in their commun ity. When a commu nity recognises this problem and is energised to promote girls particip ation in sports, sharing of commu nity fields will be a scheduling challenge to be resolved fairly. Sahaydak described the results of

These girls need proper training and , most of all, places whe re they can train and exercise their talents with parenta l and commu nity involvement, an importa nt aspect of her approach. Saleem has expressed: "There are so many talented women in Pakistan. Despite th e challenges ... they still come out and play. The passion and the drive is unbelievable. These girls need proper training and, most of all , places where they can tra in and exe rcise their talent. " Saleem hopes that involving the who le comm unity in her efforts will help to break down the barriers that are holding girls back from sports

64 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

particip ating in sports diploma cy events with boys and feels the opportu nity for boys and young men around the world to see world class female athletes will open their eyes to recognising what girls and women can be capable of achieving. Sharing spaces will still present challenges - for example, in scheduling and in cultural perceptions but they are not insurmountable. The first steps in tackling th ese obstacles are acceptance and respect. two qualities great female athletes are increasingly engendering around the world by their personal examples.

Life-changing impac t Another EWGS I event illustrates a further positive aspect of how women's lives can be changed through sports diploma cy initiatives. Sitting Volleyball is a Paraly mpic event. In February 2014, the Mongolia's Women's Sitting Volleyball team visited Oklahoma, United States. On Vale ntine's Day, they visited the Limbs for Life Foundation and were fitted for custom prosthetics. After re ceivi ng the new prosthetics, the Mongo lian women's team visited a food bank in Oklahoma City and helped by volunteer ing to distribu te food to the homeless. The value of suc h an eve nt may seem inconsequenti al during gove rnm ental pla nning stages when facing constrained budgets, but the impact on lives for all who particip ate from each country is immeasurable, and the investment may be more endu rin g and value- laden than other types of event.

US State Departm ent planners and organisers of the EWGSI told /CSS Journal that th e most significant cha llenges they faced in impleme nting the programme we re, in fact. logistical. Coordinating an event through embassies and governments, identifyi ng the women

or girls to particip ate, arranging travel and ove rcom ing language barriers, as well as being the responsible agents for girls travelling to the US, can turn worthy or good ideas into bureaucratic and organisa tional quagmires.

However, State Departm ent officials and others support ing the programme consider the efforts entirely worthwhile,

"Coming together through sports allows us to forget about our differences, and focus more on things like building connections through teamwork, dedication, and leadership. Sports diplomacy programmes build on our global commitment to advance the rights and participation of women, girls, and people with disabilities around the world." - Evan Ryan, US Assistant Secretary of State

for Educational and Cultural Affairs

especially given the concrete examples of powerful and positive impacts for the girls and women involved .

It is hoped that programmes such as these will be sustained. The international effort demonstrates incre mental progress, measurable targets and proactive pl anning, with nation s continui ng to particip ate and support a ran ge of diploma cy efforts. Sport is capable of yielding significant results in impactin g li ves, and providing personal examples is an importa nt approach towards breaking down th e socio-cultural barriers preventing wome n from achieving their potential. • Nathan Barrick is an international affairs and sport security analyst, and former US army major

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

65

Integrity

Integrity •

Declaration on gender equality receives update

The Sixth IWG World Conference on Women and Sport agreed upon an updated statement of principles in June, adopting the Brighton Plus Helsinki 2014 Declaration on Women and Sport.

The conference recognised "the achievement of positive changes experienced by women and girls in the field of sport and physical activity since the adoption of the Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport".

However, it also highlighted " persistent barriers impeding equal opportunities for women and girls in sport at all levels and in all functions and roles of sport and physical activity".

I

I

1 11

•

•

recognise the diversity of women 's and girls' needs, especially those with disabilities through delivery of Article 30 of the 2006 UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities; and those living and working in cultures and contexts which may be hostile to female

Approximately 830 people from 100 countries took port in the IWG's World Conference an Women in Sport in Helsinki, Finland in June 2014

participation and performance; increase and support the involvement of women in

IWG

6TH IWG WORLO CONFERENCE ON WOMEN ANO SPORT

sport and physical activity, at all levels and in all functions and roles;

Research on sport should pay increased attention to women's involvement The updated declaration notes that "despite growing participation of women in sport and physical activity in recent years and increased opportunities for women to participate in domestic and international arenas, increased representation of women in decision making and leadership roles within sport and physical activity has been slow to follow. Women are significantly under-represented in management, administration, coaching and officiating, particularly at the higher levels . Further women continue to be discriminated in sport and are subjects to gender based violence."

The document exhorts all institutions involved in sport and physical activity to take measures to: •

•

66

mainstream the values and principles of equity and diversity into all international, regional, national and local strategies for sport and physical activity; ensure that all women and girls have opportunity to participate in sport and physical activity in a safe and supportive environment which preserves the rights, dignity and respect of the individual;

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

•

ensure that the knowledge, experiences and values of women contribute to the development of sport and physical activity;

•

promote the recognition of women's and girls' involvement in sport and physical activity as a contribution to public life, community development and in building healthy nations; promote the recognition by women of the intrinsic value of sport and physical activity and its contributions to personal development and healthy lifestyles; and

•

•

increase cooperation between women and men and ensure support of men in order to promote gender equality in sport and physical activity.

:::::0

,';!

..9;

·5 -\'.:?.

~

adherence to UN statements

2.

While these aims are broadly stated, the 10 principles agreed by the conference, and its final conclusions and recommendations , set out the objectives in more detail. The full text is available online, but in brief: 1.

Equity and equality should be promoted by States by monitoring sporting bodies'

3.

on equality and human rights, by ensuring opportunities for all women to take part in any kind of sport or physical activity without any form of discrimination , and by allocating resources, power and responsibility fairly and to redress current imbalances between genders .

Sporting and physical activity facilities should meet the particular needs of women and girls in the community, with special attention given to the need for child care provision, safe transport and safety during participation and performance.

Schools and youth groups should be guided by the UNESCO Guidelines on

4.

5.

Quality Physical Education and the ICSSPE International Position Statement on Physical Education. These should help ensure that sporting and physical activities relevant to the needs of girls are provided .

Those responsible for delivering sporting opportunities and programmes should provide and promote activities which meet women's needs and aspirations during their whole lifespan from childhood to elderly woman, particularly given the health benefits of sport clearly identified by the World Health Organization .

Programmes for elite athletes should make sure that female athletes' needs are built into sustainable infrastructures for developing sports

6.

7.

performance, and sports governing bodies (SGBs) should ensure that competition opportunities, rewards, incentives, recognition, sponsorship, promotion, and other forms of support are provided fairly and equitably for both women and men.

Governments and SGBs should increase the number of women coaches, advisers, decision-makers, officials, administrators, and sports personnel at all levels, with special attention given to recruitment, mentoring, empowerment, reward, and retention of women leaders.

Education processes and experiences should address issues relating to gender

equity and the needs of female athletes, including a safe and secure environment, equitably reflect women 's role in sport and physical activity, and take account of women's leadership experiences, values and attitudes.

8. Research and information gathering on sport should pay increased attention to women's involvement in sport, not focus solely on men's activities, and data should be broken down by gender.

9. Resources should be made available to advance the above principles.

10. Governments and NGOs should include matters of gender equality and equity in all domestic and international discussions relating to sport.

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

67

Integrity

Integrity •

Declaration on gender equality receives update

The Sixth IWG World Conference on Women and Sport agreed upon an updated statement of principles in June, adopting the Brighton Plus Helsinki 2014 Declaration on Women and Sport.

The conference recognised "the achievement of positive changes experienced by women and girls in the field of sport and physical activity since the adoption of the Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport".

However, it also highlighted " persistent barriers impeding equal opportunities for women and girls in sport at all levels and in all functions and roles of sport and physical activity".

I

I

1 11

•

•

recognise the diversity of women 's and girls' needs, especially those with disabilities through delivery of Article 30 of the 2006 UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities; and those living and working in cultures and contexts which may be hostile to female

Approximately 830 people from 100 countries took port in the IWG's World Conference an Women in Sport in Helsinki, Finland in June 2014

participation and performance; increase and support the involvement of women in

IWG

6TH IWG WORLO CONFERENCE ON WOMEN ANO SPORT

sport and physical activity, at all levels and in all functions and roles;

Research on sport should pay increased attention to women's involvement The updated declaration notes that "despite growing participation of women in sport and physical activity in recent years and increased opportunities for women to participate in domestic and international arenas, increased representation of women in decision making and leadership roles within sport and physical activity has been slow to follow. Women are significantly under-represented in management, administration, coaching and officiating, particularly at the higher levels . Further women continue to be discriminated in sport and are subjects to gender based violence."

The document exhorts all institutions involved in sport and physical activity to take measures to: •

•

66

mainstream the values and principles of equity and diversity into all international, regional, national and local strategies for sport and physical activity; ensure that all women and girls have opportunity to participate in sport and physical activity in a safe and supportive environment which preserves the rights, dignity and respect of the individual;

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

•

ensure that the knowledge, experiences and values of women contribute to the development of sport and physical activity;

•

promote the recognition of women's and girls' involvement in sport and physical activity as a contribution to public life, community development and in building healthy nations; promote the recognition by women of the intrinsic value of sport and physical activity and its contributions to personal development and healthy lifestyles; and

•

•

increase cooperation between women and men and ensure support of men in order to promote gender equality in sport and physical activity.

:::::0

,';!

..9;

·5 -\'.:?.

~

adherence to UN statements

2.

While these aims are broadly stated, the 10 principles agreed by the conference, and its final conclusions and recommendations , set out the objectives in more detail. The full text is available online, but in brief: 1.

Equity and equality should be promoted by States by monitoring sporting bodies'

3.

on equality and human rights, by ensuring opportunities for all women to take part in any kind of sport or physical activity without any form of discrimination , and by allocating resources, power and responsibility fairly and to redress current imbalances between genders .

Sporting and physical activity facilities should meet the particular needs of women and girls in the community, with special attention given to the need for child care provision, safe transport and safety during participation and performance.

Schools and youth groups should be guided by the UNESCO Guidelines on

4.

5.

Quality Physical Education and the ICSSPE International Position Statement on Physical Education. These should help ensure that sporting and physical activities relevant to the needs of girls are provided .

Those responsible for delivering sporting opportunities and programmes should provide and promote activities which meet women's needs and aspirations during their whole lifespan from childhood to elderly woman, particularly given the health benefits of sport clearly identified by the World Health Organization .

Programmes for elite athletes should make sure that female athletes' needs are built into sustainable infrastructures for developing sports

6.

7.

performance, and sports governing bodies (SGBs) should ensure that competition opportunities, rewards, incentives, recognition, sponsorship, promotion, and other forms of support are provided fairly and equitably for both women and men.

Governments and SGBs should increase the number of women coaches, advisers, decision-makers, officials, administrators, and sports personnel at all levels, with special attention given to recruitment, mentoring, empowerment, reward, and retention of women leaders.

Education processes and experiences should address issues relating to gender

equity and the needs of female athletes, including a safe and secure environment, equitably reflect women 's role in sport and physical activity, and take account of women's leadership experiences, values and attitudes.

8. Research and information gathering on sport should pay increased attention to women's involvement in sport, not focus solely on men's activities, and data should be broken down by gender.

9. Resources should be made available to advance the above principles.

10. Governments and NGOs should include matters of gender equality and equity in all domestic and international discussions relating to sport.

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

67

Courtsiding and the integrity of live â&#x20AC;˘ sporting events Laura Scaife examines the issues raised for sports bodies and legislators from the use of communications technologies to transmit betting data

0

ver the past decade, the speed with which telecommunications technologies have developed has had a phenomenal impact on how the economy operates, the way in which individuals work and play on a global scale, and has left legislators struggling to keep up with relevant laws. The increasing technological commercialisation of sports betting has raised integrity issues for the industry. This has not gone unnoticed by sporting bodies, with FIFA president Joseph Blatter noting in 2008 that "modern technology, and especially the opportunities for sports betting via the internet, represents an insidious danger to the integrity of the game."

Traditionally, integrity iss ues that are presented by tech nology conjured up images of furti ve ca lls to throw matches. However, a new threat to integrity has been posed by courtsiding - also referred to as spectator betting. Professio nal bettors are increasi ngly using fast technol ogy to take adva ntage of betting odds throughout t he match or on match points . Although

the ind ustry has been discussing the issue for the past decade and legislation making cou rtsiding il legal ha s been int roduced in some jurisdictions, much uncertainty remains on how they ca n be regu late d in practi ce.

Thi s art icle will co nsider the natu re of spectator betting, th e cha ll enges it presents and how orga ni sers and sporting regulators ca n approac h this complex area.

What is courtsiding?

In gambling parlance, courtsiding involves providing info rmation for betting on sport s from where th e sport is taking place in t he tim e bet ween the event occurring and being relayed to betting agents. Technological advancements have increa sed th e opportunity for syndicates and intelligent gamblers to use sophisticated models and instantaneous data in orde r to apply economi c principles, creating an advantage over th e everyday pu nter. The England and Wales Cricket Board released the figure that th ere were 23 cases of people ejected in summer 2013 for alleged courtsid ing.

Courtsiding and the integrity of live â&#x20AC;˘ sporting events Laura Scaife examines the issues raised for sports bodies and legislators from the use of communications technologies to transmit betting data

0

ver the past decade, the speed with which telecommunications technologies have developed has had a phenomenal impact on how the economy operates, the way in which individuals work and play on a global scale, and has left legislators struggling to keep up with relevant laws. The increasing technological commercialisation of sports betting has raised integrity issues for the industry. This has not gone unnoticed by sporting bodies, with FIFA president Joseph Blatter noting in 2008 that "modern technology, and especially the opportunities for sports betting via the internet, represents an insidious danger to the integrity of the game."

Traditionally, integrity iss ues that are presented by tech nology conjured up images of furti ve ca lls to throw matches. However, a new threat to integrity has been posed by courtsiding - also referred to as spectator betting. Professio nal bettors are increasi ngly using fast technol ogy to take adva ntage of betting odds throughout t he match or on match points . Although

the ind ustry has been discussing the issue for the past decade and legislation making cou rtsiding il legal ha s been int roduced in some jurisdictions, much uncertainty remains on how they ca n be regu late d in practi ce.

Thi s art icle will co nsider the natu re of spectator betting, th e cha ll enges it presents and how orga ni sers and sporting regulators ca n approac h this complex area.

What is courtsiding?

In gambling parlance, courtsiding involves providing info rmation for betting on sport s from where th e sport is taking place in t he tim e bet ween the event occurring and being relayed to betting agents. Technological advancements have increa sed th e opportunity for syndicates and intelligent gamblers to use sophisticated models and instantaneous data in orde r to apply economi c principles, creating an advantage over th e everyday pu nter. The England and Wales Cricket Board released the figure that th ere were 23 cases of people ejected in summer 2013 for alleged courtsid ing.

Integrity .

4. 4

. . . Integrity

Although technology has faci litated access to and increased dem and for ga mbling services arou nd the globe, it is not th e so le factor creatin g room for professionals to exploit betting. Eq ual weight must be attributed to th e types of bets now ava ilabl e.

The increase in the diversity of betting products and the simpl icity of placing bets on smartph ones ha s increased the appeal of sports gamb ling to a wide audience. It is common to see bett ing adverts during breaks in te levised sports matches, showing betting adding to the thrill of the view ing experience - but th e

Not only do bookmakers generally app ly a delay to in- play bet placement to cover themselves aga inst any potential delay, they also have access to point streams. In tennis, Enetpulse provide po int streams di rect from the umpire's chair to bookmakers, allowing th em to record points and suspend any relevant markets almost immediately.

Moreover, policies at most sporting venues stipu late portable units can only be used for ca ll s and texts, so any professional use is ordinarily forb idden . Although venues are increasingly clamping down on entry to betting websi tes via their own Wi- Fi networks.

Cou rtsid ing became illegal in Victoria, Australia in 2013.

Under section 195C of th e Crimes Amendment (Integrity in Sports) Act 2013 , the offence is committed if an individual engages in "cond uct that wou ld corrupt a betting outcome" and carries a maximum of 10 years' impri so nment. The crime takes place when a spectator at a sporti ng event passes on or uses information that leads to bets being placed on in-game markets before the bookmakers receive the information, changing t he odds and giving them selves an advantage. Th e aim of the legislation was to: • improve co nfidence in the integrity of sports betting; and • enab le sports controlling bodies to receive a portion of the revenue from betting.

Technology has facilitated access to and increased demand for gambling services around the globe real integrity issue is professional betting. In relation to in-play spectator betting, th e Remote Gambling Associati on highlights three releva nt types: • on the final outcome of an event; parti cular co ntingen cies, such as who wil l sco re the next goal; and the outcome of the next ball in cricket or the next point in tenni s, known as micro-betting.

• •

Micro-betting in particular presents real cha llenges to betting integrity. According to the Australian Department of Communications, Micro-betting involves the fo ll owing character istics and circumstances: • the placing, rece iving or acceptance of bets on particular events occurs during th e session of a match; • th e opportunity is repetitive, high freque ncy and part of a structured component of the match or game. For examp le, ball-by-ball betting in a ga me of cricket; • a bet is placed on one of a limited number of outcomes, although the number of possible outcomes may be more than two; and • the time between placing a bet and kn ow ing the outcome is very short, usua lly less than fi ve minutes, excepting appeals, intervals and interruptions.

Official regulation Some stakeholders in sport, suc h as bookmakers and spo rts bodies, have expressed serious concerns over the availability of such bets, suggesting th ey offer increased opportuniti es for corru pt acti vi ties . Because individuals can bet frequently and repetiti vely with short intervals between bet and result making, the system is easi ly susceptible to manipulation .

It is arguable whether bets can be placed before bookmakers can close off wagering on these events.

70

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

As a result, sports betting providers need written agreements with sporting orga nisations on sharing gambling information and on the fees payab le to approved sports contro ll ing bod ies.

In the UK it is an offence under Section 42 of th e Gambling Act 2005 to help anyone to cheat at gamb ling.

It is not unlawful in numerous ot her co untries around the wor ld , but spo rtin g functi ons tend to have policies letting orga ni sers eject any ind iv idual suspected of cou rt siding. In a report by The Remote Gamb ling Assoc iat ion, Th e Briti sh Gambling Co mmi ssion (BGC) stated that it "is familiar with methods used in other cou ntri es to promote betting integrity, suc h as restricting the types of bets offered or approving spo rtin g bodies' rules before allowing betting on those sports ", however, although "the Commission has the power to impose such restr ict ions on it s licensees [it] does not con sider, based on the availab le evi dence, that such intrusive or resource intensive methods are wa rranted or wou ld be effective."

• If a jurisdict ion is considering imposing suc h a restriction , regul ators should draw upon th e knowledge of key stakeho lders - such as the sport ing bodies themselves - and look at the wider internati onal sporting and gamb ling environment. Then they can assess if the statutory and non-stat utory provision , viewed in light of th e wider internation al sporting and ga mbling environment, offer an effective approach. Befo re imposi ng suc h a restri ction, regu lators could also consider if ex isting poli cies and rules imposed by sporting bodi es

The Melbourne Cricket Ground in Victoria , Australia . Victoria outlawed courtsid ing in 2013 and defines the crime as "conduct that would corrupt a betting outcome"

cou ld evolve in order to meet suc h dema nds and if they are a reasonable and proportionate res ponse.

Considering the above factors would help to assess the measures th at are in place and also how existing policies and procedures could be interpreted com patibly and pro portionately. In practice, prohibition is co mplex to imp lement and produces practical iss ues , such as how to enforce it either at a national leve l or by the sport itself.

Exploring other options A proposed alternative to manage the risk could be to limit the number of betting compani es with whic h bets can be placed, whic h is present in the draft Fren ch regulations. However, the Sports Rights Owners Coaliti on (S ROC) notes that "competition organi sers wou ld have to

agree that a particular operator cou ld offer a bet on the competition ." Additionally, the control is limited as it wi ll only apply to bets offe red by French licensees and they ca nnot control other licensed ga mbling ope rators offering whateve r bets on French sport they wa nt to. Another fl aw rema in s as operators m ight not apply for sports betting li ce nces and prefer to operate outside of th e model. If a degree of commercia l understanding between parties ca n be nurtured , it may be poss ib le to seek some agreements in this area . Competition considerati ons would need to be factored into any possible wider industry di scuss ions.

Regardless of the pol icies in place and legislation imple mented, the reality is that sports betting wil l and does take place on sporting eve nts. Remote techno logies, such as mobile phones, can be used covert ly due to th ei r size and it ca nnot be guaranteed that spectators will

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

71

Integrity .

4. 4

. . . Integrity

Although technology has faci litated access to and increased dem and for ga mbling services arou nd the globe, it is not th e so le factor creatin g room for professionals to exploit betting. Eq ual weight must be attributed to th e types of bets now ava ilabl e.

The increase in the diversity of betting products and the simpl icity of placing bets on smartph ones ha s increased the appeal of sports gamb ling to a wide audience. It is common to see bett ing adverts during breaks in te levised sports matches, showing betting adding to the thrill of the view ing experience - but th e

Not only do bookmakers generally app ly a delay to in- play bet placement to cover themselves aga inst any potential delay, they also have access to point streams. In tennis, Enetpulse provide po int streams di rect from the umpire's chair to bookmakers, allowing th em to record points and suspend any relevant markets almost immediately.

Moreover, policies at most sporting venues stipu late portable units can only be used for ca ll s and texts, so any professional use is ordinarily forb idden . Although venues are increasingly clamping down on entry to betting websi tes via their own Wi- Fi networks.

Cou rtsid ing became illegal in Victoria, Australia in 2013.

Under section 195C of th e Crimes Amendment (Integrity in Sports) Act 2013 , the offence is committed if an individual engages in "cond uct that wou ld corrupt a betting outcome" and carries a maximum of 10 years' impri so nment. The crime takes place when a spectator at a sporti ng event passes on or uses information that leads to bets being placed on in-game markets before the bookmakers receive the information, changing t he odds and giving them selves an advantage. Th e aim of the legislation was to: • improve co nfidence in the integrity of sports betting; and • enab le sports controlling bodies to receive a portion of the revenue from betting.

Technology has facilitated access to and increased demand for gambling services around the globe real integrity issue is professional betting. In relation to in-play spectator betting, th e Remote Gambling Associati on highlights three releva nt types: • on the final outcome of an event; parti cular co ntingen cies, such as who wil l sco re the next goal; and the outcome of the next ball in cricket or the next point in tenni s, known as micro-betting.

• •

Micro-betting in particular presents real cha llenges to betting integrity. According to the Australian Department of Communications, Micro-betting involves the fo ll owing character istics and circumstances: • the placing, rece iving or acceptance of bets on particular events occurs during th e session of a match; • th e opportunity is repetitive, high freque ncy and part of a structured component of the match or game. For examp le, ball-by-ball betting in a ga me of cricket; • a bet is placed on one of a limited number of outcomes, although the number of possible outcomes may be more than two; and • the time between placing a bet and kn ow ing the outcome is very short, usua lly less than fi ve minutes, excepting appeals, intervals and interruptions.

Official regulation Some stakeholders in sport, suc h as bookmakers and spo rts bodies, have expressed serious concerns over the availability of such bets, suggesting th ey offer increased opportuniti es for corru pt acti vi ties . Because individuals can bet frequently and repetiti vely with short intervals between bet and result making, the system is easi ly susceptible to manipulation .

It is arguable whether bets can be placed before bookmakers can close off wagering on these events.

70

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

As a result, sports betting providers need written agreements with sporting orga nisations on sharing gambling information and on the fees payab le to approved sports contro ll ing bod ies.

In the UK it is an offence under Section 42 of th e Gambling Act 2005 to help anyone to cheat at gamb ling.

It is not unlawful in numerous ot her co untries around the wor ld , but spo rtin g functi ons tend to have policies letting orga ni sers eject any ind iv idual suspected of cou rt siding. In a report by The Remote Gamb ling Assoc iat ion, Th e Briti sh Gambling Co mmi ssion (BGC) stated that it "is familiar with methods used in other cou ntri es to promote betting integrity, suc h as restricting the types of bets offered or approving spo rtin g bodies' rules before allowing betting on those sports ", however, although "the Commission has the power to impose such restr ict ions on it s licensees [it] does not con sider, based on the availab le evi dence, that such intrusive or resource intensive methods are wa rranted or wou ld be effective."

• If a jurisdict ion is considering imposing suc h a restriction , regul ators should draw upon th e knowledge of key stakeho lders - such as the sport ing bodies themselves - and look at the wider internati onal sporting and gamb ling environment. Then they can assess if the statutory and non-stat utory provision , viewed in light of th e wider internation al sporting and ga mbling environment, offer an effective approach. Befo re imposi ng suc h a restri ction, regu lators could also consider if ex isting poli cies and rules imposed by sporting bodi es

The Melbourne Cricket Ground in Victoria , Australia . Victoria outlawed courtsid ing in 2013 and defines the crime as "conduct that would corrupt a betting outcome"

cou ld evolve in order to meet suc h dema nds and if they are a reasonable and proportionate res ponse.

Considering the above factors would help to assess the measures th at are in place and also how existing policies and procedures could be interpreted com patibly and pro portionately. In practice, prohibition is co mplex to imp lement and produces practical iss ues , such as how to enforce it either at a national leve l or by the sport itself.

Exploring other options A proposed alternative to manage the risk could be to limit the number of betting compani es with whic h bets can be placed, whic h is present in the draft Fren ch regulations. However, the Sports Rights Owners Coaliti on (S ROC) notes that "competition organi sers wou ld have to

agree that a particular operator cou ld offer a bet on the competition ." Additionally, the control is limited as it wi ll only apply to bets offe red by French licensees and they ca nnot control other licensed ga mbling ope rators offering whateve r bets on French sport they wa nt to. Another fl aw rema in s as operators m ight not apply for sports betting li ce nces and prefer to operate outside of th e model. If a degree of commercia l understanding between parties ca n be nurtured , it may be poss ib le to seek some agreements in this area . Competition considerati ons would need to be factored into any possible wider industry di scuss ions.

Regardless of the pol icies in place and legislation imple mented, the reality is that sports betting wil l and does take place on sporting eve nts. Remote techno logies, such as mobile phones, can be used covert ly due to th ei r size and it ca nnot be guaranteed that spectators will

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

71

Integ ri ty

Integrity

One measure that sports stadiums can toke to prevent corrupt betting activities is to brief stewards on how to deal with suspects

High-street betting shop Wi ll iam Hill may limit betting an certain football matches so that it does not fall victim to corrupt practices

4 •4

companies would quickly withdraw any bet types that affected their economic position before any statutory measures could appear. This demonstrates the power of self regulation and shows how state-imposed measures may not be a proportionate way to tackle the issues presented by spectator betting.

Although sporting bodies can play an active role in shaping integrity legislation , they have a more limited impact upon technology and betting companies, which the laws of economics and free market principles govern.

However, it should not be forgotten that bodies and event stadiums can still exercise control to an extent by: • incorporating rules on spectator betting into their ticket terms and conditions; • restricting Wi-Fi access to certain betting sites if accessed via the events own Wi-Fi and; • briefing stewards as to how to deal with individuals suspected of these activities.

Potential measures

BGC 's view, consideration should be given to ways that betting agencies themselves could address the problem.

The advantage of the market deciding how to tackle the issue will be a response that is more proportionate and less of an affront to free market principles, which arguably sport should not interfere with.

To an extent. gambling companies can self regulate and would arguably seek to do so.

If not on a regulatory or ethical view, then perhaps on a purely economic basis as corrupt bets have the power to adversely affect their business, their reputation and financial returns. In June 2009, William Hill - one of the largest betting shop chains in the UK - announced that it might abandon betting on certain football matches to prevent it becoming the victim of potential corrupt betting activity: "If we start to feel all is not well with every game you may well end up with a situation where bookmakers will start to be selective about some of the matches they decide to bet on and may restrict people from betting on certain games."

In response to the potential damage to their revenue or adverse press coverage of corruption , it is likely betting

The analysis in this paper suggests that banning the promotion of live odds at venues and during broadcasting of events would not be a solution. It may interfere with gambling providers' freedom to operate their business.

Ultimately, integrity and technology in sports are complex issues, but the increasing dialogue between sporting bodies, legislators and bookmakers is to be welcomed when seeking a solution that works for all stakeholders . This will help to ensure that sport reta ins its integrity while allowing economic activities arising out of it to flourish and take advantage of technology.

Furthermore, it is apparent that there will need to be a range of inputs to generally lower the risks that betting places upon sports integrity, for example consulting betting agencies and considering the effectiveness of licensing. Other potential measures suggested in 2011 by the Commonwealth's Joint Select

Increasing dialogue between sporting

bodies, legislators and bookmakers is to

not gamb le. If the opportunity to bet is ava il able from betting companies, the reality is that some individuals will attempt to place bets, even via jurisdictions that do not have such stringent laws. Although some betting agencies have a policy of not accepting bets made outside of the jurisdiction or from restricted jurisdiction, its effectiveness cannot be guaranteed . Often bets are still placed and only queried if the bet wins and requires payment. Given the volume of betting, the logistics of managing this process is a diff icult task and much will fall on the sophistication of the private companies who take bets, rather than the policies of the regulator. Neither does this option address black-market betting. If there is demand, the market will decide and develop products within or outside of the

72

be welcomed when seeking a solution

law in order to meet that consumer demand. This may even create a greater affront to sporting integrity.

The British Gambling Commission 's (BGC) position is that "it could not delegate a decision to a sport governing body as to the activities on which licensed betting operators could lawfully take bets", preferring instead to look at proportionately less intrusive options to reduce the incidence of corruption. Moreover, the solutions proposed by regulators so far are predicated on the assumption that sports bodies have the power to control commercial gambling operations derived from sport. such as betting agencies. The ability to restrict gambling is therefore severely limited due to the global possibilities , speed and diversity that on line gambling affords. In light of the

Committee on Gambling Reform include: working towards nationally consistent standards on harm minimisation and consumer protection mechanisms, working with the states and territories to introduce a mandatory code of conduct for advertising by online wagering providers in consultation with racing ministers and the industry, and developing a national online gambling research programme. • Laura Scaife is a data protection , social media and privacy specialist with a sports focus. You can contact her via laurascaife.ls@googlemail.com or her Linkedln page

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2 ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2173

Integ ri ty

Integrity

One measure that sports stadiums can toke to prevent corrupt betting activities is to brief stewards on how to deal with suspects

High-street betting shop Wi ll iam Hill may limit betting an certain football matches so that it does not fall victim to corrupt practices

4 •4

companies would quickly withdraw any bet types that affected their economic position before any statutory measures could appear. This demonstrates the power of self regulation and shows how state-imposed measures may not be a proportionate way to tackle the issues presented by spectator betting.

Although sporting bodies can play an active role in shaping integrity legislation , they have a more limited impact upon technology and betting companies, which the laws of economics and free market principles govern.

However, it should not be forgotten that bodies and event stadiums can still exercise control to an extent by: • incorporating rules on spectator betting into their ticket terms and conditions; • restricting Wi-Fi access to certain betting sites if accessed via the events own Wi-Fi and; • briefing stewards as to how to deal with individuals suspected of these activities.

Potential measures

BGC 's view, consideration should be given to ways that betting agencies themselves could address the problem.

The advantage of the market deciding how to tackle the issue will be a response that is more proportionate and less of an affront to free market principles, which arguably sport should not interfere with.

To an extent. gambling companies can self regulate and would arguably seek to do so.

If not on a regulatory or ethical view, then perhaps on a purely economic basis as corrupt bets have the power to adversely affect their business, their reputation and financial returns. In June 2009, William Hill - one of the largest betting shop chains in the UK - announced that it might abandon betting on certain football matches to prevent it becoming the victim of potential corrupt betting activity: "If we start to feel all is not well with every game you may well end up with a situation where bookmakers will start to be selective about some of the matches they decide to bet on and may restrict people from betting on certain games."

In response to the potential damage to their revenue or adverse press coverage of corruption , it is likely betting

The analysis in this paper suggests that banning the promotion of live odds at venues and during broadcasting of events would not be a solution. It may interfere with gambling providers' freedom to operate their business.

Ultimately, integrity and technology in sports are complex issues, but the increasing dialogue between sporting bodies, legislators and bookmakers is to be welcomed when seeking a solution that works for all stakeholders . This will help to ensure that sport reta ins its integrity while allowing economic activities arising out of it to flourish and take advantage of technology.

Furthermore, it is apparent that there will need to be a range of inputs to generally lower the risks that betting places upon sports integrity, for example consulting betting agencies and considering the effectiveness of licensing. Other potential measures suggested in 2011 by the Commonwealth's Joint Select

Increasing dialogue between sporting

bodies, legislators and bookmakers is to

not gamb le. If the opportunity to bet is ava il able from betting companies, the reality is that some individuals will attempt to place bets, even via jurisdictions that do not have such stringent laws. Although some betting agencies have a policy of not accepting bets made outside of the jurisdiction or from restricted jurisdiction, its effectiveness cannot be guaranteed . Often bets are still placed and only queried if the bet wins and requires payment. Given the volume of betting, the logistics of managing this process is a diff icult task and much will fall on the sophistication of the private companies who take bets, rather than the policies of the regulator. Neither does this option address black-market betting. If there is demand, the market will decide and develop products within or outside of the

72

be welcomed when seeking a solution

law in order to meet that consumer demand. This may even create a greater affront to sporting integrity.

The British Gambling Commission 's (BGC) position is that "it could not delegate a decision to a sport governing body as to the activities on which licensed betting operators could lawfully take bets", preferring instead to look at proportionately less intrusive options to reduce the incidence of corruption. Moreover, the solutions proposed by regulators so far are predicated on the assumption that sports bodies have the power to control commercial gambling operations derived from sport. such as betting agencies. The ability to restrict gambling is therefore severely limited due to the global possibilities , speed and diversity that on line gambling affords. In light of the

Committee on Gambling Reform include: working towards nationally consistent standards on harm minimisation and consumer protection mechanisms, working with the states and territories to introduce a mandatory code of conduct for advertising by online wagering providers in consultation with racing ministers and the industry, and developing a national online gambling research programme. • Laura Scaife is a data protection , social media and privacy specialist with a sports focus. You can contact her via laurascaife.ls@googlemail.com or her Linkedln page

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2 ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 2173

Integrity and the game Most of us instinctively value the integrity

of sport and

it. But what is the basis of integrity in sport?

do our best to protect

John Danaher explores the

concept, explaining why not everyone is prepared to play by the same rules

im Ferriss is a famous American writer, lifestyle guru and tech entrepreneur. He is the author of the multi-million selling Four Hour series of books. He is fluent in five languages, a world- record holder in tango spins, an expert in the art of accelerated-learning, a key proponent of the Quantified Self movement, and, according to Wired magazine readers , "the greatest self-promoter of all-time." I find much to admire about the man.

There is, however, one incident from his history that bothers me. In 1999, he was the US national champion in sa nsh ou (Chinese kickboxing). You might be inclined to think of this as a commendable sport ing achi eveme nt, but as he says hi mse lf: "It was n't because I was any good at punching and kicking. God forbid.

Th at seemed a bit dangerous, considering I did it on a dare and had only four weeks' preparation. Bes ides, I have a watermelon head - it's a big target. I won by reading the rules and looking for loopho les."

T

He found two such opportu nities. The first was that we igh- ins for the competition took place 24 hours in adva nce. Th is allowed him to exploit the dehydration and rehydration techniques that are common among some professional fighters, qualifying for the 1651b category despite we ighing 1931bs on the day of the compet ition. The second opportunity was a technical ity in the rule s, which says that you win if your opponent falls off an elevated platform th re e times during a fight.

Using his signifi ca nt weight advantage, Ferriss managed to push all his opponent s off the ring, and thereby win each fi ght on a techn ica l knockout.

Part of me appreciates the Machiavellian ingenuity of thi s strategy, but another balks at the notion that a nati onal cha mpions hip in any sport could be won with such deviousness. To put it bluntly, there is something about this victory that seems, to me at any rate, to lack a vital ingredient we demand of our athletes and sports stars: an ingredi ent we call integrity. Integrity is one

In te gr ity an d th e ga m e Most of us instinctively value the integrity of sport and do our best to protect it. But what is the basis of integrity in sport? John Dana her explor es the concept, explaining why not everyone is prepa red to play by the same rules

im Ferriss is a famous American writer, lifestyle guru and tech entrepreneur. He is the author of the multi-million selling Four Hour series of books. He is fluent in five languages, a world- record holder in tango spins, an expert in the art of accelerated-learning, a key proponent of the Quantified Self movement, and, according to Wired magazine readers , "the greatest self-promoter of all-time. " I find much to admire about the man.

There is, however, one incident from his history that bothers me. In 1999, he was the US national champion in sa nsh ou (Chinese kickboxing). You might be inclined to think of this as a commendable sport ing achi eveme nt, but as he says hi mse lf: "It was n't because I was any good at punching and kicking. God forbid.

Th at seemed a bit dangerous, considering I did it on a dare and had only four weeks' preparation. Bes ides, I have a waterme lon head - it's a big target. I won by reading the rules and looking for loopho les."

T

He found two such opportu nities. The first was that we igh- ins for the competit ion took place 24 hours in adva nce. Th is allowed him to exploit the dehydrat ion and rehydration techniques that are common among some professional fighters, qualifyin g for the 1651b category despite we ighing 1931bs on the day of the compet ition. The second opportun ity was a technical ity in the rule s, which says that you win if your opponent falls off an elevated platform th re e times during a fight.

Using his signifi ca nt weight advantage, Ferriss managed to push all his opponen t s off the ring, and thereby win each fi ght on a techn ica l knockout.

Part of me apprecia tes the Machiavellian ingenuity of thi s strategy, but another balks at the notion that a nati onal cha mpions hip in any sport could be won with such deviousness. To put it bluntly, there is something about this victory that seems, to me at any rate, to lack a vital ingredient we demand of our athletes and sports stars: an ingredi ent we call integrity. Integrity is one

4

.4

Integrity

of those concepts that crops up over and over again in debates about sports, particularly in the professional and commercialised era that now dominates. Hardly a scandal goes by - from doping and match-fixing to professional fouls and other dubious sporting tactics - without sporting authorities invoking it. But what exactly is sporting integrity? I think that the philosophy of sport can provide some answers, but to show how I need to take a brief tour into the history of the philosophical analysis of games.

Defining sport I have to start with the most general question of all: what is a sport? Or, rather, what is a game? (Sports being sub-types of games.) Philosophers tend to answer such questions by employing a tool known as conceptual analysis. This involves taking a concept, like that of a game, breaking it down into simpler and more fundamental component-concepts, and then identifying those components that are essential to the original concept and discarding those that are inessential. For example, the concept of a bachelor can be broken down into the component-concepts of unmarried and male, both of which are essential to bachelorhood. Associated concepts, for examp le handsome or reclusive, might then be found to apply to particular bachelors, but are themselves inessential to bachelorhood. This will probably seem blindingly obvious in this particular case, but when the same technique is applied to more complex concepts,

Integrity

goal. The word prelusory is derived from prelude, which itself derives from the Latin for prior to playing. The prelusory goal is the point or purpose of the game. It is something that can be understood without knowing anything about the rules of game. For example, the prelusory goal of golf is to put a ball in a hole, basketball is to put a ball in a basket, soccer is to put a ball in a goal , boxing is to knock down or defeat your opponent and so on. Technically, the prelusory goal could be anything, as is obvious from the diversity of games, but many times the prelusory goal is linked to qualities or attributes we deem valuable independently of the sport itself. For instance, intelligence, stre ngth, speed and agility.

The second thing you need for a game is a set of constitutive rules. These are rules that create and define the space in which the game is to be played. As Suits put it, they set up a series of obstacles that prevent the player from achieving the prelusory goal in the most efficient and straightforward manner. Instead , they force them to pursue the goal in a more specific , restricted manner. For example, in golf you cannot simply pick the ball up and drop it in the hole. The constitutive rules specify that you must use a set of clubs to deposit the ball into the hole within a predefined physical space.

Similarly, in basketball you cannot simply climb a ladder and drop the ball into the basket. Instead, you must keep control of the ball by bouncing it, work your way down a court while avoiding dispossession by your opponents and then throw the ball into the basket from some location on the court.

The constitutive rules are what distinguish games with otherwise similar prelusory goals from one another. For example, running and cycling have the prelusory goal of crossing a line before everybody else, but the constitutive rules require the players to achieve this goal in very different ways. The constitutive rules are also what make games interesting. The constraints they impose make it more or less difficult to achieve the prelusory goal and hence make success in that game a matter of greater skill. The philosopher Thomas Hurka, who adopts Suits's analysis, argues that what we think of as better games are better because they have rules that make success more difficult to achieve. There is, however, an important balancing act here. If the constitutive rules make things too difficult, the game will be inaccessible and uninteresting; if they make things too easy, people will quickly become bored. There is a science and art of g'ame construction that has yet to be fully explored.

The final thing you need for a game to exist is a lusory attitude among wou ld-be players. This is a willingness among the players to accept the artificial constraints imposed by the constitutive rules. Without this willingness, the game could not work. If golfers were unwilling to go along with the requirement to use clubs to manipulate the ball into the hole, the game of golf would cease to exist. The same goes for every other sport, voluntary acquiescence to the constitutive rules is essential.

4. 4

The prelusory gool of basketball is scoring by placing the boll in a basket

Integrity is one of those concepts that

crops up over and over again in debates the results can be quite illuminating. If you know what is essential to the application of any particular concept, you have a rigorous way of testing when that concept can be deployed in the real world .

The problem is that not all concepts have essential components. For a long time, it was thought that the concept of a game had no such components. Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein famously argued that games were too diverse, too different in their qualities, to be subjected to this kind of essentialist analysis. What, after all , could a game like chess share with a sport like weightlifting? The best one could hope for, according to Wittgenstein, was a series of family resemblances concepts shared by some games, but not by others. Just as traits are shared by some family members and not by others. Wittgenstein's approach to games is still popular, but I and others think he got it wrong when it came to disavowing the notion of an essence shared by all games.

The first to argue this at any length was Bernard Suits, whose 1978 book The Grasshopper refuted Wittgenstein's view, arguing that there were in fact three concepts essential to the existence of any game. The first thing you need for a game is something Suits calls the prelusory

76

ICSS Journol - Vol 2 I No 2

Although the lusory attitude is essential for the existence of a game, the reasons why people are willing to adopt the lusory attitude can vary greatly. Some people will accept constitutive rules because they enjoy the challenge of the game itself - they revel in the obstac les it creates and overcoming them. Some people do so because success in the game brings other rewards , such as fame and fortune.

Some people do so for both sets of reasons. This, as I argue below, is one reason why integrity is so important and difficult to achieve in the modern era.

What is integrity?

You may be wondering where all this is going. Where does Suits's analysis of ga mes get us? What I want to argue is that it helps us to understand the concept of sporting integrity, particularly if we keep in mind two of the three essential components for a game: the constitutive rules and the lusory attitude. In everyday speech, the word integrity means somethin g like

wholeness, consistency and undividedness. We refer to someone as being a person of integrity when we think we think they have a set of moral principles that they consistently abide to. They are whole, unequivocal and, therefore, admirable . Because of their consistency, you always know where you stand with them. In the world of sport, the word has, I want to suggest, very similar connotati ons . It refers to the wholeness, consistency and honesty of both the sport and its players. As such, sporting integrity has two dimensions.

First, the integrity of the sport itself can be defined by reference to its constitutive rules. As I said above, these rules create the space in which th e game is to be played and the set of restri ctions and obstacles that make the game what it is. Whenever we breach or bend those rules too far, we threaten the integrity of that space; we distort or reshape it into something new. The second dimension of integrity has to do with the athletes themselves and can be defined by reference to their

ICSS Journol - Vol 2 I No 2

77

4

.4

Integrity

of those concepts that crops up over and over again in debates about sports, particularly in the professional and commercialised era that now dominates. Hardly a scandal goes by - from doping and match-fixing to professional fouls and other dubious sporting tactics - without sporting authorities invoking it. But what exactly is sporting integrity? I think that the philosophy of sport can provide some answers, but to show how I need to take a brief tour into the history of the philosophical analysis of games.

Defining sport I have to start with the most general question of all: what is a sport? Or, rather, what is a game? (Sports being sub-types of games.) Philosophers tend to answer such questions by employing a tool known as conceptual analysis. This involves taking a concept, like that of a game, breaking it down into simpler and more fundamental component-concepts, and then identifying those components that are essential to the original concept and discarding those that are inessential. For example, the concept of a bachelor can be broken down into the component-concepts of unmarried and male, both of which are essential to bachelorhood. Associated concepts, for examp le handsome or reclusive, might then be found to apply to particular bachelors, but are themselves inessential to bachelorhood. This will probably seem blindingly obvious in this particular case, but when the same technique is applied to more complex concepts,

Integrity

goal. The word prelusory is derived from prelude, which itself derives from the Latin for prior to playing. The prelusory goal is the point or purpose of the game. It is something that can be understood without knowing anything about the rules of game. For example, the prelusory goal of golf is to put a ball in a hole, basketball is to put a ball in a basket, soccer is to put a ball in a goal , boxing is to knock down or defeat your opponent and so on. Technically, the prelusory goal could be anything, as is obvious from the diversity of games, but many times the prelusory goal is linked to qualities or attributes we deem valuable independently of the sport itself. For instance, intelligence, stre ngth, speed and agility.

The second thing you need for a game is a set of constitutive rules. These are rules that create and define the space in which the game is to be played. As Suits put it, they set up a series of obstacles that prevent the player from achieving the prelusory goal in the most efficient and straightforward manner. Instead , they force them to pursue the goal in a more specific , restricted manner. For example, in golf you cannot simply pick the ball up and drop it in the hole. The constitutive rules specify that you must use a set of clubs to deposit the ball into the hole within a predefined physical space.

Similarly, in basketball you cannot simply climb a ladder and drop the ball into the basket. Instead, you must keep control of the ball by bouncing it, work your way down a court while avoiding dispossession by your opponents and then throw the ball into the basket from some location on the court.

The constitutive rules are what distinguish games with otherwise similar prelusory goals from one another. For example, running and cycling have the prelusory goal of crossing a line before everybody else, but the constitutive rules require the players to achieve this goal in very different ways. The constitutive rules are also what make games interesting. The constraints they impose make it more or less difficult to achieve the prelusory goal and hence make success in that game a matter of greater skill. The philosopher Thomas Hurka, who adopts Suits's analysis, argues that what we think of as better games are better because they have rules that make success more difficult to achieve. There is, however, an important balancing act here. If the constitutive rules make things too difficult, the game will be inaccessible and uninteresting; if they make things too easy, people will quickly become bored. There is a science and art of g'ame construction that has yet to be fully explored.

The final thing you need for a game to exist is a lusory attitude among wou ld-be players. This is a willingness among the players to accept the artificial constraints imposed by the constitutive rules. Without this willingness, the game could not work. If golfers were unwilling to go along with the requirement to use clubs to manipulate the ball into the hole, the game of golf would cease to exist. The same goes for every other sport, voluntary acquiescence to the constitutive rules is essential.

4. 4

The prelusory gool of basketball is scoring by placing the boll in a basket

Integrity is one of those concepts that

crops up over and over again in debates the results can be quite illuminating. If you know what is essential to the application of any particular concept, you have a rigorous way of testing when that concept can be deployed in the real world .

The problem is that not all concepts have essential components. For a long time, it was thought that the concept of a game had no such components. Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein famously argued that games were too diverse, too different in their qualities, to be subjected to this kind of essentialist analysis. What, after all , could a game like chess share with a sport like weightlifting? The best one could hope for, according to Wittgenstein, was a series of family resemblances concepts shared by some games, but not by others. Just as traits are shared by some family members and not by others. Wittgenstein's approach to games is still popular, but I and others think he got it wrong when it came to disavowing the notion of an essence shared by all games.

The first to argue this at any length was Bernard Suits, whose 1978 book The Grasshopper refuted Wittgenstein's view, arguing that there were in fact three concepts essential to the existence of any game. The first thing you need for a game is something Suits calls the prelusory

76

ICSS Journol - Vol 2 I No 2

Although the lusory attitude is essential for the existence of a game, the reasons why people are willing to adopt the lusory attitude can vary greatly. Some people will accept constitutive rules because they enjoy the challenge of the game itself - they revel in the obstac les it creates and overcoming them. Some people do so because success in the game brings other rewards , such as fame and fortune.

Some people do so for both sets of reasons. This, as I argue below, is one reason why integrity is so important and difficult to achieve in the modern era.

What is integrity?

You may be wondering where all this is going. Where does Suits's analysis of ga mes get us? What I want to argue is that it helps us to understand the concept of sporting integrity, particularly if we keep in mind two of the three essential components for a game: the constitutive rules and the lusory attitude. In everyday speech, the word integrity means somethin g like

wholeness, consistency and undividedness. We refer to someone as being a person of integrity when we think we think they have a set of moral principles that they consistently abide to. They are whole, unequivocal and, therefore, admirable . Because of their consistency, you always know where you stand with them. In the world of sport, the word has, I want to suggest, very similar connotati ons . It refers to the wholeness, consistency and honesty of both the sport and its players. As such, sporting integrity has two dimensions.

First, the integrity of the sport itself can be defined by reference to its constitutive rules. As I said above, these rules create the space in which th e game is to be played and the set of restri ctions and obstacles that make the game what it is. Whenever we breach or bend those rules too far, we threaten the integrity of that space; we distort or reshape it into something new. The second dimension of integrity has to do with the athletes themselves and can be defined by reference to their

ICSS Journol - Vol 2 I No 2

77

4.

4

Integrity Integrity

4â&#x20AC;˘4

The constra ints applied by the con stitutive rules of sports such a s cycling make competition s more interesting, a s the prelusory goal becomes harder to achieve, demanding greater skill from participants

11 I

I

I I 11

Creative thin king and rule-bending is common in some games, but can threaten the integrity of sports such as athletics

lusory attitude. Their willingness to abide by the rules and honestly commit to them is what makes them players of integrity. If they decide to breach or bend those rules too fa r, th ey wi ll then lose th is important qua lity.

That's the basic analysis of integrity. In practice, integrity is a tricky and contentious thing. I believe there are two main reasons for this. First ly, constitutive rules are always inevitably fu zzy and incomplete. When we create

who are motivated by the desire to win will try to find ways around the rules. Sometimes this can be admirable.

If the game is primarily a test of cognitive ability, then a genius fo r lateral thinking and bending the ru les shou ld probably be rewarded. Other times, this rule-bending approach threatens the integrity of the sport. This, I suspect, is what happened in the case of Tim Ferriss and his victory in the 1999 US Chinese kickboxing cha mpionship. The co nst itutive rules of that sport would seem to demand some skill at kicking and punching from its victo rs. Without that skill it's hard to see what would be distinctive and valuable about the sport. The . fact that t he rules tec hnica lly al lowed a player to win by simply pushing his opponents out of the ring does not seem to undermine that judgment.

The rules simply failed to completely define the space within whic h the game should be played. To maintain its integrity, they needed to be amended.

The second reason why integrity is so tricky has to do with the att itude of the players. Players of integrity ought to be fully committed to maintaining the constitutive rules of the sport. They should embrace the challenge imposed

The purely professional player is

not committed to the sport, they are tempted by external rewards the game, there is usually a particular style of play - a part icular method of achieving the prelusory goal - t hat we want players to adopt. The problem is that constitut ive rules are expressed t hrough language, which is often amb iguous. Ru le-making aut horities can never foresee every possible style of play, or appreciate every possible loophole and implication of the rules they create. Players

78

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

by the obstacles and work within the space created by the rules . They should not seek to undermine or distort tha t space. This is possible when players are motivated by nothing more than a love of the sport itself. Problems arise when t hey are moti vated by something else. In his origi nal discussion, Suits highlighted these problems by poi nt ing to the existence of purely professional players. These are players who emb race t he rules of the game, but only because of the rewards that success can bring them. For modern-day athletes this could be anything from fame and fo rtu ne to respect and inf luence. The pu rely professional player is not fully committed to the sport. They are tempted by the externa l rewards. Consequent ly, they are threats to the sport's integrity. They will tend to look for ways to circumvent the rules to more efficiently achieve t he prelusory goal. This, one suspects, is what gives rise to scanda ls like match-fix ing and blood-dop ing.

Now, most players, even t he professionals, in t his hyper-professionalised era are mot ivated by a mix of reasons. They tend to love the challenge of the sport itself and t he external rewa rds it brings. This makes things

difficult for the authorities who hold up integrity as an important value. The external rewards are now so great t hat they can easi ly overwhelm the love for the sport itself.

Similar problems arise with prelusory goals, which may be conce ived in different ways depending on the situation. Hence, t he badminton match-th rowing case at the London Olympics, which might be seen as a conflict betwee n t he pre lusory goa l of winning a go ld medal and for winning a particular match. Are the prelusory goals of club owners and managers always the same as the players? Likew ise, do th e prelusory goa ls of gamb ling sit comfortably with t he sport being bet on?

Th e problem of integrity for professiona l sport in the modern world is that no game is an is land, entire unto itself, but if we do all we can to defend the prelusory goals, promote t he constitutive rules, and encourage and sustain t he lusory attitude - if we ca n Save the Dream - then we stand a chance of maintaining t he integrity of sport. â&#x20AC;˘ Dr John Danaher is lecturer in Law at the National University of Ireland in Galway

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

79

4.

4

Integrity Integrity

4â&#x20AC;˘4

The constra ints applied by the con stitutive rules of sports such a s cycling make competition s more interesting, a s the prelusory goal becomes harder to achieve, demanding greater skill from participants

11 I

I

I I 11

Creative thin king and rule-bending is common in some games, but can threaten the integrity of sports such as athletics

lusory attitude. Their willingness to abide by the rules and honestly commit to them is what makes them players of integrity. If they decide to breach or bend those rules too fa r, th ey wi ll then lose th is important qua lity.

That's the basic analysis of integrity. In practice, integrity is a tricky and contentious thing. I believe there are two main reasons for this. First ly, constitutive rules are always inevitably fu zzy and incomplete. When we create

who are motivated by the desire to win will try to find ways around the rules. Sometimes this can be admirable.

If the game is primarily a test of cognitive ability, then a genius fo r lateral thinking and bending the ru les shou ld probably be rewarded. Other times, this rule-bending approach threatens the integrity of the sport. This, I suspect, is what happened in the case of Tim Ferriss and his victory in the 1999 US Chinese kickboxing cha mpionship. The co nst itutive rules of that sport would seem to demand some skill at kicking and punching from its victo rs. Without that skill it's hard to see what would be distinctive and valuable about the sport. The . fact that t he rules tec hnica lly al lowed a player to win by simply pushing his opponents out of the ring does not seem to undermine that judgment.

The rules simply failed to completely define the space within whic h the game should be played. To maintain its integrity, they needed to be amended.

The second reason why integrity is so tricky has to do with the att itude of the players. Players of integrity ought to be fully committed to maintaining the constitutive rules of the sport. They should embrace the challenge imposed

The purely professional player is

not committed to the sport, they are tempted by external rewards the game, there is usually a particular style of play - a part icular method of achieving the prelusory goal - t hat we want players to adopt. The problem is that constitut ive rules are expressed t hrough language, which is often amb iguous. Ru le-making aut horities can never foresee every possible style of play, or appreciate every possible loophole and implication of the rules they create. Players

78

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

by the obstacles and work within the space created by the rules . They should not seek to undermine or distort tha t space. This is possible when players are motivated by nothing more than a love of the sport itself. Problems arise when t hey are moti vated by something else. In his origi nal discussion, Suits highlighted these problems by poi nt ing to the existence of purely professional players. These are players who emb race t he rules of the game, but only because of the rewards that success can bring them. For modern-day athletes this could be anything from fame and fo rtu ne to respect and inf luence. The pu rely professional player is not fully committed to the sport. They are tempted by the externa l rewards. Consequent ly, they are threats to the sport's integrity. They will tend to look for ways to circumvent the rules to more efficiently achieve t he prelusory goal. This, one suspects, is what gives rise to scanda ls like match-fix ing and blood-dop ing.

Now, most players, even t he professionals, in t his hyper-professionalised era are mot ivated by a mix of reasons. They tend to love the challenge of the sport itself and t he external rewa rds it brings. This makes things

difficult for the authorities who hold up integrity as an important value. The external rewards are now so great t hat they can easi ly overwhelm the love for the sport itself.

Similar problems arise with prelusory goals, which may be conce ived in different ways depending on the situation. Hence, t he badminton match-th rowing case at the London Olympics, which might be seen as a conflict betwee n t he pre lusory goa l of winning a go ld medal and for winning a particular match. Are the prelusory goals of club owners and managers always the same as the players? Likew ise, do th e prelusory goa ls of gamb ling sit comfortably with t he sport being bet on?

Th e problem of integrity for professiona l sport in the modern world is that no game is an is land, entire unto itself, but if we do all we can to defend the prelusory goals, promote t he constitutive rules, and encourage and sustain t he lusory attitude - if we ca n Save the Dream - then we stand a chance of maintaining t he integrity of sport. â&#x20AC;˘ Dr John Danaher is lecturer in Law at the National University of Ireland in Galway

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

79

Adapting security protocols to smart stadia While the integration of

IT and building management systems in sports stadia

offers significant benefits, it also creates potential security risks that need to be anticipated.

Chris Phillips and Hugh Boyes explore the issues

ports stadia and the infrastructure around them are constantly evolving in an attempt to keep up with IT developments and spectators' expectations. Just a few years ago who would have considered that good Wi-Fi service would become a crucial part of selling a hotel room? Stadia operators now face similar issues. Moreover, new stadia also rely on complex IT systems to manage all aspects of their operations, from heating control to staff management.

While th is helps reduce costs, the complexity of the IT systems inevitably makes stadia more vulnerable to disruption from cyber attacks. This article considers the development of modern sports stadia as complex IT enabled buildings and the vulnerabi lities this brings.

S

Modern sports stadia are comp lex and diverse buildings that are capable of hosting entertainment events and conferences , as well as providing banqueting and catering services for thousands of people . In many ways, stadia are akin to large towns. The buildings

typically contain a range of services, inc luding: heating, ventilation, air conditioning (HVAC), lighting, building management systems (BMS), fire, security (typically comprising access, CCTV and public-address systems), lifts, esca lators, scoreboards, telephones, internet access for press and visitors, integration with business systems (for examp le supply chain and payroll), electronic point of sale ( EPOS) , ti cketing and turnstile systems. During events there is often a demand for large-format video, master aeria l television and broadcast system s.

To support these services, hundreds of kilometres of optica l fibre and network cabling is installed in the stadium wi th dozens of communications rooms housing. networking equipment. These networks fa cili tate IP data, IP telephony and video commun icati ons both the stadium and provide external links to law enforcement and other emergency authorities. Whi le most of the services may make use of a common cab ling infrastructure, the fire systems will require separate

Adapting security protocols to smart stadia While the integration of

IT and building management systems in sports stadia

offers significant benefits, it also creates potential security risks that need to be anticipated.

Chris Phillips and Hugh Boyes explore the issues

ports stadia and the infrastructure around them are constantly evolving in an attempt to keep up with IT developments and spectators' expectations. Just a few years ago who would have considered that good Wi-Fi service would become a crucial part of selling a hotel room? Stadia operators now face similar issues. Moreover, new stadia also rely on complex IT systems to manage all aspects of their operations, from heating control to staff management.

While th is helps reduce costs, the complexity of the IT systems inevitably makes stadia more vulnerable to disruption from cyber attacks. This article considers the development of modern sports stadia as complex IT enabled buildings and the vulnerabi lities this brings.

S

Modern sports stadia are comp lex and diverse buildings that are capable of hosting entertainment events and conferences , as well as providing banqueting and catering services for thousands of people . In many ways, stadia are akin to large towns. The buildings

typically contain a range of services, inc luding: heating, ventilation, air conditioning (HVAC), lighting, building management systems (BMS), fire, security (typically comprising access, CCTV and public-address systems), lifts, esca lators, scoreboards, telephones, internet access for press and visitors, integration with business systems (for examp le supply chain and payroll), electronic point of sale ( EPOS) , ti cketing and turnstile systems. During events there is often a demand for large-format video, master aeria l television and broadcast system s.

To support these services, hundreds of kilometres of optica l fibre and network cabling is installed in the stadium wi th dozens of communications rooms housing. networking equipment. These networks fa cili tate IP data, IP telephony and video commun icati ons both the stadium and provide external links to law enforcement and other emergency authorities. Whi le most of the services may make use of a common cab ling infrastructure, the fire systems will require separate

4â&#x20AC;˘4

Technology

Technology

4.

4

Stoff at the Brazilian Ministry of Justice in Brasilia use CCTV systems to survey crowds around the Stadion Nocional Mone

fire-rated cabling . In addition to the systems and infrastructure using fixed cabling, there wi ll be wireless based systems, including wireless networking, private radio systems used by stewards and security, and the radios used by law enforcement and emergency services.

A modern stadium could have up to 200 building management systems monitoring and controlling the operation of thousands of heating, lighting, ventilation and air-conditioning devices. For effic ient operation during an event. it is com mon practice for all of these technical operations to be integrated onto a single management system to provide the event, security and police contro l rooms wi th a common view of the building's operations.

For large public events with tens of thousands of spectators, security and public safety are paramount. The stadium security system will typically manage digital video feeds from over a hundred cameras, which may include footage from police or local auth ority systems covering areas outside of the stadium. The system wi ll also monitor and control access through all doors and turnstiles, as well as esca lators and lifts. Crowd messaging can be critical for the smooth handling of entry and exits from the stadium, and to manage unforeseen incidents. The messaging wil l use the public address/voice announcement system and any large-format video screens, both of which are controlled via the integrated building systems.

~~~H~~~~~Gio~r~ri~ncfh,o. Stadium CCTV systems are increasing ly IP-based

Maintaining a secure environment The operation of the stadium as an intelligent building using a converged IP-based infrastructure and integrated systems can offer signifi ca nt commercial and ope rational advantages to the stadium operators and owners. Access to up-to-date inform ation about incidents in or near the stadium can increase public safety and security, making it easier to manage large spectator vo lumes in case of an emergency. The adaptabil ity of the systems also allow the flexible use of the venue, enabling quick turnarounds between events without the need for extensive reconfiguration of the technical and support system.

While this integration of systems can offer significant business benefits, the increased dependence on correct. interruption-and-error-free operation of a range of

the number of personnel on site, with temporary workers and contractors preparing the stadium for the event.

There wi ll be a need to carefully manage this temporary workforce in order to prevent insider attacks on the stadium and its infrastructure, and to deter hosti le reconnaissance. During a major event there is then the added complexity of more temporary or co ntract workers on site, plus law enforcement and the public.

The control of building systems is achieved using building management systems (BMS), which typicall y use an open protocol running over an IP-ba sed network for all data acquisition and control functions. Additionally, stadium security will rely on CCTV systems that are increasi ngly IP-based , irrespective of the physical or data transport layer and on electronic access cont rol systems that regulate restricted and staff only areas.

A modern stadium could have up to 200 building management systems controlling thousands of devices integrated systems can lead to simple problems havi ng a disproportionate impact on stadium operations.

Sports stadia present some interesting challenges from a security perspective. When a stadium is not in use for a major event. much of the facility will be unoccupied , but it still needs to be kept secure. In the period running up to a major event. there may be a significant increase in

82 1ICSSJournol - Vol 2 I No 2

The introducti on of a converged infra structure and integration of building, business and operational systems within stadia potentially creates new risks assoc iated wi th aspects of the personnel, technology and operations.

Problems with integrating technology The human elements of a stadium's operations are potentially the greatest risk. Whether deliberately or acc idental ly, individuals may seek to bypass security controls or incorrectly operate systems. The integration of systems can significantly magnify the impact of errors or omissions. Systems integration brings together IT and facilities management teams who may have different priorities, cultures and reporting chains. All of these can inhi bit an effective response to in cidents or faults.

From a technology perspective, integration may introduce new failure modes, where the stadium's building systems can interfere with business and operational systems and vice versa. For example, it is normal for office computers to run the latest ant i-virus

software and be regularly patched. This may not be true for the BMS , access control system or computers used for sa fety critical systems, thu s leading to potential vulnerabilities from malware introduced over the network or from infected media .

IP-based technologies also create opportunities for operational sa vi ngs through the centralising and outsou rcing control and monitoring stations. But thi s can lead to a loss of local knowledge and control. The problem is exacerbated if the support personnel are only deployed in response to incidents as they may not be familiar with the layout and operation of individual buildings.

Fro m a security perspective, the fundamental issues are protectin g the security and pr ivacy of a stadium's owners and users, maintaining the stad ium's integrity and operations, and ensuring the continuing availability of the stadium for events. Th e security and privacy of the stadium's occupants and owners may be compromised when the convergence of the technical infrastructures and integration of systems creates unplanned or unauthorised

ICSS journal - Vol 2 I No 2

83

4â&#x20AC;˘4

Technology

Technology

4.

4

Stoff at the Brazilian Ministry of Justice in Brasilia use CCTV systems to survey crowds around the Stadion Nocional Mone

fire-rated cabling . In addition to the systems and infrastructure using fixed cabling, there wi ll be wireless based systems, including wireless networking, private radio systems used by stewards and security, and the radios used by law enforcement and emergency services.

A modern stadium could have up to 200 building management systems monitoring and controlling the operation of thousands of heating, lighting, ventilation and air-conditioning devices. For effic ient operation during an event. it is com mon practice for all of these technical operations to be integrated onto a single management system to provide the event, security and police contro l rooms wi th a common view of the building's operations.

For large public events with tens of thousands of spectators, security and public safety are paramount. The stadium security system will typically manage digital video feeds from over a hundred cameras, which may include footage from police or local auth ority systems covering areas outside of the stadium. The system wi ll also monitor and control access through all doors and turnstiles, as well as esca lators and lifts. Crowd messaging can be critical for the smooth handling of entry and exits from the stadium, and to manage unforeseen incidents. The messaging wil l use the public address/voice announcement system and any large-format video screens, both of which are controlled via the integrated building systems.

~~~H~~~~~Gio~r~ri~ncfh,o. Stadium CCTV systems are increasing ly IP-based

Maintaining a secure environment The operation of the stadium as an intelligent building using a converged IP-based infrastructure and integrated systems can offer signifi ca nt commercial and ope rational advantages to the stadium operators and owners. Access to up-to-date inform ation about incidents in or near the stadium can increase public safety and security, making it easier to manage large spectator vo lumes in case of an emergency. The adaptabil ity of the systems also allow the flexible use of the venue, enabling quick turnarounds between events without the need for extensive reconfiguration of the technical and support system.

While this integration of systems can offer significant business benefits, the increased dependence on correct. interruption-and-error-free operation of a range of

the number of personnel on site, with temporary workers and contractors preparing the stadium for the event.

There wi ll be a need to carefully manage this temporary workforce in order to prevent insider attacks on the stadium and its infrastructure, and to deter hosti le reconnaissance. During a major event there is then the added complexity of more temporary or co ntract workers on site, plus law enforcement and the public.

The control of building systems is achieved using building management systems (BMS), which typicall y use an open protocol running over an IP-ba sed network for all data acquisition and control functions. Additionally, stadium security will rely on CCTV systems that are increasi ngly IP-based , irrespective of the physical or data transport layer and on electronic access cont rol systems that regulate restricted and staff only areas.

A modern stadium could have up to 200 building management systems controlling thousands of devices integrated systems can lead to simple problems havi ng a disproportionate impact on stadium operations.

Sports stadia present some interesting challenges from a security perspective. When a stadium is not in use for a major event. much of the facility will be unoccupied , but it still needs to be kept secure. In the period running up to a major event. there may be a significant increase in

82 1ICSSJournol - Vol 2 I No 2

The introducti on of a converged infra structure and integration of building, business and operational systems within stadia potentially creates new risks assoc iated wi th aspects of the personnel, technology and operations.

Problems with integrating technology The human elements of a stadium's operations are potentially the greatest risk. Whether deliberately or acc idental ly, individuals may seek to bypass security controls or incorrectly operate systems. The integration of systems can significantly magnify the impact of errors or omissions. Systems integration brings together IT and facilities management teams who may have different priorities, cultures and reporting chains. All of these can inhi bit an effective response to in cidents or faults.

From a technology perspective, integration may introduce new failure modes, where the stadium's building systems can interfere with business and operational systems and vice versa. For example, it is normal for office computers to run the latest ant i-virus

software and be regularly patched. This may not be true for the BMS , access control system or computers used for sa fety critical systems, thu s leading to potential vulnerabilities from malware introduced over the network or from infected media .

IP-based technologies also create opportunities for operational sa vi ngs through the centralising and outsou rcing control and monitoring stations. But thi s can lead to a loss of local knowledge and control. The problem is exacerbated if the support personnel are only deployed in response to incidents as they may not be familiar with the layout and operation of individual buildings.

Fro m a security perspective, the fundamental issues are protectin g the security and pr ivacy of a stadium's owners and users, maintaining the stad ium's integrity and operations, and ensuring the continuing availability of the stadium for events. Th e security and privacy of the stadium's occupants and owners may be compromised when the convergence of the technical infrastructures and integration of systems creates unplanned or unauthorised

ICSS journal - Vol 2 I No 2

83

Tech nology

4 . ..

Technology

Security personnel using portable technology to moni tor Peruvian fans celebrating during a World Cup quali fier against Ecuador

pathways, allowing unauthorised access to systems or data loss. For example, unauthorised access to ticket booking and event registration systems may reveal personal data such as the presence of a VIP or celebrity.

The integrity of the stadium may be compromised if third parties gain access to or control of critical building systems. If a third party were able to disable or take control of building systems it may no longer be safe to continue to occupy the stadium. This could be due to physical damage (e.g . fire or flooding) or due to threats to the health and lives of occupants. Disabling security and access control could put lives at risk if it allowed access to sensitive areas and may necessitate personnel being redeployed to implement manual checks in place of the automated systems. For energyefficient stadia, integrity might be compromised if the operation of the energy management functions was degraded or disrupted by the actions of a third party, whether by direct manual interference or by the deployment of malware.

The availability of the stadium may be seriously affected when building systems are disrupted, thus preventing the building from delivering the required functionality. The nature of the availability risk will depend on the type of building and the criticality of the affected building service. As an example, where a BMS became inoperable and allowed the temperature to stray outside acceptable limits, the areas of the building could become inhospitable for the occupants, damage equipment through excessive temperatures or damage stored materials. This would be critical in a stadium for security and operational control centres. During major sporting events, stadia are mission-critical environments,

84 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

and, as such, the risks associated with people, systems and operations need to be appropriately managed. These risks will arise from three constituencies: • the owners - who need to consider what degree of systems integration is required during the specification, design, construction and commissioning of the stadium; • the operators - including transport, security, catering and retail, and the facilities management operations - because the actions of any of these parties can to some degree compromise the integrity of the integrated system; and • third parties - who support the stadium 's operations and its IT systems, particularly if they have privileged remote access to any of the stadium's systems.

The system and technology risks have already been discussed. The mitigation of these risks needs to include an assessment of which features of the stadium and its use are critical and therefore in need of the greatest protection. The mitigation of system risks must also tak~ account of the appropriate use of technology. For example, Wi-Fi is susceptible to interference and jamming and should be avoided in critical safety and security systems.

Operational risk The operational risks of stadia will need to be assessed and understood from both business and technical perspectives. Training and knowledge of the stadium 's facilities management should be commensurate with the sophistication of the systems integration and the impact its system failure will have on the occupants.

Cross training of facilities and IT support staff is vital to ensuring effective collaboration in case of an emergency

There should be cross-training of the IT and facilities support staff to facilitate collaboration during incidents and fault diagnosis. The operations team need to collect feedback from operational users to understand whether

access to event-related online stores and multi-media content alongside the traditional printed programmes.

In response to these pressures, stadia will continue to become increasingly sophisticated with more integration of IT systems. This introduces new risks: some from the integration of traditionally separate systems and others from the increasing risk of cyber attacks on any IT-based solution. This is a relatively new and constantly evolving area, so there is a vital need for stadium owners and operators to ensure that novel risks are fully understood and addressed throughout the stadium's lifecycle. However, there are still a few things to be confident about: our desire to visit sports stadia is not likely to reduce; technology will continue to be used and will advance at a rapid pace; and there will sti ll be peop le out there who want to disrupt events or cause harm to participants.

Therefore, the technology used in stadia must in itself be secure and adaptable. Operators of buildings that play host to hundreds of thousands of fans must consider future threats to ensure they are secure and protected. •

There is a vital need for stadium owners and operators to ensure that novel risks are fully understood and addressed the stadium is supporting or hindering them. This is important as regular users will often seek to bypass controls if they fee l they hinder rather than support the user. The risks and their mitigation should be addressed in a holistic fashion for all implementations, but are essential for multi-occupancy and multiple-use buildings where the needs and priorities of the users wil l vary.

In order to maximise the revenue for a sophisticated modern sports stadium , owners and operators need to offer a technologically enriched environment. Visitors expect to be able to access mobile communications networks and the internet, so they can share their experience via social media . Stadium operators want to offer opportunities for revenue generation alongside traditional catering outlets. This may inc lude

Chris Phillips is founder and managing director of the International Protect and Prepare Security Office; and Hugh Boyes is cybersecurity lead at The Institution of Engineering and Technology

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

85

Tech nology

4 . ..

Technology

Security personnel using portable technology to moni tor Peruvian fans celebrating during a World Cup quali fier against Ecuador

pathways, allowing unauthorised access to systems or data loss. For example, unauthorised access to ticket booking and event registration systems may reveal personal data such as the presence of a VIP or celebrity.

The integrity of the stadium may be compromised if third parties gain access to or control of critical building systems. If a third party were able to disable or take control of building systems it may no longer be safe to continue to occupy the stadium. This could be due to physical damage (e.g . fire or flooding) or due to threats to the health and lives of occupants. Disabling security and access control could put lives at risk if it allowed access to sensitive areas and may necessitate personnel being redeployed to implement manual checks in place of the automated systems. For energyefficient stadia, integrity might be compromised if the operation of the energy management functions was degraded or disrupted by the actions of a third party, whether by direct manual interference or by the deployment of malware.

The availability of the stadium may be seriously affected when building systems are disrupted, thus preventing the building from delivering the required functionality. The nature of the availability risk will depend on the type of building and the criticality of the affected building service. As an example, where a BMS became inoperable and allowed the temperature to stray outside acceptable limits, the areas of the building could become inhospitable for the occupants, damage equipment through excessive temperatures or damage stored materials. This would be critical in a stadium for security and operational control centres. During major sporting events, stadia are mission-critical environments,

84 1ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

and, as such, the risks associated with people, systems and operations need to be appropriately managed. These risks will arise from three constituencies: • the owners - who need to consider what degree of systems integration is required during the specification, design, construction and commissioning of the stadium; • the operators - including transport, security, catering and retail, and the facilities management operations - because the actions of any of these parties can to some degree compromise the integrity of the integrated system; and • third parties - who support the stadium 's operations and its IT systems, particularly if they have privileged remote access to any of the stadium's systems.

The system and technology risks have already been discussed. The mitigation of these risks needs to include an assessment of which features of the stadium and its use are critical and therefore in need of the greatest protection. The mitigation of system risks must also tak~ account of the appropriate use of technology. For example, Wi-Fi is susceptible to interference and jamming and should be avoided in critical safety and security systems.

Operational risk The operational risks of stadia will need to be assessed and understood from both business and technical perspectives. Training and knowledge of the stadium 's facilities management should be commensurate with the sophistication of the systems integration and the impact its system failure will have on the occupants.

Cross training of facilities and IT support staff is vital to ensuring effective collaboration in case of an emergency

There should be cross-training of the IT and facilities support staff to facilitate collaboration during incidents and fault diagnosis. The operations team need to collect feedback from operational users to understand whether

access to event-related online stores and multi-media content alongside the traditional printed programmes.

In response to these pressures, stadia will continue to become increasingly sophisticated with more integration of IT systems. This introduces new risks: some from the integration of traditionally separate systems and others from the increasing risk of cyber attacks on any IT-based solution. This is a relatively new and constantly evolving area, so there is a vital need for stadium owners and operators to ensure that novel risks are fully understood and addressed throughout the stadium's lifecycle. However, there are still a few things to be confident about: our desire to visit sports stadia is not likely to reduce; technology will continue to be used and will advance at a rapid pace; and there will sti ll be peop le out there who want to disrupt events or cause harm to participants.

Therefore, the technology used in stadia must in itself be secure and adaptable. Operators of buildings that play host to hundreds of thousands of fans must consider future threats to ensure they are secure and protected. •

There is a vital need for stadium owners and operators to ensure that novel risks are fully understood and addressed the stadium is supporting or hindering them. This is important as regular users will often seek to bypass controls if they fee l they hinder rather than support the user. The risks and their mitigation should be addressed in a holistic fashion for all implementations, but are essential for multi-occupancy and multiple-use buildings where the needs and priorities of the users wil l vary.

In order to maximise the revenue for a sophisticated modern sports stadium , owners and operators need to offer a technologically enriched environment. Visitors expect to be able to access mobile communications networks and the internet, so they can share their experience via social media . Stadium operators want to offer opportunities for revenue generation alongside traditional catering outlets. This may inc lude

Chris Phillips is founder and managing director of the International Protect and Prepare Security Office; and Hugh Boyes is cybersecurity lead at The Institution of Engineering and Technology

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

85

Audiovisual systems for entertainment and safety r~ Tracey Caldwell reports on the trends in stadium AV systems and the potential for integration with safety and security networks

A

udiovisual (AV) systems are playing an increasingly important role in stadium safety and security. At one time the only overlap between AV systems and core security systems was the possibility of announcing safety messages over the PA system. Now there is potential for integrating spectacular and captivating public display technology with intelligent and automated safety and security systems.

As stadia look to boost revenues by hosting non -sporting events, the pressure is on to offer stateof-the-art audiovisual to compete for the best events .

Cost-conscious stadium managers are looking to multipurpose the technology for commerce, fan relations, safety, security and communications.

Many top acts and events bring their own AV set-up, but this is rarely designed for the scale of a stadium and will often benefit from integration with stadium AV to enable the best reach of sound and most effective visuals.

To drive revenues, stadia are looking to enhance the fan experience on the concourse, too. Audiovisual systems are no longer confin ed to a big screen and a PA in the ground; now big screens and quality audio are just as important on the concourse, to keep fans there buying food, drink and merchandise.

Th e rise in internet protocol (IP) networking is helping to drive the ubiquity of AV systems as heavyduty signal distribution becomes easier and hardware can be hung off the system as needed. There are some restrictions on running safety and security systems off the same channels, but this model does offer a number of flexible option s.

Safety possibilities Opportunities are emerging to integrate AV technology with intelligent safety technol ogy. However, too often planners do not include this in their plans for new stadia or for upgrades of existing ones.

Audiovisual systems for entertainment and safety r~ Tracey Caldwell reports on the trends in stadium AV systems and the potential for integration with safety and security networks

A

udiovisual (AV) systems are playing an increasingly important role in stadium safety and security. At one time the only overlap between AV systems and core security systems was the possibility of announcing safety messages over the PA system. Now there is potential for integrating spectacular and captivating public display technology with intelligent and automated safety and security systems.

As stadia look to boost revenues by hosting non -sporting events, the pressure is on to offer stateof-the-art audiovisual to compete for the best events .

Cost-conscious stadium managers are looking to multipurpose the technology for commerce, fan relations, safety, security and communications.

Many top acts and events bring their own AV set-up, but this is rarely designed for the scale of a stadium and will often benefit from integration with stadium AV to enable the best reach of sound and most effective visuals.

To drive revenues, stadia are looking to enhance the fan experience on the concourse, too. Audiovisual systems are no longer confin ed to a big screen and a PA in the ground; now big screens and quality audio are just as important on the concourse, to keep fans there buying food, drink and merchandise.

Th e rise in internet protocol (IP) networking is helping to drive the ubiquity of AV systems as heavyduty signal distribution becomes easier and hardware can be hung off the system as needed. There are some restrictions on running safety and security systems off the same channels, but this model does offer a number of flexible option s.

Safety possibilities Opportunities are emerging to integrate AV technology with intelligent safety technol ogy. However, too often planners do not include this in their plans for new stadia or for upgrades of existing ones.

• •4

Technology

Technology

4 •4

Jacksonville Jaguars go large The Jacksonville Jaguars, an American football team based in Florida, have this year brought in what are reported to be the largest high-definition (HD) LED video displays in the world at each end zone of the EverBank Field stadium. Each display will be longer than the distance from the goal post in one end zone to the goal post in the other end zone, measuring 60 feet high by 362 feet wide, with a 13HD pixel layout. The displays have three side-by-side HD video images for multiple replay shots.

"The Jags wanted to have the largest HD displays in the world , but also wanted three full-size HD windows available from one large display to provide maximum versatility at a high resolution," Mike Kempany, Daktronics sales representative on the project, told /CSS Journal.

I

I

There were substantial IT and physical infrastructure requirements and challenges associated with enabling the implementation. "With more than 21,500 square feet of video display canvas per end zone, the control and production systems must be able to handle the unique content driven to the displays. Carving up this space for a professional show not only requires a robust control system, but the additional staff to create content such as video, advertisements, social media, slats, etc, and then output for display in the stadium," says Kempany.

I

Although the primary purpose of the displays is to entertain and inform - and provide a wow factor - they also have a role in safety and security. The Jags' displays can be used to show a variety of safety messages alerting viewers to any sort of emergency. "The technology employs redundant signal and power options that can keep the display operational as long as possible. Daktronics' Show Control System has the ability to interface with a

facility's fire alarm system to automatically trigger displays lo show emergency messages when any fire alarm in the facility is tripped," says Kempany.

"We owe our fans and this community nothing less than the best, and these enhancements will be the best," says Jaguars president Mark Lamping. "These stadium upgrades will drastically change the in-stadium experience and create a truly unique environment that you cannot get at home. This will be an eye-opener and an attentiongetter for Jacksonville."

Kempany points out that 'in stadium versus at home' is an industry-wide issue: "Fans might stay at home to watch from their couch in comfort while getting all the video, replays, stats, etc at their fingertips . In stadium, the environment and atmosphere are obviously better than at home, but if we can help teams bring the features of at-home entertainment - the same video, replays, slats, etc - to the instadium experience, then fans will get the best of both worlds by coming to the stadium. This helps the team sell tickets and pack the stands for a better home-field advantage."

The Jacksonville Jaguars chose Daktronics 13HD technology for a number of reasons, not least because the high brightness rating helps overcome the Florida sun.

"This is especially important considering the north end zone receives direct sun in the afternoon," says Kempany.

He believes that LED display technology has evolved so that very large displays like this will become commonplace in stadia in future: "The cost of LEDs themselves has decreased over the years, which has enabled customers to purchase larger displays and has made LED displays more affordable to customers on a tighter budget."

The introduction of networked monitoring ond control of PA speakers at Swonseo City's Liberty Stadium in Cardiff brought efficiencies as well as a reduction in hardware costs

For examp le, video-based smoke detection so lutions can identify fires early through analysing images for slight changes in brightness, contrast, shape, edge content, motion, colour-match ing and loss of detail. They may be set up to detect the behaviour of smoke and its patterns as distinct from other stimuli. These solutions may be combined with CCTV or any camera or image input that may come through AV systems.

The cameras used for AV for enterta inment purposes can be deployed for fire detection. "They definite ly can be. Are they always? No," says Mark Tansey, new business development manager at AD Group, which provides FireVu

this on board and said 'this is what we can do with the technology'. People have taken the usual route and the usual specification," adds Tansey.

He points out that all screens in stadia, including those in corridors and entertainment areas, could show escape route information: "You could totally integrate them wi t h safety systems. There are lots of opportunities for integrati on if you are looking at a new project, as much of the technology is run on the same lines these days. It is limitless. If you can imagine it you can do it, and you can do it much more cost effectively by doing it all at once in the same system. " He believes that key to this is breaking down the barriers between peop le focused on the entertainment side and CCTV-focused security staff.

Existing AV systems can be updated and advances in tech nology can offer integrati on between previously disparate systems, wi th less hardware overhead. In 2013, Liberty Stadium, home to Swansea City FC and the Ospreys rugby team , introduced networked monitoring and control of existing PA loudspeakers, while reducing the ir number by more than half. The solution included amp lifiers , monitoring and voice alarm systems, with a fire-rated fibre-optic backbone.

Shure Distribution UK supplied the Q-Sys hardware, while it was ETASound that implemented the new solution.

Video-based smoke detection solutions can identify fires early

A mock-up of three huge high-definition side-by-side screens, which will disploy sofety messoges os well as replays and information once installed at the Jacksonville Jaguars stadium in Florido

88

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

video smoke detection systems. "We can use pretty much any analogue came ra for FireVu. We can also use some IP cameras, but there are rules on what we can integrate into an existing CCTV system. Whether that CCTV system is also integrated with an AV package is irrelevant," he says.

"You could make a combined package. It is possible to integrate the FireVu into a new analogue or IP solution and it can be possible to retrofit it too. Nobody has taken

ICSS Journal - Vol

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Jacksonville Jaguars go large The Jacksonville Jaguars, an American football team based in Florida, have this year brought in what are reported to be the largest high-definition (HD) LED video displays in the world at each end zone of the EverBank Field stadium. Each display will be longer than the distance from the goal post in one end zone to the goal post in the other end zone, measuring 60 feet high by 362 feet wide, with a 13HD pixel layout. The displays have three side-by-side HD video images for multiple replay shots.

"The Jags wanted to have the largest HD displays in the world , but also wanted three full-size HD windows available from one large display to provide maximum versatility at a high resolution," Mike Kempany, Daktronics sales representative on the project, told /CSS Journal.

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There were substantial IT and physical infrastructure requirements and challenges associated with enabling the implementation. "With more than 21,500 square feet of video display canvas per end zone, the control and production systems must be able to handle the unique content driven to the displays. Carving up this space for a professional show not only requires a robust control system, but the additional staff to create content such as video, advertisements, social media, slats, etc, and then output for display in the stadium," says Kempany.

I

Although the primary purpose of the displays is to entertain and inform - and provide a wow factor - they also have a role in safety and security. The Jags' displays can be used to show a variety of safety messages alerting viewers to any sort of emergency. "The technology employs redundant signal and power options that can keep the display operational as long as possible. Daktronics' Show Control System has the ability to interface with a

facility's fire alarm system to automatically trigger displays lo show emergency messages when any fire alarm in the facility is tripped," says Kempany.

"We owe our fans and this community nothing less than the best, and these enhancements will be the best," says Jaguars president Mark Lamping. "These stadium upgrades will drastically change the in-stadium experience and create a truly unique environment that you cannot get at home. This will be an eye-opener and an attentiongetter for Jacksonville."

Kempany points out that 'in stadium versus at home' is an industry-wide issue: "Fans might stay at home to watch from their couch in comfort while getting all the video, replays, stats, etc at their fingertips . In stadium, the environment and atmosphere are obviously better than at home, but if we can help teams bring the features of at-home entertainment - the same video, replays, slats, etc - to the instadium experience, then fans will get the best of both worlds by coming to the stadium. This helps the team sell tickets and pack the stands for a better home-field advantage."

The Jacksonville Jaguars chose Daktronics 13HD technology for a number of reasons, not least because the high brightness rating helps overcome the Florida sun.

"This is especially important considering the north end zone receives direct sun in the afternoon," says Kempany.

He believes that LED display technology has evolved so that very large displays like this will become commonplace in stadia in future: "The cost of LEDs themselves has decreased over the years, which has enabled customers to purchase larger displays and has made LED displays more affordable to customers on a tighter budget."

The introduction of networked monitoring ond control of PA speakers at Swonseo City's Liberty Stadium in Cardiff brought efficiencies as well as a reduction in hardware costs

For examp le, video-based smoke detection so lutions can identify fires early through analysing images for slight changes in brightness, contrast, shape, edge content, motion, colour-match ing and loss of detail. They may be set up to detect the behaviour of smoke and its patterns as distinct from other stimuli. These solutions may be combined with CCTV or any camera or image input that may come through AV systems.

The cameras used for AV for enterta inment purposes can be deployed for fire detection. "They definite ly can be. Are they always? No," says Mark Tansey, new business development manager at AD Group, which provides FireVu

this on board and said 'this is what we can do with the technology'. People have taken the usual route and the usual specification," adds Tansey.

He points out that all screens in stadia, including those in corridors and entertainment areas, could show escape route information: "You could totally integrate them wi t h safety systems. There are lots of opportunities for integrati on if you are looking at a new project, as much of the technology is run on the same lines these days. It is limitless. If you can imagine it you can do it, and you can do it much more cost effectively by doing it all at once in the same system. " He believes that key to this is breaking down the barriers between peop le focused on the entertainment side and CCTV-focused security staff.

Existing AV systems can be updated and advances in tech nology can offer integrati on between previously disparate systems, wi th less hardware overhead. In 2013, Liberty Stadium, home to Swansea City FC and the Ospreys rugby team , introduced networked monitoring and control of existing PA loudspeakers, while reducing the ir number by more than half. The solution included amp lifiers , monitoring and voice alarm systems, with a fire-rated fibre-optic backbone.

Shure Distribution UK supplied the Q-Sys hardware, while it was ETASound that implemented the new solution.

Video-based smoke detection solutions can identify fires early

A mock-up of three huge high-definition side-by-side screens, which will disploy sofety messoges os well as replays and information once installed at the Jacksonville Jaguars stadium in Florido

88

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

video smoke detection systems. "We can use pretty much any analogue came ra for FireVu. We can also use some IP cameras, but there are rules on what we can integrate into an existing CCTV system. Whether that CCTV system is also integrated with an AV package is irrelevant," he says.

"You could make a combined package. It is possible to integrate the FireVu into a new analogue or IP solution and it can be possible to retrofit it too. Nobody has taken

ICSS Journal - Vol

2 I No 2 1 89

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Public display system market boosted by major sports events Analysts are predicting that high-profile use of AV at international stadia - and falling prices - will drive increasing use of large public displays. After a year of flat growth in 2013, the global public display market was expected to rebound this year, growing 19 per cent, according to the latest NPO DisplaySearch Quarterly FPD Public Display Shipment and Forecast Report. It forecasts that the public display market in Europe, the Middle East and Africa (EMEA) will grow 22 per cent in 2014, thanks in large part to the Winter Olympics in Russia. The FIFA World Cup in Brazil was estimated to have driven 41 per cent growth in Latin America. Global average display selling prices are expected to drop eight per cent in 2014, with average selling prices for certain sizes declining as much as 15 per cent.

Some observers expressed doubt th at 30 te chno logy as demonstrated - with life-size holograms of players projected in real time onto a full -size pitch - could be possible in less than 10 yea rs. However, Atos Singapore spokesman Grego ire Gillingham told C/O Australia that from a technical perspective, holographic projection technology is developing rapidly.

Showcasing technology "We predict that it will be possible to show holograms in a stadium wi thin 10 to 15 years and the concept of a 'li ve' event being projected via holograms into other stadiums filled with spectators to be a realistic prediction ," he said.

Atos' published vision for technol ogy, 'Ascent at London 2012: A vision for sport and technology', predicts: "New sta dia technology wil l go a lot further th an JUSt providing

The scoreboard control room at Comerica Park: a ll US Major League Baseball stad ia can now display instant replays, with feeds from up to 12 cameras. Such systems can also be used for security purposes

Pre- recorded PA and voice ala rm messages are saved on a touchscreen controller and can be sent to the PA system through the network.

Even brand-new greenfield stadia designs bring AV cha lle nges. For exa mpl e, in Qatar, where summert ime temperatures can hit 40°C, t wo football stadia have been equipped with Renkus-Heinz IC Live 'digitally beam steerab le' PA systems, configured to deliver music, safety announce ments and match commentary in the m ostly roofless venues, owned by the Qatar Olympic Committee.

As well as ensuring that the systems did not simply melt in the heat. the main challenge was to improve intelligibility across the seating areas without blocking sightlines with large speakers - a complex task in a structure with no roof from which to hang loudspeakers.

Future options Technology upgrades and price falls are providing positive conditions for stadia to look to the future of AV and see what it can do to create effective and engaging audio and visual for entertainment, information, sales and of course safety and security purposes.

In the United States, for example, as of April 2014, Major League Baseball had introduced AV technology

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capable of displaying instant rep lays in all of its stadia.

A central replay operations centre is set up to take feed s from as many as 12 cameras .

Replay officials wi ll have access to high-definition video, slow motion , zoom and mu ltiple angles. Once a decision is made, the umpire posts a brief description on the video of how he or she arrived at the deci sion.

At the same moment the defining shot of pl ay is displayed on the video board with the explanation of the decision made. Fans and players wi ll see why a decision was made, improving the experience and also he lping to maintain a calm and safe atmosphere.

Two-dimensional visual technologi es are improving in definition and affordability all the tim e and are gettin g larger and more impressive. However, stadia looking to get ahead of the competition will need to start adding an extra dimension: three-dimen sio nal AV is coming.

When Japan bid for the 2022 World Cup, it unveiled plans for simultaneous holographic broadcast of football matches as th ey happened to hundred s of stadi a across the world so that fans could watch the tournament in their home country. Sony's Ful l Court 30 Vision system was expected to be broad cast to 208 co untri es, according to a demo video posted on YouTube by Japan's bid committee.

NPD reports that China continued to see year-on-year growth of 40 per cent in public display shipments, though EMEA is still the largest market. Samsung is the market leader, shipping over a quarter of all LCD public displays globally.

"Larger displays are becoming more readily available and more affordable," says Todd Fender, senior analyst with NPD DisplaySearch. "Together, these factors may put pressure on unit growth, as sales of some of these larger displays cannibalise shipments of smaller screens used in video wall installations.

However, at current price points, any loss in volume will be made up by higher overall revenues and profits." NPD expects to see a marked increase in the production and sales of largescreen LCD displays: sales of more than one million 60-inch-plus public displays are forecast by 2017.

'Pepper's Ghost', an old theatre trick that creates the illusion of a 30 moving image on stage.

Sanj Surati , experiential producer at Ho lition, says there is significant interest in creating the holograms offered by the Japan 2022 World Cup bid, relaying matches in life-size 30 from one stadium to another.

"We get a lot of clients asking for this kind of in itiati ve.

However, there is no technology that exists out there that can deliver th is at present. Light has to reflect off a surface for it to be perceived to be in real space," he says .

"The physics of Pepper's Ghost creates the illusion of a volumetri c moving image on stage ... not in thin air.

The technology to create what we call the 'Star Wars effect' will arri ve at some point, but not for a long time."

Stadia are very large environments and there are particular challenges in getting 30 holograms to work in them, Surati explains: "The main cha llenges that are posed for Holition when workin g with holographic tech that stems from the physics of Pepper's Ghost are enough space, the natural elements of wind, rain and am bient light, and audie nce sightlines. The wrong amount of space, too much wind and the wrong angle at set-up wil l render the illusion worthless."

In future, 30 hologram tech nology may be used to boost safety or security in stadia. Surat i points out that Holition's Stage Holiscop e platform is designed for live events . "As a solut ion , it is a great entertainment and communication device. Regarding safety and security, it can be used to visualise a message. The co ntent created will look as real as the hand in front of your face. So a hologram of a celebrity highlighting security procedures on stage can be a very powerfu l piece of engagement.

Especiall y if something magical happened like th em bursting into flames or morphing into a product. " â&#x20AC;˘

From a technical perspective, holographic proiection technology is developing rapidly enhanced convenience and security for spectators and event managers. Thanks to multiple cameras, biometric sensors, image recognition and 30 tra cking, a vast array of information and images will become available, allowing fans to become much more involved in the event."

30 suppl ier Ho liti on has been showcas ing its technology in stadia, so far at entertainment rather than sporting events. In 2013 it took its techno logy to Brazil, to the Mane Garrincha National Stadium , which is hosting the FIFA World Cup in 2014 and th e Olympics in 2016.

Along with US-based V Squared Labs, a visual arts studio, Ho lition co lla borated wi th the family of lege ndary Brazilian singer Renato Russo, who died in 1996, in order to create a hologram of the rock musician playing alo ngside th e Orchestra of the Teatro Nacional de Brasflia.

Holition's Stage Holiscope stems from th e illusion of

Tracey Caldwell is a business technology journalist who writes regularly about security issues in communications

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2 1 91

4.

4

Tec hnology

Technology

4

.4

Public display system market boosted by major sports events Analysts are predicting that high-profile use of AV at international stadia - and falling prices - will drive increasing use of large public displays. After a year of flat growth in 2013, the global public display market was expected to rebound this year, growing 19 per cent, according to the latest NPO DisplaySearch Quarterly FPD Public Display Shipment and Forecast Report. It forecasts that the public display market in Europe, the Middle East and Africa (EMEA) will grow 22 per cent in 2014, thanks in large part to the Winter Olympics in Russia. The FIFA World Cup in Brazil was estimated to have driven 41 per cent growth in Latin America. Global average display selling prices are expected to drop eight per cent in 2014, with average selling prices for certain sizes declining as much as 15 per cent.

Some observers expressed doubt th at 30 te chno logy as demonstrated - with life-size holograms of players projected in real time onto a full -size pitch - could be possible in less than 10 yea rs. However, Atos Singapore spokesman Grego ire Gillingham told C/O Australia that from a technical perspective, holographic projection technology is developing rapidly.

Showcasing technology "We predict that it will be possible to show holograms in a stadium wi thin 10 to 15 years and the concept of a 'li ve' event being projected via holograms into other stadiums filled with spectators to be a realistic prediction ," he said.

Atos' published vision for technol ogy, 'Ascent at London 2012: A vision for sport and technology', predicts: "New sta dia technology wil l go a lot further th an JUSt providing

The scoreboard control room at Comerica Park: a ll US Major League Baseball stad ia can now display instant replays, with feeds from up to 12 cameras. Such systems can also be used for security purposes

Pre- recorded PA and voice ala rm messages are saved on a touchscreen controller and can be sent to the PA system through the network.

Even brand-new greenfield stadia designs bring AV cha lle nges. For exa mpl e, in Qatar, where summert ime temperatures can hit 40°C, t wo football stadia have been equipped with Renkus-Heinz IC Live 'digitally beam steerab le' PA systems, configured to deliver music, safety announce ments and match commentary in the m ostly roofless venues, owned by the Qatar Olympic Committee.

As well as ensuring that the systems did not simply melt in the heat. the main challenge was to improve intelligibility across the seating areas without blocking sightlines with large speakers - a complex task in a structure with no roof from which to hang loudspeakers.

Future options Technology upgrades and price falls are providing positive conditions for stadia to look to the future of AV and see what it can do to create effective and engaging audio and visual for entertainment, information, sales and of course safety and security purposes.

In the United States, for example, as of April 2014, Major League Baseball had introduced AV technology

90

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

capable of displaying instant rep lays in all of its stadia.

A central replay operations centre is set up to take feed s from as many as 12 cameras .

Replay officials wi ll have access to high-definition video, slow motion , zoom and mu ltiple angles. Once a decision is made, the umpire posts a brief description on the video of how he or she arrived at the deci sion.

At the same moment the defining shot of pl ay is displayed on the video board with the explanation of the decision made. Fans and players wi ll see why a decision was made, improving the experience and also he lping to maintain a calm and safe atmosphere.

Two-dimensional visual technologi es are improving in definition and affordability all the tim e and are gettin g larger and more impressive. However, stadia looking to get ahead of the competition will need to start adding an extra dimension: three-dimen sio nal AV is coming.

When Japan bid for the 2022 World Cup, it unveiled plans for simultaneous holographic broadcast of football matches as th ey happened to hundred s of stadi a across the world so that fans could watch the tournament in their home country. Sony's Ful l Court 30 Vision system was expected to be broad cast to 208 co untri es, according to a demo video posted on YouTube by Japan's bid committee.

NPD reports that China continued to see year-on-year growth of 40 per cent in public display shipments, though EMEA is still the largest market. Samsung is the market leader, shipping over a quarter of all LCD public displays globally.

"Larger displays are becoming more readily available and more affordable," says Todd Fender, senior analyst with NPD DisplaySearch. "Together, these factors may put pressure on unit growth, as sales of some of these larger displays cannibalise shipments of smaller screens used in video wall installations.

However, at current price points, any loss in volume will be made up by higher overall revenues and profits." NPD expects to see a marked increase in the production and sales of largescreen LCD displays: sales of more than one million 60-inch-plus public displays are forecast by 2017.

'Pepper's Ghost', an old theatre trick that creates the illusion of a 30 moving image on stage.

Sanj Surati , experiential producer at Ho lition, says there is significant interest in creating the holograms offered by the Japan 2022 World Cup bid, relaying matches in life-size 30 from one stadium to another.

"We get a lot of clients asking for this kind of in itiati ve.

However, there is no technology that exists out there that can deliver th is at present. Light has to reflect off a surface for it to be perceived to be in real space," he says .

"The physics of Pepper's Ghost creates the illusion of a volumetri c moving image on stage ... not in thin air.

The technology to create what we call the 'Star Wars effect' will arri ve at some point, but not for a long time."

Stadia are very large environments and there are particular challenges in getting 30 holograms to work in them, Surati explains: "The main cha llenges that are posed for Holition when workin g with holographic tech that stems from the physics of Pepper's Ghost are enough space, the natural elements of wind, rain and am bient light, and audie nce sightlines. The wrong amount of space, too much wind and the wrong angle at set-up wil l render the illusion worthless."

In future, 30 hologram tech nology may be used to boost safety or security in stadia. Surat i points out that Holition's Stage Holiscop e platform is designed for live events . "As a solut ion , it is a great entertainment and communication device. Regarding safety and security, it can be used to visualise a message. The co ntent created will look as real as the hand in front of your face. So a hologram of a celebrity highlighting security procedures on stage can be a very powerfu l piece of engagement.

Especiall y if something magical happened like th em bursting into flames or morphing into a product. " â&#x20AC;˘

From a technical perspective, holographic proiection technology is developing rapidly enhanced convenience and security for spectators and event managers. Thanks to multiple cameras, biometric sensors, image recognition and 30 tra cking, a vast array of information and images will become available, allowing fans to become much more involved in the event."

30 suppl ier Ho liti on has been showcas ing its technology in stadia, so far at entertainment rather than sporting events. In 2013 it took its techno logy to Brazil, to the Mane Garrincha National Stadium , which is hosting the FIFA World Cup in 2014 and th e Olympics in 2016.

Along with US-based V Squared Labs, a visual arts studio, Ho lition co lla borated wi th the family of lege ndary Brazilian singer Renato Russo, who died in 1996, in order to create a hologram of the rock musician playing alo ngside th e Orchestra of the Teatro Nacional de Brasflia.

Holition's Stage Holiscope stems from th e illusion of

Tracey Caldwell is a business technology journalist who writes regularly about security issues in communications

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2 1 91

Issues and developments in screening technology Chris Aaron takes a look at some of the issues in the security screening sector for sport and the impact of changing technology

n February 2014, the United Kingdom 's Brit ish Standards Institute (BSI) published a guide for checkpoint security screening - PAS 127:2014.

It was commissioned by the Centre for Applied Science and Technology and designed to redress a perceived scarcity of information on checkpoint screening measures. It aims to provide guidance on "setting up checkpoint security systems in public spaces, government and other sensitive buildings, secure sites, large sporting and other public events."

I

Although the focus of the re commendations is on permanent checkpoints, it argues the same principles apply to the installation of temporary screening stations, as is often the case for major sporting events.

The best-practice document prescribes a holistic process, from assessing the risk , establishing security requirements and selecting screening strategies through to the deployment of suitable methods and equipment.

It views screening as a system that is dependent on its components, the interactions between them and the environment. and also considers people , processes, information and technologies. The full document with detailed procedura l recommendations is available

from the BSI website, but its top-level advice is that an "organization and/or its appointed security contractors should conduct a comprehensive assessment of risk.

This review should also take into consideration the organisation's vulnerabi lities, the possib le threats, the likelihood of a malicious attack and the potential impact of such an attack, the recording of this information and actions taken to manage or mitigate the risk.

The organisation shou ld record the findings of the risk assessment. formally stating its requirements for security screening. Based on its requirements, and if requi red , t he organisation should identify appropriate screening st rategies and identify solutions in the form of security screening technologies and methods. These should be implemented accordingly with regular review."

The authors note that ad hoc adoption of individual measures described in the PAS "can lead to the implementation of an inadequate screening capability, or to unsafe practices. For these reasons the who le process should be followed if checkpoint screening measures are required." To aid this process, t he document also includes details of the factors that need to be conside red when choosing the best location for

Issues and developments in screening technology Chris Aaron takes a look at some of the issues in the security screening sector for sport and the impact of changing technology

n February 2014, the United Kingdom 's Brit ish Standards Institute (BSI) published a guide for checkpoint security screening - PAS 127:2014.

It was commissioned by the Centre for Applied Science and Technology and designed to redress a perceived scarcity of information on checkpoint screening measures. It aims to provide guidance on "setting up checkpoint security systems in public spaces, government and other sensitive buildings, secure sites, large sporting and other public events."

I

Although the focus of the re commendations is on permanent checkpoints, it argues the same principles apply to the installation of temporary screening stations, as is often the case for major sporting events.

The best-practice document prescribes a holistic process, from assessing the risk , establishing security requirements and selecting screening strategies through to the deployment of suitable methods and equipment.

It views screening as a system that is dependent on its components, the interactions between them and the environment. and also considers people , processes, information and technologies. The full document with detailed procedura l recommendations is available

from the BSI website, but its top-level advice is that an "organization and/or its appointed security contractors should conduct a comprehensive assessment of risk.

This review should also take into consideration the organisation's vulnerabi lities, the possib le threats, the likelihood of a malicious attack and the potential impact of such an attack, the recording of this information and actions taken to manage or mitigate the risk.

The organisation shou ld record the findings of the risk assessment. formally stating its requirements for security screening. Based on its requirements, and if requi red , t he organisation should identify appropriate screening st rategies and identify solutions in the form of security screening technologies and methods. These should be implemented accordingly with regular review."

The authors note that ad hoc adoption of individual measures described in the PAS "can lead to the implementation of an inadequate screening capability, or to unsafe practices. For these reasons the who le process should be followed if checkpoint screening measures are required." To aid this process, t he document also includes details of the factors that need to be conside red when choosing the best location for

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Technology

our effi ciency and quality guarantee," said Chen Yongjian, the general manager of Nuctech 's branch office in Brazil in a report in China Daily. Nuctech's website states that "due to greatly limited time duration ranging from competitive tendering to installation, many foreign companies, at the beginning of tendering invitation, expressed that they were unable to successfu lly finish all production and installation

a checkpoint screening facility. It even suggests a list of the acti.ons that would form part of an emergency response 1n case of the discovery of a high-impact threat, such as an explosive device.

Specialised screening The advice provided in PAS 127:2014 corresponds with views expressed by representatives of some of the leading scree ning equipment suppliers. The three major sup.pliers of sueening technologies - Rapiscan Systems , Smiths Detection and L-3 Security & Detection Systems - recognise the particular needs of the sportin g events sector, but suggest that most of these have orga ni satio nal rather than technol ogical solut ions. Andrew Goldsmith vice-preside nt of marketing at Rapiscan, told /CSS tha; sports events have their own peculiar requirements not genera lly found in other markets: • the event may be wholly or partially outdoors requiring screening stations to be protected ' from weathe r and sited appropriately; • there is often a high peak-period for screening, creating challenges for managing throughput; • efficient deployment of machines becomes cru cia l to minimise cost. Event venues vary in ca pac ity from a sell-out playoff ga me with tens of thousands to li ve viewing sites for a few thousand. Some situ ations call for temporary equipment, such as a yearly marathon , whereas others need devices that wi ll be used indefinitely.

The abil ity to scale up and down to meet demand is a vital capab il ity for security so lutions. Easy installation and calibration are key components here, making it simple for security staff to obtain implement and network additional un its wi th l ittl ~ effort. Portability and size also become more important issues for temporary events.

• machine operators may be work ing at the event location for the first time and therefore need to work close ly with more permanent staff; and • needing to.tra in people to operate and manage the screening operation during a limited time and to a high level.

"From a revenue standpoint, sports events probably account '.~r less than 10 per cent of the company's total revenues , said Goldsmith, but security operations at events, for example, the London Olympics, Sochi, the FIFA World Cup or the Gl asgow Commonwealth Games attract a high level of publicity, so they hold strategic importance for the company's brand and reputation .

In March 2011, Rapiscan was awarded a $31 million con tract to supply security screening solutions for the London 2012 Summer Olympic and Paralympic Games.

At the time, ~.jay Mehra , president of Rapsica n Systems, commented: Th e importance of this award goes far beyond its commercial value. The confidence that LOCOG has demonstrated in Rapi sca n demonstrates our leadership in security screening solutions." Under the contract Rapiscan provided more than 2,000 items

of equ ipments in such short term."

But wi th the exception of events like the Olympics or the FIFA World Cup, where governments see the need to invest conside rable sums to guarantee the highest leve l of security, most sports organisati ons are focused on meeting the codified safety and security requirements and regulations without incurring huge costs.

For smaller sporting events, Goldsmith recognises this tension between cost and security responsibilities: " I don't think clubs want to spend money on security, but feel that they have to," states Goldsmith. "We are seeing more clubs express interest in our products and services. In the USA, Major League Baseba ll teams are increasing th ei r screening of fans , using a combination of wa lk-through and hand -held devices. And I wouldn't be surprised if col lege football does the same ... [but] the ma rket does not generally need cuttin g-edge technol ogy for its purposes - apart from for the largest events." In fact, Goldsmith argues that the project management services and through-life support that the company can offer smaller events and clubs is probably more important th an the most advanced technology. These se rvices can include anyth ing from deploying and installing machines, training staff, providing spares , remote monitoring of equipment performance, disassembly and removal. These are arguab ly equally as important as the performance of the machines themselves , particularl y for limited-duration

Commercial issues of leasing, support and operation aside, the particular technology requirements of sporting events point to easy to use and learn systems, portability and deployability, scalability and speed of throughput.

Advancing technology Goldsmith highli ghts Rapiscan's Metor 6M multi-purpose, walk-through metal detector that is used primarily for weapons detection. Its automated sensitivity and fl oor sensitivity functi ons make the ca libration process easier, cuttin g down on the cost and time of installation .

In 2013, Smiths Detection launched its HCVM e35 series, a mobile X- ray screening solution for inspecting containers and vehicles for explosives, drugs and contraband . Smiths highlights its flexibility for mobile and pass-through scanning modes, and its small size enabling portability and installation in space-limited venues.

Other smaller equipment suppliers have seen increasi ng demand based on their equipments's size and portability. Ahead of the FIFA World Cup and Rio Olympics, UK company Scanna won a contract in excess of $3.4 m il lion with the Brazil ian Federal and Military Police to supply portable X-ray systems for scree ning packages,

Smart use of deployed systems is a key factor in managing the costs and performance of security operations

A Nuctech X-ray machine being operated in front of Areno de Sao Poulo during the 2014 World Cup. The Chinese company installed 90 such units at the stadium

of equipment, from hand-held and walk-through metal detectors to portable explosive trace detection systems, ve hic le 1nspect1on system s and X-ray equipment. In th e 12 months before the start of the games as part of the London Prepares series, the official London 2012 sports testing programme, the company supported sc reening operat1.ons. at. 42 test events in 28 venues covering all Olympic d1 sc1p l1nes and six Paralympic sports. The test events invo lved the secu rity screening of around 350,000 spectators and their baggage.

Smart management Rapiscan also provided equipment for the 2013 FI FA Confederations Cup, as well as a full service security operation at one of the stad ia - hiri ng and training local personnel to operate the security checkpoi nt.

However, for the FIFA World Cup itself, Chinese company Nu.ctech was a major supplier - insta lling 90 X-ray sc reening machines at the Arena de Sao Paulo and a total of 600 items across eight other stadia. "We have many competitors this time but we successfully won the pro1ects of nine out of 12 World Cup stad iu ms because of

or small-scale sport ing events.

Given th at the labour cost associated with security operations is usually larger than the capi tal spend and that throu ghput during peak period is a crucial issue, smart use of deployed systems is a key factor in managing costs and performance. Multiple systems can be networked to help balance throu ghput, but ensuring that staff are properly trained to manage the screening system as a whole is just as important. Rapiscan advises and train s security personnel on issues such as checkpoint layout. ensuring th at sufficient space or a separate room is allocated to take a person aside for secondary searches, and alert-response processes - making sure th at staff know what to do if a suspicious item is discovered so that the entire entry process is not delayed. The company has developed models of throughput, staffing and equipment that it can use to advise clients early on in their design and planning stages . These models, combined with the advice avai labl e from documents like PAS 127:2014 and crowd management planning, gives event organisers a toolkit for designing safe and secure entry points.

forensic search, IED detection, and special operation s.

Scanna supp lies a range of walk-though metal detectors and hand-held X- ray scanners, which can complement the larger, static systems used , for example, in vehic le and cargo inspections. Israeli company Vidisco also supplied Brazilian special forces with a number of BlazeX portable digital X-ray systems for the World Cup. The suitcase or backpack portable systems can be sited and display X- ray images within minutes, enabling security forces to make spot checks on suspicious items at short noti ce.

But it may be millimetre wave radar techno logy that proves to be a game change r. The MiRTLE system, developed at Manchester Metropolitan University and comme rcialised by Radio Physics Solutions (RPS), is being used in Brazil to assess its use at a major event.

The system's advantage is the potential to identify dangerous objects being carried at a distance of up to 25m for the static ve rsion.

Since its software analyses radar returns to identify such items, it presents no privacy issues, but can simply cue security guards for secondary sea rches . If proven to work effectivel y in the field, the technology wou ld allow wide-area checking of spectators - something that would be particularly beneficial for non-stadia eve nts such as marathons, but th at could also revolutionise the layout of 'mag and bag' areas. •

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4.

4

Technology Technology

a checkpoint screening facility. It even sugge sts a list of the acti.ons that would form part of an emerg ency response 1n case of the discovery of a high-i mpac t threat, such as an explosive device .

Specialised screening The advice provided in PAS 127:2014 corresponds with views expressed by representatives of some of the leading scree ning equip ment suppliers. The three major sup.pliers of sueen ing technologies - Rapiscan Systems , Smiths Detection and L-3 Security & Detec tion Systems - recognise the partic ular needs of the sporti n g events sector, but suggest that most of these have orga ni satio nal rather than technol ogical solut ions. Andrew Golds mith vice-p reside nt of marke ting at Rapiscan, told /CSS tha; sports events have their own peculiar requir ements not genera lly found in other markets: • the event may be wholly or partia lly outdoors requiring screening stations to be protected ' from weathe r and sited appropriately; • there is often a high peak-period for screening, creating challenges for managing throughput; • efficie nt deploymen t of machines becomes cru cia l to minim ise cost. Event venues vary in ca pac ity from a sell-out playoff ga me with tens of thousands to li ve viewing sites for a few thousand. Some situ ations call for tempo rary equipment, such as a yearly marathon , where as others need devices that wi ll be used indefinitely.

The abil ity to scale up and down to meet dema nd is a vital capab il ity for security so lutions. Easy installation and calibration are key component s here, making it simpl e for security staff to obtain imple ment and network additional un its wi th l ittl ~ effort. Porta bility and size also become more impor tant issues for tempo rary events.

• machine operators may be work ing at the event location for the first time and therefore need to work close ly with more permanent staff; and • needing to.tra in people to operate and mana ge the screening operation during a limite d time and to a high level.

"From a revenue standpoint, sports events proba bly account '.~r less than 10 per cent of the comp any's total revenues , said Goldsmith, but security opera tions at events, for example, the London Olympics, Sochi , the FIFA World Cup or the Gl asgow Commonwealth Game s attrac t a high level of publicity, so they hold strategic importance for the company's brand and reputation .

In March 2011, Rapiscan was awarded a $31 millio n con tract to supply security screening solutions for the London 2012 Summ er Olym pic and Paraly mpic Games.

At the time, ~.jay Mehra , president of Rapsica n Systems, commented: Th e impor tance of this award goes far beyond its commercial value. The confidence that LOCOG has demonstrated in Rapi sca n demo nstrates our leadership in security screening solutions."

Under the contract Rapiscan provided more than 2,000 items

94

our effi ciency and qualit y guarantee," said Chen Yongjian, the general manager of Nuctech 's branch office in Brazil in a report in China Daily. Nuctech's website states that "due to greatly limite d time duration ranging from comp etitive tendering to instal lation, many foreign comp anies, at the beginning of tendering invitation, expressed that they were unable to successfu lly finish all produ ction and installation of equ ipmen ts in such short term. " But wi th the exception of events like the Olym pics or the FIFA World Cup, where governments see the need to invest conside rable sums to guarantee the highe st leve l of security, most sports organisati ons are focuse d on meeting the codified safety and security requir ements and regulations witho ut incurr ing huge costs.

For smaller sporti ng events, Goldsmith recog nises this tension between cost and security respo nsibilities: " I don't think clubs want to spend money on security, but feel that they have to," states Goldsmith.

"We are seeing more clubs express interest in our produ cts and services. In the USA, Major Leagu e Baseba ll teams are increasing th ei r screening of fans , using a comb inatio n of wa lk-through and hand -held devices. And I would n't be surprised if col lege football does the same ... [but] the ma rket does not generally need cuttin g-edge technol ogy for its purposes - apart from for the largest events." In fact, Goldsmith argues that the projec t management services and throug h-life support that the company can offer small er events and clubs is probably more impor tant th an the most advanced technology. These se rvices can include anyth ing from deploying and installing machines, training staff, providing spares , remote monit oring of equip ment performance, disassembly and remov al. These are arguab ly equally as impor tant as the perfor mance of the machines themselves , partic ularl y for limite d-dur ation or small-scale sport ing events.

Given th at the labour cost associated with secur ity operations is usually larger than the capi tal spend and that throu ghput durin g peak period is a crucial issue, smart use of deployed systems is a key factor in managing costs and performance. Multip le system s can be networked to help balance throu ghput, but ensur ing that staff are properly trained to manage the scree ning system as a whole is just as impor tant. Rapiscan advise s and train s security personnel on issues such as check point layout. ensuring th at sufficient space or a separ ate room is allocated to take a person aside for secon dary searches, and alert-response processes - making sure th at staff know what to do if a suspicious item is discov ered so that the entire entry process is not delayed. The company has developed models of throughput, staffing and equip ment that it can use to advise clients early on in their design and planning stages . These models, combined with the advice avai labl e from documents like PAS 127:20 14 and crowd management planning, gives event organ isers a toolki t for designing safe and secure entry points .

4•4

Commercial issues of leasing, suppo rt and opera tion aside, the partic ular technology requirements of sporting events point to easy to use and learn system s, porta bility and deployability, scalability and speed of throug hput.

Adva ncin g tech nolo gy

Goldsmith highli ghts Rapiscan's Metor 6M multipurpose, walk-through metal detector that is used prima rily for weapons detection. Its automated sensitivity and fl oor sensitivity functi ons make the ca librati on proce ss easier, cuttin g down on the cost and time of installation .

In 2013, Smiths Detection launched its HCVM e35 series, a mobil e X- ray screening solution for inspecting containers and vehicles for explosives, drugs and contraband . Smiths highlights its flexib ility for mobile and pass-through scanning modes, and its small size enabling porta bility and installation in space-limited venue s.

Other smaller equip ment suppliers have seen increa si ng demand based on their equipments 's size and portability. Ahead of the FIFA World Cup and Rio Olympics, UK company Scanna won a contra ct in excess of $3.4 m il lion with the Brazil ian Federal and Milita ry Police to supply portab le X-ray systems for scree ning packages,

Smart use of deployed systems is a key factor in managing the costs and performance of security operations

A Nuctech X-ray machine being operate d in front of Areno de Sao Poulo during the 2014 World Cup. The Chinese compa ny installed 90 such units at the stadium

of equipment, from hand-held and walk-throug h metal detectors to portable explosive trace detection systems, ve hic le 1nspect1on system s and X-ray equipment.

In th e 12 month s before the start of the games as part of the London Prepares series , the official London 2012 sports testin g programme, the company supported sc reening operat1.ons. at. 42 test event s in 28 venues cover ing all Olympic d1 sc1p l1nes and six Paraly mpic sports . The test events invo lved the secu rity screening of aroun d 350,0 00 spectators and their baggage.

Sma rt man agem ent Rapiscan also provided equip ment for the 2013 FI FA Confederations Cup, as well as a full service security operation at one of the stad ia - hiri ng and trainin g local personnel to operate the security checkpoi nt.

However, for the FIFA World Cup itself, Chine se company Nu.ctech was a major suppl ier - insta lling 90 X-ray sc reening machines at the Arena de Sao Paulo and a total of 600 items across eight other stadia . "We have many comp etitors this time but we successfully won the pro1ects of nine out of 12 World Cup stad iu ms because of

forensic search, IED detection, and special opera tion s.

Scanna supp lies a range of walk-though metal detec tors and hand-held X- ray scanners, which can comp lemen t the larger, static systems used , for example, in vehic le and cargo inspections . Israeli company Vidisco also supplied Brazilian special forces with a numb er of Blaze X portable digital X-ray systems for the World Cup. The suitcase or backpack portable systems can be sited and display X- ray images within minutes, enabling security forces to make spot checks on suspicious items at short noti ce.

But it may be millim etre wave radar techno logy that proves to be a game change r. The MiRTL E system, developed at Manchester Metropolitan Unive rsity and comme rcialised by Radio Physics Solutions (RPS), is being used in Brazil to assess its use at a major event.

The system 's advantage is the potential to identi fy dangerous objects being carried at a distance of up to 25m for the static ve rsion.

Since its software analyses radar returns to identify such items, it presents no privacy issues, but can simpl y cue security guards for secondary sea rches .

If proven to work effectivel y in the field, the technology wou ld allow wide-area checking of spectators - something that would be partic ularly beneficial for non-stadia eve nts such as marathons, but that could also revolutionise the layou t of 'mag and bag' areas. •

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Turkish and Egyptian fans fight political battles James M Dorsey compares the political trajectories of militant football fans that are opposing governments in Egypt and Turkey

ilitant Turkish soccer fans were not on Egypt's radar a decade ago when their domestic counterparts emerged as the foremost physical opposition to then President Hosn i Mubarak. While the Egyptians were influenced substantially by other militant fans in Argentina, Italy and Serbia , they would probably have fo und more in common with fan groups such as <;ar!?i , the militant support group of Istanbul 's Be!?ikta!?. That is certa inly t rue today with highly politicised football fans in both countries on the front lines of anti-government protest, confronting attempts to intimidate and control them in an environment that is becoming increasingly authoritarian , if not downright repressive.

M

Egyptian and Turkish fans have travelled rather different trajectories, only to find themselves in similar circumstances. In many ways, militant Turkish fans are the Egyptians' more experienced elder brothers. They, like the Egyptian ultras in the last years of the Mubarak regime, were politicised and became militant at a time of repressive military-backed rule in the wake of the 1980 military coup - a time when stadia were the only venues where people could rally and express their identity, pent-up frustration and anger.

Some 25 years later, Egyptian soccer fans went through a similar process. During that time, Turkey returned to pluralistic, democratic government, albeit with a powerfu l military in the background that was only brought under full civilian rule in the early 21st century.

While Egypt reverted to an autocracy dominated by military and security forces three years after its popular revolt. Turkey saw mass anti-government protests prompted by plans to raze Gezi Park on Istanbul's iconic Taksim Square in 2013. This sparked a period of political crisis and increased authoritarianism and government control.

In Egypt, the ultras' various battles for freedom made them political by definition. This included fighting in the stadia and on Tahrir Square, as well as opposition to the mi litary rulers who succeeded Mubarak and the toppled Muslim Brotherhood government of Mohammed Morsi.

The same is true for Turkish support groups, foremost among which are the fans of Istanbul club Fenerbahr,;e.

They framed their opposition to the conviction of club president Aziz Y1ld1nm for match-fixing in terms of a struggle for greater political freedoms, against hard-handed police tactics and an end to the corruption of the sport.

Fenerbahr,;e's ability to mobilise was on display in February and March when tens, if not hundreds, of thousands marched in Istanbul and Ankara demanding justice for the club, as well as for Turkey at large. Fans chanted "Establish a party, Aziz Ylld1nm", a slogan often heard during Fenerbahr,;e matches - which prides itse lf on upholding the legacy of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the visionary who carved modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire and imposed French -style secularism.

"Enough is enough. We stand against illegality, a gang-led legal system and anti-democratic establishments," said a lawyer and fervent Fenerbahr,;e fan who is close to Ylld1nm.

Egyptian and Turkish fan groups confront similar internal issues. Much like the Muslim Brotherhood , they struggle to define themselves. In the Brotherhood 's case, the determination of whether it is a social or political movement has been stalled and obscured as a result of its banning in Egypt as a terrorist organisation. For the militant fans or ultras in Egypt and Turkey who refuse to acknowledge that they are as much about politics as they are about football, the issue is live as authoritarian leaders try to discredit and criminalise them.

In May 2014, 12 militant Egyptian soccer fans were sentenced to five years in prison in an expansion of the military-backed regime's crackdown on its lslamist and non-lslamist opponents, which potentially repositioned soccer as a major platform of protest. The fans, members of Ultras Ahlawy, the well-organised and street battle hardened militant support group of Cairo club Al Ahli SC, were sentenced in absentia for organising an illegal gathering and vandalism. They were accused of blocking a Cairo road in order to protest the arrest of Ultras Ahlawy members who had clashed with police last October as they attempted to storm Cairo airport's international terminal.

The verdict came shortly after newly elected president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi - who toppled Morsi , Egypt 's first and only democratically elected president - defended

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97

Turkish and Egyptian fans fight political battles James M Dorsey compares the political trajectories of militant football fans that are opposing governments in Egypt and Turkey

ilitant Turkish soccer fans were not on Egypt's radar a decade ago when their domestic counterparts emerged as the foremost physical opposition to then President Hosn i Mubarak. While the Egyptians were influenced substantially by other militant fans in Argentina, Italy and Serbia , they would probably have fo und more in common with fan groups such as <;ar!?i , the militant support group of Istanbul 's Be!?ikta!?. That is certa inly t rue today with highly politicised football fans in both countries on the front lines of anti-government protest, confronting attempts to intimidate and control them in an environment that is becoming increasingly authoritarian , if not downright repressive.

M

Egyptian and Turkish fans have travelled rather different trajectories, only to find themselves in similar circumstances. In many ways, militant Turkish fans are the Egyptians' more experienced elder brothers. They, like the Egyptian ultras in the last years of the Mubarak regime, were politicised and became militant at a time of repressive military-backed rule in the wake of the 1980 military coup - a time when stadia were the only venues where people could rally and express their identity, pent-up frustration and anger.

Some 25 years later, Egyptian soccer fans went through a similar process. During that time, Turkey returned to pluralistic, democratic government, albeit with a powerfu l military in the background that was only brought under full civilian rule in the early 21st century.

While Egypt reverted to an autocracy dominated by military and security forces three years after its popular revolt. Turkey saw mass anti-government protests prompted by plans to raze Gezi Park on Istanbul's iconic Taksim Square in 2013. This sparked a period of political crisis and increased authoritarianism and government control.

In Egypt, the ultras' various battles for freedom made them political by definition. This included fighting in the stadia and on Tahrir Square, as well as opposition to the mi litary rulers who succeeded Mubarak and the toppled Muslim Brotherhood government of Mohammed Morsi.

The same is true for Turkish support groups, foremost among which are the fans of Istanbul club Fenerbahr,;e.

They framed their opposition to the conviction of club president Aziz Y1ld1nm for match-fixing in terms of a struggle for greater political freedoms, against hard-handed police tactics and an end to the corruption of the sport.

Fenerbahr,;e's ability to mobilise was on display in February and March when tens, if not hundreds, of thousands marched in Istanbul and Ankara demanding justice for the club, as well as for Turkey at large. Fans chanted "Establish a party, Aziz Ylld1nm", a slogan often heard during Fenerbahr,;e matches - which prides itse lf on upholding the legacy of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the visionary who carved modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire and imposed French -style secularism.

"Enough is enough. We stand against illegality, a gang-led legal system and anti-democratic establishments," said a lawyer and fervent Fenerbahr,;e fan who is close to Ylld1nm.

Egyptian and Turkish fan groups confront similar internal issues. Much like the Muslim Brotherhood , they struggle to define themselves. In the Brotherhood 's case, the determination of whether it is a social or political movement has been stalled and obscured as a result of its banning in Egypt as a terrorist organisation. For the militant fans or ultras in Egypt and Turkey who refuse to acknowledge that they are as much about politics as they are about football, the issue is live as authoritarian leaders try to discredit and criminalise them.

In May 2014, 12 militant Egyptian soccer fans were sentenced to five years in prison in an expansion of the military-backed regime's crackdown on its lslamist and non-lslamist opponents, which potentially repositioned soccer as a major platform of protest. The fans, members of Ultras Ahlawy, the well-organised and street battle hardened militant support group of Cairo club Al Ahli SC, were sentenced in absentia for organising an illegal gathering and vandalism. They were accused of blocking a Cairo road in order to protest the arrest of Ultras Ahlawy members who had clashed with police last October as they attempted to storm Cairo airport's international terminal.

The verdict came shortly after newly elected president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi - who toppled Morsi , Egypt 's first and only democratically elected president - defended

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Legacy â&#x20AC;˘

Supporters of Turkish soccer club Fenerboh~e gather in Ankara at the mausoleum of Mustafa Kernel AtatUrk, the first president and founder of modern Turkey

Egypt's recently adopted draconian anti-protest law. The law is part of a regional trend that equates protest with terrorism or as a precursor to political violence, which is visible in Saudi Arabia and Turkey, as well as in debates in Jordan. "We are talking about a country going to waste. People must realise this and support us. Whoever imagines otherwise, only wants to sabotage Egypt and this won't be allowed . This chaos will bring it down, because of this irresponsible protesting," Al-Sisi warned, adding that he would do "whatever it takes to restore security."

The verdict against the fans and the crackdown involving greater brutality than during the Mubarak era comes as power within Egypt's various militant fan groups has shifted from highly politicised founders to charismatic young men. In fact, they are often unemployed or underemployed, uneducated or under-educated, and tend to have visceral opposition to law enforcement.

"All the old people have left. There was a fight within the group. Some were kidnapped and held for three days.

We were attacked with knives. People were injured. Their leader is enormously charismatic," said a founder of one of the more prominent groups of ultras.

The former ultra, who keeps in close contact with militant fans, said a pledge by the interior minister to replace security forces in stadia with private security firms had reduced the protests against a ban on allowing supporters to attend soccer matches. The ban was put in place in a bid to prevent stadia from becoming a platform for anti-government agitation again. "It's likely to be the quiet before the storm," he continued. "I don 't know a

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single young person who voted in the presidential election.

Even my parents, simple people who are not lslamists, don't believe in what is happening. People will lose faith in the military. They are losing faith in everything. " Fuelling potential trouble, Egyptian officials have discussed how to deal with the ultras more structurally.

State-owned Al Ahram newspa per, long a mouthpiece for the government. asked: "Will the ultras be shown the red card after crossing the red line? Are they digging their own grave? ... Football ultras of soccer powerhouse Egyptian clubs Al Ahli and Zamalek have become a dangerous phenomenon ... These days the ultras are a symbol of destruction, attacking the opposition and sometimes their own kind," the paper said.

Political power The writing was on the wall in the January 2014 militarybacked constitutional referendum , which seemed to indicate that Al-Sisi could count on the support of just under 40 per cent of the electorate - enough to allow him to emerge as the candidate with the single largest voting bloc. Some 98 per cent voted in favour of the constitutional poll, with approximately 38 per cent of the electorate casting their vote.

This pattern repeated itself in the May presidential election. Al-Sisi's supporters did not include the tens of thousands of young men who joined the ranks of the ultras in the last four years of the Mubarak regime.

In fact, the fans emerged as the foremost civic group that physically resisted the regime in almost weekly

clashes with security forces in stadia during the soccer season. The power of these alienated young men became evident within months of the overthrow of Mubarak.

Members of the ultras White Knights (UWK) - the highly organised radical fan group of Cairo club Zamalek stormed Cairo International Stadium's soccer pitch in the 90th minute of the first post-revolt game between an Egyptian and a Tunisian team, disrupting the match and destroying goal posts and everything else in their path. The group's founders realised that they were losing control. "These guys know the security forces are waiting for them to make a mistake. That's why they have refocused their attention on football ... I don 't know how long that will last. We could face something like Syria . lslamists will lead the next revolution. It will be an Islamic revolution, not a fight for the state," the former ultra said.

If militant Egyptian soccer fans are regrouping and retreating to the stadium disillusioned by their failure to fundamentally reshape the nature of their society, supporters of Istanbul's top-three soccer clubs Be$ikta$, Fenerbahr;e and Galatasaray - are adding muscle to trade unionists, leftists and government opponents in what has become a battle for the soul of Turkey. It is a battle that is as much about sheer power as it is about the nature of Turkish democracy. It is a battle that is in part being fought in football stadia, evidenced by the participation of soccer fans, as well as the banners they carried and the slogans they chanted during recent May Day demonstrations.

Government backlash

i

The stakes are high for fans and go to the heart of the struggle. In Istanbul and other Turkish cities, fans denounced the government's compulsory e-ticket system that would provide access to their personal details, even boycotting a game in protest earlier this yea r. This could potentially facilitate the government's attempts to suppress protest and criminalise militant soccer groups.

In September, Turkish police raided homes and arrested 72 militant supporters of Istanbul clubs after a derby between Be$ikta$ and Galatasaray was abandoned because fans invaded the pitch. Penalising Be$ikta$. the Turkish Football Federation (TFF) ordered the club to play its next four games behind closed doors.

Increasingly, politics in Turkish football is spilling onto the pitch Critics of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan claim the incident was engineered in a bid to further repress C:ar$i, the influential Be$ikta$ supporters group. They point to the fact that security was lax at the match and that a youth leader of the AKP boasted on Facebook about obtaining a free ticket to the Be$ikta$-Galatasaray derby and how he was one of the first to invade the pitch.

â&#x20AC;˘

Turkish journalist Mehmet Baransu has documented links between the AKP and 1453 Kartallari (1453 Eagles), a rival conservative Be$ikta$ support group named after the year that Ottoman Fatih Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror drove the Byzantines out of Constantinople. Reportedly, 1453 members shouted "God is Great" and attacked C:ar$i supporters during the pitch invasion.

The incident has strengthened the government's hand in discussions with FIFA and UEFA over the replacement of private security companies with regular police in stadia , which is the exact opposite of where Egypt is heading. FIFA and UEFA favour a low-key police presence in stadia , but having police inside would aid Erdogan 's effort to gain control and depoliticise Turkish soccer and criminalise fan groups. The government has also unsuccessfully tried to ban the chanting of political slogans during matches, obliging spectators to sign a statement to abide by the ban before they enter a stadium .

Fans have defied this by chanting: "Everywhere is Taksim , everywhere is resistance."

Tension in Turkey Groups opposed to Istanbul hosting the 2020 Olympics celebrated when the International Olympic Committee (IOC) awarded it to Tokyo. In a report to the IOC shortly before its vote, a group of Turkish activists, architects and urban planners calling themselves 'Boycott Istanbul 2020' stated that "prosecutors and courts continue to use terrorism laws to prosecute and prolong inca rceration of thousands of Kurdish political activists, human rights defenders, students, journalists and trade unionists ...

Free speech and media remain restricted and there have been serious violations of fair trial rights. Great obstacles remain in securing justice for victims of abuses by police, military and state officials ... Press members are fired , contracts of academicians who supported Gezi are not renewed, film stars are searched for narcotics, and students are arbitrarily detained ... The powers of the Chambers of Engineers and Architects were curbed.

This was a reprisal for their role. " The report also alleged that police used tear gas and water cannons during protests at the opening of the Mediterranean Games in Mersin in south-east Turkey. It claimed that 80 per cent of the tickets for the event were awarded to government loyalists rather than to the public to prevent potential protests against Erdogan, who was scheduled to attend the opening. He was booed during the 2010 World Basketball Championship finals in Istanbul and during the 2011 opening of the Turk Telekom Arena stadium in the capital city.

Increasingly, politics in Turkish football is spilling onto the pitch. In March this year a derby between Fenerbahr;e and Trabzonspor was abandoned after Trabzonspor 's fans pelted Istanbu l's players and officials with smoke missiles. Tension between the two teams has been mounting since the 2010-11 season , when Fenerbahr;e topped Trabzon on points

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4

Legacy â&#x20AC;˘

Supporters of Turkish soccer club Fenerboh~e gather in Ankara at the mausoleum of Mustafa Kernel AtatUrk, the first president and founder of modern Turkey

Egypt's recently adopted draconian anti-protest law. The law is part of a regional trend that equates protest with terrorism or as a precursor to political violence, which is visible in Saudi Arabia and Turkey, as well as in debates in Jordan. "We are talking about a country going to waste. People must realise this and support us. Whoever imagines otherwise, only wants to sabotage Egypt and this won't be allowed . This chaos will bring it down, because of this irresponsible protesting," Al-Sisi warned, adding that he would do "whatever it takes to restore security."

The verdict against the fans and the crackdown involving greater brutality than during the Mubarak era comes as power within Egypt's various militant fan groups has shifted from highly politicised founders to charismatic young men. In fact, they are often unemployed or underemployed, uneducated or under-educated, and tend to have visceral opposition to law enforcement.

"All the old people have left. There was a fight within the group. Some were kidnapped and held for three days.

We were attacked with knives. People were injured. Their leader is enormously charismatic," said a founder of one of the more prominent groups of ultras.

The former ultra, who keeps in close contact with militant fans, said a pledge by the interior minister to replace security forces in stadia with private security firms had reduced the protests against a ban on allowing supporters to attend soccer matches. The ban was put in place in a bid to prevent stadia from becoming a platform for anti-government agitation again. "It's likely to be the quiet before the storm," he continued. "I don 't know a

98

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

single young person who voted in the presidential election.

Even my parents, simple people who are not lslamists, don't believe in what is happening. People will lose faith in the military. They are losing faith in everything. " Fuelling potential trouble, Egyptian officials have discussed how to deal with the ultras more structurally.

State-owned Al Ahram newspa per, long a mouthpiece for the government. asked: "Will the ultras be shown the red card after crossing the red line? Are they digging their own grave? ... Football ultras of soccer powerhouse Egyptian clubs Al Ahli and Zamalek have become a dangerous phenomenon ... These days the ultras are a symbol of destruction, attacking the opposition and sometimes their own kind," the paper said.

Political power The writing was on the wall in the January 2014 militarybacked constitutional referendum , which seemed to indicate that Al-Sisi could count on the support of just under 40 per cent of the electorate - enough to allow him to emerge as the candidate with the single largest voting bloc. Some 98 per cent voted in favour of the constitutional poll, with approximately 38 per cent of the electorate casting their vote.

This pattern repeated itself in the May presidential election. Al-Sisi's supporters did not include the tens of thousands of young men who joined the ranks of the ultras in the last four years of the Mubarak regime.

In fact, the fans emerged as the foremost civic group that physically resisted the regime in almost weekly

clashes with security forces in stadia during the soccer season. The power of these alienated young men became evident within months of the overthrow of Mubarak.

Members of the ultras White Knights (UWK) - the highly organised radical fan group of Cairo club Zamalek stormed Cairo International Stadium's soccer pitch in the 90th minute of the first post-revolt game between an Egyptian and a Tunisian team, disrupting the match and destroying goal posts and everything else in their path. The group's founders realised that they were losing control. "These guys know the security forces are waiting for them to make a mistake. That's why they have refocused their attention on football ... I don 't know how long that will last. We could face something like Syria . lslamists will lead the next revolution. It will be an Islamic revolution, not a fight for the state," the former ultra said.

If militant Egyptian soccer fans are regrouping and retreating to the stadium disillusioned by their failure to fundamentally reshape the nature of their society, supporters of Istanbul's top-three soccer clubs Be$ikta$, Fenerbahr;e and Galatasaray - are adding muscle to trade unionists, leftists and government opponents in what has become a battle for the soul of Turkey. It is a battle that is as much about sheer power as it is about the nature of Turkish democracy. It is a battle that is in part being fought in football stadia, evidenced by the participation of soccer fans, as well as the banners they carried and the slogans they chanted during recent May Day demonstrations.

Government backlash

i

The stakes are high for fans and go to the heart of the struggle. In Istanbul and other Turkish cities, fans denounced the government's compulsory e-ticket system that would provide access to their personal details, even boycotting a game in protest earlier this yea r. This could potentially facilitate the government's attempts to suppress protest and criminalise militant soccer groups.

In September, Turkish police raided homes and arrested 72 militant supporters of Istanbul clubs after a derby between Be$ikta$ and Galatasaray was abandoned because fans invaded the pitch. Penalising Be$ikta$. the Turkish Football Federation (TFF) ordered the club to play its next four games behind closed doors.

Increasingly, politics in Turkish football is spilling onto the pitch Critics of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan claim the incident was engineered in a bid to further repress C:ar$i, the influential Be$ikta$ supporters group. They point to the fact that security was lax at the match and that a youth leader of the AKP boasted on Facebook about obtaining a free ticket to the Be$ikta$-Galatasaray derby and how he was one of the first to invade the pitch.

â&#x20AC;˘

Turkish journalist Mehmet Baransu has documented links between the AKP and 1453 Kartallari (1453 Eagles), a rival conservative Be$ikta$ support group named after the year that Ottoman Fatih Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror drove the Byzantines out of Constantinople. Reportedly, 1453 members shouted "God is Great" and attacked C:ar$i supporters during the pitch invasion.

The incident has strengthened the government's hand in discussions with FIFA and UEFA over the replacement of private security companies with regular police in stadia , which is the exact opposite of where Egypt is heading. FIFA and UEFA favour a low-key police presence in stadia , but having police inside would aid Erdogan 's effort to gain control and depoliticise Turkish soccer and criminalise fan groups. The government has also unsuccessfully tried to ban the chanting of political slogans during matches, obliging spectators to sign a statement to abide by the ban before they enter a stadium .

Fans have defied this by chanting: "Everywhere is Taksim , everywhere is resistance."

Tension in Turkey Groups opposed to Istanbul hosting the 2020 Olympics celebrated when the International Olympic Committee (IOC) awarded it to Tokyo. In a report to the IOC shortly before its vote, a group of Turkish activists, architects and urban planners calling themselves 'Boycott Istanbul 2020' stated that "prosecutors and courts continue to use terrorism laws to prosecute and prolong inca rceration of thousands of Kurdish political activists, human rights defenders, students, journalists and trade unionists ...

Free speech and media remain restricted and there have been serious violations of fair trial rights. Great obstacles remain in securing justice for victims of abuses by police, military and state officials ... Press members are fired , contracts of academicians who supported Gezi are not renewed, film stars are searched for narcotics, and students are arbitrarily detained ... The powers of the Chambers of Engineers and Architects were curbed.

This was a reprisal for their role. " The report also alleged that police used tear gas and water cannons during protests at the opening of the Mediterranean Games in Mersin in south-east Turkey. It claimed that 80 per cent of the tickets for the event were awarded to government loyalists rather than to the public to prevent potential protests against Erdogan, who was scheduled to attend the opening. He was booed during the 2010 World Basketball Championship finals in Istanbul and during the 2011 opening of the Turk Telekom Arena stadium in the capital city.

Increasingly, politics in Turkish football is spilling onto the pitch. In March this year a derby between Fenerbahr;e and Trabzonspor was abandoned after Trabzonspor 's fans pelted Istanbu l's players and officials with smoke missiles. Tension between the two teams has been mounting since the 2010-11 season , when Fenerbahr;e topped Trabzon on points

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

99

4

Lastword

4

Fighting for clean sport in Spain Spain has enjoyed widespread acclaim and a sustained period of success on the sports field in recent years, but it hasn't all been rosy off the pitch. Javier Santos interviews sports tsar Ana Munoz about tackling doping and match-fixing

pain's anti-doping measures have been considered weak and insufficient by many countries in the past, while the economic structure of its sports clubs and federations has meant that many have survived only thanks to taxpayer support - subsidies that are fast disappearing in the current climate of austerity.

Spanish sport has therefore required a strong hand to guide it through a period of reform and eradicate its most serious weaknesses. This new direction has come from Ana Munoz, Director Genera l of the government's Supreme Sports Council (Consejo Superior de Deportes - CSD) .

Known as the Iron Lady, Munoz arrived on the scene in 2012 as director of the State Anti-Doping Agency (Agencia Estatal Antidopaje - AEA) , gaining a reputation for effective management of change. She is now tasked with achieving similar modern isation across the sector. " I'm not as hard as they say! " Munoz insists, even though the facts clearly point to the effectiveness of her methods. "Sport in Spain is an example of strength in hard times: we finished 2013 with an even better record of success than 2012. That goes to show that sportspeople have been able to adapt to the changing environment. and the sports federations have tackled the economic crisis in an admirable manner. After several years of cuts, we've now managed to raise state aid for sports federations by 25 per cent; that said , the crisis has forced the sector to keep better control of costs and manage itself better. The outlook is good, as we have survived several difficult years and spanish sport has managed to reinvent itself. The worst has passed ."

Munoz acquired her reputation for toughness at the AEA. The fight against doping in Spain had been ineffective for many years due to a lack of adequate laws. Changing the rules took a lot of work, but doping is now a recognised crime and Spain is rebuilding its reputation for clean sport. "We took a big step forward with the new law on the Protection of Health in Sport (Ley de Protecci6n de la Salud en el Deporte). The fight against doping crosses borders, no country can fight it

S Trabzonspor fan s throw missi les a t Fene rbah~e players du ri ng a Superleogue playoff at Avni Aker Stadium in Trabzon . Fenerboh~e is wide ly viewed in Trabzon a s a pro-government club

to win t he champions hip. Fenerbahr;e's t rium ph was part of th e match-fi xi ng invest igati on th at led to Y1Id in m's sentenc ing. "A narc hy starts when just ice is ove r," Trabzonspor coach Senol Gunes reportedly said to fans after t he club lost t he champio nship to Fenerbahr;e .

Tra bzo nspor, like Fenerbahr;e, is a polit ica lly important team for Erdoga n. Al t hough a Fenerbahr;e fan , t he prime mini ster made one of its forme r players his mi ni ster of publi c wo rks in 200 5. Trabzo n has been in gradu al dec line si nce its glorious Ottoman days, with ma rit ime t rade almost drying up and rai lroad co nstruction bypassi ng it, leavi ng foot ba ll as on e of the elements th at is ce ntra l to its identity. Sevece n Tu ne, a Turki sh sports histori an and author of a book on t he socia l hi story of soccer in Trabzon, argues t hat munic ipal leaders believe footbal l ca n restore the city's civ ic pride, ensuring it rema in s a player on the nat iona l stage.

"Trabzon fans be lieve in Se nol Gu nes's statement.

All my fr iends who were di rectl y involved in the eve nts of last Sunday, or indirectl y su pported th em, quoted hi m.

Th at is how th ey legitimise what happe ned. I am afrai d t hat t hi s vio lence is just a begin ni ng and wi ll not be limited to foot ba ll because sociological ly, th e inh abitants of th is

100

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

ci ty have no agricu lture, no industry and no commerce.

The only way th ey ca n put Tra bzon on th e map is football .

Trabzon has wa ited fo r the Super League champ ionship sin ce 1984-85 and t hey won it in t he 2010-11 season, at least t hat is what t hey bel ieve. Th is cou ld get da ngerously out of contro l if Ylld 1ri m is not puni shed and Trabzonspor is not as yet awarded t he 2010-11 titl e," Tune says.

The violence t hat prom pted t he cancel lati on of the derby wa s part ia ll y sparked by sharpshooters. They were posit io ned on rooftops around Trabzon's Hi.lseyin Avni Aker Stadiu m to protect t he Fenerbahr;e squad, which is wide ly viewed in Trabzon as a pro -govern ment clu b - in part beca use of Erdogan's membershi p. Support for Trabzon ¡ by the Erdogan gove rn ment has done litt le to change that percept ion. To Trabzon fa ns t he message was clear, accordin g to Tune: "The state protects its team." â&#x20AC;˘ James M Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University. He is also co-director of the University of Wiirzburg's Institute for Fan Culture and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog, as well as a forthcoming book with the same title

alone. When I joined the AEA, Spain was lagging behind other countries and the fi rst thing we did was to make it clear to the World Anti-Doping Agency that everything was going to change. And we did it! We changed the image that the world has of our anti-doping campaign.

We are now viewed as reliable and credible."

Spain's poor image resulted in part from two significant cases - Operation Puerto, the investigation into a doping network among high -level athletes led by a well known sports doctor; and Operation Galgo, the investigation into a suspected distribution network for performance enhancing drugs in the Spanish sport sector.

Ana Munoz insists on setting the record straight on the two cases: "Regarding the first I cannot say much because the process is not yet over, contrary to what people outside Spain understand. The infamous bags of blood have not been destroyed and we are trying to determine the names of the athletes to whom they belong.

The case has not been a failure: the doctors involved have

The fight against doping crosses borders, no country can fight it alone been sentenced, something that has not been seen in other countries. The process is long, but not yet over, and I would like that to be known outside Spain."

"These athletes did not commit a crime because the legislation did not consider their behaviour criminal at the time, but the names should be made known for administrative and sporting sanctions. Operation Galgo was overturned by the courts because invalid methods were used to gather evidence."

"We had obsolete legislation that was not in accord with the World Anti-doping Code. Now we do. But I think

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 21,_l0- 1 _

_.

Lastword

4

Fighting for clean sport in Spain Spain has enjoyed widespread acclaim and a sustained period of success on the sports field in recent years, but it hasn't all been rosy off the pitch. Javier Santos interviews sports tsar Ana Munoz about tackling doping and match-fixing

pain's anti-doping measures have been considered weak and insufficient by many countries in the past, while the economic structure of its sports clubs and federations has meant that many have survived only thanks to taxpayer support - subsidies that are fast disappearing in the current climate of austerity.

Spanish sport has therefore required a strong hand to guide it through a period of reform and eradicate its most serious weaknesses. This new direction has come from Ana Munoz, Director Genera l of the government's Supreme Sports Council (Consejo Superior de Deportes - CSD) .

Known as the Iron Lady, Munoz arrived on the scene in 2012 as director of the State Anti-Doping Agency (Agencia Estatal Antidopaje - AEA) , gaining a reputation for effective management of change. She is now tasked with achieving similar modern isation across the sector. " I'm not as hard as they say! " Munoz insists, even though the facts clearly point to the effectiveness of her methods. "Sport in Spain is an example of strength in hard times: we finished 2013 with an even better record of success than 2012. That goes to show that sportspeople have been able to adapt to the changing environment. and the sports federations have tackled the economic crisis in an admirable manner. After several years of cuts, we've now managed to raise state aid for sports federations by 25 per cent; that said , the crisis has forced the sector to keep better control of costs and manage itself better. The outlook is good, as we have survived several difficult years and spanish sport has managed to reinvent itself. The worst has passed ."

Munoz acquired her reputation for toughness at the AEA. The fight against doping in Spain had been ineffective for many years due to a lack of adequate laws. Changing the rules took a lot of work, but doping is now a recognised crime and Spain is rebuilding its reputation for clean sport. "We took a big step forward with the new law on the Protection of Health in Sport (Ley de Protecci6n de la Salud en el Deporte). The fight against doping crosses borders, no country can fight it

S Trabzonspor fan s throw missi les a t Fene rbah~e players du ri ng a Superleogue playoff at Avni Aker Stadium in Trabzon . Fenerboh~e is wide ly viewed in Trabzon a s a pro-government club

to win t he champions hip. Fenerbahr;e's t rium ph was part of th e match-fi xi ng invest igati on th at led to Y1Id in m's sentenc ing. "A narc hy starts when just ice is ove r," Trabzonspor coach Senol Gunes reportedly said to fans after t he club lost t he champio nship to Fenerbahr;e .

Tra bzo nspor, like Fenerbahr;e, is a polit ica lly important team for Erdoga n. Al t hough a Fenerbahr;e fan , t he prime mini ster made one of its forme r players his mi ni ster of publi c wo rks in 200 5. Trabzo n has been in gradu al dec line si nce its glorious Ottoman days, with ma rit ime t rade almost drying up and rai lroad co nstruction bypassi ng it, leavi ng foot ba ll as on e of the elements th at is ce ntra l to its identity. Sevece n Tu ne, a Turki sh sports histori an and author of a book on t he socia l hi story of soccer in Trabzon, argues t hat munic ipal leaders believe footbal l ca n restore the city's civ ic pride, ensuring it rema in s a player on the nat iona l stage.

"Trabzon fans be lieve in Se nol Gu nes's statement.

All my fr iends who were di rectl y involved in the eve nts of last Sunday, or indirectl y su pported th em, quoted hi m.

Th at is how th ey legitimise what happe ned. I am afrai d t hat t hi s vio lence is just a begin ni ng and wi ll not be limited to foot ba ll because sociological ly, th e inh abitants of th is

100

I ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

ci ty have no agricu lture, no industry and no commerce.

The only way th ey ca n put Tra bzon on th e map is football .

Trabzon has wa ited fo r the Super League champ ionship sin ce 1984-85 and t hey won it in t he 2010-11 season, at least t hat is what t hey bel ieve. Th is cou ld get da ngerously out of contro l if Ylld 1ri m is not puni shed and Trabzonspor is not as yet awarded t he 2010-11 titl e," Tune says.

The violence t hat prom pted t he cancel lati on of the derby wa s part ia ll y sparked by sharpshooters. They were posit io ned on rooftops around Trabzon's Hi.lseyin Avni Aker Stadiu m to protect t he Fenerbahr;e squad, which is wide ly viewed in Trabzon as a pro -govern ment clu b - in part beca use of Erdogan's membershi p. Support for Trabzon ¡ by the Erdogan gove rn ment has done litt le to change that percept ion. To Trabzon fa ns t he message was clear, accordin g to Tune: "The state protects its team." â&#x20AC;˘ James M Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University. He is also co-director of the University of Wiirzburg's Institute for Fan Culture and the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog, as well as a forthcoming book with the same title

alone. When I joined the AEA, Spain was lagging behind other countries and the fi rst thing we did was to make it clear to the World Anti-Doping Agency that everything was going to change. And we did it! We changed the image that the world has of our anti-doping campaign.

We are now viewed as reliable and credible."

Spain's poor image resulted in part from two significant cases - Operation Puerto, the investigation into a doping network among high -level athletes led by a well known sports doctor; and Operation Galgo, the investigation into a suspected distribution network for performance enhancing drugs in the Spanish sport sector.

Ana Munoz insists on setting the record straight on the two cases: "Regarding the first I cannot say much because the process is not yet over, contrary to what people outside Spain understand. The infamous bags of blood have not been destroyed and we are trying to determine the names of the athletes to whom they belong.

The case has not been a failure: the doctors involved have

The fight against doping crosses borders, no country can fight it alone been sentenced, something that has not been seen in other countries. The process is long, but not yet over, and I would like that to be known outside Spain."

"These athletes did not commit a crime because the legislation did not consider their behaviour criminal at the time, but the names should be made known for administrative and sporting sanctions. Operation Galgo was overturned by the courts because invalid methods were used to gather evidence."

"We had obsolete legislation that was not in accord with the World Anti-doping Code. Now we do. But I think

ICSS Journal - Vol

2I No 21,_l0- 1 _

_.

Last word

â&#x20AC;˘

Ana Munaz, Director General of the government's Supreme Sports Council, arriving at court in January 2013 to attend the first session of the anti-doping trial, Operation Puerta, in Madrid, Spain there is also a problem of sports culture and social culture. Doping is cheating, and for those who do it, the only thing they fear is being caught; they do not mind doing things wrong if no one notices. That's the issue.

Education is the way to solve this problem, as it is at the root of the whole issue. We take athletes into schools to explain to the young what not to do."

We must ask what pushes athletes to risk their health in order to achieve success. There are many reasons, it seems to Munoz: "Lack of self-esteem, economic reasons, bad company ... What is certain is that most athletes involved that I have spoken to regret their actions.

"A truly repentant athlete should not be labelled a 'snitch ' or be marginalized, as has happened in the past," says Munoz, who warns that the work is not yet done: "The law always lags behind the cheats, so I think prevention is even more important than detection. We need to put obstacles in the way of dopers, and provide athletes with protection and support to help us to fight against cheats."

One such obstacle that will help in the future is the Biological Passport. For Munoz "it is a method that serves to prevent and detect, and is endorsed by scientists at the highest level and endorsed by the Court of Arbitration for Sport. I want my country to be at the forefront of the fight against doping and right now, it is. The fight against doping is not a lost battle, it is worth fighting for the health of sport and the health of athletes. " Asked about gene doping and its possible effects, Munoz admitted early preoccupations: "Gene doping scared me about as much as any development that might happen, but no longer. Experts tell us that genetic

102

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

manipulation leaves many more traces than taking performance enhancing drugs. We would just have to adjust the detection methods. However, what's really worrying is that people might consider manipulating the human genome simply to put someone onto a podium."

Match-fixing is another concern for Munoz: "It is more serious because it corrupts an entire competition. Fans or bettors want a healthy competition that is decided by skill or chance. If you fix a competition , skill becomes irrelevant and fortune shines only on the fixer. The consequences are arguably worse than if a single athlete dopes.

Legislation must be changed to combat this menace. We are designing new criminal laws, but also administrative sanctions, because we cannot wait for the length of time of a full judicial decision before acting. We must be able to take action quickly because waiting several years would make it difficult to vindicate and restore the real winner.

"Bookmakers help us, they have mechanisms to detect suspicious movements, but we have informers from within the game who will denounce the fixers and we will protect them , as with doping. Sanctions should be economic, but also affect a fixer's involvement in sport. because a fine could be paid by a third party ano may therefore be thought to be worth the risk", warns Munoz.

In Spain, there have been, and are, investigations into several cases of possible match-fixing. So far no sanctions have been imposed because the courts determined that the evidence in each case was obtained illegally - wiretaps recorded without permission. Munoz insists there must be improvements to "the evidence gathering mechanisms so that this does not happen again." â&#x20AC;˘

Last word

â&#x20AC;˘

Ana Munaz, Director General of the government's Supreme Sports Council, arriving at court in January 2013 to attend the first session of the anti-doping trial, Operation Puerta, in Madrid, Spain there is also a problem of sports culture and social culture. Doping is cheating, and for those who do it, the only thing they fear is being caught; they do not mind doing things wrong if no one notices. That's the issue.

Education is the way to solve this problem, as it is at the root of the whole issue. We take athletes into schools to explain to the young what not to do."

We must ask what pushes athletes to risk their health in order to achieve success. There are many reasons, it seems to Munoz: "Lack of self-esteem, economic reasons, bad company ... What is certain is that most athletes involved that I have spoken to regret their actions.

"A truly repentant athlete should not be labelled a 'snitch ' or be marginalized, as has happened in the past," says Munoz, who warns that the work is not yet done: "The law always lags behind the cheats, so I think prevention is even more important than detection. We need to put obstacles in the way of dopers, and provide athletes with protection and support to help us to fight against cheats."

One such obstacle that will help in the future is the Biological Passport. For Munoz "it is a method that serves to prevent and detect, and is endorsed by scientists at the highest level and endorsed by the Court of Arbitration for Sport. I want my country to be at the forefront of the fight against doping and right now, it is. The fight against doping is not a lost battle, it is worth fighting for the health of sport and the health of athletes. " Asked about gene doping and its possible effects, Munoz admitted early preoccupations: "Gene doping scared me about as much as any development that might happen, but no longer. Experts tell us that genetic

102

ICSS Journal - Vol 2 I No 2

manipulation leaves many more traces than taking performance enhancing drugs. We would just have to adjust the detection methods. However, what's really worrying is that people might consider manipulating the human genome simply to put someone onto a podium."

Match-fixing is another concern for Munoz: "It is more serious because it corrupts an entire competition. Fans or bettors want a healthy competition that is decided by skill or chance. If you fix a competition , skill becomes irrelevant and fortune shines only on the fixer. The consequences are arguably worse than if a single athlete dopes.

Legislation must be changed to combat this menace. We are designing new criminal laws, but also administrative sanctions, because we cannot wait for the length of time of a full judicial decision before acting. We must be able to take action quickly because waiting several years would make it difficult to vindicate and restore the real winner.

"Bookmakers help us, they have mechanisms to detect suspicious movements, but we have informers from within the game who will denounce the fixers and we will protect them , as with doping. Sanctions should be economic, but also affect a fixer's involvement in sport. because a fine could be paid by a third party ano may therefore be thought to be worth the risk", warns Munoz.

In Spain, there have been, and are, investigations into several cases of possible match-fixing. So far no sanctions have been imposed because the courts determined that the evidence in each case was obtained illegally - wiretaps recorded without permission. Munoz insists there must be improvements to "the evidence gathering mechanisms so that this does not happen again." â&#x20AC;˘