Kaupapa in action
#58 Winter 2018
te awa
te awa
Cover image New Green Party Co-leader Marama Davidson with her son Manawa, daughter Teina (front left) and niece Miliana. Photo by Julie Zhu.
#58 Winter 2018 Te Awa | The River
The Green Party Charter
Te Marautanga Kakariki
greenparty@greens.org.nz Phone 04 801 5102 Level 2, 17 Garrett Street, Te Aro, Wellington PO Box 11-652, Wellington
The charter is the founding document of The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand.
Ko te kawenata te pukapuka whakaū o te Rōpu Kākāriki o Aotearoa, Niu Tireni.
The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand accepts Te Tiriti o Waitangi as the founding document of Aotearoa New Zealand; recognises Māori as Tangata Whenua in Aotearoa New Zealand; and commits to the following four Principles:
E whakaae ana te Rōpu Kākāriki ko te Tiriti o Waitangi te pepa whakaū (kawenata) o Aotearoa, Niu Tireni; e whakaae ana te Rōpu kākāriki ko te iwi Māori te tangata whenua o Aotearoa, o Niu Tireni, ā, ka mau pūmau te rōpu Kākāriki ki ngā mātāpono e whā e whai ake nei:
Editor Shenagh Gleeson 021 965 752 editor.magazine@greens.org.nz Copy editor Liz Gray Reviews Janine McVeagh Advertising ads.magazine@greens.org.nz Te Awa Board Elected members Ron Elder, Daisy Hsu, Philippa Stevenson Caucus rep Chlöe Swarbrick Executive John Ranta Policy Nick Marryatt Te Rōpu Pounamu Rochelle Surendran Authorised by Gwen Shaw, Level 2, 17 Garrett St, Wellington
To have Te Awa sent to you as a pdf rather than as a paper copy, or for queries about Te Awa distribution greenparty@greens.org.nz
Information for Contributors Te Awa is published quarterly in Autumn, Winter, Spring, Summer. Before submitting material, please check with the Guidelines for Contributors, which you can obtain from the editor. References do not appear in the print version of Te Awa, but are appended to the pdf of the magazine that is available online. Opinions expressed in Te Awa are not statements of Green Party policy, but must not bring the Green Party into disrepute.
Remember please!
Copy deadline for the Spring 2018 issue is 15 July. Te Awa is printed on FSC-Certified Paper
Ecological Wisdom The basis of ecological wisdom is that human beings are part of the natural world. This world is finite, therefore unlimited material growth is impossible. Ecological sustainability is paramount. Social Responsibility Unlimited material growth is impossible. Therefore the key to social responsibility is the just distribution of social and natural resources, both locally and globally. Appropriate Decision-making For the implementation of ecological wisdom and social responsibility, decisions will be made directly at the appropriate level by those affected. Non-Violence Non-violent conflict resolution is the process by which ecological wisdom, social responsibility and appropriate decision making will be implemented. This principle applies at all levels.
Tikanga Toi Potapotae Ko te putake o te tikanga toi potapotae ko te tangata he wahanga no te ao tuturu. Ko te ao nei he taparepare, waihoki, kihai e taea kia tupu haere mo ake tonu atu Me ukauka te tikanga toi potapotae koia ra te tino taumata. Kawenga Papori Kihai nga rawa o te ao e tipu haere tonu. Waihoki, ko te mea nui ke ko te kawenga papori, e whiwhi ai tena ki ona tikanga ano ki era rawa, ki te wa kainga nei, ki tawahi ranei o te ao. Whakarite Totika E oti tika ai nga tikanga toi potapotae, me nga kawenga papori, ma nga whakarite totika a nga hunga e pa pumau tonu ana ki era take, ara, ki nga hua hoki a era whakarite. Aukati Whakarekereke Me aukati te whakarekereke, e kitea ai te huarahi tika, e eke ai nga tikanga toi potapotae, nga kawenga papori, tae noa atu ki nga whakarite totika, e tau ai te rangimarie. Ko tenei ahuatanga e pa ana ki nga tairanga katoa.
From the Te Awa Team The last post Dave Kennedy • 2 A new chapter Shenagh Gleeson • 2 Back in print Philippa Stevenson and Ron Elder • 3
From the Party Korero with Marama Davidson • 4 Marama’s priorities • 5 Introducing your new Green Party GM Ann Shacklady-Smith • 6 FunMark update Peter Taylor • 6 A shortage of convenors John Ranta • 7 Creating Green Party strategy for the next 15 years Roland Sapsford • 8-9 Looking back at the 2017 campaign Tane Woodley and Rachel Anderson-Smith • 10 Party-Caucus Agreement under review: robust and nimble Susanne Loughlin • 10 Summer Policy Conference Karen Healey • 11
From the Benches Our transport wins Julie Ann Genter • 12-13 Chlöe Swarbrick; Gareth Hughes • 14 Golriz Ghahraman • 15
Our Networks Being in Local Government Brent Barrett • 16 Green Women’s June hui Kaya Sparke and Debs Martin • 17 Young Greens at O’week Mona Oliver • 17
Greens Have Their Say Party Hopping Bill breaches fundamental rights Keith Locke • 18 The risks of respectability Gavin Maclean • 19 What is wrong with patsy? Catherine Delahunty • 20 How many neglected children? Lloyd Morris • 21
Flax Roots Action Whanganui • 21 Marlborough, Top of the South • 22 Palmerston North-Rangitikei, Waikato • 23
Looking Back The non-violence principle Dave Kennedy • 24
Green World May 2018 Lois Griffiths • 25
Letters Oil – we still need it John Rhodes, with reply by James Shaw • 26 Breakdown of appropriate decision-making Christine Dann, Danna Glendining, Bronwen Summers • 26 The threat of nuclear weapons Lois Griffiths • 27 Misguided Bill threatens mangroves Catherine Delahunty • 27
Notices Heads up about the AGM Chennoah Walford • 29
Contents
Reviews The War and Environment Reader Lois Griffiths • 28 Tears of Rangi: Experiments Across Worlds Dave Kennedy • 28 Reading Maimonides in Gaza Janine McVeagh • 29
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The last post Dave Kennedy
From the Te Awa Team
I will be turning 60 this year, and while I do not regard this as old I do accept that the majority of my life’s work is behind me. Of all the projects that I have been involved with, it is my brief role as Te Awa’s editor that has been one of the most challenging and satisfying. It has allowed me to connect with amazing people throughout the Party and has given me a stronger appreciation of our diversity, passion and shared kaupapa. I have also been confronted with the challenges of operating in volatile political environments and within tight financial constraints. It has been a privilege to work with some talented and capable people over my time. Jane Young was the driving force behind my initial involvement and Liz Gray’s copy editing skills have been a fundamental part of maintaining high editorial standards. What began as working relationships have developed into valued friendships. Spencer Levine’s design skills have lifted Te Awa to a level of presentation that more than holds its own in the world of publishing. When I first took on the role of content editor, 18 issues ago, I had thought that online communications would become dominant and the print version of the magazine would eventually be phased out. After a few issues I completely changed that view. Green Party members of all ages have explained to me how they are more likely to read all the contents of Te Awa in a hard copy form. With the growing influence of social media and emotive and reactionary discourse, the existence of welledited and fact-checked material will have increasing value for our members. I am hugely relieved that our Party Executive has restored funding to Te Awa to ensure that the printed magazine can continue for this next financial year for those who prefer it in that form. I was only ever an enthusiastic amateur and it is great that the Te Awa Board has been able to secure the services of professional editor, Shenagh Gleeson, to take on the role. The magazine is in safe and skilled hands.
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Dave Kennedy was Te Awa’s Co-editor and, later, sole editor between August 2013 and Autumn 2018. He is on the Party Exec and is a member of the Clutha/Southland branch.
A new chapter Shenagh Gleeson Kia ora koutou. I am excited to be taking on the role of Acting Editor of Te Awa and look forward to getting to know many of you. About 18 months ago, I decided to join the Green Party. It was a momentous decision for me. After some 40 years working as a journalist and maintaining a neutral public position on politics, I decided it was finally time to nail my colours to the wall. I have worked in various media, but mainly in print and for publications ranging from New Zealand and Australian metropolitan newspapers to a small community weekly. It’s been a great ride and I’ve never regretted my choice of career. But the chance to edit Te Awa is special. It’s immensely rewarding to be playing a part in publicising the life of the Party in all its diversity and passion. Te Awa aims to bring together news and opinion from all sectors of the Party, both for members and for people wanting to find out more about the Party. My predecessor, Dave Kennedy, has developed a lively, attractive magazine and set the bar high. I am very grateful to him for his support and to copy editor Liz Gray. Te Awa Board Co-convenors Philippa Stevenson and Ron Elder have also been a huge help. This edition has been a challenge, as I learn the ropes, but I hope you find it valuable. I look forward to receiving your reports and views for the Spring edition.
Shenagh Gleeson has been appointed Acting Editor to complete the current editorial term. A permanent appointment can be made after the Party’s annual conference in August.
Back in print Philippa Stevenson and Ron Elder
Philippa Stevenson and Ron Elder are Co-convenors of the Te Awa Board.
Tangata ako ana i te kāenga, te tūranga ki te marae, tau ana A person nurtured in the community contributes strongly to society
From the Te Awa Team
With this Winter 2018 issue of Te Awa we farewell outgoing editor Dave Kennedy, who gave five years of dedicated service, first as Co-editor and more latterly as editor. Dave gave generously of his time, expertise and personal funds to Te Awa, which was greatly appreciated. We welcome acting editor, Shenagh Gleeson, and thank her for stepping up at short notice. The Te Awa Board is delighted that Te Awa is again being delivered in print as well as digital form for the first time since last year’s election. The election, as you know, took a heavy toll on Party finances and the Board was asked to cut its costs by producing two issues of the magazine – Summer and Autumn 2018 – digitally only. Some of you prefer it that way, but some don’t, so we are glad it is back in print. Te Awa is still on a tight budget so you will see a change in the type of paper used from last year’s print editions. We are also hoping to again build up advertising in the magazine, which has fallen away because of the lack of a dedicated salesperson. Please let us know if you know of anyone who could take up this part-time job. Another way we have saved costs is to post the magazine in 100% degradable flow wrap material. This was chosen after careful consideration of the environmental merits of paper envelopes versus flow wrap. Paper products often get good press because much of it comes from trees that draw down carbon dioxide. (Rags are also used in paper production.) But paper has environmental impacts at every stage in its lifecycle, and is the third or fourth largest source of industrial greenhouse gas emissions in most developed countries. According to the US Environmental Protection Agency’s Toxics Release Inventory database, pulp and paper mills are among the worst polluters to air, water and land of any industry in the US. The Worldwatch Institute offers similar statistics for the rest of the world. The flow wrap material is made in New Zealand and is recyclable. The degradable (oxo-biodegradable) film is created by adding a pro-degradant to the film at the time of manufacture. This additive causes the film to, in the first step, start to degrade or breakdown when the film is exposed to any combination of heat, light, oxygen or other stresses. In the second step, the molecules that are left after the first stage are converted into carbon dioxide, water and biomass by microorganisms. These two processes occur over a period of a few months to a couple of years. Consuming anything has a cost. Even viewing Te Awa online does because it takes a resource-hungry computer and electricity to do so. We trust readers find consuming the excellent content of Te Awa more than justifies the environmental footprint of keeping everyone informed.
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From the Party
Korero with Marama Davidson Stand up for what is right, even when it’s hard
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Te Awa sat down with our new female Co-leader to find out how she’s going one month into the job, where her political influences come from and her goals as Co-leader.
children from the picture. I think we need leadership that children are part of, rather than something we have to put to the side, if people, and especially women, are going to take on these roles.
What’s life been like since becoming Co-leader, what’s changed? Mainly my headspace. As an MP you silo yourself and just bury your head in your portfolios. But I realised quickly as Co-leader I need to have an overview of what all of our MPs are doing, and an overview of where the Party is at and what it is doing. And on top of that you need a political overview of where we are at in the media, and how we’re going negotiating with our political partners, and how the Greens and the Government are tracking. So there is a lot more to take in and think about, and that isn’t a space I’ve had to live in before at all. Stepping into that as Co-leader has been both challenging and exciting. But I’m feeling confident and taking things one step at a time.
What’s your first political memory that shapes who you are? I have a strong memory of my dad arguing with one of our neighbours about Maori rights when I was young and we lived in Dunedin. Back then my parents were very involved in the Tino Rangatiratanga movement. That memory showed to me that when you believe in something strongly, and when others haven’t arrived at the same political understanding, how difficult it can be to break through to them. That memory sums up a lot of what the Greens are facing today.
You have six kids, how is it going so far juggling being Co-leader with family life? I thought I was the busiest that a mum could be just as an MP, but that has stepped up even more as Co-leader. It’s only because I have incredible support from my husband, from my older children and from my extended family and community that I am able to do this job. I think we need to develop a model of leadership that doesn’t separate
How important an influence were your parents? My parents are the main influence on my political identity. They taught me how important it is to stand up for what is right, even when it’s hard. They had to battle incredible challenges like blatant and structural racism, being displaced and disconnected from their land and language, and they had to battle the power of the status quo. They taught me that a core purpose of us as citizens is to engage in democratic and political processes, to keep pushing for what the world should look like, no matter how hard that gets.
Marama’s priorities
Following her election as Co-leader, Marama decided to take on the big portfolios of Water, Children and Economic Development to lead on core Green issues across environmental, economic and social areas. As the spokesperson for Māori Development, Pacific Peoples, and Ethnic and Rural Communities, she will also lead our outreach work to grow the Greens’ support in diverse communities and broaden our demographic base. Water - Build an understanding that everyone cares about water and close the urban:rural divide - Ensure Greens advocacy for Māori proprietary and customary rights over water - Ensure a framework for fair distribution and allocation of water, and power over water - Highlight and support related work Green members are doing at the grassroots level.
How do you think the Party is coping with the entry into Government for the first time? It’s difficult, it’s challenging. We’ve been an opposition party for so long and we’re now in the position of having to negotiate support for bills that we’ve never supported, like Waka Jumping. So this is a learning time for us, and we’re in the process of finding a comfortable space where we can be uncomfortable. We shouldn’t lie to ourselves that all of this is going to be easy and comfortable. But if we come to that understanding together, and if we move together to operating in a comfortable space of being uncomfortable, in the long run that’s where hopefully our core kaupapa will outshine those, hopefully few, uncomfortable moments.
Children - Ensure the Government’s work on reducing poverty acknowledges the structural barriers that families and communities face - Ensure appropriate consideration of Māori/Pacific/ Disabled whānau.
In addition to these policy priorities, Marama is also leading the work on communication and connection with the Party. This work includes: - Joining the Party Executive as the Co-leader rep - Producing a weekly video summarising key decisions made at Caucus - Extensive outreach to visit branches and Green Party networks - Political leadership around the Northcote by-election.
Marama Davidson is Co-leader, spokesperson for Water, Housing, Children, Māori Development, Pacific Peoples, Ethnic Communities, Rural Communities, Sports & Recreation and Economic Development.
From the Party
What did you learn about the Party when you were campaigning for the Co-leadership? That our members really are the strength of our kaupapa. If I’m ever disillusioned or feeling a little bit discouraged by our political leadership, Green members are where our leadership is at. And they are demanding that we in Caucus uphold their leadership. It came through so clearly to me, the absolute commitment that our members have to our core Green kaupapa and vision. What also came through from the vote was that our politics should be connected to our grassroots organisations and communities.
Housing - Deliver our rent-to-own scheme as part of the Confidence and Supply Agreement - Push for stronger renter rights, including minimum secure tenancy and rent controls - Deliver installation of solar panels on state houses to reduce power bills for low income tenants.
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FunMark update: flax roots support and secretary opening Peter Taylor
From the Party
Your new Green Party GM Ann Shacklady-Smith I am incredibly proud and privileged to have been offered the role of General Manager of the Green Party, and I aim to give it my full commitment. It is wonderful to have a job that combines two core areas of my life’s work in community/political activism and in organisational development. The General Manager role will be largely focused around helping to implement the operational priorities that have already been identified by the Party: party growth, financial health, effective communication, and fulfilling our Te Tiriti o Waitangi obligations. We want to be even more successful in 2020. This means learning from the past and building on what we know works well. I am keen to draw in more volunteers and for them to enjoy their time helping to build the Party and being part of the vibrant, engaged, respectful and fun Party that we are. This will involve creating an atmosphere where new members are welcomed, can take part in campaign activities, learn about rules and roles, and feel part of an effective movement for change. Personal drivers are often influenced by family and social background, and this is certainly true in my case. I am the eldest of seven children and grew up in the working class town of St Helens, Merseyside, UK. The town has, over several decades, suffered the social impact of deindustrialisation, with the consequent poverty, pollution and redundancy. It is this experience that shapes my passion for Green politics, expressed locally in my campaigning activity to conserve the public parks and open spaces that we cherish, as well as the larger agenda to tackle the implications of our planet in crisis. I like to enjoy the natural environment when I can; walking and kayaking are two of my much-loved pastimes. For now, though, there’s a big job to do. I look forward to working together to make the change we seek in our world.
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Ann Shacklady-Smith takes up her position on 4 June.
Fundraising One of the most heartening measures of the level of support that the Green Party has in our communities is the astonishing results that we get from our fundraising. Election year is always a huge fundraising effort and it is the time when money is essential for getting our message out to our voting public. Despite the challenges of losing a large tranche of supporters at the 2017 election, our flax roots supporters rose to the challenge and we recorded over $1.2m of donations in the year ending March 2018. It is fair to say that those donations were critical to the Green Party staying in Parliament. Over our three-year electoral cycle, the Party has many costs to meet to enable it to run effectively. With fewer MPs tithing from their salaries, we are more reliant than ever on flax roots financial support. Thank you to everyone who provides a contribution, whether by donating, or by working to make this a Party that donors want to support. The responsibility for bringing in these funds falls to FunMark, the Fundraising and Marketing Committee. While the committee team works on planning and implementing our fundraising initiatives, it is the day-to-day leadership of Party Funding Development Manager, Sonja Deely, that is critical to keeping the donations flowing. Communicating FunMark is also responsible for marketing and communications. Many branch volunteers will have received briefings on how to implement the Party brand in communications and advertising. This was delivered by FunMark. Over the last year FunMark’s work has included working with Party management to refine the sequence of communications through which new members are inducted and encouraged to engage with the Party. FunMark works closely with the Parliamentary team on understanding our supporters and potential voters, and has a whole bunch more marketing initiatives in the pipeline. If you would like to be involved in this constructive effort to grow the influence of the Green Party, we are looking for a committee secretary with great admin skills, and we always welcome people who bring professional fundraising, communications and marketing expertise to our team. If you are interested, you can email committee Co-cos Eleanor Parkes and me at funmark.convenors@ greens.org.nz.
Peter Taylor is a Co-convenor of the Fundraising and Marketing Committee.
A shortage of convenors John Ranta
That doesn’t mean that you shouldn’t object to proposals in meetings. You should absolutely object if you think something is a bad idea. There is always a risk that our consensus-driven model can lead to uncritical group-think and poor decisions. However, when you object you should consider how the proposal might be changed to meet those objections, and if you can think of something mention it when you raise the objection. Sometimes proposals are fatally flawed; if that’s the case figure out why you think it’s fatally flawed and express that when you speak. Consensus decision-making is a collective responsibility of the group, not just the convenor. If you help your convenor by adopting the convening mindset, you will get better decisions and move through your agendas much quicker. Thank you again for this unique opportunity. It has been both rewarding and enriching. I have worked alongside some truly special people and been a part of some historic moments for the Party, experiences I will always treasure and never forget. It’s been an honour and a pleasure. Thank you.
From the Party
This is my last contribution to Te Awa as your male Party Co-convenor. Thank you again for putting your trust in me over these last four years. There is a lot of work to do in the Party, but there’s one thing that is particularly close to my heart that I wanted to discuss. The centre of the Party, and perhaps the whole of the Party, is suffering from a shortage of convenors. To my mind, convening a group is a combination of leadership, facilitation and administration. Convenors lead by ensuring the group is getting through its work, they set the tone and culture, monitor the overall direction of the group and risks that might exist, catch anything that falls through the cracks, and make decisions off their own bat when that is appropriate. They facilitate by running the decision-making processes of the group, making sure that there is sufficient information and a properly-framed proposal to consider and that the process for reaching a decision is transparent, and then working hard to reach consensus on each and every decision the group makes. They administer by making sure the basics are covered, meetings are called, agendas are circulated, minutes are taken, and the business of the group runs so smoothly as to become invisible, either by doing it themselves or finding people to whom they can delegate that work. In recent times I have come to believe that the Party needs to either find more convenors or, more likely, develop them from within. We don’t have enough and it’s probably also true that you can never have too many. We also need to foster what I call the convening mindset within the Party. It is the responsibility of the convenor to make sure that things get done by their group, that decisions are made. The convening mindset has this responsibility in focus during the consideration of items on the agenda. When objections are raised, the convening mindset teases out the exact nature of the concerns, tries to see if the proposal can be modified to address those concerns, and seeks to find an answer that is based in consensus. It is an energy-intensive exercise that requires care, intelligence and creativity. It’s really just another name for consensusdriven facilitation. Anyone who has convened a group will be familiar with this mindset, and will also be equally familiar with the frustration involved in trying to get to a decision when it seems like they are the only one in the group who is interested in reaching an outcome. Every group works better when each member of it adopts the convening mindset, a commitment to trying to reach consensus, rather than sitting back and lobbing in their reckons and objections that don’t contain a suggestion for how to move things forward.
John Ranta is the outgoing male Green Party Co-convenor.
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Creating Green Party strategy for the next 15 years Roland Sapsford
From the Party
Nearly 15 years ago the Party adopted a Long Term Strategy. This year we’re starting a review process that we hope will involve as many members as possible. As announced in the autumn edition of Te Awa, the Strategic Planning Facilitation Group (SPFG) is inviting you to be part of the conversation about who we are, where we are going, and how we get there. SPFG is a national sub-committee of Executive, Policy Committee and Caucus, so we report to them. The role of SPFG is to support the Party to come to consensus on strategic issues, including the Long Term Strategy. The last strategy was approved in 2004 and we need to produce a new one for the next 15 years. It will include: Charter; Vision and Purpose; Values; and Goals. That structure is about the only part that is decided so far. Workshops at Summer Policy Conference kicked off a process that will run until the AGM in 2019, so we are very much at the start. Back in 2002 we had our own MPs for the first time, we were involved in Government for the first time ever, and we were wondering about who we were, and how we could best create good Green change. Sound a little familiar? Starting in 2002, we spent the next 18 months in a very iterative process with the membership, crafting phrases, testing them with people, trying to incorporate all of the core concepts that people told us had to be included. As you can imagine, this wasn’t an easy task; the result was a series of statements leading on from the Charter that added detail to how we defined ourselves, and where we wanted to take the Party and the country. See, for example, the 2004 Green Party values, opposite. Once again we are at the start of a collective conversation to answer those questions anew, as we approach the third decade of the 21st century. We have been around for 25 years, some of us have been around for most of that journey and others are new companions in this waka.
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Each and every one of us has something to offer, and none of us alone has the whole picture. This is about telling our story afresh, finding the core of what it means to be Green, and charting our course using the best of our collective wisdom and energy. This process won’t answer every question – one way I like to think of it is helping shape the walls of the room within which we talk; we will still have debates but to stand
in this room, to stand under this roof, is to come together as Greens for Green discussions, with a shared Green sense of who we are, and where we want to go. We trialled workshops at the Summer Policy Conference and the feedback was overwhelmingly positive. So we now want to offer you, at branch, province and network level, the support you need to run these workshops for yourselves. They are a chance to discuss what we value about the Greens, and to look at what matters to us and how we want to create change. There’s nothing too complicated about this – any group of about 7-10 Green members can run one of these sessions. You’ll need to allow at least an hour and a half, and make sure you have people who can facilitate, keep time and record notes. We’ll provide you with advice about structure, facilitation and initial agreements. This is a chance to listen, discuss and consider. At this starting point, we are more interested in where you strongly agree rather than where you disagree. We’re keen to have as many members participate as possible, so if you would like these conversations to happen in your local area, we’d love to hear from you. We are getting a page up on the members’ website, but for the meantime please email me on roland@actrix.gen.nz. Questions, requests for material to host a conversation, and any other thoughts are most welcome. For more on the Party’s charter principles, see Looking Back, page 24.
Photo Workshops at the 2018 Summer Policy Conference trialled the Long Term Strategy review process. Photo by Steve Dixon Roland Sapsford is Co-convenor of the Strategic Planning Facilitation Group.
The charter is the founding document of The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand accepts Te Tiriti o Waitangi as the founding document of Aotearoa New Zealand; recognises Maori as Tangata Whenua in Aotearoa New Zealand; and commits to the following four Principles: Ecological Wisdom: The basis of ecological wisdom is that human beings are part of the natural world. This world is finite, therefore unlimited material growth is impossible. Ecological sustainability is paramount. Social Responsibility: Unlimited material growth is impossible. Therefore the key to social responsibility is the just distribution of social and natural resources, both locally and globally. Appropriate Decision-making: For the implementation of ecological wisdom and social responsibility, decisions will be made directly at the appropriate level by those affected. Non-Violence: Non-violent conflict resolution is the process by which ecological wisdom, social responsibility and appropriate decision making will be implemented. This principle applies at all levels.
Who are the Strategic Planning Facilitation Group? SPFG has recently refreshed and renewed its membership. The three petals are represented by a Coleader, Party Co-convenor and Policy Co-convenor. In addition there are around 10 appointed members. Appointments are approved by all three petals. Appointed members: Nikki Berry, Corinne Cordes, Steve Dixon, Gareth Hughes, Chargn Keenan, Aine Kelly-Costello, David Kennedy, Mojo Mathers, Roland Sapsford (Co-convenor), Scott Summerfield and Jo Wrigley. Ex Officio members: Marama Davidson, John Ranta and Caroline Glass.
Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand Values (adopted July, 2004) As a party, and as members of that party, we aim to: 1. Act according to our Charter 2. Respect the planet and the web of life of which we are one part 3. Take the path of caution in the face of serious uncertainty about the consequences of human action 4. Think long term and holistically 5. Make decisions by consensus whenever possible 6. Engage respectfully, without personal attacks 7. Support ideas on their merit, regardless of where they originate 8. Actively respect cultural and individual diversity and celebrate difference 9. Maintain a community focus 10. Enable participation with dignity and challenge oppression 11. Encourage new voices and cherish wisdom 12. Recognise our duty of care towards those who cannot speak for themselves 13. Foster compassion, a sense of humour and mutual enjoyment in our work
From the Party
The Green Charter
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Looking back at the 2017 campaign Party-Caucus Agreement under Tane Woodley and review: robust and nimble Rachel Anderson-Smith Suzanne Loughlin
From the Party
The Campaign Review Committee was formed in October 2017, as the dust was settling from the election campaign. Apart from us two Co-convenors, we have Rebekah Jaung, Julie Zhu, Paul Kelland, Pete Huggins, Wiremu Winitana and Matt Taylor on the team. We are from Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch. We are reviewing the 2017 election campaign, from the moment the Campaign Committee formed in early 2016 up to Election Day. We are looking at everything, including; • Campaign strategy and planning • Policy platform • Communications within the Party • Media and marketing • Ground campaign • Finance and fundraising • Candidate selection and training • Political positioning and relations with other parties • Māori, ethnic, overseas and Auckland campaigns • Information technology • The AGM speech and how that affected our campaign • An analysis of the vote • Making recommendations for future campaigns. Ultimately, we are working towards a better result in the 2020 campaign and beyond. We see an opportunity for the Party to repeat the good things we did in 2017 (and there were many) and to learn from our mistakes (there were a few too many). We have received over 90 submissions from members, staff and volunteers, interviewed 13 key campaign leaders, and gained reports from every major group and committee in the campaign. We also have the results of a volunteers’ survey. Thank you to everyone who took the time and energy to contribute. We are analysing all the information, discussing and testing our recommendations, and drafting our report, which we will complete by the end of June. We will prepare a presentation for the AGM in August, and make presentations to the Party Executive and Caucus. We regularly report to the Executive and have discussed the emerging themes with them. Based on the feedback we have received from them so far, we believe we are on the right track to have a strong set of recommendations. We look forward to finishing this work and presenting it to you, and we look forward to seeing the 2020 campaign become stronger and better because of it. Arohanui ki a koutou.
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Tane Woodley and Rachel Anderson-Smith are Co-convenors of the Campaign Review Committee.
The Strategic Planning and Facilitation Group (SPFG) initiated the Party-Caucus Agreement (PCA) in 2002 in recognition of the importance of Caucus-Party relations. The intention was to have robust but nimble systems to support regular and close consultation between Caucus and the Party, especially once in government. The appointment of Green Party ministers in Parliament and a Confidence and Supply Agreement has highlighted the importance of ensuring the Agreement is both fit for purpose and working as intended. The PCA sets out the nature of the relationship between Caucus and the rest of the Party through the Executive and the Policy Committee, and outlines communications channels between the Party and Caucus. It seeks to promote understanding of the role and operations of Caucus, especially of Green ministers, whether inside or outside of Cabinet. It also provides a structure for accountability of and support for the Party by Caucus, and Caucus by the Party. The Agreement can be reviewed at the request of the Party or Caucus, or annually by a committee made up of two members from each of the Executive, the Policy Committee and Caucus (the Party’s three petals). A Review Committee was established following the 2017 election comprising two members from each of the three petals. A Te Rōpu Pounamu representative was seconded along with additional executive networkers to share the work load.
Initial discussion suggests that the Agreement’s effectiveness has been limited by insufficient attention to implementation and monitoring. The review has begun to address the implementation issue. The review process’ primary information collection method is to hold guided discussions with each of the Party petals. Provincial-level forums are also planned to raise membership awareness of the Agreement and to gather feedback about its efficacy from members’ points of view. Those unable to make scheduled discussions will have a second opportunity to join an event, such as a Zoom call. Key to a successful outcome will be finding ways to ensure Green Party systems are robust but nimble in a context in which Green ministers are required to consider others’ legislative programmes and to work to tight time frames. For further information please contact Suzanne Loughlin at suzanne.loughlin@gmail.com. Suzanne Loughlin is the Executive Networker for Auckland Province.
Summer Policy Conference – policy gaps and shortcomings Karen Healey
• The Global Commons section of the Global Affairs Policy should be reviewed. • With regard to Aotearoa’s role in the world, we should reaffirm our kaupapa as a party for global justice, peace and equality. Having said a fond farewell to the wise and diligent Greg Mason, the Policy Networkers are awaiting the appointment of the new Strategic Policy Advisor. We’re excited about getting to grips with this ambitious programme of policy revision and reform.
Photos (top) Participants at the Summer Policy Conference at Pukemokimoki Marae in Napier hard at work; (below) Chris Naylor from the Waitaki electorate chairs a discussion at the Conference. Photos by Dave Kennedy.
From the Party
Napier turned on the sunshine for the Green Party Summer Policy Conference, held at Pukemokimoki Marae over the weekend of 2-4 March. After a lively “ask the ministers anything” session on Friday night, manuhiri were formally welcomed in the Saturday morning pōwhiri and the conference proper began. The Conference was hosted by the Hawke’s Bay Greens and catered by Mairi and Matthew Bristow, who were kept busy feeding 140 participants over the weekend. Participants attended a speech from James Shaw, asked questions about the implications of the Confidence and Supply Agreement with Labour, took part in the Long Term Strategy brainstorming workshops, and posed questions to Marama Davidson and Julie Anne Genter in Co-leader candidate sessions. That was just the official timetable. In addition there were several caucuses, break-out discussions and workshops on topics of interest. Twelve policy workshops were also held over the Saturday and Sunday. Some workshops focused on areas where the Green Party does not yet have policy, while others addressed perceived gaps or shortcomings in current policy. Every workshop came up with some broad conclusions: • Making policy on Artificial Intelligence should be a priority. It should support responsible AI research and development, and ensure the benefits of AIs are equitably shared. • We should have a specific Seniors’ policy, covering rest homes, retirement villages, dementia care, superannuation, involving elders in paid or voluntary work, and leaving a better world for future generations. • With regard to the formation of a New Zealand constitution, participants concluded that Party policy should promote a collaborative process, rather than dictate substance. • An issue group should be set up to develop a Public Service policy, focusing on the independence, accountability and ethics of public service bodies. • Acknowledging that industrial agriculture is a failed model, Agriculture policy should pursue a paradigm shift, where the true cost of agriculture is made apparent, and business and industry meet their human rights obligations. • Public spending policy should promote an equitable redistribution of wealth. • Changes are needed in industrial relations to ensure statutory rights for all workers and IR procedures accessible to workers. • In adapting to climate change, local government should undertake short and long term planning for sea-level rise. It also has a role to play in reducing emissions. • For more sustainable communities, we need to break out of community development silos, have a clear vision for the desired outcomes, and rethink policies accordingly.
Karen Healey is the female Policy Networker for Aoraki.
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Our transport wins, and why they include slowly increasing fuel tax Julie Anne Genter The Green Party has had a huge win in the draft Government Policy Statement on transport funding. It shows how far we have come in the past decade that both Labour and New Zealand First agreed with what is very much a Green approach to transport. We have made Environment, Safety and Access major priorities, alongside value-for-money, which will now take a long term view, and include social and environmental costs. We have for the first time included rail and rapid transit as categories in the National Land Transport Programme. We have secured over $1 billion for cycling over the next decade. We have also properly funded footpath maintenance for the first time ever, which will make a huge on-the-ground difference to low-income communities around the country. We even increased the funding for maintaining and upgrading local and regional roads, as well as maintaining state highways. While for the next few years we have to continue with already contracted highway projects the last government committed to, we have halved the planned $17 billion that National was going to pour into a few uneconomic motorways over the next decade. One feature of the transport policy is a commitment to continue steady, incremental increases to fuel taxes and road user charges. These are vitally important to ensure that we don’t have real cuts to the transport budget (through inflation). Fuel tax increases also send an important signal that helps transition us to a more energy-efficient transport system and land-use patterns. Regional fuel tax has also been approved for Auckland, to ensure that the city has the money it needs to fund the massive increase in rapid transit infrastructure to meet a growing population. Some have expressed concern that fuel tax increases are “regressive” and hurt the poor, and on this basis we should not support them. Concern for the vulnerable is a core part of being Green. We must, and do, look out for those who
have the least in all of our Green policies. To do this well, we need to look at how fuel tax and the additional services it funds affect the most vulnerable. Analysis of the combined impact of proposed increases of fuel tax, and of our investment into affordable public transport, safe walking and cycling, and accessible approach to housing, shows the overall effect will be hugely beneficial for the most vulnerable in New Zealand. For example, improving road safety, lowering vehicle pollution and reducing car dependence all improve the wellbeing of our most vulnerable children. To understand how a package of changes funded through petrol tax can benefit the vulnerable, we need to look at the situation at the moment. Car dependence is extremely regressive. The young, the elderly, people with disabilities, and low income households are massively disadvantaged by the fact that our cities and towns are designed around cars. It makes it more difficult to access education, employment, amenities and to participate in society when you have to own a car or be able to drive. Fuel is just one small part of the cost of owning and operating a vehicle. Many low income households do not even own vehicles. The caroriented landscape is spread out, and vast amounts of land used for storing and moving cars drive up land costs, and reduce the opportunity to provide affordable housing close to shops, schools and parks. While it is easy to assume that the wealthy are avoiding fuel tax by driving electric cars or hybrids, and low income families are driving the least fuel efficient cars, the data in New Zealand paints a very different picture. Nine of the top ten brand-new, imported vehicles at the moment are SUVs and utes, with large engine sizes. While more efficient than older vehicles with large engines, they consume more fuel than the oldest cars with small- and medium-sized engines. High income households also own more cars and drive more.
Change in weekly household fuel costs by income decile 2018 to 2021 $9 $8 $7 $6 $5
From the Benches
$4
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$3 $2 $1 $0
under $23,500
$23,500– $35,099
$46,800– $60,599
$60,600– $74,899
$74,900– $91,099
Change in weekly fuel cost after 3 years – Auckland
$91,900– $108,899
$109,000– $133,699
$109,000– $133,699
$133,700– $176,300
$176,300 and over
Change in weekly fuel cost after 3 years – Rest of NZ
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fuel costs a bit lower. Increasing the supply of affordable and state housing, especially in areas that are walkable, cycle-friendly and close to frequent public transport, is also important in reducing transport costs. Income redistribution policies are also critical to ensure social equity, and far more beneficial than continuing to subsidise car and oil use (which mainly benefits the wealthiest New Zealanders, who own more cars and drive more). Increasing the minimum wage (to $20 an hour by 2020), the families’ tax package and the other work we are doing to overhaul the welfare system will also improve incomes. Generally as a Party we want to reduce pollution and increase fairness. The Green Party supports ecological taxes because they increase the cost of “bads” like pollution and waste. We deliver fairness by ensuring the money we raise in this way is used to deliver benefits to those most vulnerable. In this way overall fairness is improved. Our approach is to look at the impact of both how we raise money and how we spend money, and ensure the overall picture is good for people and planet. Julie Ann Genter is Minister for Women, Associate Minister of Transport and Associate Minister of Health.
worldsolar
From the Benches
The graph uses data from the Household Economic Survey to show the impact of the proposed increases in 2020. You can see that expenditure on fuel and fuel tax generally increases with income. For all people the increases are a very small proportion of their income (around half of one percent). Free offpeak travel for those on low incomes, more frequent, reliable public transport, safer roads and better maintained footpaths will save those most vulnerable far more than they pay in extra fuel costs. While the tax impact alone is slightly regressive in a technical sense, the effect of the overall package is highly progressive. In the end that is what people will experience. We as the Greens have important goals around reducing oil and car-dependency, and increasing the resilience of our towns and cities. Slow, incremental increases to fuel taxes are an important part of achieving that, because it influences transport and land use patterns in a way that reduces reliance on oil. By focussing tax spend on the needs of the most vulnerable over the next few years, we can vastly improve their access to the things they need, and reduce their transport costs in a far more durable way than trying to keep
13 *Terms and conditions apply.
Chlöe Swarbrick It’s just over six months since we formed a Government, and about seven months that I’ve had the privilege of serving as one of your Green MPs. It’s nigh on impossible to try and encapsulate everything that’s happened in that time, but the highlights have made news headlines, both nationally and internationally, as Aotearoa repositions itself as a world leader in the fight against climate change, ending homelessness on our streets, and radically transforming how we measure and achieve success as a country. These are all things we’ve campaigned on for decades, and demonstrate how we can continue pushing for – and achieving – ever more progressive change.
From the Benches
A few weeks ago I had the opportunity to visit my alternate-universe counterpart in the Australian Greens, the wonderful Senator Jordon Steele-John. Jordon quickly rose to prominence and gained his seat in the Aussie Parliament following the resignation of Green Senator Scott Ludlum (forced by his dual-citizenship). In ongoing korero with Jordon and his fantastic team, I learnt that so many of the challenges our Green whanau in Aotearoa face are nearly identical across the Tasman (although, we’re fortunate to have won the battle on the reality of climate change, and needn’t entertain deniers). There’s a lot more to come out of this relationship-building across Australasia! With Marama’s election as Co-leader, your caucus has had a slight portfolio reshuffle. I’m fortunate to have been offered the Deputy Musterer position (other parties call these ‘Whips’, but we opt for non-violent language). This means I’ll now be working with Gareth on Caucus co-ordination, strategic planning, and helping build constructive, collaborative and creative processes and solutions in consensus decision-making. I’m stoked to have gained the Drug Law Reform portfolio. I’ve been working for months to sow the seeds of a cross-party group on sensible drug law reform, to generate a baseline understanding inside Parliament about what constitutes evidence-based, genuinely effective legislation and regulation. We’ll keep you updated as it all develops. I’m also really happy to continue to be involved in the massive, complete review and overhaul of our Education system with our Government partners Minister Hipkins and Associate Minister Martin. Full steam ahead.
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Gareth Hughes After years of campaigning we did it. We stopped offshore oil exploration! The announcement that there will no longer be any offshore oil blocks offered is definitely the highlight of this quarter and, for me, of my eight years in Parliament. This is an historic step by the Government and a huge win for the Greens. We’ve campaigned in Parliament, uncovered scandals, organised protests, started petitions, worked with artists, spoken about ending oil exploration up and down Aotearoa, and even launched election policy scuba diving underwater. It’s been the major campaign of my Parliamentary career and I’d like to acknowledge all our members who played a part, and our allies in the environment movement, and iwi and hapu who played such a leadership role. Another issue I’m passionate about is animal welfare, and over summer I campaigned against cruel animal abuse and spoke out about greyhounds. I’m pleased the Government has announced a review into both areas. I worked on bids leading into the Budget and am happy to have secured the first labelling investigation into organic and irradiated foods in our stores. I’m still working on the Country of Food Labelling Bill in Select Committee, but to maximise its chances of survival I have had to restrict its scope to single-ingredient foods, things like vegetables, fruit and meat. I’m enjoying chairing the Social Services and Community Select Committee and we have completed our work on social workers’ registration. Next up is improving the Government’s Child Poverty Reduction Bill. I was fortunate to represent Parliament at the inaugural Commonwealth Parliamentarians’ Forum in London, and spoke on the need for climate action and social justice. In personal news, I’ve been learning to sail and am loving the connection with our beautiful marine environment. Photo Gareth speaks about the Party’s no new coal mines policy at a petition handover.
Golriz Ghahraman Across the board, access to justice for victims and complainants also fell away. Our court waiting times are at record highs. We don’t have enough judges or facilities to hear cases in a timely manner. Over the past year, the waiting time for the Human Rights Review Tribunal went up to an astounding two years. That is a breach of the right to expedient justice in and of itself. The Family Court was stripped of lawyers, including specialised lawyers for children in most cases. Without access to expert advice, both the people trying to access the courts and the courts themselves were left disempowered and ill-functioning, as they dealt with issues as pressing as child protection, protection of abuse victims and the property rights of separating couples. The reviews of the justice system identify huge failures. Telling victims of crime that imprisonment would bring down crime, against all evidence, while failing to resource all other justice and social services, which in fact reduce crime and ensure access to justice, was dangerous and callous. The focus on imprisonment remains a policy that only ever makes politicians look ‘tough on crime.’ We need the courage to change tack. The evidence shows that the smart approach is to invest in people, jobs, homes, education, health and mental health care. The Green approach of compassion and evidence-based policy is the way forward to improve justice.
Photo Golriz with the Greens of Colour group at Marama’s Co-leader announcement. Golriz is wearing a t-shirt that reads “We Are Many”.
From the Benches
Kia ora te whānau kākāriki! One of the most exciting areas of reform for me is justice. Having seen the devastation of the past decade at the frontlines of our courts and prisons, I knew the old approach of defunding every service in our justice system, while relying more and more heavily on imprisonment as a remedy for crime or every other social ill, was failing. Not only that, it was causing serious harm. The recent review of the justice, police and prisons sector proved this. Serious violent offending is up, in every area of crime. A frightening example of this is that the sale, supply and manufacture of methamphetamine, a Class A drug, is about to overtake cannabis in its prevalence within our justice system. This exponential growth happened during a period when the maximum penalty for that offending was raised to life, and sentences of around 20 years were regularly imposed. That is one example of the overwhelming evidence of how dismally imprisonment has failed as a reaction to crime and addiction. At the same time as filling our prisons, in some cases privatised, Serco-run prisons, the previous Government cut funding to all the services we knew would in fact reduce crime: they de-funded mental health services, addiction services, state housing, higher education and apprenticeship training – including funding to Women’s Refuge and Rape Crisis. All these kinds of services and initiatives that we know prevent people from resorting to crime, or actually keep victims safe, were cut. Horrifyingly, some 49% of released prisoners will be reimprisoned within five years, costing about $650 million. This reflects my own experience, as anyone working within the criminal justice sector knows, that our prisons no longer have sufficient staff or facilities to provide for programmes that actually re-habilitate prisoners. This includes anger management courses, mental health care, and drug and alcohol treatment.
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Our Networks
Being in Local Government – totally worth it Brent Barrett
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Am I an accidental Green Councillor? Perhaps. Palmy has a legacy of at least three Greens who have been on Council, without declared affiliation. But having an official Green Councillor is a new thing for Council, and most certainly new for me. How did it happen? In late 2015 I got serious about twisting local arms to stand as Greens for Palmerston North City Council. The conditions were perfect. Single Transferable Vote. City-wide voting for 15 seats. Greens polling over 10%. An easy ticket, but no takers. My picks either didn’t want to stand, or were uncertain about overt Green affiliation. So one day, I looked in the mirror and thought perhaps I should stand. Perhaps. My first professional life is in agricultural science. Not an obvious connection to an urban leadership role. But with longstanding interests in civic matters, the environment, and the wonderful belief and support of my dear wife, I decided to throw my hat in the ring. Perhaps. Before going public, I had to talk to my employer, a Crown Research Institute. It could have made it the shortest campaign ever, but instead it was really supportive. We agreed on two months leave to campaign, and an ongoing part time science role if elected. The Palmy Greens really got behind me and we built a great team, ran a long, strong campaign, and had fun along the way. On election night, we had earned second place out of a field of 28, elected on first preferences. The local media described this as ‘coming out of nowhere.’ We described it as a lot of hard work. Hard, but rewarding. We proved there’s an appetite for Greens in local government. And capacity to grow that in 2019. But that wasn’t all. We identified hundreds of new Green supporters a year out from the General Election. We met Thomas Nash and Teanau Tuiono for the first time during that
campaign. It was good, very good, for the Greens in 2016 to have a public political profile in Palmerston North. For me, much has changed. Local politics is rather different from science. I was drawn to public life by environmental issues, but since being elected my social justice awareness and empathy have sky-rocketed. My diary has become rather diverse. My ‘weekend’ is as likely to be a mid-week morning as an actual Saturday or Sunday. Yes, there is lots of paperwork. And yes, there are huge challenges. But totally worth it.
The city is, for the first time ever, consulting on a city-wide carbon target. On the Living Wage. On a serious investment in water quality. We voted for Maori Wards, strongly. And the list goes on. Being part of local government is totally worth it. While I wouldn’t recommend it for everyone, it is definitely a doable and rewarding role. A great way to achieve Green progress at a local level. And a great builder for the Party and the future of our country.
Photo Brent Bartlett and John Shennan campaigning in support of Maori wards. Photo by Paul Demchick. Brent Barrett is a first term City Councillor in Palmerston North. He’s happy to hear any questions you may have about recruiting and supporting local government candidates - brent.barrett@greens.org.nz.
Green Women’s June hui Kaya Sparke and Debs Martin
We’ll be discussing ways we can ensure our women achieve electoral success at the local body and general elections. We’ll also look at how we can support and bolster the leadership roles of women across the Party petals from policy to networks, executive to strategic planning. There will also be an open space and time for other ideas and conversations to emerge. But more than that, we’ll be together in a beautiful location, talking and sharing our experiences, indulging in some hot pool therapy, learning some weaving techniques from Danna and eating good food. We encourage our wahine to stay on the marae, but if you need them, other accommodation options are nearby. Children can come for free. Childcare will be available for those over two, with the rest of us supporting women who have children under two. All information is available on our members’ website www.members.greens.org.nz or email us at green.women@ greens.org.nz.
Kaya Sparke and Debs Martin are the Green Women Co-convenors.
Young Greens at O’week – a real delight Mona Oliver A successful campus campaign in 2017 saw the Greens get up to 35% of the vote at some university booths. I was concerned our campus groups wouldn’t be as popular at the 2018 Orientation Week (or ‘O’week’, as it is better known) without an election to keep the Greens on people’s minds. That was not the case though. We visited more campuses than ever before. Had more sign-ups than ever before. And had Beers and Backchat Nights that were better attended than ever before. So it seems that the Greens on Campus are more popular than ever. And it’s great to know that young people starting university are hearing our Green Kaupapa. At many universities the Greens’ stands were very busy. Our O’week activities would not have been possible without the group of 14 volunteer organisers. They brought together teams of volunteers at each university, who manned the stalls and helped us get these amazing results. I hope to see this growth continue. With Chlöe in Parliament and willing to help the Young Greens, this O’week proved a real delight to work on. I am looking forward to seeing what can be achieved at ReO’week in a few months.
Photo L-R: Lexi Mills, Chlöe Swarbrick and Tallulah Farrar at Massey University O’week in Wellington. Mona Oliver is the female Co-convenor of the Young Greens.
Our Networks
Nga mihi nui ki a koutou. June is a chilly month - time to get together and tell stories around a warming fire. If you identify as a woman in the Green Party, how about joining us to do just that at Owhata Marae, in Rotorua, 22-24 June, for our national Green Women’s hui? Our new female Co-leader, Marama Davidson, will be present to speak with us about her vision for the Party, and how we, as the Green Women’s network, can help empower our women both in the Party and beyond. Many of the other women MPs will be attending also. We are talking with the Green Mums about how we can encourage the attendance of children at the hui. We firmly believe that, like a forest, without our children coming through we will have no future. “Our Place in the World” is a key topic, including how we network with the Asia-Pacific Greens Federation of Women and the Global Greens Women’s Network. We’ll also have broader discussions about the structure of the Party, our processes, and how we can address any issues that arise to make the Party more responsive and safer for women - and for all.
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Greens Have Their Say
Party Hopping Bill breaches fundamental rights Keith Locke
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I was surprised when the Green caucus supported the Electoral (Integrity) Amendment Bill, also known as the anti-party hopping bill, because the Greens have been the strongest critics of the Bill in its earlier incarnations, in 2001 and 2005. Previous Green Co-leader, Rod Donald, called the 2001 Bill “the most draconian, obnoxious, anti-democratic, insulting legislation ever inflicted on this Parliament.” That’s strong language, but justified, because such bills erode two of our most fundamental rights: the right to free speech and the right to freedom of association. Free speech for MPs is essential for a properly functioning Parliament. We already recognise that by privileging MP’s speeches in the House, exempting them from libel laws. Yet this current Bill goes in the opposite direction and enables MPs to be penalised for saying what they really feel, if their comments diverge from a party line. In this case the Bill provides the ultimate penalty of ejection from Parliament. When we debate in the Chamber, as I did for 12 years, we are trying to convince other MPs that our policies are the best. In other words, we are trying to get other MPs to change their minds. But if an MP from another party actually changes his or her mind, as a result of Parliamentary debate, this Bill will silence them. If they act on their changed position, by speaking in a way that differs from their party line, they can be ejected not only from their party, but from Parliament itself. It should be noted that in 2013 the lone Green MP in the Canadian Federal Parliament, Elizabeth May, convinced New Democrat MP, Bruce Hyer, to join the Greens mid-term. If Canada had had an anti-party hopping law, Bruce Hyer would have been kicked out of Parliament. Thankfully no other Western democracy has such a law. Some support the Bill as a way of maintaining the proportionality of party representation as decided on election day. But to legally enforce that is fundamentally anti-democratic and amounts to taking some of the politics out of politics. In real politics, parties can change their policies or betray their election mandate to the point of alienating some of their MPs. This happened with Jim Anderton, who left Labour to form the Alliance, and with Winston Peters, who left National to form NZ First. Parties can also split over how to address a new political situation, as Labour did in 2004, when MP Tariana Turia left to form the Maori Party. It is interesting to conjecture what might have happened in 1997, when the Greens withdrew from the Alliance mid-term, if there had been an anti-party hopping bill. Green Co-leaders Rod Donald and Jeanette Fitzsimons remained Alliance list MPs, but if there had
been such a Bill they could have been excluded from the Alliance caucus (and then Parliament) as leaders of a party that would be running against the Alliance at the 1999 election. That may or may not have happened, but if it had the Greens wouldn’t have reached the 5% threshold in the 1999 election.
The moral of these stories is that changing political loyalties and the disruption of party proportionality can be, and has sometimes been, the motor for progressive political renewal and change. Some argue that the Bill can be amended to make it more acceptable to us. But I can’t see how. The freedoms of speech and association should not be subject to qualification. One of our four Green Charter principles, appropriate decision-making, requires free speech and the free exchange of all political viewpoints. Allowing for more review procedures in the Bill would mean further involving the Courts, thereby violating the constitutional separation of powers between Parliament and the judiciary. Putting an expiry date on the legislation, as happened with the 2001 Bill, would be better than nothing, but would still not make it acceptable. We should not support the Bill at its Second Reading.
Photo Rod Donald (left) and Keith Locke at the Lake Taupo Cycle Challenge in 2004. Keith Locke was a Green MP from 1999 to 2011.
The risks of respectability Gavin Maclean
“Smart economics” will not answer either. Keeping Aotearoa rich through exports, even intellectual and lowenergy ones, is good according to what some of its products might do for the world, but can appear expansionary and competitive. Parochial promotion has little to do with global convergence. Alternative energy is fine, even urgent, but alternatives alone, without total reduction, will not serve. Alternatives are too slow to develop, biofuels misuse land, and unfettered transport and construction will keep demanding more infrastructure. All this is obvious, but we appear reticent about it. The urgent need is to reduce consumption, jobs, businesses, careerism, much that passes for physical development, and above all, population. You can’t pussy-foot around elephants in rooms, especially with explosives strapped to their chests. Reduce jobs? Yes: promote work, which is the solving of problems, rather than formal jobs, the creation of which is the invention of problems to solve. If the only way to do that is a guaranteed basic income, as practised (in a nonmonetary way) in millennia past, so be it. The blossoming - nay, exploding - literature on the idea shows a major flaw in trying to prove that Universal Basic Income will not threaten the onrush of the conventional economy, which is exactly what it should do. Is there a better way for us to develop policy? I suspect not. The trick is for members to contribute actively to it, through their provincial policy representatives. The former, in large numbers, are faithfully awaiting radical transformations. The latter often struggle to stimulate branch input, but they can more easily process that input if it is actually there. We are now in a position to promote radical economic change and stand out as leaders in government. Come the 2020 election, we will require 2020 vision. Photo Gavin Maclean conducting the Gisborne Choral Society. Photo by Max Behle.
Greens Have Their Say
There are two prongs to Party policy. One is constantly tempered, forged, and polished; the other stands covered in rust, yet loved by all. The first is the policy of perceived acceptability and minor political risk, shining in the light of our ability to be economically respectable and evidence-based. It is the preoccupation of our somewhat cautious but well-designed policy development system. In order to participate in the electoral process, it is rooted in the status quo. Given that severe limitation, its reflection of our principles and the Green Charter is a significant achievement. It is a splendid compromise, but a compromise nonetheless. Green Party members accept this as inevitable, though many feel that the conscience of the public could do with some cruder prodding from the policy pitchfork, and a polishing of the other prong: the crucial incisor of, for want of a prettier word, degrowth. Voters, though deeply influenced by the prevailing religion of economics, are aware of the need for radical change, more than ever before. Someone has to enunciate it. If we do, we will remain at the forefront of political debate, even as other parties assimilate, however imperfectly, concerns like climate change. So-called political risk will fade in the light of good publicity. No single concept has been more suppressed by compromise than opposing growth. The vague “sustainability” is much safer. The Values Party began in the 1970s with a policy of zero population growth, but it was political dynamite, and they quickly backed away. Yet we all know that population growth underlies all problems of pollution, resource and biodiversity depletion, and conflict. ZPG, like all good policies, was a globally-inspired concept, not automatically a selfish national one. The demographic transition - fertility declining as security improves - is a ray of hope, although the rich countries so affected, hidebound in competitiveness, think it a threat instead of a blessing. “Contraction and convergence” was the catch-cry of European economic reformers in the 1980s. Sadly, this too has been dropped, although it sums up the essence of green politics: the link, which the right wing in our country refuses to see, between justice and sustainability. You can make a theorem of it. It is easy to show that contraction is possible only with convergence towards better equality, and that convergence is possible only with a lowering of total consumption. This phrase should live again. “Decoupling” of economic growth from material throughput will not answer. It is a fine idea, and some countries have figures to claim they have achieved it; but an economy of formal transactions will always incur material costs that have to grow if it grows. Growth as a mindset continues to lurk unopposed.
Gavin Maclean is a member of the Gisborne branch.
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What is wrong with patsy? The Questions furore Catherine Delahunty
Greens Have Their Say
Some people have said they do not understand how this policy of giving away of patsy questions in the House happened. I do understand how it might have happened. The Green Caucus is committed to demonstrating transparency in politics and has had some recent great media by refusing corporate perks and publishing diaries. After asking some patsy Questions to Ministers, the MPs were feeling this was pointless and a time waster, and wanted to show how the House could be more meaningful and democratic. I understand that impulse but it just does not work as a concept in the public domain. No matter how we try and describe it, giving away our Questions to the Opposition it is still giving National more ability to attack the Government. This is counterintuitive for people who voted against National. We do not want them undermining the efforts of a new Government, especially our own Ministers. It also fails the test of taking every opportunity to differentiate ourselves as an independent Party with a Confidence and Supply Agreement but not a Compliance and Submission Agreement. We need all our Questions to highlight the Green contribution to positive initiatives and to bring attention to the Green critique when the Government does not go far enough in terms of our values. The Opposition can jump on board the issue via Supplementary Questions, as we did in Opposition.
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If there is really nothing to say in Question Time we can simply shut up, rather than hand over our Questions to the party who pushed river pollution, entrenched inequality and favoured the 1%. These are not theoretical issues of democracy, these are the matters of survival for rivers, for families and for communities. It’s not a game or an intellectual exercise trying to reduce their impact on this country and the Parliament. The commentators got it wrong when they saw this policy announcement as a deal with National. There was no deal, because it was all meant to be about principled democratic symbolism rather than realpolitik, but that is not how the world works. The punters were generally confused and the explanations did not help. The Greens could be made to look either naive or devious, neither of which assists us in the struggle to get more than 6%.
Sometimes I think Caucus needs a tiny, trusted focus group of people who do not live on the beltway but who have experience and political nous, for “outside the bubble” feedback. The intent of the patsy debacle was not devious but the effect was negative. I have always been in favour of fundamental Parliamentary reform. The Greens have been the champions of Codes of Conduct and other proposals to improve the culture of Parliament. In fact I created a show called “Question Time Blues” that was all about the petty pointscoring and patriarchal Westminster rituals. However, in the past as far as I can recall we never advocated to give away Questions. We have always supported other parties or single, independent MP’s rights to their quota of Questions. We have always tried to behave with dignity and fairness. The political environment requires us to use all the tools at our disposal to advance our kaupapa. This has never been more urgent as we face the inevitable survival issues as a party of eight MPs in an MMP Government. We have to be visible and different from Labour. We have to give people a reason to give us their vote and build our power. This is not it.
Photo Catherine Delahunty and Chlöe Swarbrick at the Education Summit held in Auckland in May. Catherine Delahunty was female Co-convenor of the Green Party from 2003 to 2005 and a Green MP between 2008 and 2017.
Julie Anne in Whanganui Nicola Patrick
Economist Shamubeel Eaqub is right. The facts have changed: public sector stocks are in worse shape than we even imagined. It is time to change our mind. It is time to borrow a shedload of money - to invest in a better Aotearoa. With our AAA rating recently reaffirmed, we’d be nuts not to. Here’s why. Every dollar invested increases not only our debt but our assets. The balance sheet remains solid.We must care more about the majority who backed our current government and not so much about the dour rascals we threw out. Is that scary? Then reframe the question. How many sleeping rough, underfed, too-often ill children is about right? Is 100,000 ok? How about 200,000? We now say we are aiming for zero traffic deaths. Morally, is any other number right for cold, hungry children? Let’s have some vigorous, rigorous and very public arguments about the right number of people we can accept living in poverty. And if people retreat to blaming the victims, tell them stories of real people, first of children too young to legally work for a wage. Their plight is simply not their fault. And our neglect is just that, neglect. Child neglect is abhorrent and a criminal offence. So, please, Green leaders James Shaw and Marama Davidson, find a way over, around or through our Party commitments to the Coalition. Force this issue onto the front page, the small screen, the old-fashioned radio and the new-fangled social media. You may say that your hands are tied but I hope not, because I don’t believe it. There has to be a way to change the conversation. This is Dunkirk. We have almost as many children in poverty as Churchill had troops in peril. Proportionately, many more. And when he ordered the private flotilla to evacuate his troops, he would not take no for an answer. Neither should we.
In April, Green MP Julie Anne Genter enjoyed her first trip on Te Awa Tupua, the Whanganui River. Invited by the Whanganui branch, Julie Anne was accompanied by about 40 people on the sunset fundraiser cruise, travelling on the riverboat MV Wairua. The group toured the historic St Mary’s church at Upokongaro, known for its three-sided spire and intricate stained-glass windows, before dinner at the local pub, the Avoca Hotel. Julie Anne spoke about the Green team’s achievements as part of Government, and answered questions ranging from electric vehicles to the gender pay gap. The next morning, Julie Anne was the guest of honour at a breakfast event in support of the Whanganui Women’s Network. About 50 people joined her to hear about her priorities as Minister for Women, again answering questions from the floor.
Lloyd Morris is a member of the Waikato branch.
Photo Julie Anne Genter on board MV Wairua on Te Awa Tupua (Whanganui River). Photo by John Milne. Nicola Patrick is an active Green Party member and an Horizon’s Regional Councillor.
Flaxroots Action
How many neglected children? Lloyd Morris
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Flaxroots Action 22
Marlborough Earth Day Party, 2018 Kaja Jungersen
Top of the South AGM, May 2018 Pam Henson
Climate Karanga Marlborough ran its second Earth Day Party on Saturday, 21 April. Held at the Blenheim A&P Showgrounds, there were displays of electric bikes and cars, with local stallholders celebrating all that is sustainable, healthy and carbon zero in Marlborough. Our new Co-leader, Marama Davidson, joined 85 E-bikes riding together for a New Zealand record. Jeanette Fitzsimons was a keynote speaker and her session was packed with locals, generating some great discussion and questions. There were brief presentations from Marama, who also skilfully joined in the kapa haka session, and Gareth Hughes. With our own 2017 candidate Richard McCubbin and our former Green MP Steffan Browning attending, the Green Party turnout for this event was fantastic. The Kaikōura Branch stall provided an opportunity for people to make waxed food covers. Using donated beeswax, an iron, baking paper and some well washed cotton, whānau were encouraged to give it a go. Tamariki were especially enthusiastic about this activity, as were some of the local bees drawn by the smell of the hot wax! There were some great Green conversations with whānau, resulting in two new members signing up. The weekend was rounded off with a Sunday night potluck, also attended by Jeanette, who generously shared some of her pragmatic wisdom based on her many years working with Green issues.
Top of the South province joined in the merry round of AGMs that happens at this time of year. We were particularly excited to be expecting Marama Davidson to attend. Unfortunately Marama was unable to fly out of Wellington. Technology won out, however, and she talked to us from Auckland via cell phone. Members asked her about various policies and eventualities, including the idea that national debt ought not to be more important than private debt. We had time left over for branch interaction on matters such as the isolation felt by members in far-flung parts of the province. Under instruction, branch and provincial reports were entertaining as well as informative. Next, the provincial policy networker gave a fascinating report back on Victoria University’s Summit on Sustainable Development that she attended in April. The highlight of the day was the workshop on Party strategic planning, lasting two hours, which allowed members to explore their feelings and ideas about the Green Party and its vision for the world. Murchison is a great venue for our meetings, as it is reasonably central for members travelling from the West Coast, Golden Bay, Blenheim, Waikari and Nelson.
Photo Party Co-leader Marama Davidson joined the record-making E-bike ride in Blenheim on 21 April.
Photo L-R Jenny Kelso, Richard McCubbin and Kate Burness at the Top of the South AGM, Murchison.
Kaja Jungersen is the Marlborough Kaikoura branch Convenor.
Pam Henson is Top of the South Co-convenor.
Beyond fossil fuels: Investing for a Carbon-Zero Manawatu Julie Dalziel
accountability to us. Question time followed our speakers and really got going – we had to draw it to a reluctant close. But not before a word from Rodger Spillane, our Party membership secretary, inviting folks to join up! Retiring to a nearby café, over a cuppa I reflected on the critical importance of both our revolutionaries and our evolutionaries in achieving societal change in New Zealand. Please contact us at pnr@greens.org.nz if you want further information, or have a red flip chair!
Photo Climate change panellists. L-R: Teanau Tuiono, Niamh O’Flynn and James Shaw, with host, Thomas Nash. Julie Dalziel is Co-convenor of the Palmerton NorthRangitikei branch.
How does your branch engage the public? Waikato Greens came up with an innovative idea for attracting visitors to their stall at the Waikato Show in mid-April. Members organised coloured cards, felt pens, masking tape and a white board, and invited children to draw pictures of creatures that live in the sea and may be affected by drilling for oil and other harmful practices. Danna Glendining says it was a great success. What successful activities have other Green groups organised to interact with the public? Share your experiences through Te Awa – editor.magazine@greens.org.nz.
Flaxroots Action
To start a community conversation about moving on from fossil fuels, Palmerston North and Rangitikei Greens decided to take our first branch meeting of 2018 to the public. We invited our networks, business community and local leaders to join us at our city’s Globe Theatre. Turns out they did indeed want to hear about the future after fossil fuel, with over 120 attending. Our panel of high-profile guests was invited and hosted by Thomas Nash. It was all rather like the Graham Norton Show had come to life in Palmy for a night, with perhaps a slightly more serious tone. James Shaw, our Minister for Climate Change, Niamh O’Flynn, the Director of 350 Aotearoa, and Teanau Tuiono, our own Pasifika advocate for climate justice, took the sofas. Following the mihi by Henare Kani, we were addressed by City Councillor, Aleisha Rutherford, who explained that our council had voted to divest from fossil fuels and was consulting on a city-wide emissions reduction target of 25% in the next 10 years. Niamh conveyed the urgency of the situation, the power of divestment and the important role of activism in driving political change. Teanau explained the realities of rising waters and extreme weather for our Pacific neighbours, and the responsibilities we have in our region. James outlined how climate change action is translating to legislative progress in Parliament. The audience was spellbound at having a Minister explain, clearly and in person, what the job actually involves, what he can do and the limits of this. We all learned more about the Green vision for a fossil fuel-free future and proposed zero carbon legislation. At the same time, we showcased the Green way of our leadership’s
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Looking Back The Non-violence principle – first among equals Dave Kennedy
Looking Back
The Strategic Planning Facilitation Group is currently leading a nationwide members’ discussion to establish a new long term strategic plan. In 2006, a similar discussion occurred to establish who we were and how we should position ourselves in the political landscape. Christine Dann shared her thoughts then about the importance of the non-violence principle. And it is still relevant when we are thinking of how we should conduct ourselves internally and present our views publicly. Christine was also around when the Party was deciding what our Charter should contain, and she has an excellent appreciation of the national and international influences and philosophical thinking at that time.
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Dave Kennedy is a member of the Party Executive and the Clutha/Southland branch.
Principled Green Action (Te Awa Issue 11, August 2006) A view from Christine Dann The four principles in the Green Charter were drafted and agreed to at the first foundational conference of the Green Party held in Kaiteriteri in March 1990. They are based on the four foundational principles of the Die Grunen, the Green Party formed in West Germany in 1979. These were ecology, social justice, grassroots democracy, and nonviolence. These were the four principles on which the disparate groups which came together to form Die Grunen (principally extra-parliamentary leftwing organisations, “citizens’ initiative” environmentalists, peace and anti-nuclear movement activists, feminist and gay rights groups and animal welfare activists), could all agree. Similar political strands came together to form the Values Party in 1972, along with individuals who found the political visions of the major parties to be limited and even dangerous. The original Green Principles could be seen as a continuation of the Western European ‘Enlightenment Project’, begun in the 18th century, reformulated in a manner best suited to late 20th century conditions. When they were discussed prior to approval at Kaiteriteri, conference participants brought their experience in the Values Party and other political organisations, including specifically NZ groups (e.g. the anti-apartheid sport movement) to their formulation. All four principles were considered to be essential to expressing the Green vision, and also to be of equal weight. However, if we were to list them in order of their importance, then I believe that the non-violence principle should be ‘first among equals’, because this is the principle from which the other three can be derived. For example, social justice is all about not harming other people, including not exploiting labour, or oppressing people on the basis of race, gender, or sexuality. It is about combating the forms of structural violence that occur when people are placed in social categories and are systematically deprived of liberties and opportunities. Ecology, as Greens understand it (respecting all forms of life and maintaining the web of life in as close to a natural, self-sustaining state as possible) is also a nonviolence principle. It is about not harming other species and the whole systems on which all other species depend for their existence. Democracy as greens conceptualise it is also valued as a nonviolent, inclusive way of making decisions. Dictatorships and oligarchies are violent and repressive ways of decision-making. I have developed this argument more fully in a 2002 paper, ‘Putting the Green Principles into Practice’. This is available from Christine at christine@horomaka.org and is worth a read.
Green World, May 2018 Compiled by Lois Griffiths
EUROPE The European Commission has approved the merger of German drugs and chemicals group, Bayer, and US company, Monsanto. The Greens had opposed the “merger from hell,” arguing that it was bad for farmers, bad for food diversity, and bad for human health. USA The US Green Party opposed the friendly welcome given in the US to the Prince Mohammad bin Salman. The Greens charge that it is Venezuela’s status as an oil producer, not concern for the Venezuelan people or democracy, that is behind decades of open and covert US interference. “The US is determined to control the world’s oil spigots at a time when we need to turn them off and convert to clean, renewable energy sources. US imperialism, bipartisan, neocon policies, bloated Pentagon budgets, and corporate greed are making it impossible to fight climate change,” said Cécile Lawrence, from the Green Party’s National Women’s Caucus. The Black Alliance for Peace (BAP), headed by Ajama Baruka, condemns the IDF sniper killing of 17 and wounding of about 1500 Gazans at the beginning of the planned Great Return March, calling on the US Government to cease financial and military support for Israel. BAP condemns “the corporate media that characterized the assault as a ‘clash’, where one side had the power of a militarized state and the other side had nothing but unarmed men, women and children.”
CANADA In response to a report on climate change action released by auditors, MP Elizabeth May, Green Party Leader, said “We are sadly lacking in the bold leadership at the federal level that is required for us to tackle the climate crisis. Given that we missed our targets under Kyoto and Copenhagen, we cannot afford to fall behind on Paris.” May was arrested for opposing the Kinder Morgan oil pipeline extension. She argued that, as Kinder Morgan is committed to acts constituting irreparable harm to the environment and to indigenous rights, “Non-violent civil disobedience is the moral obligation of the climate-aware, responsible citizen.” AUSTRALIA The Greens oppose the Trans Pacific Partnership agreement. “This behind-closed-doors deal is loathed by the community, who are well aware it was made by corporations, for corporations,” Greens Trade spokesperson, Senator Sarah Hanson-Young said. “The Greens will always fight against any deals that put corporations ahead of community.” South Australian Greens oppose a proposed nuclear waste dump on culturally significant land near the Flinders Ranges. “It is ludicrous that this beautiful environment is even in consideration to host a nuclear waste dump,” SA Greens Senator, Robert Simms, said. “I visited the site and met with traditional owners and their message is clear they do not want this dump here. The Greens will stand with them.” Greens Leader Dr Richard Di Natale has called on the Australian Government to break its silence over the killing by the Israeli military of Palestinians participating in the Great March of Return. “The use of live fire and lethal force was clearly disproportionate and very likely illegal,” Natale said. “The Government must urge the Israeli Government to facilitate an independent investigation.” Photo Caroline Lucas, Co-leader of the UK Green Party. Lois Griffiths takes a keen interest in world affairs and has compiled Green World for Te Awa for many years.
Green World
GREAT BRITAIN Caroline Lucas, Co-leader of the Green Party, raising questions about Brexit campaign links to Cambridge Analytica declared, “There is something rotten in the state of our democracy. The current electoral law is woefully inadequate in dealing with the combination of big money and big data.” Lucas is alarmed at the precedent set when 15 activists were charged under terrorism laws for the first time in Britain. “Their crime? Blocking the take-off of a chartered plane deporting 57 people from Britain against their will. The maximum sentence? Life in prison. Mass deportations are something we know little or nothing of – and that’s no coincidence. These secret flights take off late at night from undisclosed locations,” she said. Lucas criticised the lavish welcoming given to Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia. She points out that, “The UK already sells the Saudis billions of pounds worth of military hardware, and the Government wants them to up their orders. Life in Saudi Arabia is brutal, with floggings and executions. Their military intervention in Yemen’s civil war has led to thousands of civilian deaths and famine.” The UK Green Party calls for ending arms sales to all repressive regimes.
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Letters
Oil – we still need it
James Shaw’s E-news for April 2018 began with an item about ending oil drilling. Then in the same issue he told us about Julie Anne Genter’s week at the UN in New York, his own trip into the Pacific and Eugenie Sage’s visit to the Antipodes Islands. This travelling was all worthwhile and necessary, but it surely needed oil. In announcing New Zealand’s ban on prospecting, the Prime Minister said our transition to a carbon-free economy ‘has to start somewhere.’ Perhaps she and James found it easier to sign a piece of paper than to tackle the more effective starting point of changing our driving and flying habits, which continue unabated. Until the carbon-free transition is well underway to free us from the need for fossil fuels - not only to drive to the supermarket, but also simply to eat we must keep exploring and drilling, whatever the environmental risks. To leave it to other countries is selfish and irresponsible. John Rhodes, Wairarapa branch James Shaw responds:
Extensive travel is an unfortunate by-product of an MP’s work. Green MPs and Ministers offset all of the CO2 generated by their travel through accredited carbon offsetting schemes. We also make use of audio and video conferencing to avoid travel where we can.
Your will matters
Letters
Bequests are a wonderful way to make a difference. The Green Party has already been the grateful recipient of several bequests, and a number of people have been in touch to say that they are remembering the Green Party in their wills too. It is so kind of these generous people to make this sort of lasting commitment to the Green Party. Thank you.
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If you are considering including us in your will, please let us know. You can email sonja.deely@greens.org.nz or call her on (04) 801-5105.
Breakdown of appropriate decision-making within the Party
We welcome Marama Davidson as our new Co-leader, and wish her every success in her new role. Her proposals for improving the relationship between the Party and its caucus are encouraging, and very timely. Along with a number of other members, including the 50 plus who signed a letter to Caucus in January about why it should not vote for the first reading of the Electoral Integrity (party-hopping) Amendment Bill, we are deeply concerned about the seeming breakdown of appropriate decision-making within the Party (as per our third Charter principle). In a situation where most members of Caucus have limited parliamentary and/or Party officeholder experience, it is more important than ever that we stick not only to the Party’s kaupapa, but also to its long-established kawa and tikanga when it comes to making decisions. It is the role of the Party to make policy for Caucus, not vice-versa. Proper process was not followed with regard to the Budget Responsibility Rules decision, nor the decision to support the party-hopping bill at its first reading. Both of these policy decisions have been publicly criticised by former Green MPs, and by experts in economics, law and politics; for example, the former by Anne Pettifor on RNZ on 15 April, and the latter by Claudia Geiringer and Elizabeth McLeay in their well-supported submission to the Justice Select committee. We can’t afford to have a Caucus which keeps making mistakes like this. They cause dissension and division in the Party. The solution is to return to our tried-and-true processes of fully democratic, consultative and Party-led decisionmaking. The Party will need to properly resource this work, particularly in regard to the interface with Caucus, so that decision-making happens in a timely as well as a fully-informed manner. We will support Marama and the rest of the Green Party leadership in their efforts to strengthen Green decisionmaking processes, and restore the mana of the Party. Christine Dann, Danna Glendining and Bronwen Summers Christine Dann and Danna Glendining have both held numerous leadership roles in the Green Party over many years. Christine served as the female Co-convenor of the Party 1998-2000. Danna Glendining was female Policy Co-Convenor 1994-97 and Co-convenor of the Campaign Committee for the 2017 election. Bronwen Summers hails from the Christchurch Central branch.
Martin and I are among the oldest members of the Green Party. We are both old enough to remember when the public was terrified of nuclear weapons. I grew up in a northern Virginia suburb of Washington DC. When I was in primary school we were taught that if the Russians bombed us, maybe from a submarine coming up the Potomac, we were to crawl under our desks and crouch in a fetal position with one hand over the back of our necks. I used to lie awake at night terrified that a bomb would be dropped on us and all my hair would fall out. My other nuclear memory is of the Cuban crisis of 1962. All that seems so long go now. Has the public, “learned to stop worrying and love the bomb?” In a recent discussion facilitated by The Intercept between Noam Chomsky and Daniel Ellsberg, Ellsberg explained how the US military made calculations about how many deaths would occur if there were a nuclear confrontation - staggering. And there could be a nuclear confrontation, either deliberately, or by misunderstanding, or by computer malfunction maybe. Chomsky sees the biggest danger as the way the US ignores international law. He points out that even to threaten nuclear attack, by saying “all options are on the table”, is illegal by international law. He is very alarmed that the US Government has abandoned the discipline of diplomacy. Chomsky says all confrontations can be met through diplomacy. The possibility for a diplomatic solution with North Korea has been available for a long time. The same goes with Iran. The public must get involved, demand that the US not renege on its agreement with Iran, and demand that the US seriously take up nuclear disarmament, as called for by the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons passed by 120 nations at the UN in July 2017. There is an important role that New Zealand should not be afraid to play. When I went to the US many years ago, I was surprised that people had heard of, and were impressed by, New Zealand’s anti-nuclear stance. New Zealand should withdraw from Waihopai, withdraw from military alliances, and instead promote itself as an international centre for diplomacy and conflict resolution. If only the world would listen to Chomsky and Ellsberg. If only the world had listened to two other humanitarian intellectuals, Bertrand Russell and Albert Einstein. The Russell–Einstein Manifesto, issued in London on 9 July 1955, highlighted the dangers posed by nuclear weapons and called for world leaders to seek peaceful resolutions to international conflict. Lois Griffiths, Christchurch branch
Misguided Bill threatens mangroves, the ‘heart of the coast’
There is a particularly ridiculous bill before Parliament at the moment. It highlights the ignorance of some community leaders in local government about how the environment works, let alone climate change. As the Hauraki Coromandel rohe faces storm surges, flooding and road collapse, the two mayors of the region have pushed a bill to Parliament that would give local communities the right to override the RMA and use dredges and other mechanical means to rid the coast of mangroves. This bill went through to Select Committee, and we recently made submissions against it with tangata whenua and other local, national and international mangrove supporters. It is embarrassing that our mayors are calling this a local bill when very few of us locally knew anything about it until it reached Parliament. Basically it’s the brainchild of a group of angry Whangamata residents, whose relationship with the Regional Council has broken down and they want the right to remove this “pest” plant. They are not supported by other coastal communities who have controlled the spread of mangroves to keep access to waterways, and who recognise the real problem - which is the sedimentation effects on the coast from poorly-managed land uses. Where the mud and dirt from land clearance, erosion and poorly-managed forestry harvest enters the harbours and estuaries, we see increased mangrove areas. It seems the mayors would rather support undermining the RMA and feeding ignorance than address the land use issues. It is important to realise why mangroves are vital marine forests. Firstly they sequester 40 times the carbon of native trees on land, and secondly they provide a crucial fish breeding habitat for coastal species. The name for our indigenous mangroves is Manawa, meaning “the heart of the coast.” In one of the Chinese languages, mangrove translates as “wave breaker.” That might be a good reason to protect mangroves. When I spoke about this bill in the House last year, I referred to an incident where some locals and the current mayor had attacked the mangroves in Whangamata with chain saws. This legislation is possibly worse than a chain saw because of the precedent issues regarding overriding the RMA. There are ways to manage the coastal spaces so that marine forests and people can co-exist. Outside Whangamata this is happening. Let’s hope this bill is quietly dropped, and let’s support our Minister of Conservation, who knows what mangroves contribute. We just need Labour and NZ First to listen to her. Catherine Delahunty was a Green MP 2008 to 2017.
Letters
The threat of nuclear weapons
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Tears of Rangi: Experiments Across Worlds By Anne Salmond Auckland University Press, 2017
The editor, Gar Smith, is co-founder of Environmentalists Against War. In his introduction, he comments that the environment movement has “a surprisingly long history of confronting militarism”, citing Greenpeace’s challenge, in 1971, of a planned US nuclear test in one of Alaska’s Aleutian Islands. Smith also plays tribute to David Brower, founder of Friends of the Earth, crediting Brower for being “one of the first mainstream environmental leaders to formally recognize warfare as an enemy of nature.” One of Trump’s earliest acts as President was to endorse Obama’s “unconscionable plan to spend $1 trillion on upgrading the US’s nuclear arsenal.” That, along with Trump’s bellicose rantings, his cutting back on social programmes, his support for coal and oil corporations and his indifference to climate issues, led Gar Smith to publish The War and Environment Reader, a collection of essays that he hopes will provide “guideposts and goals for achieving ‘ecolibrium’ - a human presence on Earth that is more in balance with nature. One way or another, our planet will be transformed. Let’s strive for a peaceful, just and sustainable future.” The essays are divided into three parts: 1) Permawar - Human Nature and War 2) Terricide - The War on Nature 3) Ecolibrium - Pathways to a Planet at Peace Readers will likely recognize the names of some contributors, for example, Vandana Shiva, Jane Goodall, Robert Fisk and Margaret Mead. Some names will probably be new. There is a short description of each writer in the index, as well as a list of international peace and environment organisations. My hope in recommending The War and Environment Reader is that this collection of essays will help unite peace activists, environment activists, justice activists and anyone else who realises that something is basically wrong, so that together we can prove that ‘another world is possible.’
I believe this is the most significant book that Dame Anne Salmond has written in her career as one of New Zealand’s foremost historians and anthropologists. Tears of Rangi is a culmination of years of rigorous historical research, many award-winning books and the personal relationships that have allowed her to develop a real appreciation of te ao Maori (the Maori world). Salmond doesn’t simply transcribe and recount events, but carefully constructs a factual narrative that allows us to understand the thinking, philosophies and personalities that have been at the forefront of our bicultural journey. We develop an appreciation of how people are shaped by their personal experiences and belief systems, and the diversity of thinking that occurs within both cultures. The colonisation of New Zealand has seen Maori become second-class citizens and marginalised economically and within our justice system. Salmond confronts the many myths that abound in the pakeha world about the Maori propensity for domestic violence, their lack of economic capability and the supposed naivety of their cultural beliefs. These myths, supported by popular culture and films such as Once Were Warriors, have justified ongoing persecution and the denial of Maori self-determination that continues today. Genuine attempts to right wrongs and establish a fairer, bicultural society continually hit against ignorance and prejudice at all levels, but Salmond celebrates the successes. Early on, missionary Thomas Kendall took an enlightened approach to working with Maori. He believed that to be effective in his role he had to understand the people, and this could only be done through their own language. Interestingly, the more Kendall strove to understand Maori, the more he saw much to admire in their belief systems and protocols. Sadly, his ability to begin seeing the world through the Maori lens caused him much internal conflict and saw him ostracised by his missionary colleagues. Salmond describes the huge global challenges that we are currently confronting - environmental, economic, social and our struggling democracies - and suggests that we will need new approaches for these clearly failing systems. The wisdom developed over centuries by Maori may have contemporary relevance if we have open minds.
Reviewed by Lois Griffiths
Reviewed by Dave Kennedy
Reviews
The War and Environment Reader Edited by Gar Smith Just World Books, 2017
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Heads up about the AGM Chennoah Walford
I wanted to cry reading this true account of Marilyn Garson’s five years working alongside educated young people in Gaza. Not just for the vivid descriptions of daily life in Gaza and the fear that permeates people’s lives, but for sadness at the sheer waste of human potential, the intelligence and creativity stunted by the actions of a hostile neighbour. This is a story from inside, written by a woman who went to help, as she had been doing in other countries, and found that “the violent waste of its potential overturned what I knew about conflict and aid, and challenged the content of my Judaism.” That dichotomy, between the reality of Gaza and her work there and her liberal secular Jewish upbringing, creates the dramatic tension in a story that never sees her colleagues as anything but real human beings, some of whom became real friends. The title comes from Garson’s need to reconcile herself to her own cultural background. “I had no Jewish practice from which to lapse and I was in the midst of living nine years among Muslims. What did that make me?” So she began to study, reading the prophets, including Maimonides (a medieval Jewish philosopher and influential Torah scholar - read about him in Wikipedia). Her conclusion was, “My work was Jewish work. To my surprise I had gone to Gaza as a Jew after all.” For those who would conflate the belligerence of Hamas with the frustration of the hapless citizens of Gaza, she quotes her colleagues: “Hamas is not Gaza, and Gaza is not Hamas.” And, “Each time we accede to the rhetoric that conflates them, we slip into the rationale of the wall.” Mondoweiss published this slim volume in soft cover with maps and photos, and it is available at https://store.mondoweiss.net/. It is very well written and very informative in a way that articles from the outside can never be. I highly recommend it. Garson’s blog, ‘Contrapuntal: Transforming Gaza’, can be found at http://www.ultimathule.blog/
Reviewed by Janine McVeagh
Families and children are most welcome, although relevant details must be registered at least two weeks prior to the event so that suitable arrangements can be made. Registrations will be open from 22 June. The agenda will be available at least one month prior to the event. Please note that all members present may take an active part in all debate but decisions, whether by consensus or vote, will be made by authorised electorate delegates. Remits may be submitted by groups (branches or networks), electorates or provinces, as well as by the Greens’ Executive, executive working groups, the Parliamentary Caucus, Te Rōpu Pounamu, Inclusive Greens, the Policy Committee and the Standing Orders Committee. All remits must have been adopted by consensus at a properly convened meeting, and be submitted to National Office at least 12 weeks prior to the event. In the case of groups, electorates or provinces, confirmed minutes of the meetings approving the submission of a remit must be included from at least two provinces or three branches, networks or electorates, including the proposing entity. For the other approved entities, confirmed minutes of the meeting approving the remit must be included. Updates on the AGM will be posted on www.members.greens.org.nz. Chennoah Walford works in the Green Party’s head office.
Notices
Reading Maimonides in Gaza By Marilyn Garson Mondoweiss, 2018
The Green Party’s Annual General Meeting will be held in Palmerston North, 18-19 August. This year’s AGM offers an exciting opportunity to experience the development of a new phase for our Party, as we welcome not only our new Co-leader, Marama Davidson, but also our new General Manager, Ann Shacklady-Smith. The Conference begins at 8.30am on Saturday, 18 August and finishes at 2.45pm on Sunday, 19 August. There will be an opportunity for informal socialising on Friday evening. The venue is Palmerston North Boys’ High School. There are two options for accommodation: • Bookings should be made individually at each registrant’s convenience. We are looking into low-cost accommodation options which may suit participants, and information about this will be made available on the members’ website. • The local branch will be organising some billeting, though spaces will be limited. Please email Rachel Keedwell at Rachel@inspect.net.nz to express your interest.
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