1.3 Taking the Lead

In this section, the discussion will point to the many women before this study who have made the initiative to contribute to a broader dialogue on gender equity in the public realm. The majority of these dialogues have been initiated by women who have experienced a sense of being marginalised in public spheres, and in their own manner, attempted to challenge this situation.

Kimberly Truong conducted a social experiment in 2017, where she decided not to make way for men and expected them to step aside. She recorded the micro-aggressions, which she called, manslamming; where men ignore the presence of people around them, specifically women (Truong 2017). She has made this a daily activity in her life to assert the need for ‘taking up space’ in public and her right to exist proudly.

Another example points to a female startup ‘Wovoyage’ run by Rashmi Chadha, that seeks to make solo travel through the country a more achievable and pleasurable activity rather than an unachievable task. Established in 2016, her initiative has helped thousands of women from different parts of the world to navigate through the streets of Old Delhi. (D. 2018)

A UK based travel company, ‘Intrepid’ has started recruiting women as guides in parts of Old Delhi to encourage women to step out and roam freely in the city. The aim is to lead tours for women, run by women, in an effort to highlight the culture of India, but also encouraging women to engage in diverse methods of employment (Dunford 2014).

Many online platforms run by women have initiated similar campaigns, that put women’s leisure at the forefront.2 Taking forms of silent protest or acts of performance, they highlight the need for women to assert their presence and enjoy their time in public spaces. Using strategies from the book ‘Why Loiter,’ an act of silent protest called ‘Performing Loitering’ has begun in major cities through India, as a way to normalise the sight of women out and about in the city taking pleasure in the act of doing nothing. K Frances Leider, a feminist scholar, describes her experience at one such protest, “The women of Why Loiter were not loitering only to make themselves more comfortable doing nothing in the public space of the neoliberal city; they were also loitering for an audience, normalising the idea of women doing nothing in the public space.” (Leider 2018, p.145)

2. Some Instagram accounts that lay focus on women at leisure that have inspired this section are as follows: @women_at_leisure; @girlsatdhabas; @whyloiter.

Additionally, an initiative by the Smart Cities Dive states that, “The number of women that appear in the public realm, during the day and especially at night, is an indicator of the health of a society and the safety and liveability of a city.”

(Khatri

2023)

These valuable perspectives offered by various feminist scholars challenge the narrative regarding women's presence in public spaces, striving for a genuine assertion of citizenship and agency within the city.

It is key to remember that not all signs of protest are large and noticeable throughout the world. Small changes in an everyday life signify a similar kind of protest where women silently change the way they operate in the city. These women have taken that step to question the gender biases of several generations and found a way to find pleasure in urban spaces, encouraging several women to do the same. They have made the initiative to take the lead in a dialogue that contributes to gender equity and simply the presence of women in the public realm.

“I step out into Chandni Chowk Street: once littered with jasmine-flowers for the Empress and the royal women who bought perfumes from Isfahan, fabrics from Dacca, essence from Kabul, glass-bangles from Agra.”

-Agha Shahid Ali 3

2. Gullies of Chandni Chowk

The case study for this research project is Chandni Chowk, a marketplace in Old Delhi, lined with several historic monuments making it rich in the culture and heritage. Through its old-world charm, one is transported to the times of the Mughal rule which was known for the many architectural marvels they built in India. Most landmarks that are remembered today tell the story of the brave men or Emperors that built them. But in this area, there are many landmarks that were connected to the women of the Mughal Empire. Their names remain absent or forgotten. Historian, Anita Anand notes, “Women’s histories fall through the cracks many times” (Anand 2023).

With this sentiment in mind, selecting this particular stretch for the project thrusts the forgotten narratives of these remarkable women into the limelight.

2.1 Chandni Chowk: The forgotten history of women

The Mughal Empire allowed women with a certain social class to own land and other property. Most of them, highly educated, used their resources to build different landmarks that still command a place in the landscape of the city of Delhi. They built several mosques for worship, one of them being Fatehpuri Masjid, the mosque at the other end of Chandni Chowk, tombs for their husbands or sons, and several Mughal Gardens. “They were an integral part of the politics, made administrative decisions, maintained their own armies, and even planned murders, so why are they just mentioned as wives and agents of pleasure” (Suresh 2016)? Over time, these stories have been overwritten and their contributions to the city have been minimised. These histories, important to show the agency women had in the past, have been largely forgotten.

In this study the women under discussion are Jaha Nara and Begum Samru, two women from different time periods in the Mughal empire:

2.2 The significance of gullies

Both women held a position of stature in the empire and left an indelible mark on the history of the city and largely the history of our country.

Jaha Nara, born in the year 1614, was remembered as one of Shah Jahan’s favourite daughters. Upon her mother’s deathin the year 1631 she inherited a sum of 50 Lakh (5 million) rupees. She was known as a patron of the arts, crafts, and architecture with great influence and resources, and used her elaborate wealth to spread these through the empire. She was also responsible for commissioning the designs for Chandni Chowk.

Begum Samru on the other hand was not born into royalty. Born as Farzana in the year 1753, she was a Kashmiri dancing girl. She married a European military officer, Walter Reinhardt ‘Sombre’. His nickname ‘Sombre’ was corrupted to ‘Samru’ therefore, she came to be known as Begum Samru. Upon his death, she inherited his estate, and spent much of her time in her haveli in Chandni Chowk (built in 1806), socialising with the Mughal Royal family and British Officials.

Chandni Chowk, one of the liveliest markets in Old Delhi was established in 1650 by Jaha Nara, the daughter of the reigning emperor of Mughal India. In the Mughal Empire’s capital, Shahjahanabad, Chandni Chowk stood in the middle and was a main artery joining the Lal Quila, the residence of the emperor, and Fatehpuri Masjid. The name ‘Chandni’ translates to ‘silver’ or ‘moonlight’ which reflected the design of the marketplace. It had a canal running along the main street and the water was used to reflect the moonlight. On the other hand, ‘Chowk’ translates to public square. The main artery bifurcated into narrower streets called gullies, with the market running alongside these gullies. Chandni Chowk was a centre for art, architecture, and crafts. Through the progression of time, it has seen many changes from Mughal India to British India and presently, independent India. Within the loud, crowded, and chaotic market of Chandni Chowk, one can find anything and everything that they require. The aroma of the food market mingled with the loud vendors and shopkeepers calling out to customers is just one of the many charms of Chandni Chowk. As one strolls through this vibrant marketplace, echoes of its rich history echo from every corner, rendering it a captivating tapestry of the past and present.

The gullies of Chandni Chowk have many untold tales of history. “These were the streets where emperors paraded, and commoners led their ordinary lives” (Karman 2020). The focus of this research project lies in the gullies of Chandni Chowk. Gullies are the central lifelines of the city of Delhi. They are a reflection of the public realm and are inherent to a city sphere in India. They serve the city in a similar manner as public squares or piazzas do in countries in the West or in Europe, though they differ in the general geometry. Gullies are narrow lanes or informal streets that are occupied by predominantly by pedestrians with an added layer or two or three wheeled vehicles. In Chandni Chowk, these gullies also have vendors sitting by the side as well as shops that encroach onto some areas. They were designed for the use of walking but have with time accommodated different kinds of traffic. Though it adds to the charm of the market, at the same time it also adds a layer of chaos.

2.3 The Site:

In Section 1.2, it was emphasised that women predominantly function as commuters within public spaces, often constrained by specific objectives, symbolised by the straightforward journey from “Point A to Point B”(Phadke 2011). They navigate through urban landscapes with a purpose or a defined set of duties. Keeping within this framework of Point A to Point B, the subject of this discussion is a one-kilometre stretch within Chandni Chowk. This particular journey commences from the present-day Delhi Town Hall, denoted as Point A, and culminates at Bhagirath Palace, designated as Point B. This section delves into the rationale behind selecting these specific points for the research investigation illumaninating their historical significance and evolution over various time periods.

Jaha Nara: Point A: The site where the current building of the Delhi Town Hall stands was originally a Caravanserai, a roadside inn for the travellers within the Mughal Empire. Located within the Begum ka Bagh (Queen’s Gardens), Stephen Blake recounts that Jaha Nara once said: ‘I will build a serai, large and fine like no other in Hindustan. The wanderer who enters its courts will be restored in body and soul and my name will never be forgotten’ (Blake 1991). After the Revolt of 1857— an integral moment in the history of India that marked the formal end of the Mughal Rule and transferred power of the country directly to the Queen of England— the caravanserai was demolished. A new colonial style building was built between 1860-63 in its stead and stood as the seat of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi from 1866-2009. Today it stands in the heart of Chandni Chowk, restored and a reflection of the past authorities of the country.

Begum Samru: Point B: Bhagirath Palace, for marketgoers in Chandni Chowk is an important building today as is also called the ‘Light Bazaar’, as it houses multiple electrical stores. Between the 18th and 19th Century, Begum Samru owned this building. Begum Samru had rose the ranks by lending her army to the Mughals as well as the British East India Company. She was gifted some land in Chandni Chowk by a Mughal emperor, and in 1806 she built a haveli within a large garden in that area. It was built in a purely European classical style, the first of its kind in Chandni Chowk. Historian, Mrinalini Rajagopalan notes that, “the architectural style of Begum’s home dismantles and reimagines the traditional distinctions made between masculine and feminine spaces, domestic and political realms, and European and Indian decor, reflecting a cosmopolitan identity”

(Rajgopalan 2018, p. 175).In this haveli she held her own court as well as numerous parties frequented by the British as well as courtiers from the Mughal Empire, an anomaly at the time. After her death, the haveli went on to become the Delhi bank, operated for the British officials. Destroyed heavily once again in the Revolt of 1857, the haveli went on to become first the Imperial Bank and then the Lloyd’s Bank. It is now known as Bhagirath Palace and does not hold the same beauty as it once did.

Gully: The ‘Chandni Chowk Road’ and ‘Gali (gully) No.4’ are the streets that connect point A to point B. The main Chandni Chowk Road in the past was the street with the canal in it. It was used by Mughal emperors for processions, one of them heavily documented by Sir Thomas Metcalfe in his series ‘Reminiscences of Imperial Delhi’, titled, A panorama in 12 folds showing the procession of the Emperor Bahadur Shah to celebrate the feast of the ‘Id, in 1843. After the Revolt of 1857, the canal was bricked up, and the same street served as a procession for the British over time.

Presently, Chandni Chowk has lost much of the historical prominence it once held. Many individuals have characterized this bustling marketplace as an unsafe environment, particularly for women. Navigating through the throngs and chaos can be an uneasy experience for some women. This street in Chandni Chowk is used as an example to represent different streets in the city and by extension how women interact with public space, which is discussed further in the next section. The decision to select this site for the study is underpinned by its role as a reflection of a pivotal public space, enriched by its historical significance.

3. Let’s Go for a Walk

Chapter One, titled ‘City for Women?’, explores women’s relationship with public spaces, burdened with societal and cultural norms, ingrained within a patriarchal system. It also sets the framework for ‘loitering’ in the Indian context. With the exploration of Chandni chowk as a site for the study in the last chapter, this section seeks to integrate the two to form the main activity for the project. The framework of loitering as discussed in section 1.2, is set within the context of the Point A and Point B identified within Chandni Chowk. This section follows the journey of six women who walk the gullies of Chandni Chowk, exploring their narrative and experiences of their relationship with the streetscapes in question.

As the final stage of the research project, this chapter strives to integrate the elements from the preceding research to form an intricately woven narrative that shapes the primary outcome of the project.

In the book "Why Loiter," the authors suggest, "Not all protests are marches; some are strolls" (Phadke 2011). The primary activity that shapes the outcome of this research is constructed within the framework laid out by numerous feminist scholars discussed in Chapter 1. It also endeavours to put their theories to the test in real-world settings. This activity aims to investigate whether women in New Delhi would be inclined to take a leisurely stroll as an assertion of their right to public space, providing valuable insights into the actual experiences of these women on the ground. It serves as a form of performance, a silent form of protest that isn't an attempt to overhaul the entire system in one go, but rather a gradual process aimed at empowering women to gradually reclaim their rightful agency in public spaces. The chosen title for this primary output, 'Let's Go for a Walk,' conveys the simplicity of the act of walking, which, for many, may actually be a point of contention and carry deeper societal implications.

This chapter is structured into two distinct sections. The initial section addresses the methodology for the core activity, incorporating an explanation of the guidelines provided to the participants and an acknowledgment of the study's inherent limitations. Subsequently, it delves into an examination of the website, which serves as the primary medium for presenting the research study's findings. The latter portion of the chapter centres on the experiences of the women, providing a concise overview of their respective walks. This section proceeds to conduct a thorough analysis categorised into two main sub-categories: Feminist Geography and Perceptions of Safety.

The activity guidelines asked the women to walk individually, preferably during the evening, along a designated route in Chandni Chowk, New Delhi. This journey is an attempt to reclaim the same predefined route, but with an element of spontaneity. Through the act of purposeful loitering and subsequent analysis, the study aims to comprehend the significance of the simple act of solitary evening walking along the streets, with an aim to reclaim space in the urban environment, through leisure. This exploration seeks to delve into the everyday-ness in the urban environment, asserting that women possess an equal right to engage with the city as their male counterparts do.

It is important to acknowledge that the predefined Point A to Point B were a suggestion for them, allowing for flexibility rather than being compulsory. This consistent route was also selected to facilitate comparisons between the walks, aiming to identify shared perceptions of safety amongst different women.

All the information obtained was gathered indirectly, establishing this project as a collaborative effort between the six women and the researcher, with the emphasis placed on the data they individually collected. Each participant was wellinformed about the purpose of the activity. They were introduced to the project through a set of general guidelines (see Appendix), which were open to interpretation based on each participant's perspective.

Throughout their journey, they documented their experiences by capturing photographs or video clips. Additionally, they submitted written accounts detailing their observations, aiming to capture their reflections (see Appendix). Finally, the participants conveyed their reflections and aspirations regarding this specific gully through rough sketches, offering a visual representation of their experiences during the walks. While the participants did not face any immediate threat, their names have been anonymised in the study, to avoid any potential risks or threats that may arise in the future.

3.1.2. LIMITATIONS

Given my time constraints, I was unable to personally visit the site. Therefore, the majority of the women who participated were either part of my immediate social circle or an extension of it. These women are all young professionals who commute for work five days a week. Most of them either hail from New Delhi or have relocated there for career prospects, making them familiar with and frequent travellers within the city.

Initially, efforts were made to ensure diversity in terms of age groups for the project's participants. However, due to various factors such as prior commitments and limitations in personal transportation, coupled with varying degrees of willingness, the age group representation had to be adjusted. As a result, the final group of six women selected for the project are all in their late twenties. They utilised a combination of private and public transportation methods, similar to their daily routines, to travel to Chandni Chowk.

Another challenge the research encountered was the weather conditions in New Delhi. Throughout the month of July, Chandni Chowk and its surrounding areas experienced severe flooding due to heavy rainfall in the capital city. This unfortunate weather event led to a reduced number of participants compared to the project's initial expectations. However, in hindsight, this limitation allowed for a more in-depth exploration of the experiences of these specific women. The study would have benefitted from the data of women who lived in the area. Unfortunately, since I was unable to visit the city, it was difficult to find residents of Chandni Chowk to partake in the activity.

3.2 MAIN OUTPUT: WEBSITE

The collective experiences of the participants find their expression on the website, bearing the same title, 'Let’s Go for a Walk: Women’s experiences from the gullies of Chandni Chowk.’ The website functions as a dynamic tool to showcase the experiences and perspectives of these women, aiming to initiate a discourse around them. It serves as a platform for sharing their journeys and narratives, providing insights into their relationship with the alleyways and the broader public space.

By featuring only six participants, the website offers an intimate view of their individual interactions with public spaces, providing a micro-level vantage point. Incorporating a blend of visual elements and their shared observations, the analysed data is presented through a combination of graphics and visuals. These visuals spotlight the 'moments of pause' experienced by each participant during their walks, employing silhouettes and highlighted objects to illustrate what captured their attention. Additionally, through the showcased videos, the website’s viewers are invited to virtually accompany the women on their walks, providing an opportunity to witness and immerse themselves in the streets from the women’s unique perspective.

a wider discourse on these crucial matters.

Please note that the subsequent sections offer a summary of the observations made through the participants’ walks, and the full analysis of this study can be explored on the website

The website as a digital tool serves two main objectives. The first is to foster awareness and comprehension of the perspectives of women within public spaces, specifically, the gullies. Secondly, it seeks to inspire women to venture out for leisure, cultivating a sense of enjoyment and comfort in their urban surroundings. Additionally, it hopes to join conversations surrounding gender dynamics and safety considerations, inviting Fig. 16: Let’s

5. For more information please visit: https://letsgoforawalk.cargo.site/

The subsequent section provides a concise summary of the participants’ individual experiences, offering insights into their perspectives on the walks.

Upon closer examination of the collected data, it becomes evident that the participants interpreted the guidelines in their own unique ways. Some recorded themselves walking through the entire stretch, whereas some only documented parts they thought were integral to the research. This may have also had an impact on their experience as participant 3 states in her document,

“One can also note that due to the constant presence of a camera which was used for vlogging/documenting the entire walk, perhaps people were unwilling to engage negatively. They become more aware of the fact that they are being recorded in case they behave negatively towards women.”

Another important observation is that one of the participants was unwilling to travel to Chandni Chowk all by herself, especially in the evening. She took a friend along therefore on a Sunday afternoon making them participants 4 & 5. This further emphasises the perception of some gullies being unsafe, keeping women from truly enjoying their urban experiences.

“I had a negative preconceived notion of the streets of Chandani Chowk. When I signed up for this activity the first thing I did was, called a friend who could tail me during the walk.”

Though these participants walked through the gullies separately, they were never a few hundred metres apart so they could spot each other at all times. Her friend talks about it not being as uncomfortable as she imagined,

“The CCTV cameras do reassure one in such crowded space; however, I would still not venture to Chandni Chowk alone. You can get lost in the throng of people and it feels like there are 20 eyes following you everywhere with eager shopkeepers chasing you every few minutes.”

Through the imagery shared by the participants, there were also some observations in the way participants walked through the gullies according to their convenience and perception of safety. While the longer stretch of the walk was along a wider gully, Chandni Chowk Road, well-lit and pedestrianised, the last two to three hundred metres of the stretch were in a comparatively narrower gully, Gali No.4, not as well-lit as the previous one and more chaotic and crowded. Hence, participant 1. made a conscious choice of not entering the second stretch noting,

“There were moments when I still felt a tinge of concern to enter the narrower lanes where the crowds could become overwhelming.”

The participants’ detailed experiences is beyond the scope of what has been presented in this section. The full documentation, therefore, is shared on the website.

Participant 1

Saturday, 6.30pm

3.4 REFLECTIONS: AN ANALYSIS OF THE WALKS

The walks undertaken by the participants of this project might not appear to make a substantial impact, but it is these same routine tasks that the research study aims to scrutinise. Reflecting on consistent observations from the walks of the different participants to piece together the experiences of these women in the gullies of Chandni Chowk, the study seeks to understand the impact it had on their relationship with the public space.

Participant 2

Sunday, 4.30pm

Section 1.1 titled ‘Women in the Indian City’ discusses ‘female fear’ in relation to the gendered violence the city of New Delhi faces. In Chandni Chowk, the levels of fear may not be of an alarming nature. Additionally, out of consideration for the project’s purpose and the well-being of the participants there was no intention to ask them to visit unsafe parts of the city. Although Chandni Chowk is a widely frequented part of the city, there may be spaces that women may want to avoid. Simultaneously, there could be segments of the street that they are comfortable visiting or would willingly consider in the future. These segments might contribute to their collective experience, potentially reflecting nuances of the urban environment that might be inconspicuous at first glance. However, when we aggregate the results of the walks, these nuances become apparent. As we navigate this section, we go through the analysis of the participants’ walk in the two primary subsections. The first titled, ‘Feminist geography’ questions the presence of women on the street. The next, ‘Perceptions of Safety’ helps us understand the different ways in which safety is perceived in public spaces by different women.

Participant 3

Wednesday, 8.00pm

Participant 4

Sunday, 1.30pm

Participant 5

Sunday, 1.30pm

Participant 6

Thursday, 6.18pm

3.4. Feminist Geography

The term ‘Feminist Geography’ was apparently discovered by Margaret Wente, a columnist for Globe & Mail, to prove that humanities and social sciences were worthless enterprises. Leslie Kern uses the same term to reconcile the meaning of feminism to its function in actual public space. She says, “A geographic perspective on gender offers a way of understanding how sexism functions on the ground” (Kern 2019, p.13).

During the analysis of the different walks of women who undertook the activity in Chandni Chowk, there was a noticeable difference in the way men and women populated the streets. In the context of the project, ‘Feminist Geography’, simply translated to the quantity of women compared to men present on the street. One could potentially argue that there might be more men than women in the city overall. However, given that this market area is recognized for accommodating a larger number of shops for women than for men, the analysis seeks to raise the question: where are the women? This outcome doesn't necessarily imply that women have limited access to this area; they still visit, but it remains an interesting observation. Participant 4 notes,

“The men to women ratio was not at par, but being a woman on the main road I did not feel scared.”

The diagram illustrating this section, shows the different paths taken by the participants and employing coloured circles shows the difference in numbers between men and women on their walks. The inclusion of a diagram to illustrate the paths taken and the gender distribution adds a visual element that enhances understanding. This visual representation can be an effective tool in conveying the findings of the study.

3.4.2 Perceptions of Safety

Reviewing the data received by the participants, there were certain elements that were consistent across all their observations, contributing to their comfort in the gullies of Chandni Chowk. The project analyses two of these consistent factors, the first being ‘Places of Faith’ and the second being the ‘Presence of Streetlights.’

A. Places of Faith

The gully chosen in Chandni Chowk stands out for its uniqueness, it holds a Mandir, a Masjid (Mosque), a Gurudwara (Sikh Temple), a Jain Temple and a Church. Collectively, these landmarks display the rich cultural diversity of India. The participants on their walks found the areas around these places of faith specifically comforting, and it added to their perceptions of safety during their walk.

In a research project published on an online platform called ‘Behan Box,’ focusing on gender dynamics, a study of leisure spaces in Raghubir Nagar, another neighbourhood in Delhi, brought forward similar results. Interestingly, there is a park near Point A (Town Hall) on Chandni Chowk Road, where I anticipated the participants might spend some time; however, all of them actually walked past it. The co-authors of the Behan Box article state, “The women of Raghubir Nagar count on faith-based places or places of worship. Through faith, they also develop bonds with other women in the community… Activities related to faith allow women to take a break from the tedium of work and domestic chores” (Sapra 2023). This observation resonates with what is discussed in the book "Why Loiter?" by its co-authors. They note, “Women also use religion, and more specifically, religious activities and functions for which it is relatively easy to get familial and societal sanction, as opportunities to enhance their access to the public” (Phadke 2011).

The participants for this project made similar observations on their walks, as participant 2 notes,

“The Gurudwara, Mosque, Jain temple, and Hindu temples on the way also add to this safety factor, obviously. One could stop for longer periods of time at any of these places of worship to calm down, catch your breath, and experience some peace or to simply pray.”

During their walks, two participants dedicated some time to visit the gurudwara. These elements potentially play a role in why women perceive these spaces as being comfortable to visit at all times of the day.