Divided: Objects of Resistance

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objects of resistance

national gallery of ireland

may 19 — june 20

redesigning ireland: 1922 —2020


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symbols of British dominence were routine targets of vandalism and aggression between the 19th and 20th century.

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This exhibition will be exploring how visual culture in Ireland played an important role in expressing the transformations Ireland was experiencing regarding the resistance to British rule from the 18th to the 20th century. We will be looking at how design choices, after the emergence of the Free State in 1922, signified the surging patriotic values which the country was experiencing. We will be looking at how these values were mirrored in the destruction of British monuments and how these actions signified the political shift at the time and symbolically asserted Ireland’s desire for independence. I will be exploring how Ireland is shaped by its monuments and how the destruction of these objects signifies our struggle as a nation as well as the importance that we instill in them. Royal monuments were liberally scattered throughout Dublin in the 18th and 19th century. As Paula Murphy describes “[they] functioned not just as works of art, but as constant reminders of Ireland’s continuing domination by a foreign power.”1 Imperial monuments symbolised ideologies which no longer had a place in Irelandby the 20th century and the destruction of these monuments was emblematic of a changing Ireland.

1The Politics of the Street Monument; Author(s): Paula Murphy (1994), p 202

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indelible— Traces of an empire.

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This section will deal with the redesign of the postal system under the Free State. In 1922, the year of the establishment of the Free State, communication in Ireland relied heavily on the postal system. Therefore, the Free State prioritised the redesign of this essential part of everyday life for its citizens. Rather than design new postboxes under the Free State, it was a deliberate decision to repaint and symbolically deface the post boxes and as a result, symbolically assert Ireland’s independence.

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Symbols of British rule were abundant in visual culture in Ireland at the start of the 20th century. In order to proclaim Ireland’s newly found independence, these objects would need to be reimagined in an Irish context. In 1922, communication in Ireland relied heavily on the postal system. Therefore, the Free State prioritised the redesign of this essential part of everyday life for its citizens. In 1922, as an interim measure before the first specially designed definitives were ready, a series of contemporary stamps of King George V were overprinted. The unoverprinted stamps were issued and in use in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland between 1912 and 1922 and continued in use in Great Britain and Northern Ireland until 1936. Two distinct overprints were made, before and after the formal independence of the state on 6 December 1922. The Provisional Government of Ireland (Rialtas Sealadach na hÉireann) overprints were initially issued on 17 February 1922, with eight low-value and three high-value stamps overprinted by Dollard and four by Thom. This overprint is composed of the four words Rialtas Sealadach na hÉireann and the numeral date 1922 arranged in five lines of seriffed text. The unoverprinted stamps remained valid for postage

1The Politics of the Street Monument; Author(s): Paula Murphy (1994), p 202

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in Ireland until 31 March 1922. The Irish Free State (Saorstát Éireann) overprints debuted on 11 December 1922. This is a three-line overprint using a sans-serif typeface and was done by Thom, Harrison and the Government Printers. The last overprinted stamps were the Waterlow & Sons re-engraved. King George V 2/6, 5/- and 10/- values that appeared in 1934 and were overprinted in 1937 for use in Ireland Before 1922 Irish stamps featured motifs associated with the British monarchy, such as a profile view of King George V and illustrations of the imperial crown. After 1922, they would depict a unified Ireland, without the inclusion of a border in Northern Ireland, a clear nationalist statement of the desire for a unified Ireland. They would feature the name of the country as Éire and boast classic Irish motifs such as the Celtic harp and shamrocks, which were nationalist symbols which were nationalist symbols that were heavily associated with Catholicism, an inherent part of nationalism. I think that these design choices volumes of the transformation Ireland was experiencing. These assertions of nationalism and resistance to British rule may have seemed subtle at the time but they were undoubtedly nationalist expressions of defiance against the British Monarchy through design. Post boxes would be the next consideration in the redesign of the Free State’s postal system. Existing post boxes featured symbols of the British monarchy such as the crown and imperial lettering as well as all being coloured red, a symbol of Great Britain. Britain got its first post boxes during the 1850s. Apart from a short period when posted mail in ‘anonymous’ post boxes, so called as they did not carry a royal cipher, (sometimes spelled cypher), the Post Office quickly settled on using the cipher of the reigning monarch on all letter boxes. The post boxes displayed the lettering ER, GR or more commonly VR. VR stands for Victoria Regina, regina being latin for queen, denoting that Queen Victoria was monarch when the box was installed. The cipher is the easiest way to approximately date a post box as you can link it to the monarch on throne at the time of casting and installation. E is for Edward and R is for Rex (latin for king), the number seven written in Roman numerals tells us that he is the seventh British monarch named Edward. In 1855 five of the initial British post boxes were erected in Belfast, Ballymena and Dublin. The

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divided— indelible Left: British “cylindrical pillar” post box, circa 1857. Photographed on Henniker Rd, Stratford, 2016

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“at the time there was a great sense of pride in painting the imperial lettering green in an act of victory.�

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Dublin box, rectangular in shape, may be seen in the National Museum. By early 1857 there were pillar boxes in the more prominent parts of Irish cities. At the same time the Post Office started wall boxes in Ireland. The Handyside Pillar Box was introduced in 1879. Complaints about letters being caught up and delayed by faults in the internal construction of the hexagonal boxes resulted in the decision in 1874 to adopt the cylindrical shaped boxes, not only because of their superiority in capacity, but also because of their greater economy as regards both their costs and repairs. No radical change in the external design of the cylindrical pillar boxes has taken place since their adoption in 1857. It is the various ciphers utilized through time that makes postboxes identifiable. Most of the early pillar boxes were painted dark bronze green throughout the United Kingdom, but in 1874 the Post Office decided to make pillar boxes more obvious by painting them a royal red. After the establishment of the Free State, post boxes became a new medium for the expression of nationalism. Rather than design new post boxes or remove the existing British ones, the Free State instead painted the existing post boxes a dark green. Paul Caffery comments on these actions; “The imperial crown and lettering VR.ER.GR were never removed, and it was reported at the time that there was a great sense of satisfaction in painting the imperial lettering green in an act of victory.”² It didn’t seem to matter that

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Above: Irish post box, origionally painted red circa 1912. Photographed on Sidmonton road Bray Co.Wicklow. 2019

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the boxes featured the royal cypher symbols– either complete with a large crown – still clearly visible through the coat of green paint. In the early days, stories were told of patchy paint jobs and the red showing through. The actual shade of green was not specified, so the colours varied depending on what paint was to hand around the country. This was not an era of brandcontrol Pantone matching. From this we see that that the painting the postboxes was more than just a cheap and easy design hack, but in a way a direct act of insurrection against the British monarchy. Rather than design new postboxes under the Free State, it was a deliberate decision to repaint and symbolically deface the post boxes and as a result, symbolically assert Ireland’s independence. British post boxes which remain around Ireland serve as a reminder of the efforts made by our ancestors to resist dominance by this foreign power.

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infamy— Ireland’s imperial relics.

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The imperial statues in Dublin served as constant reminders of Ireland’s oppression at the hands of Britain. In this section we will be exploring our historical obsessive destruction and decoration of these objects and how this signifies the power which we instill in them. This attitude towards monuments which represent British rule is present still in society today and is reflected in acts of secterian violence.

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Symbols of British Dominance were routine targets of vandalism and aggression between the 19th and 20th century. The most recent and perhaps most notorious was Nelson’s Pillar which was destroyed in 1966. Nine years previously, the statue of Lord Gough in the phoenix park met the same fate in 1955. However, 1928 saw the most destructive act of vengeance against these British figures in Ireland. In the early hours of November 11th, 1928, Herbert Park’s Edward VII memorial fountain was destroyed in an explosion as well as the statue of George II in Stephens Green.3 The most infamous structure to be destroyed in the coordinated bombings that morning was the statue of King William III. The statue was erected in 1701 on College Green and was designed by Grinling Gibbons. The statue was revealed on the eleventh anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne, a key moment in the folklore of the Orange Order. The Victorious William of Orange was depicted on a horse, on top of a granite pedestal, which was decorated with military emblems and dressed in classical costume with a crown. It was built with an iron frame which was thickly coated with lead. It was the first open-air statue in Dublin and for many it was a constant reminder of Irelands oppression. For Unionists, however, the statue was a rallying point. Annual commemorative processions were led from the statue’s location on College Green, during which the statue would be decorated with orange lilies and a flaming sash, and the firing of volleys.4 To decorate William was not just an act of celebration or memorialisation, but it signified the sectarian divide which lurked beneath the surface in Ireland at the time. The statue reminded Catholics of their disenfranchised position in their own country. 1836 saw three attempts to destroy it and on April 7th it was blown off its pedestal after an explosion was planted in the metal work. The decoration of the statue shows us the power we instill in these designed objects. The almost obsessive destruction of the monument is also indicative of their power over our rationality. It was even standard

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divided— infamy 3King William’s Statue in College Green, Author(s): Dillon Cosgrave (1913), P250

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divided— infamy Left: A group of college student pose with the head of Nelson’s Pillar. Right: The remains of the statue on O’Connoll Street following the blast.

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practice to salute the statue up until the end of the 18th century. These attempts of destruction and vandalism pointed to something more than disdain for imperial relics. They were symptoms of the rage that was present beneath the rituals which surrounded it. It’s destruction in the coordinated attack in 1928 came as no surprise as the ideologies behind the statue were no longer welcome in the Free State. Though King William’s monument may have been the most controversial of its time, it would be a monument built to commemorate Horatio Nelson, a British Naval officer, that would arguably be the most notorious imperial relic in Dublin’s history. Nelson’s Pillar was built in 1809. Mixed opinion surrounded the pillar, but regardless of Dubliner’s distaste or admiration of the monument, by the 20th century, history had proven that symbols of our past oppression at the hands of the British empire were no longer welcome in Ireland. The Free State had emerged in 1922 and any imperial relics that remained in its capital became the target of Nationalist aggression. Therefore, by the mid 20th century the destruction of Nelson was inevitable. Louis MacNeice was one to foresee Nelson’s inevitable demise before his death in 1963 in his poem “Dublin”. Although MacNeice may not be referring literally to the destruction of the pillar, what he says speaks of the transformation being experienced in Ireland. Ireland may have once been the second city of the British Empire, but by the early of the 20th century it was certainly the end of an era. Piece by piece, the collapse of Imperialism in Ireland was evidenced in the demise of these imperial relics. In 1948 the statue of queen Elizabeth was removed in Leinster House which according to Brian Kennedy “was indicative of a changing Ireland.”⁵ March 1966 saw the 50h anniversary of the Easter Rising and in the early hours of March 8th Nelson would become a part of the Nationalist celebratory proceedings. A powerful explosion destroyed the majority of the statue, leaving the stump of the pillar, which would later be demolished in a more destructive explosion executed by the Irish army. These attacks marked the beginning of an unfathomably dark period for Irish-English relations in which over 3,500 people would be killed over the course of more than 30 years. Although the bombing of Nelson’s Pillar was without casualty; it was one of the first acts of this aggression of this period and a signifier of what was to come.

5King William’s Statue in College Green, Author(s): Dillon Cosgrave (1913), P250

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Above: “Nelson’s Pillar”; The Irish Times (1966) Right: Words from “Dublin”; a poem by Louis MacNeice.

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“grey brick upon brick, declamatory bronze on sombre pedestals O’Connell, Grattan, Moore— and Nelson on his pillar watching his world collapse.” 33


incited— Tensions Remain.

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This section will focus on the ideologies behind mural painting in Northern Ireland and how it reflects the same attitudes which surrounded Ireland’s imperial relics and postal system redesign. Mural painting expressed political ideologies, which at times could be used as a means of political boasting and a trigger to incite secterian violence. On the other hand, mural painting can be seen as a way of aknowleging our violent past and as a reminder of the dangers of travelling down the same path.

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Mural painting in Northern Ireland was similar to the british monuments in the 19th century; in that it symbolised the political ideologies of Unionists and Nationalists and expressed these ideologies to its communities and helped to strengthen their status. Northern Ireland’s political wall murals, most adorning the walls of contested urban areas in Belfast and Londonderry, were a striking medium used by political activists on both sides of the Troubles to express their ideological messages and further their political goals. Despite their commanding visual presence and the significant volume of research dedicated to explaining the Troubles, few scholars have analyzed the deeper significance of the region’s murals or analyzed the part they played in the larger conflict. Much of the literature on the murals, led by scholars such Bill Rolston, Neil Jarman, and Jeffrey Sluka has focused on the murals’ role in expressing social themes and political debates prevalent Northern Ireland has long been a deeply conflicted region. Significant social divides and the enduring legacy of centuries-old religious wars have resulted in the creation, reinforcement, and institutionalization of two distinct and competing cultural traditions. The antagonism between these two traditions, often referred to as “Catholics” and “Protestants” in an oversimplification that more accurately reflects social organization during

Above: Paddy Coyle, aged 13 during the battle of the Bogside. Photographer: Daniel Collins (1969) Page 41: The mural depicts some scenes from the ‘Battle of the Bogside’ which took place the Bogside area of Derry in August 1969. Artist: The Bogside Artists (1994)

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divided— incited Left: BBC archives. The photo shows a group men, led by Bishop Edward Daly, carrying the body of Jack Duddy from the scene of the Bloody Sunday shooting. Photographer: Cyril Cave (1972) Right: “Bloody Sunday”; The Mural depicts the events of the Bloody Sunday massacre in 1972. Painted at the “Free Derry Corner” at the Bogside, Derry. Artist: The Bogside Artists

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the seventeenth century than it does that of today, has led to repeated clashes. Despite the originally religious character of these traditions, with Protestant settlers from Scotland and Britain colonizing and dominating the Irish Catholic inhabitants, the modern expression of the conflict has been largely political and economic; it has, since the partition of Ireland in 1921, centered on the question of Northern Ireland’s political status. Nationalist organizations struggled to reunite Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland to the south and unionist organizations sought to maintain the region’s position as part of the United Kingdom. These clashes culminated in the Troubles, a devastating armed conflict that lasted from 1968 to 1998 but that continues to produce sporadic instances of violence to this day. Loyalist murals began to appear at the beginning of the 20th century as depictions of William III were painted in order to strengthen the identity of the Orange order. The murals expressed Unionist cultural identity as well as its ideological messages. By the 1970’s both sides began to use murals to gather support for their struggles as violence began to escalate. The vandalism and defacing of these murals also reflect the tension between the political parties at the time. There is some indication that it was a British military policy to destroy them and any other examples of republican propaganda. Iconic examples of these murals include the Bobby Sands mural painted in 1998. It depicts the iconic image provisional IRA member who led the hunger strike 1981 in protest to the removal of special category status of political prisoners. Sands was immortalised in the eyes of many republicans and the mural which lies on the a reflection of that. The Bobby Sands mural was subject to multiple paint bombings and acts of vandalism, most notably on the evening leading up to the opening of the new Sinn Féin office (on which the mural is painted) in 2000. More recently, a mural on what is known as the “International Wall” in Belfast was the focus of similar acts of sectarian vandalism. In 2005 a mural depicting Kieran Nugent who was the first IRA member to protest the removal of special category status to political prisoners, by refusing to wear a prison uniform

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divided— incited Next page: Edward Carson mural on the “International Wall”on the Falls Road in west Belfast. Artist: Danny Devenney (2016)

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despite the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, tensions remainin Nothern Ireland and the vandalism of the Carson mural is evidence of these tensions.

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during his incarceration in the H blocks in Long Kesh. It was painted over in 2016 to make way for a mural which told the story of 1916 and included an image of Edward Carson. Carson was the leader of the Irish Unionist Alliance and helped establish the UVF. Tensions surfaced during the painting of the mural and Carsons portion of the mural was defaced with a paint bomb in March and again in April of 2016. The “loose talk cost lives” posters were also added in August that year which show an IRA member and warn people living in Republican areas that their conversations could be monitored by the security forces. Despite the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, tensions remain in parts of Nothern Ireland and the vandalism of the Carson mural is evidence of these tensions. The Brexit referendum of June 2016 had deep implications for the peace process in Northern Ireland due to the possible introduction of a hard border in the north and the vandalism of the Carson mural is evidence of the resurfacing of those tensions. In conclusion, Ireland is shaped by its monuments and other aspects of its visual culture. The destruction of these objects is indicative of the deep transformations Ireland was experiencing. These physical markers were statements about the ideas and heritage our society. The decision to highlight the issue of partition through stamp design indicates the surging patriotic values at the time. The rebellious act of painting British post boxes green recorded the sense of pride and nationhood of the newly established Free State. These seemingly small steps were part of a bigger picture to represent an independent, proud and unified Ireland. The imperial relics in Dublin served as constant reminders of Ireland’s oppression at the hands of Britain and our obsessive destruction and decoration of these objects signify the power that we instill in them. “The Death of Innocence” was made in memory of Annette McGavigan, who was killed on September 6th 1971 at the age of 14. She was Kevin Hasson’s cousin as well as the one hundredth victim of The Troubles. Annette was shot in the back of her head while running away during a minor riot. No one was ever charged with her murder. The mural, first painted in 1999, was intended to be supportive of the peace process.The girl, deliberately standing in what the artists considered an innocent pose, is a representation of all the children who have been killed during the Troubles, both Protestant and Catholic. She stands out in 49


front of the debris, separated from her turbulent environment. As with “The Petrol Bomber,” the image of the child is used to illicit sympathy. A child is an appropriate representation of all the innocent people killed during the conflict as children are really separated from the violence. Unlike in “The Petrol Bomber,” the child in this image is simply standing peaceably and not participating in any violent actions. The Bogside Artists wished to convey the message of condemnation of all guns. The gun in the mural, which takes up the entire length, was painted broken, and is an important symbol of the renouncement of violence. The gun is also boxed off from the girl, separated from the rest of the mural. The mural also includes a crucifix in the right corner and a butterfly in the left. Both are symbols of resurrection. The butterfly was originally left unfinished to signify how far the peace process still had to come. Thomas Kelly claims, “At the time we painted the mural peace was not assured do we left the butterfly at top left unfinished for that reason. A new beginning or resurrection for the community had yet to be achieved. When it finally was, we completed the butterfly”. In addition to the crucifix in the upper right hand corner, there are a number of undeliberate crosses visible in the debris, perhaps suggesting that life and peace can rise from the destruction.

Top Right: “The Death of Innocence” Painted at the “Free Derry Corner” at the Bogside, Derry. The Bogside Artists (1999) Bottom Right: Newspaper photograph from Annette’s funeral.

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Arm attack on (26) January Irish Republican Royal Ulster Constab Royal Ulster Constabula Constabulary (RUC) patro Royal Ulster Constabulary (R lary (RUC) patrol car, Creggan (RUC), Killed by: Irish Republican (35) nfNItatus: British Army (BA), disturbances, Abbey Street, Bogsid Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army 1972McElhinney, Kevin (17) Catholic Sta Street, Bogside, Derry.30 January 1972D march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, B (BA)Shot during anti-internment march in t Killed by: British Army (BA)Shot during antilicStatus: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army Daid, Michael (20) CatholicStatus: Civilian (C Derry.30 January 1972Young, John (17) Catho Street,Bogside, Derry.30 January 1972Kelly, M vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, Derry.30Ja march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogsid by: British Army (BA)Shot during anti-internmen Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army(BA)Shot du (26) CatholicStatus: Civilian (Civ), Killed by:Brit 1972Johnston, John (59) CatholicStatuCivilian Derry. He died 16 June 19701February 1972Bra Hastings Street Royal Ulster Constalary(RUC) (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)Shot bysni 1972O'Neill, Louis (49) CatholicStatus: Civilian Tyrone05 February 1972McFadden, Paul (3 bomb explosion at Castle Arcade, off Cast can Army (IRA), Killed by: Irish Republican Antrim.05 February 1972McCann, Charle bomb explosion while travelling on barg (Civ), Killed by: not known (nk)Englishm 1972Rice, Bernard (49) CatholicStatu Ardoyne shops, Crumlin Road, Belf by: non-specific Republican grou hall, Keady, County Armagh. E Irish Republican Army (IRA), K bey, County Antrim.10 Feb (IRA)Killed in land mine 1972Champ, David ( mine attack on B Cann, Thoma (REP)From Febr

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“the commemorative murals could be said to be looking back in order to look forward these murals argued 25 years was enough” —Bill Rolston

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Peter Fay Raymond Belfast (25). Crawford, Maynard McCormick, EamonStentiford, Philip (18) Status: British my (BA), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Killed in land mine n British Army (BA) foot patrol, Derrynoose, near Keady, County Armagh 1972McNulty, Peter (47) CatholicStatus: Irish Republican Army (IRA), Killed by: Army (IRA)Killed in premature bomb explosion during attack on Castlewellan bulary (RUC) base, County Down.27 January 1972 Gilgunn, Peter (26) CatholicStatus: ary (RUC), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Shot during gun attack on Royal Ulster ol car, Creggan Road, Derry. 27 January 1972 Montgomery, David (20) ProtestantStatus: RUC), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA) Shot during gun attack on Royal Ulster ConstabuRoad, Derry.28 January 1972Carroll, Raymond (22) ProtestantStatus: Royal Ulster Constabulary n Army (IRA)Off duty. Shot at garage, Oldpark Road, Belfast.30 January 1972Alers-Hankey, Robin Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)Died four months after being shot by sniper during street de, Derry. He was wounded on 2 September 1971.30 January 1972Duddy, John (17) CatholicStatus: (BA)hot during anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, Derry.30 January atus: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)Shot during anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Doherty, Patrick (31) CatholicStatus: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BAShot during anti-internment Bogside, Derry.30 January 1972McGuigan, Bernard (41) CatholicStatus: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside,Derry.30 January 1972Gilmour, Hugh (17) Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ), -internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, Derry.30 January 1972Nash, William (19) Cathoy (BA)hot during anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, Derry.30 January 1972McCiv), Killed by: British Army (BA)Shot during anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, olicStatus: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)Shot during anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Michael (17) Catholic Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)Shot during anti-internment march in the anuary 1972Wray, James (22) CatholicStatus: Civilian (Civ, illed by: British Army (BA)Shot during anti-internment de, Derry.30 January 1972Donaghy, Gerry (17) CatholicStatus: Irish Republican Army Youth Section (IRAF), Killed nt march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, Derry 30 January 1972McKinney, Gerald (35) CatholicStatus: uring anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, Derry30 January 1972McKinney, William tishArmy (BA)Shot during anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, Derry.30 January (iv), Killed by: British Army (BA)Shot during anti-internment march in the vicinity of Rossville Street, Bogside, amley, Ian (25) nfNIStatus: British Army (BA), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)Shot by sniper while leaving ) / British Army (BA) base, Lower Falls, Belfast.02 February 1972McElroy, Thomas (29) CatholicStatus: Civilian iper from Henry Taggart British Army (BA) base, while in Divismore Park, Ballymurphy, Belfast.0 February n (Civ), Killed by: non-specific Loyalist group (LOY)Killed in bomb attack on Imperial Bar, Stewartstown, County 31) CatholicStatus: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)Died six days after being injured in van tle Lane, Belfast. Inadequate warning given.05 February 1972Grant, Phelim (-9) CatholicStatus: Irish Republin Army (IRA) in premature bomb explosion while travelling on barge, near Crumlin, Lough Neagh, County es (-9) CatholicStatus: Irish Republican Army (IRA), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)Died in premature rge, near Crumlin, Lough Neagh, County Antrim.06 February 1972Seaman, David (31) nfNIStatus: Civilian man also known as Barry Barber. Found shot, Cullaville, near Crossmaglen, County Armagh08 February us: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: Red Hand Commando (RHC)Shot from passing car while walking opposite fast.09 February 1972Casey, Patrick (26) CatholicStatus: non-specific Republican group (REP), Killed up (REP)Died three days after being injured in an explosion at temporary council offices in school Explosion occurred 6 February 1972.10February 1972Cunningham, Joseph (26) CatholicStatus: Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)Shot during gun battle, O'Neill's Road, Newtownabbruary 1972Harris, Ian (26) nfNIStatus: British Army (BA), Killed by: Irish Republican Army e attack on British Army (BA) mobile patrol, Cullyhanna, County Armagh.10 February (23) nfNIStatus: British Army (BA), Killed by: Irish Republican Army (IRA)Killed in land British Army (BA) mobile patrol, Cullyhanna, County Armagh.13 February 1972Mcas (19)nfNIStatus: British Army (BA), Killed by: non-specific Republican group m Dublin. Off duty. Found shot, near Newtownbutler, County Fermanagh.16 ruary 1972Callaghan, Thomas (45) CatholicStatus: Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), Killed by: Irish RepublinArmy(IRA)Off duty. Found shot, shortly after being abducted whiledriving bus, 53


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divided— colophon Published in IADT Kill Ave, Dún Laoghaire, Dublin, A96 KH79 Copywright © Eoin Cantwell 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior permission in writing from the publisher. A catalogue record for this book is available from the IADT library Printed and bound by Eoin Cantwell in IADT

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