Building inclusive democracies ffb1

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs APRIL 2014

WELCOME

HE AGENDA FOR THIS VISIT IS AN intensive one that includes five cities in two countries over nine days, nearly 10 site visits, meetings with approximately 30 grantees, and a meeting with the President of Colombia.

The agenda aims to provide time to reflect on and discuss our work in the region, to get to know the people who make up the organizations we support and who support the foundation, as well as to appreciate Colombian and Chilean culture.

Specifically, with our program of work for this visit we hope to accomplish the following goals:

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Provide an up-close opportunity to understand unique local social justice landscapes and highlight the foundation’s work in the region;

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Convene key thought leaders to foster productive discussions to enhance the work of the foundation, our grantees, our partners and decision-makers in the region;

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Create a meeting space for the foundation leadership and many of the foundation’s grantees and other key stakeholders who support the foundation’s work in order to strengthen relationships and ratify the foundation’s commitment to its social justice work in the region;

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Capitalize on the unique opportunity presented by the convergence of foundation work in Colombia, manifest by collaboration among global initiative and regional field office efforts pursuing complementary strategies in urban poverty and justice;

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Get to know the ARSC office and the local team at work.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

CALI The trip begins in Cali, Colombia, a city that has particular strategic importance for the foundation’s work in the region. Geographically, Cali is important because of its location in the Colombian Pacific—a region with a very high percent of Afro-Colombians and one that is facing several issues of inequality and problems in local governance. However, Cali also presents promising opportunities, including a mayor who is amenable to working together on issues of social inclusion and social justice. Additionally, the city of Cali represents and important instance of coordination among the work of a global foundation initiative and a field office.

The first meeting in Cali will take place at the International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT), a flagship rural development organization that was first envisioned more than 45 years ago by Dr. Lowell S. Hardin of the Ford Foundation. The Foundation’s partnership with CIAT has evolved over the years, but the shared commitment to reducing global poverty and injustice remain as strong as ever. This special relationship will be discussed within the framework of the foundation’s initiative to expand livelihood opportunities for poor households in Colombia.

Following the meeting at CIAT, the foundation staff will partake in an intimate and informal dinner at the home of Myriam’s parents to discuss the issues, events, meetings and activities in the days ahead.

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WELCOME

aturday morning kicks off a series of activities related to the Just Cities Initiative with a breakfast briefing with Cali Mayor Rodrigo Guerrero and other key stakeholders to provide an overview of the Just Cities Initiative’s work in Cali. After the briefing, the Mayor will lead a site visit to Jarillon housing projects for the official launch of the Green Corridor Project and also to learn about the challenges facing slum households who live on the “wet side” of the levee and the city’s plans for their relocation. Following a brown bag lunch, we will meet with university researchers to discuss ways to monitor progress and impacts of grantee and city-led urban development and slum upgrading activities.

This conversation will also cover the collection of household data in a manner that would model the foundation’s support for reforming the Colombian National Census survey instrument to include more detailed data categories for race and ethnicity.

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Saturday afternoon and evening will culminate with an opportunity to take in a bit of Cali culture and cuisine, including a stop at La Caleñita to see local artisans’ handiwork, later a presentation by the Cali Ballet at the Municipal Theater, and lastly dinner at La Cocina in the traditional neighborhood of San Antonio del Oeste to debrief and discuss next steps.

MEDELLIN Sunday morning we will travel to Medellín and partake in the World Urban Forum 7, for which the theme of “Equity in Urban Development: Cities for Life,” closely aligns with the priorities of the Just Cities Initiative and serves as a useful platform to amplify our message and advance urbanization that fulfills peoples’ rights, reflects good governance practices, and produces equitable outcomes.

The afternoon will include a guided visit through the city together with Housing Secretary Shaun Donovan. The tour will allow us to see what many of us have only heard about regarding Medellin’s very intentional strategies to develop its urban infrastructure, public spaces, facilities and services to better serve and connect the poor. Sunday evening will include a VIP Reception and Dinner hosted by the foundation in cooperation with Fundación Avina, Realdania, Fundación Promigas, Fundación Corona and Proantioquia. The guests (pending confirmation) are likely to include Secretary Donovan, Executive 4

Director of UN Habitat Joan Clos, Medellín Mayor Anibal Gaviria, Governor of Antioquia Sergio Fajardo and Cali Mayor Rodrigo Guerrero.

Monday will begin with the UN Habitat Business Assembly, at which Darren has been invited to give a brief speech during the opening panel. He will be joined by Medellin Mayor Anibal Gaviria Correa, Bruce MacMaster, President of the National Association of Colombian Enterprises and Joan Close from UN Habitat. The goal of the session will be for each person to discuss their sector’s role in fostering equity in urban development, especially in relation to the private sector. Like much of Latin America, philanthropy in Colombia is usually tied to corporations, but is also regarded as its own sector.

Following the UN Habitat session, we will move to the Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro for an overview of current issues in Colombia. The “Colombia Today” session will involve a lunch conversation with experts from diverse backgrounds—including indigenous, religious, political, public sector, private sector and business leaders—to discuss the unique opportunities and challenges facing the country, particularly in relation to exclusion and inequality of vulnerable populations. Afterward, we will have a meeting to present the ARSC Office Strategy, with the intention of discussing the general office strategy as it applies to the Andean region as a whole, but with a special focus on the focal country of this visit—Colombia.

The agenda for Monday afternoon and evening includes participation in the World Urban Forum opening ceremony, followed by a VIP dinner hosted

by UN Habitat.

QUIBDO On Tuesday morning we will head to Quibdó, the capital of the Chocó department in Colombia’s Pacific Region. The area ranks among the highest in poverty rates, with the Departments of Chocó and Nariño at the very top, and the highest in terms of unsatisfied basic needs. With 17 percent of Colombia´s total population, the region hosts the largest share (44 percent) of Colombia´s Afro descendant population, which amounts to 27 percent of the region’s total population, and the second largest share (33 percent) of its indigenous population (7 percent of the region´s total population). Upon arrival, a tour of the BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Muntu-Bantu Museum will provide a first overview of the city of Quibdó, the department of Chocó, and the Colombian Pacific from a cultural perspective. We will then move to a conversation on the challenges and opportunities found in the region as presented by prominent leaders from both local government and civil society. After this session, we will go on a testimonial tour through Quibdó organized by grantee organization Manos Visibles, with lunch to follow at the traditional restaurant El Tablazo.

After lunch, we will meet with emerging leaders participating in the Masters in Governance Manos Visibles program supported by the foundation to learn how new leadership training is being forged in the region, as well as to interact with the participants and hear their experiences. Immediately following this meeting, there will be a session with grantees to discuss their views on the challenges presented by exclusion and discrimination in the Pacific, and in particular, how their interventions aim to address those challenges.

BOGOTA Following Darren´s private meeting with Paula Moreno on Wednesday morning, we will head to the Presidential Palace for a meeting with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos. The purpose of this meeting is to learn more about the President’s views on the areas in which we work, as well as ratify the Ford Foundation’s commitment to its work in Colombia to support change makers who are promoting social justice, building more inclusive societies and creating opportunity for all.

The next session relates to the office’s work in higher education in Colombia. Over lunch, we will hold a roundtable conversation among key stakeholders to discuss changing winds for a new momentum in higher education. The purpose of the debate is to gain greater understanding of the key challenges currently facing higher education in Colombia, the debate surrounding new reforms, and the institutional transformation needed for the postconflict scenario to become reality.

After lunch, Darren will sit down for an interview with Maria Jimena Duzan of Semana Magazine, the major weekly magazine in Colombia.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

Later in the afternoon there will be a session on Conflict and Post-Conflict scenarios in Colombia.

The purpose of this meeting is to hear from a diversity of views about the prospects for peace, as well as the implications of an eventual post-conflict scenario, with a particular focus on the agenda for social justice and human rights and the foundation’s work with our target populations.

That evening we will partake in a guided visit of the National Art Museum, followed by a reception to greet the many people in Colombia that have been associated with the work of the foundation, as well as to celebrate and provide an opportunity to meet the foundation’s new president, and to share in a cultural event.

On Thursday morning we will begin the day with a session on the work for an improved census in Colombia. The purpose of this meeting is to discuss the work of grantees with the DANE—the national statistics agency—on the long term goal of raising the visibility of Afro-Colombian and indigenous populations in the national information systems, with a specific focus on the upcoming national population census and ongoing agrarian census.

After this conversation on the census work, we will visit the Department for Social Prosperity (DPS), the public agency in charge of social protection programs, to take a look at the work of grantees with government officials on poverty reduction and social inclusion initiatives. This meeting will be an opportunity to share with key stakeholders from DPS and from Fundación Capital, the Foundation private partner in the implementation of three major projects linking social protection, financial inclusion and livelihood promotion in Colombia and regionally.

To conclude our agenda in Colombia, we will close with a session on mining and inclusion in Colombia, which brings together indigenous leaders, representatives of the extractive industry, and grantees working on these issues. The participants will discuss their perspectives and experiences in relation to the extractive industry and the effective use of public funds, civil society organization and participation in decision-making processes, and participation in social dialogues for inclusion among communities, government and the private sector.

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WELCOME

SANTIAGO The goal for the first day in Santiago is to get to know the office and the office local staff and to share views, concerns, goals and achievements.

Friday afternoon will include a visit to the Museum of Memory and Human Rights, which was inaugurated in 2010 and focuses on the atrocities committed by government forces and the military dictatorship led by General Pinochet.

During this time, the foundation played a major role in supporting human rights, human rights organizations and developing the field of transitional justice, which later became a critical issue in democratic transitions in Eastern Europe and many other places around the world.

In the evening, following the museum visit, Myriam will host a reception in her home for current grantees in Chile, as well as people associated with the foundation’s work.

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On Saturday morning there will be an opportunity to get to know the foundation’s major work in Chile, focused on the goals of inclusion and social justice in reference to indigenous peoples, which remains one of the most important pending issues of democratization in Chile. The meeting brings together selected grantees to discuss the challenges facing the advancement of indigenous rights and the implementation gap separating ratified international norms and actual policies and realities. This meeting aims to provide a window of visibility for these efforts.

To conclude, the foundation staff will travel together to visit the Casa del Bosque Vineyard in the Casablanca Valley. This excursion provides not only an opportunity to experience and enjoy Chilean vendimia, but also a relaxed setting to debrief and reflect on the visit as a group.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

AGENDA

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

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AGENDA Program of Work DETAILED ITINERARY

CALI FRIDAY APRIL 4

MEDELLIN

SATURDAY APRIL 5

8:00 – 9:30 pm Breakfast Briefing Just Cities Program in Cali

Travel to Cali

SUNDAY APRIL 6

MONDAY APRIL 5

Travel to Medellín

8:30 – 9:15 am Darren Opens Business Assembly- UN Habitat (organized by Don Chen)

10:00 – 12:00pm Visit to Green Corridor and Official Launch of the Green Corridor Project with Mayor Rodrigo Guerrero 11:30 – 1:30 pm Colombia Today: A conversation with experts (with lunch)

12:00- 3:00 pm Visit to the Jarillon and Housing Projects 4:00 – 5:30 pm Building Global Institutions to Promote Sustainable Livelihoods - International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT)

8:00 – 10:00 pm Dinner at Myriam’s parents’ house

3:30 -5:00 pm Meeting with University Consortium

3:00 – 4:45 pm Guided visit through Medellin

7:30 pm-8:15 pm Presentation of the Cali Ballet

8:30 – 10:00 pm Dinner at La Cocina

2:00 – 4:00 pm Building Inclusive Democracies in the Andean Region and Southern Cone (The AR&SC Office Strategy)

4:00 – 5:00 pm Free time

6:00 -10:00 pm VIP Reception and Dinner

5:30 – 7:30 pm Opening Ceremony of World Urban Forum

8:00 pm UN Habitat VIP Dinner

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BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

QUIBDO TUESDAY APRIL 8

Travel to Quibdo

7:07 am Arrival in Quibdo Transfer to MuntuBantú Museum 7:45 – 8:20 am Welcome and Presentation of the Museum 8:30 – 10:30 am The Colombian Pacific: Understanding opportunities and challenges in this region 11:00 am – 1:00 pm Testimonial tour through Quibdo

BOGOTA WEDNESDAY APRIL 9

7:30 – 8:30 am Private meeting with Darren and Paula Moreno

10:00 – 10:45 am Meeting with President Juan Manuel Santos 12:00 – 1:30 pm Lunch Conversation on Building capacities to expand opportunities for vulnerable populations: Changing winds for a new momentum in Higher Education 2:00 – 2:45 pm Interview with María Jimena Duzán, Semana Magazine

1:00 – 2:00 pm Lunch at El Tablazo

3:00 – 5:00 pm Colombia’s Post-Conflict

2:30 – 4:30 pm Fighting Exclusion and Discrimination in the Pacific: a conversation with office grantees

6:30 pm Guided Visit of the National Art Museum

Travel to Bogota

Dinner Free

THURSDAY APRIL 10

SANTIAGO FRIDAY APRIL 11

8:30 – 10:30 am Ensuring Exercise of Rights: the Work for an Improved Census in Colombia

11:45 –1:15 pm Ensuring Social Protection, Financial Inclusion and Livelihood Promotion Services for the Poor and Extreme Poor

4:00 – 6:00 pm Increasing Participation: Mining and Inclusion in Colombia

Travel to Santiago 7:30 – 9:30 pm Reception with Grantees and Cultural Event

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

SATURDAY APRIL 12

10:30 – 12:00 pm Ensuring Recognition: Indigenous Peoples in Chile

1:00 – 1:30 pm Welcome Lunch with all Office staff

1:45 – 3:45 pm Meeting with all Local Staff

4:30 – 6:00 pm Visit to the Museum of Memory and Human Rights

1:30 – 4:00 pm Lunch and Wrap-up at Casas del Bosque Vineyard

5:30 – 7:00 pm Visit to the Centro Cultural CORPARTES with Alvaro Saieh

8:00 – 10:00 pm Reception 10:35 pm Departure to New York

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AGENDA Cali FRIDAY APRIL 4

7:40 am

2:05 pm

3:10 pm

Flight from New York to Bogota AV 21- arriving in Bogota at 12:34 pm

Connecting Flight to Cali Flight AV9205

Arrival in Cali Transfer to International Center for Tropical Agriculture – CIAT

Building Global Institutions to Promote Sustainable Livelihoods International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT) • Aníbal Fernández de Soto Camacho, Colombia´s Vice Minister of Rural Development • Juan Camilo Restrepo, CIAT Board Member, Former Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development

4:00 – 5:30 pm

• Elcio Guimarães, Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean • Andy Jarvis, Director of Decision and Policy Analysis research group • Mark Lundy, Senior Researcher, Decision and Policy Analysis Program, CIAT • Guy Henry, Strategic Initiatives • André Zandstra, Head, Partnerships & Donor Relations, CIAT Location: Km 17, Recta Cali-Palmira Phone: +57 2 4450000 (direct), +1 650 8336625 (via USA)

5:30 – 6:30 pm

Transfer to Hotel Arrival at Hotel Spiwak

6:30 pm

Location: Calle 36N, Cali Tel 57-2-395-9999

7:15 pm

Transfer to Myriam’s parents’ house

8:00 – 10:00 pm

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Dinner at Myriam’s parents’ house Attending: Darren Walker, Joshua Cinelli and AR&SC Office team

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

SATURDAY APRIL 5

7:30 am

Transfer to Mayor´s Office Breakfast Briefing Just Cities Program in Cali Participants:

8:00 -9:30 am

• Rodrigo Guerrero, Mayor • Amparo Viveros Vargas, Housing Secretary • Cesar Augusto Lemos, G11 • Jaime Quevedo, TIOS • Oscar Rojas, TIOS • Felipe Targa, Former Vice minister of Transportation- Green Corridor • Marcela Huertas, GIP • Mariana Caicedo, GIP • Juan Esteban Angel, Private Secretary • Julio César Alonso, Instituto Colombiano de Estudios Superiores de INCOLDA (ICESI) • Fernando Urrea-Giraldo, Universidad del Valle

Location: Mayor’s Office

9:30 am 10:00 – 12:00 pm

12:00 - 3:00 pm 3:00 pm

Transfer to Green Corridor Visit to Green Corridor and Official Launch of the Green Corridor Project with Mayor Rodrigo Guerrero Visit to the Jarillon and Housing Projects Brown Bag Lunches to be arranged

Transfer to Universidad San Buenaventura Meeting with University Consortium (Universidad San Buenaventura, Universidad del Valle, Universidad

Autonoma, ICESI, Universidad Javeriana) Participants:

3:30 - 5:00 pm

• Mario Andrés Gandini, Universidad Autónoma • Alvaro Guzmán, Universidad Autónoma • Yadira Borrero, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali • Solanlly Ochoa, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali • Juan Marco Duque Recio, Universidad San Buenaventura • Enrique Rodriguez Caporalli, Instituto Colombiano de Estudios Superiores de INCOLDA (ICESI) • Angela Franco, Universidad del Valle

Location: Universidad San Buenaventura

5:00 - 6:30 pm 7:00 pm 7:30 - 8:15 pm 8:30 – 10:00 pm Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

Transfer to hotel with brief stop and shopping at La Caleñita Transfer to the Municipal Theater Presentation of the Cali Ballet Location: Cali Municipal Theater

Dinner at La Cocina Darren Walker, Joshua Cinelli, Xav Briggs and AR&SC Office team 13

AGENDA Medellin SUNDAY APRIL 6

9:45 am 11:35 am

12:38 pm

Transfer to the Airport Flight to Medellín Flight AV9431

Arrival in Medellín Transfer from Airport to Hotel

Arrival at Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro 1:30 pm

3:00 - 4:45 pm

5:45 pm

Location: Calle 3 Sur No. 43 A64 Barrio El Poblado Tel: 57-4-369-6300

Guided visit through Medellin (Coordinated by Don Chen)

Transfer to Dinner

VIP Reception and Dinner Hosted by Ford Foundation, In cooperation with Fundación AVINA, Realdania, Fundación Promigas, Fundación Corona and Proantioquia Keynote Speaker: Sergio Fajardo, Governor of Antioquia

6:00 - 10:00 pm

Dinner Speakers: Darren Walker, President, Ford Foundation Rodrigo Guerrero, Mayor of Cali Joan Clos, Executive Director of UN Habitat

Location: Club Unión Medellín, Cra 43 A No. 1 - 50 Medellín, Complejo San Fernando Plaza (organized by Don Chen)

10:30 pm

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Return to Hotel

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

MONDAY APRIL 7

8:00 am

8:30 – 9:15 am

9:45 – 10:30 am

Transfer from Hotel to UN Habitat Darren Opens Business Assembly- UN Habitat (organized by Don Chen) Location: Plaza Mayor Medellín Convenciones y Exposiciones Calle 41 N° 55-80

Visit to the Innovative Americas Pavilion, co-funded by the Ford Foundation Location: Exhibition Hall, #52 in the NGO Hall

10:45 am

Transfer to Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro Colombia Today: A conversation with experts (with lunch) • Luis Evelis Andrade, Former Head, Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) (Grantee) • Francisco De Roux, Provincial Superior of the Company of Jesus in Colombia • Rafael Pardo, Minister of Labor (Grantee)

11:30 – 1:30 pm

• Esteban Piedrahita, President, Cali Chamber of Commerce • Oscar Gamboa, Director, Presidential Program for Afro-Colombian Population • Beatriz Uribe, President, Mineros S.A. • Ricardo Avila, Director, Portafolio Location: Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro Calle 3 Sur No. 43 A64 Barrio El Poblado

2:00 – 4:00 pm

Building Inclusive Democracies in the Andean Region and Southern Cone (The AR&SC Office Strategy) Location: Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro Calle 3 Sur No. 43 A64 Barrio El Poblado

4:00 – 5:00 pm 5:00 pm

5:30 – 7:30 pm

Free time Transfer to the WUF Opening Ceremony of World Urban Forum (coordinated by Don Chen) Location: Plaza Mayor Medellín Convenciones y Exposiciones Calle 41 N° 55-80

UN Habitat VIP Dinner (coordinated by Don Chen) 8:00 pm

Location: Plaza Mayor Medellín Convenciones y Exposiciones Calle 41 N° 55-80 Ruta N building

10:00 pm

Transfer to Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

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AGENDA Quibdo TUESDAY APRIL 8

4:30 am

Check-out and meet in lobby

4:50 am

Departure to Airport

6:20 am

7:07 am

7:45 – 8:20 am

Flight to Quibdo Flight Satena 9R8670

Arrival in Quibdo Transfer to Muntu-Bantú Museum

Welcome and Presentation of the Museum, Sergio Mosquera, Museum Director (Breakfast will be served)

The Colombian Pacific: Understanding opportunities and challenges in this region • Efren Palacios, Governor of Chocó • Zulia Mena, Mayor of Quibdó • Luis Gilberto Murillo, Former Governor of Chocó • Alvaro Forero, Director, Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia (Grantee)

8:30 – 10:30 am

• Liliana Caballero, Coordinator, Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia (Grantee) • Juan Carlos Barreto, Bishop of Quibdó • Helcias Ayala, Coordinator, Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Pacifico (IIAP) • William Klinger, Director, Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Pacifico (IIAP) • Richard Moreno, Member of Chocó Community Council Location: Muntu-Bantú Museum Carrera 18 No. 12-65 Barrio Nicolás Medrano

11:00 – 1:00 pm

Testimonial tour through Quibdo

1:00 – 2:00 pm

Lunch at El Tablazo

2:00 pm 16

Transfer to Regional Office of the Colombian Central Bank

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Fighting Exclusion and Discrimination in the Pacific: a conversation with office grantees • Paula Moreno, Director, Manos Visibles, Former Minister of Culture • Fabio Velásquez, Executive Director, Foro Nacional por Colombia

2:30 – 4:30 pm

• Yuli Vasquez, Palenque Regional Coordinating Committee, Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN) • Carlos Rosero, National Coordinating Committee, Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN) • Emigdio Cuesta, Executive Secretary, Conferencia Nacional de Organizaciones Afro-Colombianas (CNOA) • Jaime Villarraga, President, Corporación Vital Location: Colombian Central Bank – Regional Office

5:00 pm

6:00 pm

7:10 pm

Transfer to the Airport Flight to Bogotá Flight Satena 9R8794

Arrival in Bogotá Transfer to Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

Arrival and check-in at Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93 8:00 pm

Location: Hotel Estelar Calle 93 #11-19, Bogota DC / Tel. 57-1-5111555 http://hotelesestelar.com/es/hoteles/bogota/hotel-estelar-parque-de-la-93

Dinner Free

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

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AGENDA Bogota WEDNESDAY APRIL 9

7:30 – 8:30 am

Private meeting with Darren and Paula Moreno Location: Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

8:45 am

Transfer to Presidential Palace

9:30 am

Arrival and security check

10:00 – 10:45 am 11:00 am

Meeting with President Juan Manuel Santos Transfer to Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93 Lunch Conversation on building capacities to expand opportunities for vulnerable populations: A contribution from Higher Education • Patricia Martinez, Vice-Minister of Higher Education

12:00 – 1:30 pm

• Maria Victoria Angulo, Executive Director, Empresarios por la Educación • Isabel Segovia, Fundacion Compartir • Leonidas Lopez, President, Uniminuto • Victor Saavedra, Pacto por la Educacion • Marcela Restrepo Mejia, Fundacion Luker

Location: Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

2:00 – 2:45 pm

Interview with María Jimena Duzán, Semana Magazine Location: Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

Colombia’s Post-Conflict • Rodrigo Uprimny, Director Centro de Derecho, Justicia y Sociedad – DeJusticia (Grantee) • Manuel Ramiro Muñoz, Director, Centro de Estudios Interculturales – CEI, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana (Grantee) • Miriam Villegas, Leader, Mesa Redonda de Montes de María. Former Director of the Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural – INCODER

3:00 – 5:00 pm

• Yolanda Garcia, Founder and Executive Director, Aso Manos Negras • Luis Fernando Arias, Head, Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia – ONIC (Grantee) • Martha Nubia Bello, Centro de Memoria Histórica – CMH • Nelson Lemus, Council Member, Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca - CRIC • Carmen Palencia, President, Asociación Nacional de Victimas por la Restitución y el Acceso a la Tierra • Jorge Armando Otálora, Ombudsman

Location: Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

5:30 pm

Transfer to National Art Museum 28-66, Carrera 7, Bogotá

6:30 pm

Guided Visit of the National Art Museum

7:30 – 9:30 pm 9:30 pm 18

Reception with Grantees and Cultural Event Location: National Art Museum 28-66, Carrera 7, Bogotá

Transfer to Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93 BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

THURSDAY APRIL 10

Ensuring Exercise of Rights: the Work for an Improved Census in Colombia • Claudia Mosquera, Researcher, Centro de Estudios Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Colombia (Grantee) • Juan de Dios Mosquera, Founder and President, Movimiento Nacional por los Derechos Humanos de las Comunidades Afrocolombianas—CIMARRON (Grantee) • Carlos Viáfara, Department of Economics and Social Sciences, Universidad del Valle (Grantee) • Jader Gomez, Proceso de Comunidades Negras – PCN (Grantee)

8:30 – 10:30 am

• Wilson Herrera, Member, Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia – ONIC (Grantee) • Dora Vivanco, Head, Census Project, Conferencia Nacional de Organizaciones Afrocolombianas – CNOA (Grantee) • Gonzalo de Francisco, Executive Director, Newlink Communications (Grantee) • Cesar Rodriguez, Director, Programa de Justicia Global y Derechos Humanos, Universidad de los Andes; Coordinator, Observatorio de Discriminación Racial (Grantee) • Mauricio Perfetti, General Director, Colombia’s National Administrative Department of Statistics – DANE Location: Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

10:45 am

Transfer to Department for Social Prosperity - DPS Calle 7 No. 6-54 Piso 4, Bogotá

Ensuring Social Protection, Financial Inclusion and Livelihood Promotion Services for the Poor and Extreme Poor • Mariana Escobar, Deputy Director, Department for Social Prosperity - DPS • Julio Abril, Director of Productive Inclusion, Department for Social Prosperity - DPS

11:45 –1:15 pm

• María José Uribe, Director of Financial Inclusion, Department for Social Prosperity - DPS • Miguel Jordana, Project Capital, Fundación Capital (Grantee) • Tatiana Rincón, Director Graduation Project, Fundación Capital (Grantee) • Paula Rodríguez, Director LittleBigMoney Project, Fundación Capital (Grantee) Location: Department for Social Prosperity - DPS

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

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AGENDA Bogota THURSDAY APRIL 10

1:30 pm

2:30 – 3:30 pm

Transfer to Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

Lunch at Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

Increasing Participation: Mining and Inclusion in Colombia • Juanita Leon, Director, La Silla Vacia (Grantee) • Raul Roys, Executive Director, Fundación Cerrejón (Grantee) • Fabio Velásquez, Executive Director, Foro Nacional por Colombia (Grantee)

4:00 – 6:00 pm

• Claudia Jimenez, Executive Director, Asociación del Sector de Minería a Gran Escala - SMGE • Alcibiades Escue, Indigenous Leader, Asociación de Cabildos Indígenas del Norte del Cauca – ACIN • Maria Claudia Medina, Former Coordinator of AVANZA- Tripartite Social Dialogue Program of the Ministry of Interior Location: Hotel Estelar Parque de la 93

6:00 – 7:45 pm

7:45 pm

10:23 pm

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Free time

Check out and Departure for Airport

Flight to Santiago Flight AV97

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Santiago FRIDAY APRIL 11

Arrival at Arturo Merino Benitez Airport 7:00 am

8:00 am

12:30 pm

Transfer to Hotel Noi Av. Nueva Costanera 3736, Vitacura Tel: 56-2841-8000

Arrival at Hotel Noi Check-in and rest time

Pick up at Hotel and transfer to the AR&SC Office

1:00 – 1:30 pm

Welcome Lunch with all Office staff

1:45 – 3:45 pm

Meeting with all Local Staff

4:00 pm

Transfer from Office to Museum of Memory and Human Rights Location: Avenida Matucana 501, Santiago Tel: 2597 9600

4:30 – 6:00 pm

Visit to the Museum of Memory and Human Rights

6:00 – 7:00 pm

Transfer from the Museum to Hotel

7:50 pm

Transfer from Hotel to Myriam’s residence

Reception 8:00 – 10:00 pm

10:00 pm

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

Location: Myriam’s residence Presidente Riesco 3565, Dpto.141, Las Condes

Transfer to Hotel

21

AGENDA Santiago SATURDAY APRIL 12

10:15 am

Transfer from Hotel to AR&SC Office Ensuring Recognition: Indigenous Peoples in Chile • José Aylwin, Co-Director, Observatorio Ciudadano (Grantee) • Nancy Yañez, Co-Director, Observatorio Ciudadano (Grantee) • Domingo Namuncura, Coordinator Indigenous Rights Program, Fundación Chile 21 • Lorena Fries, Director, National Institute of Human Rights (Grantee)

10:30 – 12:00 pm

• Claudia Pailalef, Indigenous Leader, elected National Councilor of the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI) • Mijael Carvones Queipul, Spokesperson for Alianza Territorial Mapuche (Werkén) • José Vargas, Director, Indigenous Policy Program, Fundación Felipe Herrera (Grantee) Location: AR&SC Office

12:00 pm

Transfer to Viña Casa del Bosque (Casablanca) 70 Kms. from Santiago – approximately 1 hour trip

1:30 – 4:00 pm

Lunch and Wrap-up

4:00 – 5:30 pm

Transfer to Hotel Visit to the Centro Cultural CORPARTES with Alvaro Saieh

5:30 – 7:00 pm

Location: Rosario Norte 660 Las Condes - Santiago, Chile

7:00 - 8:00 pm 8:30 pm

10:35pm – 7:55 am (April 13)

22

Transfer to Hotel and Check out

Transfer to Airport Departure to New York Flight LAN 532

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GENERAL INFO

& Logistics

GENERAL INFO Colombia

VISAS: All U.S. citizens who are not also Colombian citizens must present a valid U.S. passport to enter and depart Colombia, and to return to the United States. U.S. citizens traveling to Colombia do not need a visa for a tourist stay of 60 days or less.

CUSTOMS: Travelers generally must not enter or exit Colombia while carrying cash or other financial instruments worth more than 10,000 U.S. dollars. The export of pre-Colombian objects and other artifacts protected by cultural patrimony statutes is also forbidden.

SECURITY: Bogota shares many of the same problems that plague the majority of the world’s biggest cities. Consequently, in addition to the precautions you'd take in any large city to avoid being robbed, please observe the following cautions: •

Do not hail taxis in the street, ask for a taxi from the hotel.

•

We suggest you leave your passport, airticket and valuables in the hotel’s safety box. Always carry a photocopy of your passport. Informing and promoting debate;

•

Do not walk alone at night or in slum areas. Avoid any suspicious looking areas.

•

You should not wear flashy or expensive jewelry, carry large purses or bulky wallets, or use ATMs in the open, such as on the street.

•

When frequenting shopping malls, restaurants, cafes, etc., never leave a briefcase or other personal items unattended, or a purse or bag hanging on the back of a chair, where it can easily be stolen.

•

Be aware of local news and events.

•

At the airport, please keep your luggage in sight.

Similar precautions should be taken in Medellin and Cali. Please consult with the US Embassy for any additional security measures. As part of routine preparations, the ARSC office has also consulted with the embassy and addressed their security awareness considerations.

TRANSPORTATION: All transportation has been arranged and will be provided by Guiomar Jaramillo Comunicaciones. Their phone numbers are included below.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

CURRENCY: Colombia´s unit of currency is the Colombian peso (COP), and it is the only means of payment. The exchange rate fluctuates daily, but currently one US dollar is equivalent to approximately 2,000 COP. Check www.xe.com for daily rates. US dollars are not accepted anywhere, except in some hotels, and only the large hotels offer currency exchange. Exchange houses and banks require visitors to fill out an "exchange form" and leave a photocopy of their passport. The best way to obtain pesos is via credit or debit cards.

We recommend taking several different cards to ensure maximum flexibility. VISA, MasterCard, Diners Club and American Express are accepted virtually everywhere. Banks will provide cash advances as long as you produce your passport for identification. There are scores of ATM machines usually with both Spanish and English language options.

HEALTH: Although the quality of tap water in Bogota is especially good, it would be advisable to drink only bottled water while in Colombia to avoid any possible incident.

TIME: Colombian time is the same as U.S. Eastern Standard time, without daylight-saving adjustments, e.g. New York in winter, Chicago time in summer.

ELECTRICITY: Electric outlets are of the American type with two- flat side entrances; the electric current is of 110 volts.

TIPPING: Most restaurants include a 10% tip.

Doorkeepers should be tipped about $2,000-5,000 Colombian pesos (COP) per event (not per bag).

Taxi drivers do not expect a tip.

AIRPORT TAXES: No arrival tax is collected upon entry into Colombia, but travelers leaving by plane must pay an exit tax at the airport, in cash. The exit tax is divided in two categories: the Tasa Aeroportuaria of US$34.00 and Timbre Aeroportuario of US$ 38.00 (both of these fees are updated once a year). There can be an additional exit tax, the Colombian Administrative fee, of US$15.00 (normally the Colombian Administrative fee is not included in the tickets purchased in the U.S.) Some airlines include all or a portion of this tax in the cost of airline tickets; check with your airline to find out how much you will have to pay at the airport.

25

GENERAL INFO

CALI

You will arrive at Alfonso Bonilla Aragón International airport (also known as Palmaseca International Airport), located nearby the International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT) and approximately 20 kilometers (13 miles) from Hotel Spiwak.

HOTEL: HOTEL SPIWAK Calle 36N CLIMATE: The climate of Cali is equatorial tropical hot. The west branch of the Andes blocks the cool, humid air coming from the Pacific Ocean.

Average temperature is 26˚ C (79˚ F), with an average low of 19˚ C (66˚ F) and an average high of 34˚ C (93˚ F). The dry seasons go from December to March and from July to August; the rainy seasons go from April to June and September to November. Calí is situated 1,003 meters (3,290 feet) above sea level.

MEDELLIN

Telephone: (57) (2) 395-9999 www.spiwak.com/en/ ATTIRE: Business attire will be appropriate for all activities, with or without a tie. We recommend you take an overcoat, umbrella and extra pair of shoes, as days can be rainy.

You will arrive at José María Córdova International Airport, located approximately 30 minutes from the city center and the Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro. HOTEL: Hotel Estelar Milla de Oro Calle 3 Sur No. 43 A Barrio El Poblado www.hotelesestelar.com/en/destinos/colombia/medellin/milla-de-oro CLIMATE: The city is approximately 5,000 feet above sea level (1,500 meters) and has a cool tropical wet climate. Daytime temperatures can reach the high 80´s and nightfall temperatures can drop to the high 50´s at times. The average annual temperature of Medellin is 72°F which has led to its distinction as the “City of Eternal Spring.”

The winter months produce the most rainfall in Medellin, which occur in April, May, September,

QUIBDO

October and November. Summer months produce the least rainfall and occur in December, January, February and March. Average days in Medellin are partly sunny with rain in the evening and night.

Early morning fog is common throughout the year in Medellin.

ATTIRE: Business attire will be appropriate for all activities, with or without a tie. We recommend you bring an umbrella as it rains frequently in Medellín.

You will arrive at El Caraño Airport, located approximately 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) from the MuntúBantú Museum.

CLIMATE: Quibdó has an extremely humid and cloudy tropical rainforest climate. Rain falls amost every day in intense thunderstorms. Average temperatures in April range between 87°F and 74°F, with 88 percent humidity.

26

Tel: (57) (4) 369-6300

ATTIRE: Business casual attire will be appropriate for all activities. Given the hot and humid climate, we recommend wearing breathable, lightweight fabrics.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

BOGOTA

You will arrive at Aeropuerto El Dorado, which is located approximately 15 kilometers (9 miles) northwest of the city center.

HOTEL: HOTEL ESTELAR Calle 93 #11-19, Tel. 57-1-5111555 www.hotelesestelar.com/es/lineas/lineas-prime/hotel-estelar-parque-de-la-93-bogota ALTITUDE ACCLIMATIZATION: When traveling to Bogota, please note that the city is at an altitude of 8,612 feet above sea level (2,625 mts. a.s.l.). In order to avoid altitude sickness, it is recommended to consider these basic indications: •

Eat lightly the day before you travel

•

Eat lightly on your first day in the city and drink plenty of water

•

Avoid smoking, alcohol and coffee on your first day

•

Medication to prevent altitude sickness is available in the US: consult your physician

CLIMATE: Bogotá has a subtropical highland climate. The average temperature is 57°F (14°C) varying from 37°F to 68°F (3°C to 20°C) during the course of the day. Dry and rainy seasons alternate throughout the year. The driest months are December, January, July and August. Days are mild or cool and nights can get moderately cold due to the city having mild winds at night all year round, though frequent fog from sinking of cold mountain air in the enclosed valley of the city means sunshine totals are much lower than would be expected for a relatively dry location. Dont forget to bring a warm jacket, fleece, and a raincoat.

ATTIRE: Formal business attire will be appropriate for the meeting with President Santos.

Business attire will be appropriate for all other activities, with or without a tie. We recommend you take an overcoat, umbrella and extra pair of shoes, as days can be rainy. Bogota offers an urban, bigcity culture that is reflected in its fashion, and it has been described as dressier than much of the U.S. HANDCRAFTS: Goods to look out for include gold jewellery, art, antiques and leather products.

Colombia produces first-grade precious stones, and its emeralds are among the best in the world.

San Andresito is a large shopping centre that spreads over several blocks and offers typical Colombian items, such as ethnic jewellery and clothing and local handicrafts.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

GASTRONOMY: Gastronomy in Bogotá has become quite sophisticated in recent years. This is due in great measure to the influx of business visitors with high purchasing power, but, above all, to the incessant searches of the city’s inhabitants for new entertainment spots.

The Hotel Estelar is located only two blocks from the Park Parque de la 93, which is surrounded by diverse types of restaurants.

MEETING COORDINATION: The logistics of the visit will be coordinated by Guiomar Jaramillo Comunicaciones. Their telephone numbers are below.

USEFUL PHONE NUMBERS:

Myriam Méndez-Montalvo, FF Representative iPhone: 1 917 741-2955 Colombian Cel: 57 310 629-7208 Luis Fernando Pérez, FF Program Officer Colombian Cel: 57 315 528- 2565

Gloria Aguirre, Guiomar Jaramillo Comunicaciones gaguirre@guiomarjaramillo.com Colombian Cel: 57 311 719-5580 Andrés Garcia, Guiomar Jaramillo Comunicaciones agarcia@guiomarjaramillo.com Colombian Cel: 57 318 281-7895

27

GENERAL INFO Santiago CHILE APRIL 11-12, 2014

You will arrive at Arturo Merino Benítez International Airport which is located approximately 15 miles (20-30 minutes) from the Foundation’s Santiago office and the hotel.

HOTEL: Hotel Noi

Av. Costanera 3736 Vitacura

Telephone: (56)(2) 841-8000

www.noivitacura.cl/en/ TRANSPORTATION: Program Officers will coordinate transportation to the hotel.

VISAS: No visa is required for US nationals for visits of up to 90 days.

RECIPROCITY FEE: As of March 2014, US citizens are no longer required to pay a reciprocity fee and may proceed directly to immigration upon arrival.

CUSTOMS: The Chilean Agricultural Service has very strict rules about what is allowed into the country. No products of animal or plant origin are allowed in (cheese, fruit, meat, even nuts and cereals). If these are brought in and not declared, heavy fines would apply. Our recommendation is not to bring food at all into the country, or to declare anything you are bringing, so you avoid all possibility of a fine.

CLIMATE: In April, weather in Santiago is mild, with temperatures ranging from 45°-75°F, and the possibility of light showers. Humidity is low, reducing the unpleasant effects of heat and cold.

ATTIRE: Business attire will be appropriate for most activities, with or without a tie. Casual attire and comfortable footwear will be appropriate for the visit to Casa del Bosque vineyard.

TIME: In April, Santiago will be on Eastern Standard Time (4 hours behind GMT).

ELECTRICITY: Chile's electricity standard is 220 volts/50Hz. Electrical sockets have two openings for tubular pins, not flat prongs, so you will need a plug adapter to use American electronics.

CURRENCY: Currency exchange is available at nearly all banks, hotels and exchange bureaus in all commercial areas. One US dollar is equivalent to approximately 550 Chilean pesos.

SECURITY: Santiago is generally considered a safe city with a very low crime rate. However, as in any large city and particularly in tourist areas you should take care and it is always advisable to be cautious with your wallets or purses.

FORD FUNDATION CONTACT INFORMATION

OFFICE ADDRESS M. Sánchez Fontecilla 310, Piso 14, Las Condes, Santiago.

OFFICE PHONES (562) 232 5454 & (562) 754 6700 MOBILES Myriam Mendez-Montalvo (Representative) (569) 6646 2791 Nora Oyarzún (GSO) (569) 9327 7990 NOTE: WHEN CALLING FROM OUTSIDE OF CHILE, MOBILE NUMBERS SHOULD BE PRECEDED BY 569 WHEN CALLING FROM INSIDE OF CHILE THESE NUMBERS SHOULD BE PRECEDED BY 09

28

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

REGIONAL CONTEXT

Maps & Statistics

REGIONAL CONTEXT Colombia at a Glance Colombia at a glance POVERTY and SOCIAL 2011 Population, mid-year (millions) GNI per capita (Atlas method, US$) GNI (Atlas method, US$ billions)

Colombia

Latin America & Carib.

Uppermiddleincome

46.9 6,070 284.9

589 8,574 5,050

2,490 6,563 16,341

1.4 2.2

1.2 2.0

0.7 1.1

34 75 74 15 3 92 93 112 114 110

..

79 74 16 3 94 91 116 118 114

..

61 73 16 3 93 94 111 111 111

3/17/13

Development diamond*

Life expectancy

Average annual growth, 2005-11 Population (%) Labor force (%)

GNI per capita

Most recent estimate (latest year available, 2005-11) Poverty (% of population below national poverty line) Urban population (% of total population) Life expectancy at birth (years) Infant mortality (per 1,000 live births) Child malnutrition (% of children under 5) Access to an improved water source (% of population) Literacy (% of population age 15+) Gross primary enrollment (% of school-age population) Male Female

Gross primary enrollment

Access to improved water source Colombia Upper-middle-income group

KEY ECONOMIC RATIOS and LONG-TERM TRENDS 1991

2001

2010

2011

GDP (US$ billions) Gross capital formation/GDP Exports of goods and services/GDP Gross domestic savings/GDP Gross national savings/GDP

41.2 15.9 21.3 23.4 23.1

98.2 16.0 15.4 12.9 12.6

286.4 22.0 15.9 20.0 17.4

333.4 23.5 19.0 22.3 19.1

Current account balance/GDP Interest payments/GDP Total debt/GDP Total debt service/exports Present value of debt/GDP Present value of debt/exports

5.7 3.8 42.1 39.8 .. ..

-1.1 2.7 36.2 38.9 .. ..

-3.1 1.1 22.4 20.6 .. ..

-3.0 1.1 23.1 15.6 20.1 103.2

1991-01

2001-11

2010

2011

2011-15

2.5 0.7 4.4

4.7 3.1 5.2

4.0 2.6 1.3

5.9 4.5 11.4

4.4 3.1 -7.6

1991

2001

2010

2011

17.4 37.1 20.9 45.4

9.0 29.4 15.2 61.7

7.1 35.0 14.1 57.9

7.0 37.5 13.9 55.5

67.4 9.2 13.9

70.2 16.9 18.5

63.1 17.0 18.0

61.7 16.0 20.1

1991-01

2001-11

2010

2011

-2.6 0.7 -2.4 4.1

2.0 4.7 3.8 4.7

1.0 3.8 2.9 4.2

2.1 6.6 4.1 5.2

30

2.1 10.6 -0.1 6.3

4.3 4.7 10.7 9.8

5.2 5.5 7.4 10.5

6.6 2.6 17.2 21.5

-10

(average annual growth) GDP GDP per capita Exports of goods and services STRUCTURE of the ECONOMY (% of GDP) Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services

Household final consumption expenditure General gov't final consumption expenditure Imports of goods and services

(average annual growth) Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services Household final consumption expenditure General gov't final consumption expenditure Gross capital formation Imports of goods and services

Economic ratios*

Trade

Domestic savings

Capital

Indebtedness Colombia Upper-middle-income group

Growth of capital and GDP (%) 30 20 10 0 -10

06

07

08

09

GCF

10

11

GDP

Growth of exports and imports (%) 20 10 0

06

07

08

09

10

11

-20

Exports

Imports

Note: 2011 data are preliminary estimates.

This table was produced from the Development Economics LDB database. * The diamonds show four key indicators in the country (in bold) compared with its income-group average. If data are missing, the diamond will be incomplete.

32

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Colombia PRICES and GOVERNMENT FINANCE Domestic prices (% change) Consumer prices Implicit GDP deflator Government finance (% of GDP, includes current grants) Current revenue Current budget balance Overall surplus/deficit TRADE (US$ millions) Total exports (fob) Coffee Petroleum products Manufactures Total imports (cif) Food Fuel and energy Capital goods Export price index (2000=100) Import price index (2000=100) Terms of trade (2000=100) BALANCE of PAYMENTS

1991

2001

2010

2011

Inflation (%) 8

30.4 26.2

8.0 6.5

2.3 3.6

3.4 6.9

6 4 2

25.0 7.1 0.5

24.6 4.1 -2.9

25.0 2.4 -3.2

26.0 5.4 -1.8

1991

2001

2010

2011

7,653 1,336 1,461 2,271 4,963 280 284 1,565

12,254 764 3,285 5,197 11,826 1,443 167 4,240

39,546 1,884 16,483 9,494 37,508 3,571 2,008 13,541

56,216 2,608 27,954 10,798 50,728 4,721 3,756 19,200

.. .. ..

102 110 93

175 127 138

211 132 160

0

06

20,000

0

2010

2011 62,577 61,726 851

-1,832 1,697

-2,619 2,354

-11,849 4,475

-15,767 4,938

-2

Current account balance

2,347

-1,077

-8,758

-9,978

-3

Financing items (net) Changes in net reserves

-298 -2,049

-90 1,167

5,624 3,133

6,224 3,754

-4

..

633.1

10,245 2,299.8

28,464 1,898.7

32,303 1,847.0

1991

2001

2010

2011

17,371 3,727 14

35,521 2,006 7

64,124 7,504 0

76,918 7,583 0

3,775 798 1

6,215 359 1

9,649 590 1

10,097 547 0

Composition of net resource flows Official grants Official creditors Private creditors Foreign direct investment (net inflows) Portfolio equity (net inflows)

68 -162 -270 457 0

93 1,260 1,137 2,542 -42

669 1,138 5,266 6,899 1,351

..

434 9,475 13,234 1,985

World Bank program Commitments Disbursements Principal repayments Net flows Interest payments Net transfers

60 301 492 -191 307 -498

635 368 233 135 127 9

545 1,279 343 936 249 688

590 380 297 84 250 -167

Total debt service IBRD IDA

06

07

08

09

10

11

Imports

Current account balance to GDP (%) 0

05

06

07

08

09

10

11

-1

Composition of 2011 debt (US$ mill.)

G: 10,816

A: 7,583 C: 1,134 D: 8,489

E: 508

Note: This table was produced from the Development Economics LDB database.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, MartĂ­n AbregĂş and Xav Briggs 2014

05

Exports

45,314 46,697 -1,384

(US$ millions) Total debt outstanding and disbursed IBRD IDA

11

CPI

40,000

2001

EXTERNAL DEBT and RESOURCE FLOWS

10

Export and import levels (US$ mill.)

15,059 15,871 -812

Memo: Reserves including gold (US$ millions) Conversion rate (DEC, local/US$)

09

60,000

1991

Net income Net current transfers

08

GDP deflator

9,115 6,633 2,482

(US$ millions) Exports of goods and services Imports of goods and services Resource balance

07

F: 48,388

A - IBRD B - IDA C - IMF

D - Other multilateral

E - Bilateral F - Private G - Short-term

3/17/13

33

REGIONAL CONTEXT Peru at a Glance Peru at a glance POVERTY and SOCIAL 2011 Population, mid-year (millions) GNI per capita (Atlas method, US$) GNI (Atlas method, US$ billions)

Peru

Latin America & Carib.

Uppermiddleincome

29.4 5,150 151.4

589 8,574 5,050

2,490 6,563 16,341

1.1 3.5

1.2 2.0

0.7 1.1

28 77 74 14 5 85 90 106 106 105

..

79 74 16 3 94 91 116 118 114

..

61 73 16 3 93 94 111 111 111

3/17/13

Development diamond*

Life expectancy

Average annual growth, 2005-11 Population (%) Labor force (%)

GNI per capita

Most recent estimate (latest year available, 2005-11) Poverty (% of population below national poverty line) Urban population (% of total population) Life expectancy at birth (years) Infant mortality (per 1,000 live births) Child malnutrition (% of children under 5) Access to an improved water source (% of population) Literacy (% of population age 15+) Gross primary enrollment (% of school-age population) Male Female

Gross primary enrollment

Access to improved water source Peru Upper-middle-income group

KEY ECONOMIC RATIOS and LONG-TERM TRENDS 1991

2001

2010

2011

GDP (US$ billions) Gross capital formation/GDP Exports of goods and services/GDP Gross domestic savings/GDP Gross national savings/GDP

34.5 17.3 12.6 15.4 ..

53.9 18.7 15.7 16.5 ..

153.6 25.3 25.5 28.0 ..

176.9 25.5 28.7 29.4 ..

Current account balance/GDP Interest payments/GDP Total debt/GDP Total debt service/exports Present value of debt/GDP Present value of debt/exports

-4.4 1.6 60.2 27.2 .. ..

-2.2 2.5 51.4 24.1 .. ..

-2.5 1.8 27.2 16.8 .. ..

-1.9 1.1 25.4 6.4 22.5 76.9

1991-01

2001-11

2010

2011

2011-15

4.3 2.6 8.7

6.6 5.4 6.5

8.8 7.6 1.3

6.8 5.6 8.8

6.3 5.1 7.2

1991

2001

2010

2011

8.4 27.1 17.5 64.4

8.2 29.6 16.0 62.2

6.8 35.9 14.4 57.3

6.4 36.4 14.0 57.2

76.8 7.7 14.5

72.8 10.7 17.8

61.9 10.1 22.8

60.8 9.8 24.8

1991-01

2001-11

2010

2011

5.7 4.8 3.4 3.8

4.3 6.7 6.4 6.8

3.2 11.1 13.6 8.1

4.2 4.0 5.3 8.6

(average annual growth) GDP GDP per capita Exports of goods and services STRUCTURE of the ECONOMY (% of GDP) Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services

Household final consumption expenditure General gov't final consumption expenditure Imports of goods and services

(average annual growth) Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services Household final consumption expenditure General gov't final consumption expenditure Gross capital formation Imports of goods and services

3.7 4.9 5.3 7.1

5.6 6.6 12.4 9.8

6.0 10.0 36.3 24.0

6.2 4.8 10.0 9.8

Economic ratios*

Trade

Domestic savings

Capital

Indebtedness Peru Upper-middle-income group

Growth of capital and GDP (%) 40 20 0 -20

06

07

08

09

10

11

-40

GCF

GDP

Growth of exports and imports (%) 30 20 10 0 -10

06

07

08

09

10

11

-20 -30

Exports

Imports

Note: 2011 data are preliminary estimates.

This table was produced from the Development Economics LDB database. * The diamonds show four key indicators in the country (in bold) compared with its income-group average. If data are missing, the diamond will be incomplete.

34

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Peru PRICES and GOVERNMENT FINANCE Domestic prices (% change) Consumer prices Implicit GDP deflator Government finance (% of GDP, includes current grants) Current revenue Current budget balance Overall surplus/deficit TRADE (US$ millions) Total exports (fob) Copper Fishmeal Manufactures Total imports (cif) Food Fuel and energy Capital goods Export price index (2000=100) Import price index (2000=100) Terms of trade (2000=100) BALANCE of PAYMENTS

1991

2001

2010

2011

Inflation (%) 8

..

379.9

..

1.4

5.4 4.5

5.5 4.8

6 4 2

12.1 -0.7 -2.6

17.0 0.0 -2.8

20.0 5.7 -0.2

21.0 6.8 1.8

1991

2001

2010

2011

3,393 742 145 1,034 3,595 ..

368 935

7,026 986 1,166 2,295 7,204 504 908 1,921

35,565 8,870 7,756 7,896 28,815 1,725 4,063 9,074

46,268 10,711 10,104 10,431 36,967 2,295 5,737 11,665

113 52 216

95 97 98

289 189 153

347 215 162

0

06

30,000 20,000 10,000 0

2010

2011 50,633 43,464 7,169

Net income Net current transfers

-1,371 ..

-1,101 ..

-11,212 ..

-13,710 ..

-2

Current account balance

-1,519

-1,203

-3,782

-3,341

-4

Financing items (net) Changes in net reserves

2,306 -788

1,653 -450

14,974 -11,192

8,065 -4,724

-6

Memo: Reserves including gold (US$ millions) Conversion rate (DEC, local/US$)

2,638 0.8

8,613 3.5

44,105 2.8

48,816 2.8

1991

2001

2010

2011

20,804 1,100 0

27,705 2,625 0

41,816 2,965 0

44,872 2,733 0

1,206 177 0

2,204 300 0

6,789 320 0

3,310 340 0

251 -21 -65 -7 0

204 742 291 1,144 43

327 -1,370 5,606 8,455 87

..

140 1,848 8,233 147

0 0 94 -94 83 -178

230 149 114 35 186 -151

395 377 258 119 62 57

130 47 279 -232 61 -293

World Bank program Commitments Disbursements Principal repayments Net flows Interest payments Net transfers

Note: This table was produced from the Development Economics LDB database.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, MartĂ­n AbregĂş and Xav Briggs 2014

05

06

07

08

Exports

39,258 34,854 4,404

Composition of net resource flows Official grants Official creditors Private creditors Foreign direct investment (net inflows) Portfolio equity (net inflows)

11

CPI

40,000

2001

Total debt service IBRD IDA

10

50,000

8,463 9,605 -1,141

(US$ millions) Total debt outstanding and disbursed IBRD IDA

09

Export and import levels (US$ mill.)

1991

EXTERNAL DEBT and RESOURCE FLOWS

08

GDP deflator

4,219 4,834 -615

(US$ millions) Exports of goods and services Imports of goods and services Resource balance

07

09

10

11

Imports

Current account balance to GDP (%) 4 2 0

05

06

07

08

09

10

11

Composition of 2011 debt (US$ mill.)

A: 2,733 G: 6,185

C: 936 D: 5,245

E: 2,743

F: 27,030

A - IBRD B - IDA C - IMF

D - Other multilateral

E - Bilateral F - Private G - Short-term

3/17/13

35

REGIONAL CONTEXT Chile at a Glance Chile at a glance POVERTY and SOCIAL 2011 Population, mid-year (millions) GNI per capita (Atlas method, US$) GNI (Atlas method, US$ billions)

Chile

Latin America & Carib.

Uppermiddleincome

17.3 12,280 212.0

589 8,574 5,050

2,490 6,563 16,341

1.0 3.1

1.2 2.0

0.7 1.1

15 89 79 8 1 96 99 103 104 101

..

79 74 16 3 94 91 116 118 114

..

61 73 16 3 93 94 111 111 111

3/17/13

Development diamond*

Life expectancy

Average annual growth, 2005-11 Population (%) Labor force (%)

GNI per capita

Most recent estimate (latest year available, 2005-11) Poverty (% of population below national poverty line) Urban population (% of total population) Life expectancy at birth (years) Infant mortality (per 1,000 live births) Child malnutrition (% of children under 5) Access to an improved water source (% of population) Literacy (% of population age 15+) Gross primary enrollment (% of school-age population) Male Female

Gross primary enrollment

Access to improved water source Chile Upper-middle-income group

KEY ECONOMIC RATIOS and LONG-TERM TRENDS 1991

2001

2010

2011

GDP (US$ billions) Gross capital formation/GDP Exports of goods and services/GDP Gross domestic savings/GDP Gross national savings/GDP

36.4 22.4 32.4 27.0 ..

72.3 21.9 30.9 22.3 19.4

216.3 23.5 38.1 29.7 24.9

248.6 24.6 38.1 28.0 23.3

Current account balance/GDP Interest payments/GDP Total debt/GDP Total debt service/exports Present value of debt/GDP Present value of debt/exports

-0.3 4.3 49.4 23.2 .. ..

-1.5 2.7 53.6 27.8 .. ..

1.5 1.0 37.6 27.8 .. ..

-1.3 1.0 38.7 23.5 34.8 131.5

1991-01

2001-11

2010

2011

2011-15

5.8 4.2 8.9

4.1 3.1 4.5

6.1 5.1 1.4

6.0 5.0 4.6

4.6 3.8 7.8

1991

2001

2010

2011

9.9 40.1 20.5 50.0

5.2 32.8 17.6 62.1

3.4 39.5 11.7 57.0

3.4 39.1 11.9 57.5

63.0 10.0 27.8

66.1 11.7 30.5

58.3 12.0 31.9

60.2 11.8 34.7

1991-01

2001-11

2010

2011

3.2 2.9 1.1 4.3

3.6 4.1 5.7 6.8

2.3 2.8 3.4 8.1

11.8 3.5 6.6 5.7

30

6.7 3.5 7.6 10.3

5.4 5.1 8.9 10.6

11.6 3.9 35.6 27.4

9.4 3.9 13.7 14.4

-10

(average annual growth) GDP GDP per capita Exports of goods and services STRUCTURE of the ECONOMY (% of GDP) Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services

Household final consumption expenditure General gov't final consumption expenditure Imports of goods and services

(average annual growth) Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services Household final consumption expenditure General gov't final consumption expenditure Gross capital formation Imports of goods and services

Economic ratios*

Trade

Domestic savings

Capital

Indebtedness Chile Upper-middle-income group

Growth of capital and GDP (%) 40 20 0 -20

06

07

08

09

10

11

-40

GCF

GDP

Growth of exports and imports (%) 20 10 0

06

07

08

09

10

11

-20

Exports

Imports

Note: 2011 data are preliminary estimates.

This table was produced from the Development Economics LDB database. * The diamonds show four key indicators in the country (in bold) compared with its income-group average. If data are missing, the diamond will be incomplete.

36

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Chile PRICES and GOVERNMENT FINANCE Domestic prices (% change) Consumer prices Implicit GDP deflator Government finance (% of GDP, includes current grants) Current revenue Current budget balance Overall surplus/deficit TRADE (US$ millions) Total exports (fob) Copper Fruits Manufactures Total imports (cif) Food Fuel and energy Capital goods Export price index (2000=100) Import price index (2000=100) Terms of trade (2000=100) BALANCE of PAYMENTS

1991

2001

2010

2011

Inflation (%) 15

21.8 22.4

3.6 3.8

1.4 7.5

3.3 2.8

10 5 0

22.5 4.0 1.6

20.9 2.9 -0.5

21.1 3.7 -0.3

22.9 5.5 1.3

1991

2001

2010

2011

8,942 3,617 984 3,316 8,207 ..

1,146 1,858

40,477 6,537 1,433 40,468 17,799 824 2,589 3,549

71,029 41,170 3,686 21,353 59,388 4,896 10,109 9,683

84,565 44,438 4,274 29,423 74,908 5,824 14,351 11,896

97 .. ..

88 95 93

255 120 212

295 140 211

20,000 0

81,728 68,209 13,519

93,818 85,443 8,375

6

Net income Net current transfers

-1,928 ..

-2,526 427

-14,765 4,390

-14,015 2,417

2

Current account balance

-99

-1,100

3,144

-3,222

-2

Financing items (net) Changes in net reserves

1,336 -1,238

504 596

-6,168 3,024

-10,968 14,190

-4

8,159 349.2

14,400 634.9

27,864 510.2

38,864 483.7

Total debt service IBRD IDA Composition of net resource flows Official grants Official creditors Private creditors Foreign direct investment (net inflows) Portfolio equity (net inflows) World Bank program Commitments Disbursements Principal repayments Net flows Interest payments Net transfers

2010

2011

81,435 189 0

96,245 131 0

2,706 281 1

6,626 182 1

14,511 60 1

15,446 73 0

96 45 649 823 24

41 -127 1,460 4,200 -217

83 -9 10,870 15,373 1,774

..

-88 13,221 17,299 4,477

264 182 139 44 143 -100

0 39 119 -81 63 -144

3 32 59 -27 2 -28

0 14 72 -58 1 -60

Note: This table was produced from the Development Economics LDB database.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, MartĂ­n AbregĂş and Xav Briggs 2014

05

06

07

08

Exports

22,410 21,411 999

2001

CPI

40,000

11,069 9,551 1,518

38,740 727 7

11

60,000

2011

1991

10

80,000

2010

17,989 1,947 13

09

Export and import levels (US$ mill.)

2001

(US$ millions) Total debt outstanding and disbursed IBRD IDA

08

100,000

1991

EXTERNAL DEBT and RESOURCE FLOWS

07

GDP deflator

(US$ millions) Exports of goods and services Imports of goods and services Resource balance

Memo: Reserves including gold (US$ millions) Conversion rate (DEC, local/US$)

06

-5

09

10

11

Imports

Current account balance to GDP (%)

4

0

05

06

07

08

09

10

11

Composition of 2011 debt (US$ mill.)

G: 17,164

A: 131

C: 1,254 D: 602 E: 201

F: 76,893

A - IBRD B - IDA C - IMF

D - Other multilateral

E - Bilateral F - Private G - Short-term

3/17/13

37

REGIONAL CONTEXT South America Map

38

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Colombia Political Map

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, MartĂ­n AbregĂş and Xav Briggs 2014

39

REGIONAL CONTEXT Peru Political Map

40

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

REGIONAL CONTEXT Chile Political Map

42

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

SANTIAGO OFFICE FIELD OFFICE HISTORY

Andean Region and Southern Cone OFFICE TIMELINE DATE OPENED

LOCATION

STATUS

1962

Buenos Aires, Argentina

Closed 1975

1962

Bogota, Colombia

Closed 1982

1963

(Sub-office/Buenos Aires 1963-1965; Field Office 1966-1975)

1965

(Sub-office 1965-1982; Field Office 1982-1990; Sub-office/Santiago 1991-1992)

1991

(Field Office) reopened

Santiago, Chile Lima, Peru

Closed 1975 Closed 1992

Santiago, Chile

ORGANIZATIONAL CHART 2014

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

45

SANTIAGO OFFICE Santiago Office STAFF BIOS

Myriam Mendez-Montalvo, Representative As the representative for the Andean Region and the Southern Cone, Myriam Méndez-Montalvo oversees all of the foundation’s work at the regional office in Santiago, Chile. The chief priority in the region is to tackle social and political exclusion and discrimination, which affects racial and ethnic groups most severely. Her individual grant making focuses on promoting transparency and accountability for greater equality.

Before joining the foundation in 2011, Myriam served as a democratic governance policy adviser at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). She held a number of leadership roles at UNDP since 2003, providing strategic direction for governance programs globally and for the Latin America and Caribbean region, and promoting democracy and state building in countries undergoing transitions and post-crisis situations.

Previously, Myriam led country programs across Latin America for the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and worked with the International Commission of Jurists in Geneva and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague. She began her career as a lawyer in Colombia. Myriam holds an M.P.A. from Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government and an L.L.M. from the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana in Bogota, Colombia.

Jean-Paul Lacoste, Senior Program Officer Jean-Paul Lacoste focuses on economic opportunity and social protection issues in the foundation’s Andean region.

Most of his grant making promotes efforts to help the rural poor improve their livelihood opportunities and build assets through access to financial, business development and institutional services. Specific strategies include fostering innovative services; creating and strengthening support organizations; promoting inclusive public and private policies; and building local, national, regional and global networks. In the field of social protection, his grant making focuses on building links between conditional cash transfer programs and inclusive financial policies.

Before joining the Ford Foundation in 2002, Jean-Paul was project coordinator for Louvain Development—a Belgian nongovernmental organization—in Zimbabwe and Ecuador, advising and overseeing the implementation of incomegeneration, savings and credit projects in poor, rural communities. He also served as a consultant for the Centre for Socio-Economic Development in Geneva, the Food and Agriculture Organization, and Care International on issues of microfinance, economic security and governance.

Jean-Paul holds a Ph.D. in development studies from IDS, University of Geneva, and a bachelor’s degree in business administration from the Catholic University of Louvain.

Felipe Agüero, Program Officer Felipe Agüero is a program officer in the foundation’s Santiago, Chile, office, focusing on human rights issues. His grant making reflects a comprehensive view of human rights—including political, economic, social and cultural rights—and focuses on overcoming systematic discrimination against historically underserved groups, and strengthening government institutions to protect rights. Before joining the Ford Foundation in 2007, Felipe held several academic posts. He was an associate professor at the School of International Studies at the University of Miami, an assistant professor at Ohio State University, and a research associate at the Latin American Social Science Faculty in Santiago. He was also a fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame, and the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, D.C. Felipe’s expertise spans issues related to both human rights and philanthropy, including security, democracy and dictatorship, historical memory, civilian-military relations and corporate social responsibility.

He is the author of numerous publications on these subjects and has served on the editorial boards of several international journals. He holds a Ph.D. in political science from Duke University and a bachelor’s degree in sociology from the Catholic University of Chile.

46

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Luis Fernando Pérez, Program Officer Luis Fernando Pérez works on higher education issues in the foundation’s Santiago office. His grant making focuses on generating policy and institutional reform, expanding access to higher education, and removing barriers to the successful inclusion of traditionally marginalized communities in the post-secondary institutions of the Andean Region and Southern Cone.

Prior to joining the Ford Foundation in 2012, Luis Fernando spent six years addressing the challenges of higher education in rural and urban communities. In Colombia, he served as project manager at the Universidad Autónoma de Occidente where he focused on increasing access to higher education for marginalized communities and building public/private partnerships. He also collaborated with the Colombian government as an alternative development analyst, overseeing and implementing alternative development programs in rural municipalities. In addition, Luis Fernando was a professor of political science at ICESI University, where he dedicated his efforts to strengthening civil society participation at the local level through advocacy networks.

Luis Fernando holds an M.A. in Latin American studies from Georgetown University and a B.A. in psychology from Pontificia Universidad Javeriana in Colombia.

Nora Oyarzún, General Services Officer Nora Oyarzún is in charge of all the office administration and operations. Her main responsibilities include supervision of purchasing processes, inventory control process, management of all office contracts and supervision of local HR issues.

Nora is a Spanish-English Translator, trained at the EATRI Institute of Translation, Santiago-Chile. She has also carried out specialization courses in time management, human resources regulations and labor laws. Nora has worked for the Foundation since 1993, occupying the position of Secretary/Receptionist before her promotion to General Services Officer.

Prior to joining the Foundation she was Office Assistant at a small stockbroker office being responsible for the office management, acquisitions, contracts and general services.

Miguel Roman, Grants Manager Miguel Roman joined the Foundation’s Office for the Andean Region and Southern Cone in October 2012, as the Grants Manager. Miguel directs the grants management processes, and promotes activities to support and improve the effectiveness of the Office´s grant making abilities. Miguel comes to the Foundation with a background in Contracting and Assistance with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in the Dominican Republic, Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica and Iraq. He led the procurement, contract and grant administration activities for awards supporting large portfolios in Capacity Building, Democracy & Governance, Economic Growth & Agriculture, Health, and Peace & Security.

Previously, Miguel served in the aviation sector working for the Dominican Government as Aeronautical Information Specialist. In the private sector, he worked as Planning Manager, Operations Manager, Quality Management Advisor and New Product Introduction Manager. In this capacity, he developed and executed supply chain, sourcing, and supplier performance solutions as well as serving as a catalyst for change within the organization.

A native of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, Miguel received a Bachelor’s Degree in Industrial Engineering from the Instituto Tecnologico de Santo Domingo, INTEC, and a Master Degree in Operations Management from the Pontificia Universidad Catolica Madre y Maestra in the Dominican Republic.

Marlies Böttger, Accountant Marlies Böttger is Accountant for the Andean Region and Southern Cone. She is an official Registered General Accountant in Chile and has been in charge of taxability, account, payroll, internal control and financial responsibility in different companies. She holds a Degree in Management and Planning Taxes and a Bachelor Degree in German.

Prior to joining the Foundation she specified and managed the planning process for improving financial control systems including the convergence process and change to IFRS accounting in various Chilean companies like the Chilean-German Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

47

SANTIAGO OFFICE

Paz Ríos, Administrative Assistant Paz Ríos provides administrative and secretarial assistance and supports the process of grantmaking and monitoring to the Program Officer for Human Rights and Education for the Andean Region and Southern Cone, in Santiago, Chile. Paz also supports the Information Technology area with the assistance of an external consultant and under the supervision of NY Office. She has been working for the Foundation for 20 years.

Paz holds a BA in Translation English and French from the American School of Translators and Interpreters (EATRI). Prior to joining the Foundation, she worked as project assistant for Cade-Idepe, a Chilean engineering company that carries out engineering and construction projects of pulp and copper plants. She also worked for two years in SISTECO, one of the first companies leading the development of the computer industry in Chile.

Cristina Véjar, Administrative Assistant Cristina Véjar provides administrative and secretarial assistance to the PO for Economic Opportunity and Social Protection, and supports the process of grantmaking and monitoring for the PO for Transparent, Effective and Accountable Government, currently the Representative at the Foundation’s Office for the Andean Region and Southern Cone, in Santiago, Chile.

Cristina holds a BA in Translation English and French from the Catholic University of Chile. Prior to joining the Foundation for the first time, she was projects officer for The British Council, Santiago, a UK international organization for cultural relations where she managed projects implemented by Chilean academic and government organizations with the financial support of the British Government and where she stayed for 13 years. After 8 years as Administrative Assistant and as Executive Assistant (4 years in each position) in the Ford Foundation Santiago Office, she left the Foundation to carry out free-lance translations. She also worked for two years as technical translator for Bechtel Chile Ltda., a branch of a large US engineering company, where she translated and reviewed contract documents, as well as proposals, procedures, newsletters, among others. In September 2010 she re-joined the Foundation.

Oscar Tapia, Receptionist and Administrative Assistant Oscar Tapia is in charge of the Foundation reception, provides secretarial support to the General Services Officer and Accountant, conducts all routine Foundation banking and administrative transactions, and is the office driver.

He holds a degree in Management Engineering from Arturo Prat University and has also completed coursework in Business Administration. Before joining the Foundation, Oscar worked at the Ripley retail company, as a supervisor in the credit and operations department. He also worked in the logistics department of the Agunsa shipping company.

48

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

CALI

Friday, April 4 • 4:00-5:30pm

SESSION BRIEF BUILDING GLOBAL INSTITUTIONS TO PROMOTE SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS:

The International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT) CONTEXT

I

t has been over 45 years since Dr. Lowell S. Hardin of the Ford Foundation proposed the establishment of an international institute for agricultural research and training, which led to the creation of the International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT), yet the partnership between the two organizations is stronger than ever, with four active projects supported by four different offices (New York, Nairobi, Mexico and Santiago).

As part of the Foundation’s strategy to expand livelihood opportunities for poor households in Colombia, CIAT recently received funding for an 18-month long project entitled “Public Policies on Linking Farmers to Markets in Colombia and the Latin American Region: Farmers More Competitive, Less Poor.”

Strong evidence-based public policies are crucial for rural development and poverty alleviation. The Colombian government recognizes agriculture as an engine of growth, and it is not misguided in doing so.

Agricultural jobs constitute 18.1% of the country’s total labor market and play a major role in the national economy. With the aim of promoting a competitive rural economy in an increasingly globalized world, Colombia is implementing an innovative policy approach that focuses on the development of supply chain organizations at the rural level.

The current project seeks to assess the effectiveness of a major Colombian public-sector market access project, Support to Productive Partnerships (PAAP), implemented by the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development with support from the World Bank since 2002. PAAP seeks to identify profitable business opportunities that involve a formal buyer and small- to medium-scale farms, and then invest in building business capacities and providing access to assets so that farmer associations can enter and maintain their businesses.

While the Ford Foundation and CIAT’s partnership and programs have evolved over the years, the objective and determination to reduce global poverty and injustice, and advance human achievement have remained the same. Now, diminishing natural resources, environmental degradation, climate change, emerging pests and diseases, among other obstacles, make the fight more essential than ever.

Strides towards these goals are not made in isolation. Strategic partnerships, such as the enduring one between the Ford Foundation and CIAT, are essential to respond to today’s rapidly changing challenges.

PARTICIPANTS

Aníbal Fernández De Soto Camacho: Colombia´s Vice Minister of Rural Development Mr. Fernández assumed the post of Vice Minister in October 2013. He previously served as Vice Minister for the Participation and Equal Rights in the Ministry of the Interior (2012-2013) and as Director General of Ordenamiento Ambiental del Territorio y Coordinación del Sistema Nacional Ambiental for the Ministry of the Environment and Sustainable Development (2011-2012). Mr. Fernández has also worked as a legal advisor to Judge Robero Comacho in the House Representatives (2002-2003), legislative advisor to Canciller Carolina Barco (2003-2006) and political affairs advisor to the High Counselor for Reintegration Frank Pearl (2008). In the private sector, Mr. Fernández has experience as an attorney for the Bogota Chamber of Commerce (2002), Director of the Fundación Democracia y Libertad (20072008), Director of the 21st Century Thought Corporation, and Executive Director of the Beverage Industry Chamber for the Asociación Nacional de Emrepsarios (ANDI) (2009-2011). Mr. Fernández holds a law degree from the Universidad de Los Andes in Colombia and a master´s degree in Political Action, Citizen Participation and Institutional Strengthening from the Universidades Rey Juan Carlos y Francisco de Vitoria in Madrid.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

53

CALI

PARTICIPANTS

Juan Camilo Restrepo: CIAT Board Member, Former Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Colombia´s Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Dr. Restrepo holds a law degree from the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana of Bogotá and a Ph.D. in Administrative Law from the University of Paris, as well as studies in Economic Law at the London School of Economics. Between 1973 and 1975, he served as Representative of the Colombian Coffee Growers Federation before the International Coffee Organization in London.

Dr. Restrepo served as Banking Superintendent between 1977 and 1978, was President of the National Values Commission between 1982 and 1986, Commercial Manager of the Colombian Coffee Growers Federation, and President of “Paz del Río” Steel Company. He was Minister of Mines and Energy of Colombia between 1991 and 1992, Senator of the Republic in 1994, Minister of Finance and Public Credit of Colombia between 1998 and 2000, and served as Ambassador to France.

Elcio Guimarães: Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean Guimarães received his Bachelor and Master of Agronomy and Plant Genetics Improvement degrees from the School of Agriculture “Luiz de Queiroz” in Brazil. In 1976, he began working as a rice breeder. He received his Ph.D. in Genetics and Plant Breeding at Iowa State University, USA, in 1985. From 1989 to 1996, he worked as rice breeder at CIAT and later at Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) as Chief. In 2010, he returned to CIAT as Research Director for Latin America and the Caribbean. Throughout his career he has been responsible for the release of more than 50 varieties of rice for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Andy Jarvis: Director of Decision and Policy Analysis research group Dr. Jarvis holds a Ph.D. in Geography from King’s College London, having studied the micro-scale distribution of diversity in tropical tree species in the Amazon and the Andes. His research has focused on the use of spatial analysis and environmental modeling to address issues such as agricultural biodiversity conservation, adaptation to climate change, and maintenance of ecosystem services. In 2003 Dr. Jarvis won the Crop Science Society of America (CSSA) C-8 Genetic Resources award for best research paper stemming from his work on conservation prioritization research for wild peanuts in Latin America, and in 2009 received the prestigious Ebbe Nielsen award for innovative research in bioinformatics and biosystematics.

Mark Lundy: Leader, Linking Farmers to Markets An Agroenterprise Development Specialist at CIAT, Mr. Lundy´s work focuses on rural enterprise development with smallholder farmers, and includes topics such as the establishing learning networks to increase NGO and farmer capacities for enterprise development, how private companies can better partner with smallholder farmers, the role of public and donor agencies in supporting market linkages, and how to establish and sustain effective trading relationships between buyers and smallholder farmers that add business value while reducing rural poverty. He holds a BA in International Studies from American University, as well as an MA in Latin American Studies and an MS in Community and Regional Planning from the University of Texas at Austin.

Guy Henry: Strategic Initiatives Mr. Henry is an agricultural economist with the French CIRAD stationed at CIAT as coordinator of the bi-regional project to develop a platform for the Latin American Knowledge-Based Bio-Economy (KBBE) for LAC, in cooperation with the European Union. During the last 12.5 years he was out-posted with CIRAD in Brazil and Argentina as regional coordinator of the ProsPER Cono Sur bi-regional science-industry platform on agri-food research that focused on value chain competitiveness, actor organization in quality assurance systems, international norms and regulations impacts, trade policy analysis and bi-regional S&T cooperation instruments From 1988 to 1996 Guy worked at CIAT, first as a Bean Program post-doc and subsequently as associate and senior scientist, and later as Cassava Program economist, taking part in numerous integrated and multi-disciplinary projects in Colombia, Brazil, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Vietnam, China, Thailand and Indonesia.

André Zandstra: Head, Partnerships and Donor Relations Mr. Zandstra is the Senior Resource Mobilization Officer at CIAT. He is a major-gifts, relationship-focused fundraiser experienced in individual, corporate and government strategies with national and international funders. A practiced leader focused on goal-setting, exceeding benchmarks and establishing a collaborative philanthropic culture within organizations, Mr. Zandstra has experience in effective strategic planning and program implementation in complex decentralized organizations. Prior to CIAT, Mr. Zandstra was Vice President of Development at Science World British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada. He holds an MBA-Management of Technology degree from Simon Fraser University.

54

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

ELOPHI Theory of change OVERVIEW

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

55

CALI GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Centro Internacional de Agricultura Tropical www.ciat.cgiar.org MISSION

T

o reduce hunger and poverty, and improve human nutrition in the tropics through research aimed at increasing the eco-efficiency of agriculture.

FORD FOUNDATION'S GRANTS TO CIAT, 1969-PRESENT Region

Dollar Amount

Number of Grants

Africa

$

276,400

3

Central America, Latin America

$

270,000

1

Colombia, Andean Region & Southern Cone

$

845,716

5

Latin America, Developing Countries

$

7,385,000

27

Middle East

$

10,000

1

Southeast Asia

$

30,000

1

Worldwide

$

3,240,000

8

TOTALS

$

12,057,116

46

For research, using Colombia as a case study, on the effectiveness of public sector value chain policies in reducing rural poverty and to disseminate lessons.

To assess the impact of public policies on value chains on rural competitiveness and social inclusion in Colombia and disseminate research findings on their effectiveness in reducing rural poverty.

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

56

•

Grant culminated in publication of four value chain studies, as well as a searchable database that can describe more than half of the municipalities in Colombia in terms of the agricultural interventions that they have seen over the past five years;

•

Results showed that, while in some cases Colombia’s public policies have been effective in decreasing poverty and increasing the competitiveness of agricultural supply chains, such policies often do not target the most vulnerable, rural populations. Furthermore, the degree of implementation of these policies varies greatly by product and location.

•

This project has the potential to help an important number of rural producers increase and diversify their incomes and assets. Value chain policy in Colombia currently includes 37 national chains, and 30 regional chains, which cover the majority of agrarian activity in Colombia and the most important small scale producers. For example, for cacao and coffee alone, there are more than 500,000 family producers.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

Centro Internacional de Agricultura Tropical www.ciat.cgiar.org MISSION

To reduce hunger and poverty, and improve human health in the tropics through research aimed at increasing the eco-efficiency of agriculture.

G LO BA L R E AC H

Supported by a wide array of donors, and in collaboration with hundreds of national and international partners, CIAT scientists conduct high-quality research across sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean, where their interdisciplinary efforts target significant development impact. CIAT has an impressive record of expanding livelihood opportunities for poor farmers, while addressing the critically important impact of global climate change on poverty, agriculture, and food security.

RESEARCH AREAS

The Center’s work spans three main research areas: 1 ) Decision and policy analysis: Our work on decision making and policy analysis harnesses the power of information to influence decisions about issues such as climate change, market engagement, natural resources, impact assessment, knowledge and capacity strengthening, and gender equity.

•

Linking farmers to markets: Over 3 billion of the world’s poorest directly involved in agriculture. CIAT is devoted to improving famers’ access to markets and in turn, building economic security. We work in concert with a range of partners on value chain strategies to foster lasting and inclusive market opportunities in rural areas within a triple-bottom line development framework.

•

Climate change: Climate change is an immense threat for the tropics’ rural poor and hungry who depend on crop and livestock production for a living. CIAT researchers contribute new insights and approaches to influence policies and strengthen rural communities. By supporting adaptive capacity – from the international to local level – while boosting resilience, food security, and rural development, CIAT is confronting the challenges presented by climate change head on.

•

Ecosystem services: As the global population climbs steadily towards 9 billion, the natural systems that support us all are facing immense pressure. Our scientists toil around the clock to improve the provision and protection of critical ecosystem services as well as to sustaining the benefits they provide, through the identification of appropriate benefit-sharing mechanisms and better agricultural and natural resource management practices.

2 ) Soils: Soil research is fundamental and multidisciplinary, addressing natural resource management issues – from fields and farms to production systems and landscapes. CIAT soil scientists apply an integrated approach to create new tools and knowledge that help reduce hunger through sustainable intensification of agricultural production, while restoring degraded land and making agriculture climate-smart.

3 ) Agrobiodiversity • Beans: Decades of CIAT research on beans have led to a massive uptake of high-yielding varieties, especially in Africa where common bean is mostly grown by women. The challenge now is to raise rural incomes by facilitating smallholder access to markets, while stabilizing yields and enhancing human nutrition.

•

Cassava: Cassava is an important food crop in the tropics and serves as a source of livestock feed and raw material for biofuels, pharmaceuticals, industrial starch, and other products. CIAT’s research has led to significant increases in cassava production and productivity. We are working to combat new emerging pests and diseases which threaten the crop, while developing improved varieties and expanding market linkages.

•

Tropical forages: Access to high-quality grasses for animals has proved to be a crucial entry point for improving production, management, and animal health. Improved forages enable farmers to save labor and raise incomes by bolstering the market value of their livestock.

•

Rice: CIAT underpins advances in rice improvement and resource use with institutional innovations to tackle the challenges of producing rice in an eco-efficient way for a growing population facing climate change.

•

Genetic resources: Crop genetic resources are vital for achieving global food security and eco-efficient agriculture. CIAT hosts the world’s largest collection of beans, cassava, and tropical forages samples.

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CIAT ’S CONTRIBUTION TO CGIAR RESEARCH PROGRAMS

KEY DISCUSSION POINTS

C O N TA C T

No single institution can overcome the constraints to farming in the tropics. Therefore, CIAT partners with other CGIAR members to more effectively reduce hunger and poverty, for example through leadership of the CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS).

We collaborate with all 15 CGIAR research centers, to identify and address synergies, bringing together leading experts in agricultural science, climate change, and environmental and social sciences. Our participation in strategic CGIAR research programs is visualized in the graphic below:

•

The Ford Foundation’s role in establishing CIAT and key milestones of impact since CIAT’s research for development impact began in 1967

•

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Brief overview of the growth of CIAT’s market linkages work through the Foundation’s strategic support

Determine specific CIAT activities that assist with the Foundation’s objectives for the “Climate Change Responses that Strengthen Rural Communities” initiative

•

Discover new opportunities for CIAT to contribute to the Ford Foundation’s work in Africa and Asia.

André Zandstra | Head of Partnerships & Donor Relations | Phone: +57 2 4450000 a.zandstra@cgiar.org

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CALI

Saturday, April 5

SESSION BRIEF

Just Cities Program in Cali BREAKFAST BRIEFING

T PARTICIPANT

he briefing will provide a summary of Just Cities Initiative activities in the City of Cali and the surrounding region, including current projects, goals, and linkages to other efforts in other Foundation regions.

Rodrigo Guerrero: Mayor of Cali Rodrigo Guerrero Velasco is the mayor of Cali, Colombia. He has spent his life in academia, teaching epidemiology for undergraduate and graduate students at the Universidad del Valle, where he has worked in various administrative capacities such as the Head of the Department of Epidemiology, Dean of Health Sciences, University President and the Secretary of Health of Cali. In 1992 Dr. Guerrero was elected Mayor of Cali and developed an epidemiological approach to urban violence prevention through the Program DESEPAZ, which has been successfully applied in several cities of Colombia and in other countries. After leaving the Mayor’s office, Dr. Guerrero joined the Pan American Health Organization in Washington, where he started the Violence Prevention Program. He is an Honorary Professor and active member of CISALVA, Violence Research Center of Universidad del Valle, and is also a member of the Institute of Medicine (National Academy of Sciences). In 2008, Dr. Guerrero was elected city counselor of Cali and, in 2011, he was re-elected for a second term as Mayor of Cali. His academic life has been intertwined with social development work, initially as the head physician in a health center and later as Director of the Fundación Carvajal. More recently, he has dedicated time to the work of Vallenpaz, a nonprofit organization devoted to helping peasants in conflict-ridden rural areas of Colombia. He graduated as an MD from the Universidad del Valle in Cali, Colombia and later received an M.Sc. and Ph.D. in Epidemiology from Harvard University, Boston, MA. Amparo Viveros Vargas: Housing Secretary Cesar Augusto Lemos: G11 Project Director Jaime Quevedo: TIOS Project Director Oscar Rojas: TIOS Project Advisor Felipe Targa: Former Colombian Vice Minister of Transportation & Green Corridor Project Director Marcela Huertas: GIP Executive President Mariana Caicedo: GIP Project Director Juan Esteban Angel: Private Secretary to the Mayor

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CALI Green Corridor Project

The Green Corridor (Corredor Verde) project would transform an 11-mile abandoned rail right-ofway into a multi-purpose corridor that would include bus rapid transit (BRT), walking and cycling paths, and green parkland through the entire City of Cali. City leaders believe that this could be transformative project, because of its potential to bring people together along the city’s critical north-south axis, which has heretofore been a de facto dividing line between the city’s poorest informal communities to the east and its more well-established and affluent neighborhoods to the west. Older proposed uses— such as the previous mayor’s desire to build a toll highway—would create a permanent physical barrier between these parts of the city, whereas a multi-modal greenway would provide people with faster and safer transportation access to employment centers, schools, and recreational and cultural opportunities.

Our grantees are also exploring the potential to facilitate higher density development to produce mixedincome housing, community benefits, local hiring, and other opportunities that would ensure that corridor development is both high quality and economically and socially inclusive. Foundation funds are supporting participatory master planning efforts and analysis of equitable transit-oriented development along the corridor.

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Jarillon and Housing Projects

The Jarillon project is an ambitious city-led effort to fix two major problems: inadequate housing in informal settlements and the city’s diminishing capacity to handle future flood events. Cali has seven rivers coursing through its boundaries, but has been reasonably well protected by the Cauca River Levee for over a half century. In recent years, however, serious soil erosion in upstream areas and an influx of roughly 800,000 residents into the “wet side” of the levee area have left families perennially vulnerable to flooding (see photo from 2011, below). The construction of informal settlements on top of the levee has degraded its structural integrity, putting even more residents in harm’s way. As a response, the city plans to build quality housing for over 6,000 households in the flood-prone area. However, the challenge of relocating these families is a daunting one, because Cali has experienced both highs and lows in terms of new housing construction and relocation for the poor. For example, the human-services focused DESEPAZ project was so successful that it has served as a model for Latin American cities for decades, whereas the disastrous Potrero Grande project has become notorious for increasing violence and persistent poverty because of its lack of attention to the social aspects of relocating internally displaced persons (IDPs). The Foundation provided funds to support community engagement and discussions about this major project to develop strategies for ensuring that families will have a successful transition to new housing, including access to new opportunities for livelihoods and jobs, support systems, and public benefits.

Meeting with University Consortium

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ver the past year, the Foundation has been meeting with five of the leading universities in Cali to discuss ways to strengthen academic research and collaboration on urban policy, planning, and analysis in the region. As a result, these institutions have formed a new university alliance to address these issues. One of the goals of this partnership is to link existing work on urban development with research initiatives regarding demographics to better target support to Cali’s Afro-descendent population, and to demonstrate the utility of tracking racial and ethnic data at the national level though the Colombian Census. Another key goal is to develop a greater body of research on the rapid urban growth in the Cali region to better understand the effectiveness of key interventions over time.

PARTICIPANT

Mario Andrés Gandini: Professor, Universidad Autónoma Alvaro Guzmán: Director, Centro Interdisciplinario de Estudios de la Region Pacifico Colombiana, Universidad Autónoma Yadira Borrero: Professor, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali Solanlly Ochoa: Professor, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali Juan Marco Duque Recio: Dean, Facultad de Arquitectura, Arte y Diseño, Universidad San Buenaventura Enrique Rodriguez Caporalli: Social Studies Department Chair, Instituto Colombiano de Estudios Superiores de INCOLDA (ICESI) Angela Franco: Professor, Director of Institutional Planning and Development, Universidad del Valle

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CALI GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

KPMG Peat Marwick LLP www.kpmg.com MISSION

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eliver a globally consistent set of multidisciplinary services based on deep industry knowledge. Develop a rich understanding of clients’ businesses and the insight, skills, and resources required to address industry-specific issues and opportunities.

To support the implementation of placebased programs to deliver public benefits, training, and services in high-poverty communities in Cali, Colombia

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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Improved access to basic services and benefits for low-income families in TIOS communities

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Groundwork for a sustainable delivery team that would help operationalize the vision of TIOS;

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The development of linkages between the TIOS team and other constituents from Foundation-supported projects in the Just Cities initiative.

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundación para el Desarrollo Integral del Valle del Cauca (FDI-GIP)

www.gip.org.co

MISSION

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o become the Program Management Office for the City of Cali and the Pacific Region that structures and monitors projects with a unified and coordinated strategy, applying the best global practices for the development of sustainable and intelligent cities.

To develop participatory master plans for major urban development and investment strategies projects to foster public participation, provide affordable housing, improve living conditions for many Cali residents

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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•

Increased supply of affordable housing located in opportunity-rich areas;

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Improved mobility and access to opportunity for low- income people;

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Communities becoming more economically viable and inclusive places;

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Adoption of a municipal decree to promote social equity and inclusion through greater public participation;

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In several projects (Navarro Eco-City, Green Corridor, Cauca River Dike), the empowerment of residents to shape their communities, which would foster greater social cohesion and strengthen public trust in government, as evidenced by quantitative indicators of participation and qualitative evaluations.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

MEDELLIN

Sunday, April 6

SESSION BRIEF

UN-Habitat World Urban Forum Program in Medellin GUIDED VISIT THROUGH MEDELLIN

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edellin has undergone a dramatic transformation from one of the world’s most dangerous cities to a promising model for innovation in sustainability, mobility, urban design, safety, and social inclusion. Last year, it was declared “the world’s most innovative city” by the Urban Land Institute, the Wall Street, and Citi Group, which praised city leaders for their shared vision for “social urbanism,” which placed a great emphasis on ensuring that the city’s residents were able to have a voice in decisions about their common future. The tour will be led by the officials from the City of Medellin and will showcase some highlights from the city’s recent efforts to link urban design, infrastructure investments, and social inclusion.

VIP PARTICIPANT

Shaun Donovan: US Secretary of Housing and Urban Development On January 26, 2009, Shaun Donovan was sworn in as the 15th United States Secretary for Housing and Urban Development. He has devoted his career to ensuring access to safe, decent, and affordable housing, and has continued that effort in the Obama Administration. Secretary Donovan believes that America’s homes are the foundation for family, safe neighborhoods, good schools, and job creation.

His tenure as HUD Secretary has reflected his commitment to making quality housing possible for every American. Sworn in at a time when the foreclosure crisis had devastated American families, under Secretary Donovan’s leadership HUD has helped stabilize the housing market and worked to keep responsible families in their homes. The agency has instituted reforms that have solidified the Federal Housing Administration’s financial position and protected the taxpayer against risk, while still preserving FHA’s mission of providing responsible access to homeownership.

In December 2012, President Obama signed an Executive Order creating the Hurricane Sandy Rebuilding Task Force and appointed Secretary Donovan as Chair. The Task Force is charged with creating a comprehensive regional plan, based on local vision for redevelopment, to guide long term disaster recovery efforts. This appointment built on his experience with disaster-related recovery and rebuilding challenges from a national perspective in response to Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Together with U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano, he led the President’s Long-Term Disaster Working Group composed of more than 20 federal agencies. The Group worked closely with State and local communities, as well as experts and stakeholders from around the nation, to create the National Disaster Recovery Framework published in 2011.

Secretary Donovan has reaffirmed HUD’s commitment to building strong, sustainable, inclusive neighborhoods that are connected to education and jobs and provide access to opportunity for all Americans. He has launched new initiatives like Choice Neighborhoods, which will enable distressed communities to use proven mixed-use, mixed-finance tools to transform not just federally-assisted housing, but the neighborhoods around that housing. And through the new Sustainable Communities partnership with the Department of Transportation and the Environmental Protection Agency, HUD is helping regions and communities develop comprehensive housing and transportation plans that create jobs and help American businesses out-innovate their global competitors.

Secretary Donovan has a long history of working to provide affordable housing to American families.

He previously served as Commissioner of the New York City Department of Housing Preservation and Development (HPD). He created and implemented HPD’s New Housing Marketplace Plan to build and preserve 165,000 affordable homes, the largest municipal affordable housing plan in the nation’s history.

His work at HPD included the New York City Acquisition Fund, an award-winning collaboration with foundations and banks to finance affordable housing; an innovative inclusionary zoning program; an ambitious supportive housing plan; and the Center for New York City Neighborhoods, one of the earliest

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responses to the foreclosure crisis. Before his service as HPD Commissioner, Secretary Donovan worked in the private sector on financing affordable housing, and was a visiting scholar at New York University, where he researched and wrote about the preservation of federally-assisted housing.

He was also a consultant to the Millennial Housing Commission on strategies for increasing the production of multifamily housing. The Commission was created by the United States Congress to recommend ways to expand housing opportunities across the nation. Secretary Donovan rejoins HUD after his previous service in the Clinton administration as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Multifamily Housing, where he was the primary federal official responsible for privately-owned multifamily housing.

At that time, he ran housing programs that helped 1.7 million families access affordable housing.

He also served as acting FHA Commissioner during the Clinton/Bush presidential transition. Prior to his first service at HUD, he worked at the Community Preservation Corporation (CPC) in New York City, a non-profit lender and developer of affordable housing. He also researched and wrote about housing policy at the Joint Center for Housing Studies at Harvard University and worked as an architect. Secretary Donovan holds a B.A. and Master’s degrees in Public Administration and Architecture from Harvard.

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Funders Forum on Sustainable Cities

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he Funders’ Forum on Sustainable Cities (FFSC) is a collaborative foundation-led network committed to increasing philanthropy’s role and effectiveness in advancing sustainable and inclusive growth in cities; tackling urban poverty, promoting equitable development and opportunities; and strengthening local governance and citizen participation in local decision making.

The creation of the Forum was motivated by an appreciation that independently of where they are, their size, or even stage of development, cities share a number of core characteristics and face the same fundamental challenges. Cities are also key spaces for philanthropic investment, impact and innovation across all spheres of life. Foundations have the attributes and assets to support processes, capacities and innovations, both at the local level and across geographic boundaries, that are essential to building a more inclusive, equitable and sustainable urban future. Many are already contributing to this agenda.

The creation of the Forum was one of the key outcomes of the joint EFC-Council on FoundationsWINGS Global Philanthropy Leadership Initiative (GPLI​). Initiated by the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, the Ford Foundation, the German Marshall Fund, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Fundación AVINA and Realdania, the network aims to have about thirty members representing all world regions in two years’ time.

The specific objectives are to 1) enable and encourage systematic knowledge sharing amongst foundations and between foundations key other city stakeholders; 2) articulate the role and impact of foundations on cities and citizens in an urban context, and on advancing urban sustainability; 3) promote effectiveness in philanthropic investment in cities through guidelines and tools drawing on good practice and innovations around the world; 4) encourage and support collaboration in areas of common interest; and 5) build foundations’ understanding of, and participation in international policy making and dialogues on urbanization​. Thematically, the Forum’s work will develop around three overarching themes that offer a broad framing for the Forum’s work: 1) managing population and infrastructure size and needs; 2) investing in community well-being and public safety; and 3) advancing good governance, sustained leadership and effective execution of policies.

FFSC further seeks to build dialogue and relations with key other regional and international stakeholders working on urban sustainability, such as networks of cities and local authorities; knowledge and expertise centers or think tanks; civil society coalitions; and regional/global intergovernmental institutions.

The FFSC brings together a very diverse group of philanthropic foundations, active across the whole spectrum of the urban sustainability agenda, at local, country and international levels, and employing a wide diversity of approaches and financing strategies. Requirements for joining the network are: •

Interest in exploiting the value and opportunities arising from dialogue across regions and between diverse actors to advance the urban sustainability agenda

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Commitment to an inclusive, respectful and collaborative approach as well as to provide input to inquiries undertaken by the Forum

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Signing up to and maintaining an up-to-date profile and contribute to the Funders’ Forum online community

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Participating in at least one webinar and one face-to-face event per year

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MEDELLIN VIP Reception and Dinner

Welcome: • Darren Walker: President Ford Foundation • Anibal Gaviria: Mayor of Medellin (Invited) Keynote Speakers: • Sergio Fajardo: Governor of Antioquia (Invited) • Rodrigo Guerrero: Mayor of Cali PARTICIPANTS

Laura Canevari: Risk Analyst, Acclimatise UK Karim Merali: CEO, Aga Khan Foundation Portugal Kathryn Vines: Climate Risk Assessment Network Director, C40 Cities Manuel Olivera: Regional Director for Latin America, C40 Cities Catalina Duque Gomez: Researcher, CITEGO Sophie Gergaud: Webmaster and Film Editor, CITEGO Toni Griffin: Researcher, City College of New York- J. Max Bond Center on Design for the Just City Matthew Boms: Communications Manager, Communitas Coalition Sevdalina Rukanova: Senior International Officer, European Foundation Centre Stephanie Roy: International Officer, European Foundation Centre Julien Woessner: Programme Manager, Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer pour le progrès de l’Homme Don Chen: Senior Program Officer, Ford Foundation Leticia Osorio: Program Officer (Brazil), Ford Foundation Diana Castro: Program Manager (Colombia), Fundacion AVINA Martin Beaumont: Program Manager (Pero), Fundacion AVINA Ivan Arnold Torres: Researcher and Ecologist, Fundacion Natica (Bolivia) Carlos De Freitas: Head of Programs, Global Fund for Cities Development Lorena Zarate: President, Habitat International Coalition Silvia Emmanuelli: Coordinator, Latin American Office, Habitat International Coalition Diana Fitzsimons: Deputy President, IFHP Giulia Maci: Project Manager, IFHP Rafael Aubad Lopez: Executive President, Proantioquia Benjamin Bradlow: Deputy Manager, Secretariat, Shack/Slum Dwellers International

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MEDELLIN

Monday, April 7

SESSION BRIEF

Business Assembly—UN Habitat CONTEXT

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arren has been invited to give a brief speech during the opening panel. He will be joined by Medellin Mayor Anibal Gaviria Correa, Bruce MacMaster, President of the National Association of Colombian Enterprises and Joan Close from UN Habitat. The goal of the session will be for each person to discuss their sector’s role in fostering equity in urban development, especially in relation to the private sector. Like much of Latin America, philanthropy in Colombia is usually tied to corporations, but is also regarded as its own sector.

SPEAKERS

Aníbal Gaviria: Mayor of Medellin Aníbal Gaviria Correa was born in Medellín in 1966. He holds a Bachelor of Arts Degree in Business from EAFIT University and has recently pursued graduate studies at John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. In the private sector, he has worked in finance and journalism, where he has occupied several positions such as the CEO and Director of El Mundo newspaper. He was elected Governor of the region of Antioquia between 2004 and 2007, and in 2011 he was elected as Mayor of the city of Medellín for the period 2012-2015. Under Mr. Gaviria´s leadership, the city has undergone a dramatic transformation that led the US-based Urban Land Institute to name Medellin the world´s most innovative city in 2013—beating out other finalists including New York City and Tel Aviv.

Bruce MacMaster: President, Asociación Nacional de Empresarios de Colombia (ANDI) Mr. MacMaster has over 20 years of experience in investment banking and issues relating to social responsibility. He was one of the founding partners of Inverlink, the first investment bank created in Colombia in the mid-eighties. Well-known in the investment banking field, he has also been in charge of Colombia’s most important transactions in infrastructure, transport and telecommunications. Mr. MacMaster has been a professor of Economics at Los Andes University, CFO of Propilco, Aceitales, and the Siderurgica del Caribe (steel plant). He has also been a prominent philanthropist over the last decade. He provided both human and financial capital to the creation of the Compartamos Colombia foundation, and in 2004 was co-founder of Granitos de Paz; a foundation which develops social programs for families in vulnerable areas of Cartagena. Mr. MacMaster is a board member of other foundations, such as Fulbright Colombia, Batuta, Conexion Colombia for Semana magazine; and president of the board of the International Music Festival. He is also a board member for ISA, ISAGEN, Colombia Telecomunicaciones, Bancóldex, and Previsora Fiduciary. In 2010, he was appointed Vice Minister of Finance by the Santos administration with Juan Carlos Echeverry as Minister. He was also Director for the Administrative Department for Social Prosperity of Colombia in charge of the definition and execution of the country’s social policies. Mr. MacMaster holds a degree in Economics from Universidad de los Andes.

Joan Close: Executive Director of the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN Habitat) Born in Barcelona on 29 June 1949, Dr. Close is a medical doctor with a distinguished career in public service and diplomacy. He was twice elected Mayor of Barcelona serving two terms during the years 1997-2006. He was Minister of Industry, Tourism and Trade of Spain between 2006 and 2008. Prior to joining the United Nations, he served as Spanish ambassador to Turkey and Azerbaijan. He is a medicine graduate from the Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB), and specialized in Public Health and Epidemiology at the University of Edinburgh (Scotland). Dr. Clos then joined the Barcelona Municipal Government as Director of Public Health in 1979.

As a city councillor between 1983 and 1987, he earned a reputation for improving municipal management and for urban renewal projects, notably managing the renovation of downtown Barcelona’s Ciutat Vella district. From 1990 to 1994 he was Deputy Mayor in change of Finance and Budgeting, playing a key role during the 1992 Olympic Games in Barcelona. Joan Clos is also widely credited with inspiring far reaching investment programmes for Barcelona. One of the most ambitious was the Barcelona@22 programme which gave the city’s dilapidated industrial zones a facelift. In 2004 one of these newly refurbished neighbourhoods near the old dockyards was chosen as the site for the second gathering of UN-Habitat’s World Urban Forum, the premier global conference on cities.

At the international level, in 1998 he was elected President of Metropolis, the international network of cities. Two years later, he was elected President of the World Association of Cities and Local Authorities, (WACLAC). Between 2000 and 2007, he served as Chairman of the United Nations Advisory Committee of Local Authorities, (UNACLA). And between 1997 and 2003, he was member of the Council of European Municipalities and Regions, (CEMR). Dr. Clos received a number of awards which include a gold medal from the Royal Institute of British Architects in 1999 for transforming Barcelona. In 2002, he won the UN-Habitat Scroll of Honour Award for encouraging global cooperation between local authorities and the United Nations.

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Monday, April 7 • 11:30 - 1:30 pm

SESSION BRIEF COLOMBIA TODAY:

A Conversation with Experts CONTEXT

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his session brings together leaders from diverse sectors of Colombian business, government, politics, politics, and society to discuss the unique challenges and opportunities facing Colombia today. Colombia is approaching a presidential election in May, where the current President is running for a second term. That election is preceded by recently held congressional elections that have significantly altered the political landscape, as a fierce opponent of President Santos, former President Alvaro Uribe, has been elected Senator heading a new political party—the Centro Democratico—created with the aim to consolidate a right wing political option. This party staunchly opposes the reformist social agenda and the peace process with the FARC led by the current Government, which offers the most promising prospects for peace the country has experienced in a very long time. The purpose of this discussion is to provide a more nuanced understanding on the significant progress the country has made in terms of its economic development (it is in the process of adhesion to the OECD, becoming the third Latin American country member of OECD with Mexico and Chile); increased public spending and social protection that have resulted in a significant reduction of poverty; the recent emergence of new social movements; and of Colombia’s prominent regional role. Discussion will also address remaining barriers to change that would confront the high levels of inequality expressed by the second largest Gini coefficient in Latin America.

PARTICIPANTS

Luis Evelis Andrade: Former Head, Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) (Grantee) An Embera from the community of Riosucio (Chocó province), Mr. Andrade has served as an advisor with the Indigenous Cabildo Mayor of the Bajo Atrato Zone (CAMIZBA) and the Embera Wounaan Regional Organization (OREWA) in Chocó province. He completed his studies in theology and philosophy. Mr. Andrade has also served as a board member of the Fund for the Development of Indigenous Peoples in Latin America and the Caribbean, and a member of the National Indigenous Peace Council and the National Commission of Indigenous Territories. Earlier this year he was senatorial candidate for the MAIZ party.

Francisco de Roux: Provincial Superior of the Jesuit Community of Colombia Father de Roux was founder and director for fifteen years of the Peace and Development Program of Magdalena Medio, one of the most successful local peacemaking initiatives in Colombia. For many years he has been a leading voice for a negotiated settlement to Colombia’s decades-long armed conflict. Father De Roux has received numerous awards recognizing his contribution to human rights and peace, among them the Distinguished Award of the French Foreign Legion, bestowed by President Francois Mitterrand; Colombia’s National Peace Prize; and the Chirac Foundation’s 2012 prize for Peace and Conflict Prevention. He has an M.A., London School of Economics and a Ph.D. from the Sorbonne. Father de Roux is also part of the High Level Working group on Mining and Development in Colombia, a multi-stakeholder dialogue effort led by the Social Science Research Council and supported by the AR&SC office as part of the TEAG Initiative.

Rafael Pardo: Minister of Labor (Grantee) An economist from the University of the Andes in Colombia with studies in Urban and Regional Planning at the Institute of Social Studies in The Hague, Netherlands, and International Relations at Harvard University, Mr. Pardo has served as Secretary of Popular Integration and Director of the National Rehabilitation Plan (1986), Minister of Peace (1988-1990), and as Defense Minister (1991-1994) prior to being named Minister of Labor. In 2009, the Liberal National Congress elected him as the new Director of the Colombian Liberal Party, where he led the integration of initiatives such as the First Employment Law, Law of Victims and Land Law, and the creation of a pension fund for informal workers, among other proposals within the National Unity Agreement under President Juan Manuel Santos. Under Mr. Pardo, the Ministry of Labor receives foundation support for Ministry’s work in the country’s only Observatory of Social and Labor Conflicts to anticipate and prevent local labor-related conflicts, particularly in areas impacted by extractive industries.

Esteban Piedrahita: President, Cali Chamber of Commerce Mr. Piedrahita obtained his bachelor´s degree in Economics from Harvard University (magna cum laude) in 1994. He then pursued a master´s degree in Philosophy and History of Science from the London School of Economics, where he graduated with Honors in 2003. Before joining the Cali Chamber of Commerce, he served as Director of the National Planning Department in Colombia. He previously worked at the Inter-American Development Bank as Advisor to the President and at the Colombian Embassy in Washington, DC. Prior to that, he was Economic Editor at the weekly Colombian magazine, Semana, as well as cofounder and chair of Laciudad.com. He also worked at Salomon Brothers in New York as a Financial Analyst.

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Oscar Gamboa: Director, Presidential Program for Afro-Colombian Population Mr. Gamboa currently serves as Director for the Presidential Program for the Formulation of Strategies and Actions for the Integral Development of the Afro-Colombian, Black, Palenquera and Raizal Populations. He previously was Executive Director for the Federation of Pacific Municipalities (Fedempacifico) and Director of the National Association of Governors and Mayors of Departments and Municipalities with Afro-Descendent populations (AMUNAFRO), which is also an AR&SC Office grantee.

Mr. Gamboa´s work has focused on ethno-education, social inclusion for the Afro-Colombian community, the elimination of all expressions of racism, and the search for solutions to forestation issues. He holds a degree in Pharmaceutical Chemistry from the University of Antioquia, and completed studies in Industrial Engineering as well as Community Management and Development.

Beatriz Uribe: President, Mineros, S.A. Since 2000, Ms. Uribe has served as the President of Mineros, S.A., a privately-held Colombian business group with over 35 years’ expertise in exploration and mining of precious metals, especially gold. She is also the first woman elected President of the Board of the National Business Association of Colombia (ANDI), a non-profit organization established in 1944 to expand and promote economic, social and political principles within a free enterprise system based on human dignity, democracy, social justice, private property and liberty. Ms. Uribe previously headed the Mining Association Board within ANDI. Ms. Uribe holds a degree in Economics from the Universidad de Antioquia.

Ricardo Avila: Director, Portafolio Trained as Economist, with a master’s degree from the University of Pittsburgh and a Graduate Certificate in Latin American Development, Mr. Avila is a prominent journalist in Colombia and the Director of the newspaper Portafolio. Before joining Portafolio, he spent more than 10 years with Semana magazine as Editor for Economy and Business and as a Correspondent in Paris and the US. Mr. Avila has also served as a Lecturer in Econometrics and Economic Journalism at the Universidad Javeriana in Bogotá as a Consultant to the Andean Development Corporation in Caracas, Venezuela, and to Organization of American States and Inter-American Development Bank in Washington DC. He currently also serves as Deputy Editor-in-Chief, of Opinion for El Tiempo newspaper. Mr. Avila is the autor of Más Futuro que Presente: La Crisis Mundial y América Latina a la Luz de los Avances del Pasado Medio Siglo (2009) and América Latina y el efecto dominó (2010). Mr. Avila is a recipient of the Simon Bolivar National Prize for Journalism.

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MEDELLIN GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia www.renacientes.net MISSION

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o strengthen indigenous governance institutions in indigenous territories within the framework of collective human rights to promote the participation of indigenous people in public policies; to seek recognition for indigenous authorities; to develop common strategies with other organizations to seek the end of violent conflict in Colombia through peace, justice, and reparation.

For advocacy and training to promote and disseminate the United Nations Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and strengthen indigenous governance institutions in Colombia For workshops and documents in preparation for the 2014 UN World Conference on Indigenous Peoples For capacity building, a gathering of indigenous leaders and outreach to ensure the active participation of indigenous peoples in the planning, execution, monitoring and evaluation of the 2015 Census For organizational strengthening and census preparation

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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•

Design and production of training material around the UN declaration and the actual training of about 150 indigenous group leaders,

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Affirmation of indigenous rights in the realization of this census and in the broadly-gauged debate in society around the law on land

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Indigenous communities at the local level contribute to the document outlining ONIC’s position for the world conference and are further socialized into the main tenets of the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

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Agreement with the government to guarantee the participation of indigenous peoples and their representatives in all aspects of the census process

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Ministerio de Trabajo de Colombia www.mintrabajo.gov.co MISSION

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oster policies and strategies conductive to the generation of stable employment, labor formalization, and protection of the unemployed, educating the workers, work mobility, pensions and other benefits.

To develop software to help the Labor Ministry’s Observatory of Social and Labor Conflicts anticipate and prevent local labor-related conflicts, particularly in areas impacted by extractive industries

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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Create a centralized database with up-to-date information on employment and on the labor situation at national level for the Observatory of Social and Labor Conflicts. The country´s sole database on social conflict, the database provides a valuable tool for cross sector use;

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Design of a protocol that makes it possible to anticipate social and labor conflicts;

•

Weekly reports on relevant labor issues is prepared and disseminated and bimonthly retreats are carried out to analyze issues and recommendations.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

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Colombia Context ABOUT COLOMBIA

C

olombia is the fifth largest country in Latin America, covering an area of 440 831 square miles (1.14 million square kilometres).

The country’s geography and ecology are among the most varied in the world. Though most urban centres are located in the highlands of the Andes mountains, Colombian territory also encompasses Amazon rainforest, tropical grassland and both Caribbean and Pacific coastlines.

There is also great diversity among Colombia’s population of 46.5 million people. Latin America’s third largest after Brazil and Mexico. Colombia’s ethnic mix includes descendants of the original native inhabitants, Spanish colonists, Africans brought as slaves and twentieth- century immigrants from Europe and the Middle East. This diversity has produced a rich cultural heritage.

The country is rich in natural resources with substantial oil reserves and is a major producer of gold, silver, emeralds, platinum and coal.

Historically, the rich families of Spanish descent benefited from this wealth to a greater extent than the majority, mixed-race population. Colombia’s history in the 20th century was marked by very high levels of political violence, with armed conflicts between Conservatives and Liberals and a succession of agrarian uprisings, leading to the creation of several left-wing guerrilla groups that took control of large parts of the country’s territory, especially in the jungle areas of the north and east.

Subsequently, the lucrative returns from drugs and kidnapping came to dominate the rebels’ agenda, and left-wing guerrillas were joined by rightwing paramilitaries. The conflict has lasted four decades. At one stage the government lost control of large swathes of Colombian territory, especially in the jungle areas of the north and east, to the rebels. Over the past ten years, the government has had some spectacular successes, regaining control of much of the rebel-held territory. Though the conflict is by no means resolved, hopes that the end may be in sight were further boosted by recent progress against armed insurgents.

EXCERPT FROM OECD AND IBRD/THE WORLD BANK. 2012 REVIEW OF NATIONAL POLICIES FOR EDUCATION: TERTIARY EDUCATION IN COLOMBIA

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Despite the armed conflict, Colombia’s economy has experienced positive growth over the past decade. The economy continues to improve, mainly because of austere government budgets, focused efforts to reduce public debt levels, an export-oriented growth strategy, an improved

security situation, high commodity prices and government policies that have engendered growing business confidence. Recent economic success culminated in 2011 in the passage of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States.

Colombia is very proud of its “economic miracle”, and the government now aspires to join the OECD.

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS Colombia is a republic with a democratic government, headed by the president, who is both head of state and head of government, the vice president and the council of ministers. The president is elected by popular vote to serve fouryear terms (a maximum of two, though since 2006 they can be consecutive). Members of both houses of the Colombian congress are elected by popular vote, two months before the president is elected – the 102 senators on a national basis and the representatives by every region and minority group. They too serve four-year terms and can be re-elected indefinitely.

Colombia has seven major political parties – in rough order of congressional seats held in January 2011, these are: Social National Unity (U) Party, Conservative (PC) Party, Liberal (PL) Party, Radical Change (CR) Party, National Integration (PIN) Party, Alternative Democratic Pole (PDA) Party and Green Party – and numerous smaller movements.

Colombia is divided into 32 departments plus the capital district of Bogota, which is treated as a department (Bogota also serves as the capital of the department of Cundinamarca). Departments are subdivided into municipalities, each of which is assigned a municipal seat, and municipalities are in turn subdivided into corregimientos.

Each department has a local government with a governor and assembly directly elected to four-year terms. Each municipality is headed by a mayor and council, and each corregimiento by an elected corregidor, or local leader. At the provincial level the legislative branch is represented by department assemblies and municipal councils. All regional elections are held one year and five months after the presidential election.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Other cities which have been designated districts (in effect special municipalities) are Barranquilla, Santa Marta, Cartagena and Buenaventura.

Some departments have local administrative subdivisions, where towns have a large concentration of population and municipalities are near each other (for example in Antioquia and Cundinamarca). Where departments have a low population and there are security problems (for example Amazonas, Vaupés and Vichada), special administrative divisions are employed, such as “department corregimientos”, which are a hybrid of a municipality and a corregimiento.

ECONOMY AND SOCIETY The country’s labour force is estimated at 21.78 million. Of those employed, 9% are believed to work in agriculture, 38% in industry and 53% in services. The country’s most important industries are textiles, clothing, leather products, footwear, processed food and beverages, paper and paper products, chemicals and petrochemicals, cement, construction, iron and steel products, metalworking, coal and petroleum. Also its diverse climate and topography allows the country to benefit from a great variety of crops, including coffee, sugar cane, flowers, cacao beans, rice, cotton, and tobacco, among others (CIA World Factbook, 2010 estimates).

The national unemployment rate was 9.6% in the trimester August- October 2011. The unemployed are defined by the National Admnistrative Department of Statistics (DANE, Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística), as people 12 years of age and older who did not work for at least one hour during the last week and who actively sought work during the last two weeks and are available to start working. In the same trimester 31.9% of the employed were regarded as “subjectively underemployed” (workers who want to earn more income, work more hours, or work in a job more relevant to their skills) and 11.6% as “objectively underemployed” (workers with the same aspirations as the subjectively underemployed but who have taken steps to change their situation and are available for work of the desired type).

Colombia’s economy has a large “informal sector”, defined as including all those who work independently or in very small firms that do not have to comply with some or all the legal requirements applying to larger firms, in relation Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

to company registration, paying taxes, registration in the national social security system and bookkeeping. The 2010-2014 National Development Plan (DNP, 2011) notes that in Colombia in 2009, over 60% of workers did not contribute to social security and were thus considered part of the informal sector.

The country’s currency is the Colombian peso (COP). In 2010 its GDP was USD 285.5 billion and its GDP per capita was USD 6 273 (World Economic Forum, 2011). The World Bank classifies Colombia as an upper middle income country, with the fourth largest economy in Latin America. The economy expanded faster than the rest of Latin America (5.0% vs. 4.1% per year) between 2002 and 2008.

Following this period of broad-based economic growth, the economy was not affected too severely by the global economic crisis: it remained one of the few countries in the world with positive growth between 2008 and 2009. By 2010, the economy had largely recovered from the slowdown, although a collapse in exports to Venezuela has held back some economic expansion. GDP growth increased by 4.3% in 2010 compared with 1.5% in 2009. The main factors that cushioned Colombia and helped it to recover steadily from the effects of the global economic crisis were a responsible fiscal policy; a monetary policy based on an inflation targeting regime complemented by a floating exchange rate; and sound macro and micro prudential policies combined with a solid financial system (World Bank, 2011).

Economic growth in Colombia has been accompanied by poverty reduction. Between 2002 and 2010, poverty fell from 49.4% to 37.2%, while the proportion of the population that could not satisfy basic nutritional needs (the extreme poor) declined from 17.6% to 12.3%. The decline in poverty is commendable, but given Colombia’s economic performance since 2002, the country’s progress in reducing poverty falls below that of regional peers. Factors contributing to poverty in Colombia are high food prices and transport costs, in comparison with other countries in the region, and an over-protected agricultural sector (World Bank, 2011).

While poverty has been reduced, inequality remains stubbornly high. Colombia has the 7th highest Gini coefficient (0.578) worldwide, with inequality levels comparable to countries such as Haiti, Angola and South Africa, all of which 75

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have much lower GDP per capita than Colombia.

The main reason for Colombia’s relative rise in the ranks of inequality is that other countries are becoming more equal. This is particularly true for other upper-middle income economies in Latin America, such as Brazil. Another important reason is limited fiscal redistribution, in terms of taxation and transfers, by Colombia’s government. In 2008 almost 80% of all monetary transfers benefited the richest 20% of the population, while the poorest quintile received only 3% (Núñez Méndez, 2009; World Bank, 2011).

Another reason why inequality remains high is that Colombian labour markets have been unable to translate growth into widespread access to high quality jobs. Unemployment and informality in Colombia are among the highest in the region, driven by relatively high minimum wages (relative to Colombia’s GDP per capita), high non-wage labour costs, and high payroll taxes as a fraction of wages.

Gender inequality in the labour force contributes directly to inequality and to further labour market rigidities. High inequality levels are also reflected in relatively low levels of social mobility in Colombia, compared to Mexico, Peru and especially the United States (World Bank, 2011).

Disparities across and within the departments of Colombia are significant. This is one of the main issues mentioned in the National Development Plan 2010Ͳ2014. For instance, per capita income in Bogota is five to six times higher than that of the departments of Chocó and Vaupés; also, while the percentage of the population with unsatisfied basic needs is less than 20% in Bogota, in the Departments of La Guajira, Vichada, and Chocó this percentage is greater than 65%. Therefore, considerable differences are found in many areas, such as education. The rate of illiteracy exceeds 20% in the Departments of La Guajira, Chocó, Guaviare, Vaupés, and Vichada, while in Bogota, the Departments of Atlántico, Quindío, Risaralda, San Andrés or Valle del Cauca this rate is close to 6%. Furthermore, inequity within departments is alarming. For instance, within the Department of Bolívar, while the percentage of population with unsatisfied basic needs in Cartagena is 25%, this proportion is more than 76% in twelve municipalities of the same department such as San Jacinto, El Carmen de Bolívar and Santa Rosa.

ranked 68th of 142 countries, the same position as the previous year but with an improved score.

Colombia’s overall ranking was below those of Chile (31), Panama (49), Brazil (53), Mexico (58), Uruguay.

(63) and – by a whisker – Peru (67), but significantly above those of Argentina (85), Ecuador (101), Bolivia (103), Paraguay (122) and Venezuela (124). Overall, the country’s competitiveness rankings are fairly typical of what the World Economic Forum calls “efficiency driven economies”. As the WEF report noted, the country’s competitive strengths include a sound and stable macro-economic environment characterised by a low inflation rate and manageable levels of public debt and deficit; an improving education system; and a large domestic market. On the other hand, the report noted that despite the government’s sustained efforts to improve social pacification and eradicate organised crime, security concerns remain very high on the list of factors dragging down the country’s competitive potential; and that Colombia also needs to improve regulation and transport infrastructure. The four most problematic factors for doing business identified in the WEF’s survey of Colombian executives were: corruption; inadequate infrastructure; inefficient government bureaucracy; and difficulties in accessing financing.

The country’s official language is Spanish, and 90% of the population is Roman Catholic. Life expectancy is 74.55 years (71.3 for men, 78 for women) (CIA World Factbook, 2011 estimates).

The population is concentrated in the Andean highlands and along the Caribbean coast. The nine eastern lowland departments, comprising about 54% of Colombia’s area, have less than 3% of the population and a density of less than one person per square kilometre. Traditionally a rural society, movement to urban areas was very heavy in the mid-twentieth century, and now over 75% of the population live in urban areas (CIA World Factbook, 2010 figures). Over 7.5 million people live in the capital Bogota while Medellin and Cali have populations of over two million people each, and Barranquilla is home to over one million. Sixtytwo other Colombian cities have populations of 100 000 or more.

In the World Economic Forum’s (WEF) 201112 Global Competitiveness Index, Colombia 76

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION RECENT LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS IN COLOMBIA:

The New Political Landscape MARCH 2014

O

n March 9, Colombia held legislative elections for the House of Representatives and the Senate. These elections were particularly important because the new Congress will have to deal with the transitional justice reforms needed for the peace process with the FARC and with all the reforms coming out of that negotiation in Havana if it is successful.

Aside from the post-conflict context, these elections were especially newsworthy because former President Álvaro Uribe was running for Senate with a closed-list of his recently created movement Centro Democrático. This fact forced the other political parties to find very high profile people to lead their own lists. As a result, the new Congress will have at least five “presidential” figures, which will probably elevate the level of political debate and will give back power and some prestige to the legislative branch.

The main result of these elections was that –as anticipated—former President Uribe’s list was highly successful, with more than 2 million votes, and will have between 19 and 21 senators representing his movement (the final number of seats will only be known in a month when the final vote count is complete). His list was made of highly ideological right-wing people with little electoral experience and a vowed loyalty to Uribe. In fact, to be included in the list, they had to sign a paper vowing to be faithful to his ideas. Many of them are quite young.

Because of the Centro Democrático´s composition, it will probably be a very cohesive and obedient group of legislators who will follow–almost without any internal debate—the lead of Uribe, a great caudillo. Having this type of a disciplined group of legislators is not the rule in Colombian Congress, but having an organized opposition from the right is an absolute novelty in the political landscape. In this country, the President traditionally dominates Congress through offers of bureaucratic positions and regional investments to legislators, and the only opposition comes from the minority left wing party.

PREPARED FOR THE FORD FOUNDATION JUANITA LEON, PROMINENT COLOMBIAN JOURNALIST AND DIRECTOR OF LA SILLA VACÍA (GRANTEE)

Since former President Uribe is President Santos’s main rival and the most vocal detractor of the peace process with the FARC, his presence in Congress presents a hurdle for the Final Agreement with the guerrillas. But it is unlikely that Uribe’s movement can become the Colombian Tea Party with enough power to thwart it.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

Since President Santos assumed office, he has governed with a four-party political coalition called Unidad Nacional (the National Unity), which has a representation of over 80 percent of Congress. It was made of the traditional Conservative Party and the three other parties originated in the Liberal Party (Cambio Radical, La U and the Liberal Party).

In February, the Conservative Party decided to have its own presidential candidate, so their permanence in the Unidad Nacional is shaky.

While most Conservative Congressmen want to continue in the Unidad Nacional, officially the Party has decided not to support Santos’s reelection. Nonetheless, it is a dispute that has not been settled yet.

On March 9, the official coalition (without the Conservative Party) won 4.9 million votes, 47 of the 102 Senate seats and 92 of the 166 in the House of Representatives.

Although President Santos called victory because his own party, La U, received the most votes— winning a head-to-head confrontation with Uribe’s party—this election’s results were not ideal for him.

As a whole, his coalition lost several seats to Uribe and since the Conservative Party is not officially part of it, Santos no longer holds the majority in the Senate that freed him from being held hostage during the past four years to any of the parties in his coalition and to pass any law he wanted.

Now, President Santos will need the support of the three parties in his coalition and also to make alliances with the Conservative Party, or with any of the minority parties to approve the largest reforms.

If the Conservative Party finally stays in the President’s coalition, the Unidad Nacional would have 66 senators, two out of three votes. But ideologically, this traditional party is more similar to Uribe’s new movement, and the conservatives will play that card to improve their position at the bargaining table with Santos.That makes the two parties in the Left–el Polo and Alianza Verde with a total of 10 seats—very valuable for the President in order to pass the peace-related reforms.

These elections represented a continuation of the same political class. Out of the 102 senators, only 12 have not been members of Congress before or are not heirs of political families. In the House of Representatives, where it is easier to get 77

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elected, 69 out of 166 are new to politics. So, all in all, 30 percent of Congress is “fresh blood” and only 21 percent are women (33 in the House and 22 in the Senate).

For the last decade one of the biggest disgraces for Colombia has been the high representation that ‘mafias’ have had in Congress. It is a phenomenon known as “parapolitica.” In 2010, 32 members of Congress had direct or indirect links to former paramilitary groups. Since then many of them have been arrested and prosecuted. Nonetheless, the new Congress has the same 32 legislators linked to the parapolítica. Even in jail, former parapolíticos inherited their political structures to the newly elected. In that sense, these elections did not represent a step forward for Colombian democracy. Even the two seats reserved for ethnic communities were occupied by two legislators that are white and with links to the mafia.

In addition to that, these elections were tainted by a massive practice of buying votes (25 dollars a vote). It is said that some legislators spent more than one million dollars in getting themselves reelected.

Where did that money come from? In many cases, it came from tax-payers money distributed by the Government. Santos’s government has used “cupos indicativos,” as a way to let legislators have influence over the social expenditures. They choose the municipalities where the government will invest in development, but then, they choose behind doors the contractors to do the public works and charge them a “commission” with which they finance their campaigns. All these transactions for legislators approve the Government’s initiatives have been called “la mermelada”.

Peñalosa is an economist, international consultant in urban planning and a very modern politician. He has been a quite independent politician, with strong views about equality that put him on the center left of the political spectrum although paradoxically he is widely considered as a right wing politician because of his views on security. He has said that he will keep the peace process just as it is. He has a reputation as an efficient administrator but he has not been successful in politics, losing four previous elections in a row. But last Sunday he won a surprising 2 million votes in the primaries of his party becoming the main rival of Santos.

In the polls, President Santos has an approval rating of less than 30 percent, which makes it difficult (but not impossible) for him to win in the first round (he would need 51 percent of votes). In a second round, the right will support Peñalosa and the left will probably not vote.

So far it´s not clear what will be the main issue of this campaign. The peace process is definitely a factor, and any progress or setback in Havana will have political consequences. But, probably, the issue of the “mermelada” will also become an important topic as the “indignados” movement is slowly growing in Colombia and people are getting sick of traditional politics. If that becomes the issue, Mr. Santos has everything to lose.

Since the President’s winning party was the main beneficiary of these practices, it is becoming a scandal for the President, which will probably grow as the Presidential elections get closer.

These elections’ impact on the presidential campaign is just starting to be seen. In the most recent poll, Óscar Iván Zuluaga, President Uribe’s candidate, jumped to 14 points, twice as much he had before the legislative contest. But the biggest winner was the candidate of Alianza Verde, Enrique Peñalosa, former Mayor of Bogotá. In yesterday’s Datexco poll, he appeared beating Santos in the second round of presidential elections due to take place in May of this year.

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Monday, April 7 • 2:00 - 4:00 pm

SESSION BRIEF BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES IN THE ANDEAN REGION AND SOUTHERN CONE:

The Strategy of the Office Quick Facts

ANDEAN REGION AND SOUTHERN CONE FIELD OFFICE

•

The first offices were first established in 1962 in Bogota and Buenos Aires, followed by Santiago in 1963. The AR&SC Office is located in Santiago since the re-opening of this Field Office in 1991.

•

FY 2014 Budget: $11,664,740.00

•

Six Initiatives: Transparent, Effective and Accountable Government; Advancing Racial Justice and Minority Rights; Building Economic Opportunities over a Lifetime; Expanding Livelihoods for Poor Households; Higher Education for Social Justice and Strengthening Human Rights Worldwide.

•

Staff: (11 total) Representative (also with PO responsibilities); 1 Senior Program Officer and two Program Officers; 1 General Services Officer; 1 Grants Manager; 1 Accountant; 1 Executive Assistant; 2 Program-Administrative Assistants and 1 Administrative Assistant.

CENTRAL FOCUS OF OUR WORK WHAT IS THE KEY PROBLEM BEING ADDRESSED? •

Political, economic, social and cultural exclusion, especially affecting Afro-descendant populations, indigenous peoples and those living in poverty, in Colombia, Peru and Chile.

•

What is the Office theme? “Building Inclusive Democracies.”

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What are the critical dimensions of the problem?

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Absence or limited exercise of rights for these specific populations;

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Limited access to justice, basic social services, financial services and markets for these groups;

•

Limited capacities (capabilities) of these groups to expand their opportunities to live with dignity and exercise their citizenship;

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Absence or limited recognition of these populations in the general society, and their limited participation in the decisions, processes and institutions that affect their lives.

WHY IS IT IMPORTANT FOR THE FOUNDATION TO ADDRESS THIS PROBLEM? •

Poverty and inequality are the major problems confronting these societies, in which democratic arrangements fall short of providing both means of participation for affected populations and institutions and policies meant to address them.

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The exclusion of Afro-descendant and indigenous peoples is reflected by an invisibility of their situation, needs, rights and culture. Lack, and sometimes complete absence of adequate official information and statistics on historically excluded populations hinders the design and implementation of public policies aimed to effectively combat exclusion.

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By working with/for the most excluded, we support human dignity and structural social change.

WHAT IS THE VALUE-ADD FOR THE FOUNDATION TO ADDRESS THIS PROBLEM? •

The Foundation plays a key role in raising awareness of key problems, empowering affected groups, pressing for public policies, and invigorating a rights perspective.

•

Our permanent presence in the region and credibility with target populations; our legitimacy as an independent facilitator of processes involving public and private actors, and our capacity to foster innovative solutions, are advantages for furthering our goals of lasting change.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

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WHAT DO WE HOPE TO ACCOMPLISH AS A RESULT OF OUR INTERVENTIONS? •

The institutionalization of public policies and private initiatives that foster the exercise of citizenship by excluded groups, particularly Afro-descendants, indigenous peoples and those living in poverty.

•

To achieve the latter we work on bringing broad societal and political awareness of the problems of exclusion; increasing capacity of organizations representing target populations and their ability to push for their demands; and affirming mechanisms and institutions for their participation in decision-making.

THE CONTEXT FOR THE WORK •

Although some progress in reducing poverty and even inequality in these countries is undeniable, the fruits of progress have not been evenly distributed. This has resulted in increased social conflict derived from growing expectations and pressures on governments that, in many cases, have scant capacity to respond and deliver the public services demanded.

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The most marginalized sectors— including indigenous and Afro- descendant populations—still perform well below national and regional averages. For example, these groups show significantly lower levels of political participation, educational attainment and health.

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There is wide consensus on the achievements that countries have made in terms of strengthening their democracies- evidenced, amongst others, by the periodicity and transparency of elections. Furthermore, countries also have sound macro-economic policy and stability. But economies are largely based on commodities and services. Hence, if the macroeconomic outlook were to worsen— due to a the continued crisis in the Eurozone, a slowdown in China, or any other development in the global economy—countries may be less equipped to weather the storm as they did in 2008. The ensuing consequences could be serious for the quality of democratic governance in the region and in particular for target populations.

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Opportunities for furthering our goals include the increased awareness among visionaries that exclusion is a critical issue in the agenda; successful policy innovations that have reduced poverty and social disparities; growth of the so-called “New Economy”; and increasingly active social movements.

STRATEGIES BEING EMPLOYED TO ADDRESS THE PROBLEM •

The Office has a cohesive strategy to build inclusive democracies through the institutionalization of public policies and private initiatives that foster the exercise of citizenship. To ensure impact and scale, initiatives promote policies and initiatives that are formalized; have the necessary agents and structures for their implementation; are validated and legitimized; affect or aim to affect the whole of the target population; and are sustainable.

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We work closely with civil society and target group organizations, promoting alliances and raising awareness for larger impact; strengthen relationships and build bridges with national and subnational levels of government; and actively engage the private sector in the promotion of inclusion.

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Approaches include: Policy design and implementation; Strengthening capacities of civil society organizations and government, including at the local level; Building and articulating alliances; Innovative advocacy and agenda-shaping; Knowledge-building; Leadership building and strengthening.

CRITICAL OPEN QUESTIONS

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•

How to promote the development of institutions that can address rapid social economic change?

What are the similarities and differences in the roles of the public sector, for profit and civil society in promoting/fostering inclusion?

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How to link policy that focuses on target populations with policies targeted at other groups? How to promote scale in interventions while at the same time respecting diversity, especially in regard to ethnic populations?

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How to work effectively on increased awareness in society of the problems of exclusion in the context of little receptive media?

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

ANDEAN REGION & SOUTHERN CONE

5 Year Budget and Grantmaking Analysis

ArgenAna 2% 12%

Millones

50%

18

17%

AR&SC Grant Making 2009-­‐2013

16

2009 19%

Chile Colombia Peru Regional

$15,87

4% 7% 15%

53%

14

$11,68

12

$12,17

2010

$12,58

21%

35%

10

4%

2011 46%

15%

8

0%

6

Stub Period

4 2

71% 9% 2%

$0,89

-­‐

2009

2010

2011

2012

29%

2012

35%

2013 37%

2013

17%

Amounts include contributions from global initiatives and transfer from reserves.

AR&SC Grant Making Budget per Source of Funding $5,12 $0,87

$1,68

$11,30

$10,90

$2,93

$8,75

Stub Period

$10,75

$1.798 M Carryover from Stub Year $1.6M Funds from Global IniLaLves $1.42M Transfer from Reserves $285K Transfer from DRJ

ContribuAons from global iniAaAves and transfer from reserves Office Original Budget

$0,89

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

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$18 $16 $14

Millones

Millones

TransiLon ver Time TransiLon OOver ime $18 $16

Regional

$14

Peru

$12 $10

$12

Chile

$8

$10

ArgenAna

$6

$8

$4

$6

$-­‐ 2009

$2

2010

$-­‐ 2009

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Chile

2013

2011

2013

Top Foundation Grantees in the AR&SC 2009-­‐2013 Organization Name Location of Impact Number of Grants Amount Regional 5 $ 7,557,523 1 Fundación Capital 2 Institute of Peruvian Studies Peru 9 $ 3,955,916 Latin American Center for Rural Development Top Foundation Grantees in the AR&SC 2009-­‐2013 3 (RIMISP) Regional 6 $ 2,848,900 4 University Colombia 10 $ 2,625,000

Organization Name of the Andes Location of Impact Number of Grants Amount 5 CHIRAPAQ, Centro de Culturas Indígenas del Perú Peru 5 Fundación Capital Regional 5 $ 1,465,000 $ 7,557,523 6 PROCASUR Regional 4 $ 1,277,283 Institute 7 of PLegal eruvian Studies Peru 9 $ 1,180,000 $ 3,955,916 Defense Institute Peru 3 Latin American Center for R ural Development 8 Group of Analysis for Development Peru 7 $ 1,178,700 (RIMISP) 9 Center for the Study of Law, Justice and Society Regional 6 $ 950,000 $ 2,848,900 Colombia 3 10 oCenter for Afro Study and Research Regional 2 University f the A ndes Colombia 10 $ 830,000 $ 2,625,000 11 Press and Society Institute Regional 3 CHIRAPAQ, Centro de Culturas Indígenas del Perú Peru 5 $ 825,000 $ 1,465,000 12 International Center for Tropical Agriculture Colombia 2 $ 803,685 PROCASUR Regional 4 $ 790,600 $ 1,277,283 13 Livelihoods and Microfinance Corporation Colombia 3 Legal Defense Institute Peru 3 $ 790,000 $ 1,180,000 14 Center for Legal and Social Studies (CELS) Regional-­‐Argentina 3

2011

2010

Colombia ArgenAna

$2

$4

Regional

Colombia Peru

United N ations Economic Commission for Latin Group of Analysis for Development American and the Caribbean (ECLAC) Center f15 or the Study of Law, Justice and Society

Center for Afro Study and Research Press and Society Institute International Center for Tropical Agriculture Livelihoods and Microfinance Corporation FY2013 Center for Legal and Social Studies (CELS)

Peru 7 $ 1,178,700 Regional 3 Colombia 3 $ 720,000 $ 950,000 Regional 2 $ 830,000 Regional 3 $ 825,000 Colombia 2 $ 803,685 Colombia 3 $ 790,600 LaLn America 3 Offices $ 790,000 Regional-­‐Argentina

Actual Expenses

United Nations Economic Commission for Latin STUB PERIOD 15 American and the Caribbean (ECLAC)

Regional

3

$ 720,000

FY2012 Andean Region & Southern Cone Mexico & Central America

FY2011

Brazil FY2010 FY2009 $-­‐

$1

$2

$3

$4

$5

Millones

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QUIBDO

QUIBDO

Tuesday, April 8 • 8:30-10:30am

SESSION BRIEF THE COLOMBIAN PACIFIC:

Understanding Opportunities and Challenges CONTEXT

C

olombia’s Pacific Coast region should be one of the country’s most promising regions economically.

Colombia’s main port, Buenaventura, is responsible for more than 46% of imports and exports and is the port of entry for commerce with China and Asia. In February, 2014, Mexico, Colombia, Peru and Chile signed a new FTA called the “Pacific Alliance,” recognizing that these four countries share a coast to the Pacific Ocean and capitalizing on the opportunity for shared economic growth stemming from this region.

However, for Colombia the Pacific coast is the most neglected region by the national government.

For decades, the Pacific region and its four states have lagged behind in economic and social indicators compared to the rest of the country. The region includes 47 municipalities with a population of over 1.4 million, 79.5% of whom belong to ethnic groups (73% Afro-Colombian and 6.5% Indigenous). With 3.1% of the country’s population, the Colombian Pacific occupies close to 8% of the country’s overall territory and 36% of the seacoast. Its three major urban centers are Buenaventura, Quibdó and Tumaco—Quibdó being the only capital of a state among these three.

The UBN index (unsatisfied basic needs) portrays the drastic difference between this region and the national average, where 41% of the Pacific population have unmet basic needs, compared to the national average of 29%. The Pacific has the lowest literacy rate (76.4%) of any region in Colombia, and the per capita income is well below the national average (U$2,700 compared to U$6,000 approximately). Additionally, internal connectivity depends basically on the river network, which also constitutes great cultural value for Afro-Colombians.

Today in Quibdó the debate will foster an understanding of the challenges and opportunities of this region, especially those of the state of Chocó and the city of Quibdó; where 97% of the population is AfroColombian, making it the city with the largest percentage of Afro-Colombians in the country. The lack of infrastructure with only two roads connecting to the rest of the country represents the notion that Colombia has turned its back on this region for decades.

PARTICIPANTS

Efrén Palacios: Governor of Chocó Elected Governor in December 2013, Mr. Palacios has had a lengthy career of public service. He previously served as manager of the Quibdó Institute of Aqueduct and Sewage Systems, Chocó Supervisor, Finance Secretary for the department capital, Legislative Representative for his district between 2006 and 2010, and was a mayoral candidate for Quibdó in 2003. He was also President of the Liberal Party in Chocó. Mr. Palacios holds a degree in Business Administration from the School of Business Administration (EAN), as well as studies in Public Finance from the Superior School for Public Administration (ESAP).

Zulia Mena: Mayor of Quibdó Mayor of Quibdó since 2011, Ms. Mena is the first woman to hold the leadership post and is widely recognized as a champion of social inclusion. In 1993, she was also the first Afro-descendant woman to be elected to Congress, earning one of two constitutionally-mandated Afro-Colombian Special Constituency seats. Previously, she served as the Special Commissioner for Chocó and contributed to developing Law 70 of 1993, a landmark legal achievement which recognizes Afro-Colombian rights and upholds collective property rights in Colombia. Ms. Mena holds a degree in Social Work from the Universidad Tecnológica del Chocó Diego Luis Córdoba and a certificate in Community and Land Management from the Inter-American Institute for Economic and Social Development at the IADB in Washington, DC.

Juan Carlos Barreto: Bishop of Quibdó Msgr. Barreto was named Bishop of Quibdó in March 2013. Born in El Guamo, he completed his studies in Philosophy and Theology in the Seminario Mayor Misionero de Espiritu Santo in the Sonsón-Rionegro diocese. Msgr. Barreto was ordained in 1993 and earned his degree in Spiritual Theology from the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome. He has been a vocal advocate for Quibdó and the region, denouncing violence and calling on government and local leaders to dedicate greater time and resources to improving living standards in Chocó.

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Luis Gilberto Murillo: Former Governor of Chocó Mr. Murillo served as governor of Chocó from 1998 to 1999, and was elected governor again in 2011, although he was later forced to step down in 2012 following a lengthy legal battle with his detractors over his eligibility. Mr. Murillo has also served as executive director and deputy director of the Chocó and Bogotá environmental protection agencies. In addition, he has been a consultant for the Environmental Research Institute for the Pacific Coast, the Colombian Ministry of Mining and Energy, the United Nations Development Program, and has served as a peer reviewer for the World Bank. In 2000, Mr. Murillo was kidnapped in Colombia. Upon release, he fled the country with his family, receiving asylum in the United States, where he began work in Washington as U.S.-Colombia Policy Coordinator and later senior international policy analyst for Lutheran World Relief (LWR). Mr. Murillo holds a bachelor’s degree in Engineering and a master’s degree in Mining and Development.

He's also been a visiting scholar at the Michigan State University Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies.

Alvaro Forero: Director, Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia (Grantee) Mr. Forero is the Director of the Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia and leads the project Gabinete de Pares de Quibdó. He has worked in both the public and private sector, but always with an emphasis on public issues. Mr. Forero studied Law at the Universidad de los Andes in Colombia and French Civilization at the University of Sorbonne in France, and Financial Markets at the University of New York in the U.S.A. He is a member of the consultant firm Forero Asociados Consultores, manager of Netherinve, founder of the citizen social network Vozpública.org, and manager of Arthur Andersen. Mr. Forero has also been a member of the Colombia Mission to the United Nations, General Deputy Secretary of the Presidency, and advisor to the Minister of Government.

Liliana Caballero: Coordinator, Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia (Grantee) Ms. Caballero is the Coordinator of the project Gabinete de Pares de Quibdó for the Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia.

She holds a doctorate in Law, Political and Social Science, from the Universidad Nacional in Colombia, and is a specialist in Criminal Law and Criminology. Ms. Caballero is a founding partner and manager of the law firm, Piza & Caballero Consultants. Throughout her professional career she has been involved in the Colombian public sector as an advisor and consultant, including advising the presidency in three administrations, coordinating processes of public administration reform, and advising the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit, the Ministry of defense, the Ministry of Foreign Trade, National Planning Department and COLCIENCIAS (Institution for the Promotion of Research and Development). She has also held various managerial positions including the General Secretary of the Capital District, Legal Area of the ICFES (National Institute for the Promotion of the Education), General Secretary of the National University, and an academic Peer of the National Accreditation Board (CNA). Also, Ms. Caballero led the Citizens Movement Visionarios por Colombia and managed the presidential campaign of Antanas Mockus, known as the “Green Wave or Ola Verde.”

Helcias Ayala: Coordinator, Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Pacifico (IIAP) A Mining Engineer and Special Assessor in Environment Impacts, Mr. Ayala´s work focuses on biodiversity and ethnodevelopment in the Colombian Pacific. He has worked for the Technical Secretariat of the Permanent Bureau for Responsible Mining in the Department of Chocó, participating in the conceptualization of ecological criteria and socio environmental programs such as Oro Verde (Green Gold). Mr. Ayala has written scientific articles relating to mining issues and perceptions of ethno-culture for the IIAP in its Bioetnia magazine. He also has expertise in the ethnic dynamics, territorial organization of the Afro-descendant communities in Chocó and the Pacific.

William Klinger: Director, Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Pacifico (IIAP) Born in Nuquí and raised in Quibdó, Mr. Klinger is both a renowned academic and composer of folk music. He holds a degree in Forestry Engineering from the Universidad Distrital and a master’s in Education from the Universidad Pedagógica, both in Bogota, Colombia. Mr. Klinger has more than 20 years of experience as a full professor at the Universidad Distrital and has researched and published numerous studies on issues related to forestry, wood, the environment and Afro-Colombian communities. He has also held numerous academic leadership positions at the Universidad Distrital—including Director of Scientific Studies and Coordinator for the Forestry Engineering Curriculum Reform—as well as in the public sector, serving as the National Planning Department’s Coordinator for the Afro-Colombian Community Development Plan. In the music world, Mr. Klinger has been recognized at numerous folkloric music festivals for his salsa, bolero and Vallenata musical compositions.

Richard Moreno: Member of Chocó Community Council A community and social leader, Mr. Moreno has led a politically active career, including candidacies in both gubernatorial and congressional races. He has also served as legal advisor for the Medio Atrato Mayor´s Office, Carmen del Darién, the Quibdó Dioceses, the Riosucio Parrish, and COCOMACIA (an NGO that promotes social development in Chocó), among other community organizations. He was a co-founder of the Chocó Interethnic Solidarity Forum that convened 68 organizations from diverse sectors of Chocó society. Mr. Moreno earned his law degree from the Universidad Externado in Colombia and is an expert on Afro-Colombian community issues, as well as prior and informed consultation and indigenous groups.

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia www.fundacionlyd.org MISSION

W

ork and promote on the development and dissemination of science, technologies and ideas applied to the democracy.

For a technical assistance program to help the municipal cabinet of Quibdó shape policies to achieve the social justice goals of its municipal development plan.

For a technical assistance program to help the municipal cabinet of Quibdó shape policies to achieve the social justice goals of its municipal development plan

INDICATOR OF SUCCESS •

A thorough assessment and evaluation of the Municipal Development Plan is completed: FLyD worked with technical professionals to bridge municipal and national development plans to identify mechanisms to better capture resources for Quibdó.

•

At least three policies in the MDP identified to be articulated with national programs to address social justice goals and overcome disparities for the most marginalized: After an initial assessment with municipal officials, Quibdó’s policy implementation situation was more dramatic than expected, laying the foundation for basic policies helped the city have “early victories” that jumpstart major changes in social justice. For example:

•

•

New “Invest in Chocó” agency created by agreement between Mayor and Chamber of Commerce

•

Citizen Culture Campaign initiated to promote citizenship and environmental awareness, discouraging activities such as dumping trash and partnering with other agencies and the Mayor’s Office to promote a social transformation process related to garbage.

Policy implementation capacity of the municipal cabinet is strengthened by working in a multisector scenario with the national government, CSO’s and higher education institutions: Some initiatives have attracted national and international donors. A major accomplishment is the fact that national agencies are working for the first time in this city and realizing the negligence of past administrations toward the region and its communities. For example: • • • •

ACDI/VOCA committed U$ 80,000 for consulting and contract team for 8 months The Mayor of Quibdó committed U$ 45,000 for the first year of implementation The Chamber of Commerce committed U$40,000 The Government of Chocó committed U$ 55,000

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The Colombian Pacific

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Tuesday, April 8 • 2:30-4:30 pm

SESSION BRIEF A CONVERSATION WITH OFFICE GRANTEES:

Fighting Exclusion and Discrimination in the Pacific CONTEXT

T

his session will address the major challenges facing the Pacific Region in the view of different grantees, as well as the ways in which their interventions in their specific areas of activity aim to address those challenges. These interventions include the strengthening of Afro Colombian community councils in their territories, and of Afro Colombian organizations in the fight for representation and visibility; the strengthening of departmental government and social dialogue in Chocó, especially in light of resources coming from mining; the formation of a new generation of Afro Colombian policy makers for the region; and the design, testing and provision of livelihood promotion services through mobile and internet technologies for the extremely poor.

The exclusion and structural discrimination affecting indigenous and Afro descendant populations in Colombia find its crudest expression in the Pacific Region. In addition to the neglect of this region as a whole, within it these populations are the poorest and the least educated, with large numbers living with unmet basic needs. Within the region the Illiteracy rate among the indigenous population is three times higher than that of the total population, and nearly twice as high among Afro descendants; and 45 percent of Afro descendant households and 38 percent of indigenous households lack adequate water supply, as opposed to 21 percent for the total population.

In addition, the region suffers the curse that connects wealth in resources to high levels of violence.

About half of the country’s income from forestry and industrial fishing comes from this region, which is also the largest producer of gold and platinum, attracting high volumes of foreign investment. In turn, the geography and the social and economic contrasts, makes the prone to very high levels of violence coming from the action of paramilitary and guerrilla groups, the army, and organized crime, resulting in very high levels of forced displacement, affecting in disproportionate numbers the Afro descendant and indigenous populations.

Poverty, violence, ethnic features, and weak institutions, all contribute to a spiral of invisibility of this region before the priorities outlined by the national government in the nation´s capital city, which results in a historic neglect of the Pacific Region. This is the background for the work of grantees.

PARTICIPANTS

Paula Moreno: Director, Manos Visibles, Former Minister of Culture Ms. Moreno currently leads Manos Visibles (Visible Hands), and organization dedicated to developing effective inclusion practices in urban contexts through the implementation of comprehensive development strategies that strengthen urban community organizations for young people and women, especially in vulnerable and at-risk communities. Previously, Ms. Moreno served as Colombia´s Minister of Culture (2007-2010), becoming the youngest minister in Colombian history and the first Afro-Colombian woman to hold ministerial office. Ms. Moreno is an industrial engineer with experience in social project management, design and implementation of public policies. She holds a master´s degree in Management Studies from the University of Cambridge and was a Fulbright Scholar for Urban and Regional Planning at MIT.

Fabio Velásquez: Executive Director, Foro Nacional por Colombia (Foro) Renowned sociologist and political scientist, Mr. Velásquez is the Executive Director of Foro, an institution dedicated to strengthening Colombia´s social cohesion and democratic culture. Mr. Velásquez leads Foro in conducting research, providing technical assistance and engaging in dissemination and raising awareness on issues related to citizen and political participation, public management, environmental management, and peace-building, among others. He holds a degree in Sociology from the Javeriana Unversity in Colombia and did doctoral studies in Political Science at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland, as well as postgraduate studies in Territorial Organization at the Polytechnic University of Madrid. Ford support has facilitated Foro’s work to help the government of Chocó develop a transparent, democratic and inclusive public management model in which both the private sector and civil society participate in decision-making relating to the mining industry operating in the region.

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Yuli Vásquez: Palenque Regional Coordinating Committee, Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN) Ms. Vasquez has been member of PCN since 2007, although she has been closely involved in community organization and the defense of collective rights since she was a child. Her father, Quintiliana Vasquez, was among the AfroColombian leaders who helped drive the passage of Law 70 of 1993, the landmark law upholding Afro-Colombian civil rights. Ms. Vasquez has served in various roles for PCN, working as part of the national communication team, regional youth coordinator, regional coordinator for projects supported by the Ford Foundation, and currently as a member of the Palenque Regional Coordinating Committee engaging women and youth from Community Councils in five neighborhoods.

Carlos Rosero: National Coordinating Committee, Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN) Mr. Rosero is one of the founding members of the PCN and a leading protagonist in the struggle for collective appropriation of traditional territories of the Pacific coastal rainforest by Afro-Colombian communities. He serves as PCN representative to the Strategic Alliance of Afro-Colombians and is an active participant in the Third Worldwide Conference against Racism. On behalf of PCN and the Strategic Alliance, he is a member of the Afro-Colombian working group of the United Nations. PCN seeks a negotiated agreement to the end of Colombia’s internal armed conflict, has participated in numerous campaigns against Plan Colombia and defends the right to self-determination and sovereignty of the Afro-Colombian population.

Emigdio Cuesta: Executive Secretary, Conferencia Nacional de Organizaciones Afro-Colombianas (CNOA) Born in Bojayá, Chocó, Father Cuesta holds a degree in Theology from the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana in Bogota and a certificate in Management from the Pontificia Universidad Bolivariana/Instituto Misionero de Antropología. He has been a member of the National Coordination Team for the Center for Afro-Colombian Pastors (CEPAC) since 2008 and has been a part of CNOA since it was formed in 2005. Father Cuesta is also a founding member of the Foundation of Life in Bogota, which provides outreach, workshops and conferences about afro identity for the urban afro community, and was a member of the National Plan of Action for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Rights Executive Commission (PNADHDIH). In addition, he is the Provincial of the Verbo Divino religious congregation.

Jaime Villarraga: President, Corporación Vital An economist specializing in social evaluation of projects, Mr. Villarraga leads Corporación Vital with more tan 18 years of profesional experience in microfinance, monitoring and evaluation systems, and project management and systematization for rural, por and vulnerable populations. Corporación Vital is a non-profit organization that focuses on program innovation and sustainable projects that seek to reduce poverty and improve livelihoods through strengthening social capital, community management, financial education based on savings, the generation of income and socially responsible financial inclusion.

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Corporación Manos Visibles www.manosvisibles.org MISSION

T

o promote social, educational, and cultural development of poor people in Colombia.

For a master’s degree program in governance, leadership training and a permanent forum on critical issues to create a new generation of local leaders and policy makers in Colombia’s Pacific.

For the Pacific Power program to foster a new generation of Afro-Colombian leaders in Colombia’s pacific region through fellowships to a new master’s program in public policy

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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•

Masters in Governance Program: Developed and led by two of the best universities in the country in strategic locations for the Pacific Coast--Universidad ICESI and Universidad EAFIT. Total of 60 students are participating in master’s program.

•

Professional Development Program: An effective leadership program for improving communication, negotiation and team management skills with a global perspective in major development challenges. An additional 67 students are participating in a 6-month governance certificate program.

•

Permanent discussion forum on regional challenges: By collecting information on critical topics for the region, building alliances with the government and national media in order to raise awareness and exchanging knowledge on local reflection and proposals.

•

Total of 127 beneficiaries and members of Poder Pacifico

• •

Preparing a new generation of policymakers of Afro-Colombian descent: Manos Visibles launched leadership development programs (Poder Pacifico) to support a new generation of policymakers from the Pacific Coast to pursue master’s degree programs in governance and public policy. The program attracted over 700 applicants—the largest number to any postgraduate program in Colombia. Currently enrolled are two small-town mayors; the President of the Chamber of Commerce of Buenaventura, (Colombia’s most important port); two owners of newspapers providing the only local news in their small towns; and the leader of the student movement in Quidbo (Social Justice Leadership Development).

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Grant Making Summary

Fundación Foro Nacional por Colombia

WEB: http://www.foro.org.co Mission: Promote democratic values and practices that guarantee social cohesion in Colombia and strengthened democratic culture.

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Grant Making Summary

Fundación Foro Nacional por Colombia MISSION

Fundación Foro Nacional por Colombia

Jun-­‐10 Feb-­‐11 Nov-­‐11 Aug-­‐12 May-­‐13 Feb-­‐14 Nov-­‐14

www.foro.org.co WEB: http://www.foro.org.co To assess the impact of the Colomb government's social policies, partic Mission: Promote democratic values and practices t hat $134.000 o promotessocial, educational, and cultural guarantee ocial cohesion in Colombia and sdevelopment trengthened of poor people in Colombia.flagship Families in Action program country's p oorest sectors democratic culture.

T

$200.000

Jun-­‐10

Feb-­‐11

Nov-­‐11

$134.000

Aug-­‐12

To help the government of Chocó c new vision for extractive activity in and design a transparent, democra inclusive public management

To assess the impact of the

Colombian government’s social policies, To assess the impact particularly o f the Colombian Indicators of Success the flagship Families in Analysis of the Families in Agovernment's ction program´s contribution t o educing the sarticularly ocial gap in terms of re social prolicies, pAction the inequalities in Colombia during the program, present decade. on the country’s

flagship Families in Action program, on the poorest sectors Increased public debate among experts, beneficiaries, local and national authorities, regarding th country's p oorest sectors its impact and enhance formulation of recommendations to re-­‐orientate the program, maximize To help the government of attention to the poorest groups of the country.

Chocó construct a new vision for At the end of the project, the government of Cghocó has designed o af nd Cshocó et up a tcransparent, demo To help the overnment onstruct a activity inclusive public management model extractive in which different sectors in of tits he cterritory ivil and political society, an new v ision f or e xtractive a ctivity i n i ts t erritor private sector linked to mining have t aken a

r elevant p lace i n t he d ecision-­‐making s cenarios r ela and design a transparent, $200.000 sector and in the monitoring of its implementation. & inclusivedemocratic public and ddemocratic esign a transparent, &

management

inclusive public management

May-­‐13

Feb-­‐14

Nov-­‐14

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

Indicators of Success

of ofthe in in Action program´s contribution to reducing the social gap in gap terms of regional • Analysis Analysis theFamilies Families Action program´s contribution to reducing the social in terms inequalities i n C olombia d uring t he p resent d ecade. of regional inequalities in Colombia during the present decade.

• Increased Increased public debate among experts, beneficiaries, and national regarding authorities, public debate among experts, beneficiaries, local and local national authorities, the regarding the formulation of recommendations re-orientate the its program, itsthe formulation of recommendations to re-­‐orientate the ptorogram, maximize impact amaximize nd enhance impact and enhance the attention tocountry. the poorest groups of the country. attention to the poorest groups of the

• At the end of the project, the government of Chocó has designed and set up a transparent, democratic At the end of the project, the government of Chocó has designed and set up a transparent, democratic and and inclusive public management model in which different sectors of the civil and political society, inclusive public management model in which different sectors of the civil and political society, and in the and in the private sector linked to mining have taken a relevant place in the decision-making private sector linked to mining have taken a relevant place in the decision-­‐making scenarios related to the scenarios related to the sector and in the monitoring of its implementation. sector and in the monitoring of its implementation.

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Corporación Agencia AfroColombiana Hileros www.renacientes.net MISSION

T

o Promote and defend the human rights, cultural identity and the territories of black communities, their autonomous participation, and a gender perspective starting from organizational empowerment, mobilization and alliance building of the Afro movement.

For training, technical assistance, networking & conferences to build the capacity of Proceso de Comunidades Negras de Colombia & other organizations to promote & defend the rights of Afro-Colombians For training and other activities to build the capacity of Afro-Colombian organizations to advocate for their rights To help Afro-Colombian communities prepare for the 2015 national census & to work with the National Administrative Bureau of Statistics to develop and test demographic indicators for Afro-descendants For advocacy of rights of Afro Colombians and census preparation.

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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•

Increased government accountability in regard to legislation and policies concerning the Afro Colombian population, and in particular with regards to the safety of this population

•

Strengthened connections and partnerships with the public advocate regarding cases of rights violations and the promotion of consultation processes;

•

Enhanced visibility of the Black Communities Process as a legitimate interlocutor in national and regional dialogues;

•

Afro-Colombian leaders are better equipped for work on census substance and process issues; Administrative Bureau of Statistics fully understands the concerns of Afro-Colombian organizations regarding substance and process aspects of the census

•

Grant proposal under review

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Corporación Centro de Pastoral Afrocolombiana www.convergenciacnoa.org MISSION

A

ffirm the cultural identities of Afro descendants in Colombia, promote their ethnic and territorial rights, facilitate the expression of the Christian faith and different spiritualties of Afro Colombians.

For training, organizational development and dissemination in preparation for the upcoming national census in Colombia

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

A set of trained community leaders is available to the national statistics agency to carry out the census in their regions;

•

An increased number of Afro Colombians are prepared to self-identify themselves in accordance with ethnic categories in the census;

•

A sustained relationship is established with government agencies to ensure an ongoing-process of improvement of official national information that is ethnically differentiated;

•

A set of trained community leaders is prepared to analyze census results and to push for ethnically focused public policies.

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Corporación Medios de Vida y Microfinanzas www.corporacionvital.com MISSION

I

mprove the livelihoods of poor and vulnerable rural populations, through the provision of innovative financial and non-financial services and the strengthening of the management capacities of communities.

For a pilot program linking savings, credit, business development services and the use of information technology to improve livelihoods for very poor rural families in Colombia To design, test and provide livelihoods promotion services based on mobile phone and Internet technology for poor and extremely poor rural families in Colombia To study the feasibility of rural community franchising and the impact of value chains on poor workers, map antipoverty initiatives and organize a regional forum on village savings & loan associations

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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•

4,500 families from three of the poorest regions of Colombia would benefit from at least five new financial, business development services and technological tools adapted to the needs of poor and very poor households from rural areas of the country, designed, tested and ready to be implemented on a large scale.

•

A virtual platform would be used by 10,000 families in order to improve local food markets’ efficiency and their food security; iv) a mobile banking platform would be developed and used by at least 5,000 Village Savings and Loans Association members, and would be ready for scaling up.

•

Lessons learnt on the design and implementation of VSLAs’ programs are identified and shared among 280 stakeholders from at least eight Latin American countries;

•

Evidence of the potential impact of inclusive value chains on agricultural workers’ poverty level is produced and foster a fruitful debate on such pro-poor initiatives.

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SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION HOSTAGES IN OUR OWN TERRITORIES:

Afro-American Rights under Siege in Choco

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Afro-American Rights under Siege in Choco

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Afro-American Rights under Siege in Choco

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BOGOTA

BOGOTA

Wednesday, April 9 • 10:00-10:45am

SESSION BRIEF

Meeting with President Juan Manuel Santos CONTEXT

T

he purpose of this meeting is to ratify the Ford Foundation’s commitment to its work in Colombia in support of change makers who are promoting social justice, building more inclusive societies and creating opportunity for all, emphasizing on the Office's focus on addressing exclusion of Afrodescendants, indigenous and those living in poverty; and to learn more about the President’s views on these issues and the progress made and challenges faced by the Government in advancing social transformation for the most vulnerable sectors of the population.

VIP PARTICIPANT

President Juan Manuel Santos Born in Bogotá on August 10, 1951, President Santos was a cadet at the Naval Academy in Cartagena; studied Economics and Business Administration and carried out graduate studies at the London School of Economics, Harvard University and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.

Previously, President Santos was Chief of the Colombian Delegation before the International Coffee Organization (ICO) in London; Designate to the Presidency; and Colombia’s first Foreign Trade Minister. He has also been Finance Minister and National Defense Minister, where he was in charge of leading the implementation of the government’s Democratic Security Policy.

President Santos created the Good Government Foundation (Fundación Buen Gobierno) and founded the political party Partido de la U in 2005, currently Colombia’s largest political party.

As a journalist, President Santos was a columnist and Deputy Director of the newspaper El Tiempo, he was awarded the King of Spain Prize and was president of the Freedom of Expression Commission for the Inter American Press Association (IAPA). He has published several books, among which the most widelyread are The Third Way, co-written with the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and Check on Terror (Jaque al Terror), where he describes the most important actions against the FARC armed group during his tenure as head of the Ministry of Defense.

On June 20, 2010 (after obtaining the largest vote during the first round of the presidential elections on May 30 of the same year), upon the second round of elections, he was elected President of the Republic of Colombia for four years beginning August 7th, 2010. President Santos received more than 9 million votes, the highest amount obtained by any candidate in the history of Colombian democracy.

During his campaign, he promised to lead a government of national unity that would carry out the transition from Democratic Security to Democratic Prosperity.

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BOGOTA JUAN MANUEL SANTOS INTERVIEW:

The peace maker CONTEXT JOHN PAUL RATHBONE

J

uan Manuel Santos: 'What I want is peace.

Believe me, it is much harder to make peace than war'.

For much of his career, Juan Manuel Santos has waged war. Now, Colombia’s president is seeking peace. As he sits in the presidential palace in Bogotá, his tone is measured, his gestures controlled and his gaze calm from under slightly hooded eyes. It is the inscrutable mien of a practised poker player – which is fitting, because if politics is a poker game, Santos has recently gone all-in.

For the past 50 years, Colombia has been wracked by Latin America’s oldest guerrilla insurgency. But last September, Santos opened formal talks with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (the Farc) to try to find peace. Success would end a conflict that has become entwined with rightwing paramilitary groups, displaced millions and left thousands dead. As the Farc has also funded itself with narco-trafficking (although it denies this), peace has international ramifications too.

On his history: •

The history and politics of Colombian media

•

Colombians to watch Meet the new movers

•

Booming Bogotá nightlife enjoys a feelgood factor

•

Colombia A rediscovered country

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Colombia’s eternal presidents

In The New Colombia 2013: •

Eco protests grow over mining expansion

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Expanding Colombia’s service culture

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Exploring Colombia’s La Guajira frontier

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Colombian security industry exports its expertise

Yet many Colombians, following the failure of all other Farc peace talks, fear Santos in his pursuit of a successful deal has become more of a Chamberlain than a Churchill. Since the talks began, his popularity has slumped below 50 per cent.

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Santos leans forward into the bright Andean sunlight streaming through the windows.

Nervous presidential aides rustle their papers.

On the wall, a portrait of a man on a rearing horse peers out of a grapeshot-ridden period of Colombian history. “I am not an appeaser. What I want is peace,” Santos says crisply, chopping the air with his hand. “Believe me, it is much harder to make peace than war.”

Santos knows whereof he speaks. As defence minister under Álvaro Uribe, the former president, he pounded the Farc’s 8,000 troops relentlessly. Not that this has stopped Uribe from since becoming one of Santos’s most relentless critics.

“No one has hit the Farc harder than I. But all wars have to end at some point, and that requires a negotiated solution,” Santos says. “That is why every military officer fights – so that there may be peace.

Still, as I have always said, these talks have limits, and if peace is not possible we shall walk away.”

Having established the point, the emotional temperature in the room drops, his aides relax and the president resumes his inscrutable poise.

Santos, 61, studied at the London School of Economics and, like many well-bred Colombians, has a strand of anglophilia. Indeed, he is a “gent” in the English phrase. The nephew of a former president, his family owned the country’s newspaper of record, El Tiempo, until it was sold in 2007. He is cultivated and urbane, but remains grounded by drawing life lessons from poker.

“Truman and Roosevelt … liked to play,” he says. “It reminded them of everyday life and of governing, that you need to know the rules of the game, when to risk, who your rivals are, and that you need luck and vision in order to win.”

More than anything, though, Santos is groomed for power. He has worked as a minister of trade, of finance and of defence. Before government, he was a journalist and set up a think-tank dedicated to the knotty theme of good governance.

On paper, therefore, few presidents anywhere are as well prepared for the job, including its potential pitfalls. Santos did not need to open the peace talks – continuing to fight would have been the easier path politically. But the stars were aligned, especially after Cuba urged the Marxist

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Farc to give up its anachronistic armed struggle.

So Santos took a calculated risk. As he says, “the potential returns are so high”.

On poverty row: Juan Manual Santos, above, visits a street in Bogotá known as 'El Bronx', in one of the city's most deprived areas.

Peace would certainly be a game changer for Colombia’s $390bn economy. “With peace, our economy would do better still,” says Santos.

Santos – his government’s Tony Blair-esque motto is “Prosperity for All” – has unleashed programmes to combat poverty and inequality. But advancing the agenda has been easier said than done, prompting the criticism that Santos, the former newspaperman, “governs with headlines” and does not follow through.

Colombia is also a member of the Pacific Alliance, a promising $1,200bn trade bloc that includes Mexico, Chile and Peru and is characterised by liberal-minded instincts. Santos is proud if characteristically diplomatic about comparisons with South America’s more protectionist Atlantic economies, such as Brazil and Argentina. “You will never hear me denigrating other countries,” he says. “But it is true we are faster-growing. We also share the same beliefs about the importance of foreign investment and rule of law.”

Yet peace, for all its merits, would also bring challenges. For one, incorporating demobilised guerrillas into national politics could see Colombia’s traditionally centre-right politics swing to the left. That prospect might sit comfortably with the patrician Santos – “I’m a third way kind of guy” – but not with all Colombians, many of whom associate leftwing politics with terrorists. “There cannot be peace with total immunity, so there has to be a process of transitional justice. But where do you draw the line between justice and peace?” he says. “This is the common dilemma of every country that wants to solve a conflict like ours …

Still, as [a prominent international prosecutor] said, justice cannot be an obstacle for peace, anywhere, at any time.”

Even if polls suggest that public support for the peace process is growing, this is the kind of talk that so riles Santos’s domestic opponents.

It can also feed fears, especially in the business community, that peace could one day unleash a wave of political populism.

Bogotá is a city of glittering skyscrapers and busy shopping centres with an up-and-coming middle class, but to its south are areas such as Ciudad Bolívar, a series of once-green rolling hills now covered with grey shanty towns. Meanwhile Cartagena, on the Caribbean coast, is a colonial jewel that thrums with well-heeled tourists. But around the city live hardscrabble populations displaced by violence from the interior.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

“There are many definitions of governance. The one I have is execution,” he responds, bristling slightly. He points to the fact that ministries have spent more of their allocated budgets in the past two years than in the past 15, although as he adds, a tough new anti-corruption law has produced inertia in a newly fearful bureaucracy. “We went too far, perhaps [with that bill],” he says.

At the same time, the economy has come off the boil. A wave of oil and mining investment has brought signs of “Dutch disease”, including an appreciated currency that has punished manufacturers, a major source of employment, as well as agriculture. Although the economy is growing at around 4 per cent, “some sectors are not doing very well”, Santos admits. (He announced a stimulus package two weeks after this interview.)

Then there is his management style. This is more chairman of the board than chief executive.

His cabinet, perhaps the most competent in South America, is stuffed with capable technocrats. But critics say this is not always matched by their ability to get things done – and there is so much Santos wants them to do: from tax, education, health, pension and justice reforms to trade liberalisation.

And all that before even thinking about peace.

This, critics say, is the Achilles heel of his programme: it is too ambitious and too broad. “The number of reforms passed, and their quality, make us probably the most progressive government in the past century,” Santos responds.

He reels off statistics: a drop in inequality; 200km of new double-lane roads built last year and 300km this year (“comparable to Spain at its best moment”); and reparations paid to more than 170,000 victims of violence.

His reform list, though, forces a question on many Colombian minds: with so much still to do, 111

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surely he will run again for president in 2014? Santos says he will not decide until November, that he is unattached to power and would just as much be a teacher as president. “Some people think that being in this position is very agreeable,” he says. “I must tell you that sometimes it is very difficult.”

There is no reason to disbelieve him, until the subject of completing the peace process – his potential marker in history – comes up. Domestic opponents say Santos needs a peace deal to launch his re-election bid. A more interesting question, though, is whether peace needs him. After all, signing a deal is only half the process – implementing it will be harder still.

“If peace is possible I would be very irresponsible to my country and future generations if I put in jeopardy that possibility,” he says. It is unclear whether this suggests ambivalence about running again or a hint that he will – perhaps both.

Santos is a Bogotá Brahmin who came to office after deep thought about what Colombia needs – but has been frustrated, perhaps, in the state’s ability to execute those plans. He leaves the impression of a reasonable man seeking to govern a remarkable but also highly unreasonable country.

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Wednesday, April 9 • 12:00-1:30 pm

SESSION BRIEF LUNCH CONVERSATION ON BUILDING CAPACITIES TO EXPAND OPPORTUNITIES FOR VULNERABLE POPULATIONS:

Changing winds for a new momentum in Higher Education CONTEXT

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he number of students enrolled in tertiary education increased from 1 million in 2002 to 1.6 million in 2010. Undergraduate enrolment had a coverage rate of 37.1% of the 17-21 age group, up from 24.4% in 2002. Colombia’s government’s target is that undergraduate enrolment should reach a coverage rate of 50% of the age group by 2014. Population projections by the Colombian National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE) suggest that by 2014 there will be some 70,700 more young Colombians aged 17-21, requiring enrolment to rise to around 2,178,700 for 50% coverage.

These numbers pose enormous challenges after massification policies have been implemented. New leadership development, new ways of advocacy and new proposals for transformation of higher education require a different set of ideas constituting the basis on which the government should make policy decisions. This is especially critical in an environment in which higher education has new responsibilities in addressing the country’s inequality gap. Universities have played alone in an “inside” game for a long time, leaving the education sector void of an “outsider” perspective, bridging needs and opportunities for the most marginalized in order to close disparities and inequities in Colombia’s tertiary education.

This is the debate for today; bringing “outsider” perspectives into action and fostering advocacy in the country to build the institutional transformation needed for the post-conflict scenario. The participants in this session form part of a new momentum for change in higher education in Colombia and will discuss the challenges as well as opportunities presented by these changing winds.

PARTICIPANTS

Patricia Martinez: Vice-Minister of Higher Education in Colombia Before being named the Vice-Minister of Higher Education in 2012, Ms. Martinez served as President of the Universidad Tecnológica de Bolivar in Cartagena, Colombia for nearly a decade. In addition to teaching at the Universidad de la Sabana, the Universidad de Cartagena, and the Colegio Mayor de Bolívar, she has held multiple leadership positions in Education, including Director General of the Colombian Institute for the Development of Higher Education (Icfes), Secretary of Education and Culture for the Department of Bolivar, and Secretary of Education for the District of Cartagena. Ms. Martinez earned her B.A. in Spanish Literature from the University of Notre Dame, her M.A. in Education Administration from the University of Miami, and has pursued doctoral studies in Education Sciences at the University of Cartagena.

María Victoria Angulo: Executive Director, Empresarios Por la Educación (EXE) Ms. Angulo holds a bachelor´s degree in Economics and a master´s degree in Economic Development from the University of the Andes in Bogota, Colombia. She also earned a master´s degree in Applied Economic Analysis from the Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona, Spain. Prior to becoming the director of EXE, Ms. Angulo worked in several public service positions in Colombia, including for the National Planning Department, the Ministry of Development, the District Secretary of the Treasury Office, as well as the Ministry of Education where she worked for seven years as the Deputy Director of Development for Higher Education Institutions and as Director of Development for Higher Education.

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Isabel Segovia Ospina: Director, Fundación Compartir Ms. Segovia is the Director of Fundación Compartir, which works to promote and develop high-impact social programs in education, particularly for disadvantaged families, with the aim of contributing to the reduction of inequality in Colombia.

Previously, Ms. Segovia served as the Vice-Minister of Education for Pre-School, Basic and High School education, as well as Director of the Corporation for Development and Social Management (CODESOCIAL), and Director of Cross-Sector Populations and Projects at the National Ministry of Education. She has also worked as a social sector consultant for the World Bank and professor of Education Public Policy at the Universidad Externado in Colombia. Ms. Segovia studied History and International Relations at the University of Pennsylvania and completed a master’s degree in Latin American Studies at Vanderbilt University.

Leonidas López: Rector, Corporación Universitaria Minuto de Dios (UNIMINUTO) For the past three years, Dr. López has been the Rector of the Corporación Universitaria Minuto de Dios (UNIMINUTO), the institution with the highest number of students in Colombia and a university that is internationally recognized for its social inclusion model, among other aspects. Dr. López earned a degree in Electronic Engineering from the Universidad Javeriana in Colombia and has completed postgraduate studies at numerous institutions around the globe including the University of Ashton in England, DELFT University in Holland, as well as in Germany and the United States.

Victor Saavedra: Co-Founder, Pacto por la Educación y Todos por la Educación Mr. Saavedra is the Co-founder and Planning Coordinator for Todos por la Educación, an organization founded by young leaders in Colombia seeking to increase the importance of education on the national agenda, including by leading a national pact for education (Pacto por la Educación). Mr. Saavedra has also worked at Fedesarrollo, the Senate of Colombia, and the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies. Currently, he is an advisor for the General Director of the Colombian National Service of Learning (SENA), a public institution focused on the development of educational programs and professional development. Mr. Saavedra holds a BA in Economics from Universidad de los Andes, an MA in Economics from Universidad de los Andes and a Master of Public Policy degree from the Harvard Kennedy School.

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Corporación Manos Visibles www.manosvisibles.org MISSION

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o promote social, educational, and cultural development of poor people in Colombia.

For a master’s degree program in governance, leadership training and a permanent forum on critical issues to create a new generation of local leaders and policy makers in Colombia’s Pacific.

For the Pacific Power program to foster a new generation of Afro-Colombian leaders in Colombia’s pacific region through fellowships to a new master’s program in public policy

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundación Liderazgo y Democracia www.fundacionlyd.org MISSION

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ork and promote on the development and dissemination of science, technologies and ideas applied to the democracy.

For a technical assistance program to help the municipal cabinet of Quibdó shape policies to achieve the social justice goals of its municipal development plan

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

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BOGOTA GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundaci贸n para la Educaci贸n Superior y el Desarrollo-Fedesarrollo www.fedesarrollo.org.co MISSION

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romote research, scientific and cultural advances, and higher education directly or indirectly and in an autonomous and independent manner, directing them towards the economic and social development of the Country.

Strengthening Technical and Technological Education in the Colombian Pacific Region

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Massachusetts Institute of Technology www.web.mit.edu MISSION

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o advance knowledge and educate students in science, technology, and other areas of scholarship that will best serve the nation and the world in the twenty-first century.

To generate and document transferable lessons about leadership development and capacity building at subnational levels in Colombia, Peru and Chile

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

University of Missouri www.missouri.edu MISSION

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o produce and disseminate knowledge that will improve the quality of life in the state, the nation and the world.

Consortium with Umass Amherst and Univesidad de los Andes to conduct a needs assessment and assets mapping to develop the creation of RIIDES (Latin American Network of Tertiary Education Institutions), integrating 4-year and 2-year colleges

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Universidad de Los Andes www.uniandes.edu.co MISSION

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o seek academic excellence and impart a critical and ethical formation to its students, in order to strengthen their awareness of their social and civic responsibilities, and their commitment to the analysis and solution of the problems of Colombia.

For the Centre for Economic Development to build a mega-database to facilitate research and inform policy making on the role of higher education in social mobility

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, MartĂ­n AbregĂş and Xav Briggs 2014

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BOGOTA GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Red Universitaria Mutis www.portal.redmutis.org.co MISSION

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evelop international relations for the universities, fostering cooperation among its members, can covening research insterests among these institutions.

To design model affirmative action policies for higher education and entry-level employment that facilitates racial and ethnic minorities’ escape from poverty and promotes upward social mobility

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Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, MartĂ­n AbregĂş and Xav Briggs 2014

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BOGOTA SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION REVIEWS OF NATIONAL POLICIES FOR EDUCATION:

Tertiary Education in Colombia EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OECD AND IBRD/THE WORLD BANK 2012

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n Colombia, the beginning of a new century has brought with it a palpable feeling of optimism.

Colombians and visitors sense that the country’s considerable potential can be realised, and prosperity can become the norm. Good government and effective institutions will lead the way forward, moving the country past the old and seemingly intractable obstacles and conflicts that muted progress for too long. The feeling is that a new sense of security, new potential to expand trade, better infrastructure and institutions, along with other investments, can bring new opportunities, and Colombians are ready to respond energetically.

Education is rightly seen as crucial to this process. As opportunity expands, Colombians will need new and better skills to apply to new challenges and prospects. The past underperformance of Colombia’s education system is both a cause and an effect of a system unable to provide high quality education to all. An “education revolution” has begun and progress is being made. Basic and secondary enrolment, quality and learning outcomes are trending upward. Most positively, the system is being infused with a sense that success for all is possible. The government rightly wants success and opportunity at the tertiary level to be a part of this revolution.

The government’s main policy goals at the tertiary level focus on the key challenges: expanding enrolment and improving equity, increasing quality and relevance, and making governance and finance more responsive. To achieve these goals, policy makers and stakeholders must find ways to reach consensus, work together and overcome inertia. Like any tertiary system, over time Colombia has drifted away from focusing exclusively on the needs of students, the graduates they become, and the society in which they live and work. Restoring the focus on how tertiary education can serve these needs is a good organising principle for reform.

The joint OECD-World Bank review team found many strengths in Colombian tertiary education.

Much deserves to be recognised, preserved, and expanded: (i) a commendable expansion of enrolment in the past ten years; (ii) a diverse institutional landscape; (iii) sound and consistent national planning and policy formulation; national planning and policy formulation; (iv) strong support for equity and a world class student

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loan institution; (v) comprehensive and advanced assessment systems and a dedication to datainformed decision making. These core strengths will become more effective and more valuable as the reform agenda progresses.

The main elements of reform are the right ones, but consensus on the precise content of changes has been elusive. Consensus exists on the need for expansion and the commitment to increasing public resources is welcome. The government developed a proposed reform of Law 30 – the main statute governing tertiary education – and vigorous national debate accompanied its dissemination.

Opposition to for-profit education dominated the headlines, but, in the review team’s view, other aspects of the proposed reform were and are more important. First among these is the need to review the complexity of the current scope and hierarchy of degree types (technical, technological, bachelor’s, specialisation, master’s and doctorate) and the legal restrictions on the type of institutions that can offer them. Simplification of the number of different degree types would create the conditions for better relevance and higher quality.

Decisions on whether to grant or deny institutions permission to offer degrees of a particular type, now based on legal classification, would be better based on programme quality and overall institutional capacity.

The review team believes reform can succeed if a number of related elements are woven together.

The simplification of the range and hierarchy of degrees connects to the greater facilitation of pathways between degree levels. Currently, graduates of technical and technological institutions seldom get any academic credit for prior coursework when they pursue more advanced degrees. The creation of propaedeutic cycles has helped some, but more effort is needed.

Given the importance of non-university degrees, it is also crucial to make progress on integrating the National Training Service (Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje, or SENA in its Spanish-language acronym) more fully into the tertiary system. As the system improves coherence, it must continue to improve quality and relevance. This requires continuous review of the demand for graduates and the extent to which institutions are providing graduates with relevant skills.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

The dramatic increase in tertiary enrolment witnessed during the last decade has also resulted in a more equitable distribution of access to tertiary education. The goal of enrolling 50% of the age cohort is appropriate and achievable, but it implies new challenges for access and student finance policies. Colombia has a world-class student loan institution in the Colombian Institute of Educational Credit and Technical Studies Abroad (ICETEX, Instituto Colombiano de Crédito Educativo y EstudiosTécnicos en el Exterior. Every day, more and more aspiring students are able to realise their educational dreams because of the opportunities ICETEX provides. However, the resources available fall short of aggregate need, meaning that some qualified-but-needy students are left out. The expansion of public provision has helped create additional opportunities for financially needy students. The long-term aim of student financial aid policies should be to reach the greatest number of students while respecting and promoting the diversity of institutions and options available to students. A first step toward improving the student finance system will be increasing resources for student loans.

At the same time, institutional finance policies seem to result in unevenness of opportunities for access; in some regions, tertiary education will be essentially free of charge in some public institutions whereas in other regions students must pay significant fees. Government policy ought to seek to lessen these disparities.

Quality and internal efficiency problems in secondary education reverberate in tertiary, and too often close pathways for learning and professional success for students from poorer families. Many students, especially those from the lower socioeconomic strata, lack the preparation to succeed at the tertiary level. First, Colombians graduate from secondary at the young age of 16, with fewer years of education than most of their international counterparts. Secondly, the secondary system itself has serious deficiencies. High dropout rates from tertiary education attest to the gap between students’ aspirations and the abilities they have been able to acquire in secondary education.

Dropout is costly, for students and for society. The government has made it a priority to understand why it is so common and to mitigate it, but more needs to be done. Several steps can be taken to improve the readiness-to-succeed in tertiary education for secondary school leavers. These include raising learning outcomes at the secondary Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

level, introducing a 12th grade of schooling or an optional bridge year between secondary and tertiary studies, and providing better information to aspiring students about which programmes are right for them.

As more students enter the system, efforts need to continue to assure the quality and relevance of their degree programmes. Colombia has a number of strengths to build on when it comes to quality, relevance and quality assurance, including the fact that the labour market is continuing to absorb and reward tertiary education graduates. The marked increase in the supply of new graduates, especially those with technical and technological degrees, has not significantly reduced the financial return to these degrees. While these trends need to be closely monitored, employment figures for graduates confirm that their skills are valued by employers. However, it is still too common to find programmes with questionable or weak quality and little relevance. The Regional Centres of Higher Education (CERES, Centros Regionales de Educación Superior), for example, could provide an important dimension of access but need to redouble efforts to ensure the rigour and relevance of the education they offer.

No royal road to quality exists; quality emerges from continuous investment in faculty qualifications, in research, and from the day-to-day efforts of academic staff to strive for excellence.

The government’s mechanisms for promoting quality are contributing, yet need to be further developed to meet the challenges they face. The Register of Qualified Programmes now plays an important role in establishing initial standards for any authorised programme, yet “high quality” accreditation remains the preserve of more elite institutions. Efforts should be made to ensure that quality is reviewed not just at the time of authorisation but continuously. In addition, the accreditation system should evolve to ensure that “high quality” designates institutions that robustly fulfil their educational mandates, whether as internationally competitive research universities or as top-quality technical institutions serving local students’ needs.

The governance of Colombia’s tertiary education system reflects the autonomy and independence of its institutions. The strength and benefits of a decentralised tertiary education system are recognised in many countries, Colombia included.

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New and emerging demands on tertiary education systems call for highly effective and responsive governance structures focused on outcomes, transparency and accountability. Colombia should aim to refine governance arrangements continuously to achieve these goals. The Ministry of National Education (MEN, Ministerio de Educación Nacional) is encouraged to maintain and expand its focus on achieving national goals for tertiary education attainment and improvement, rather than on ensuring compliance. The national goals for tertiary education can and should be incorporated into institutional decision-making processes at all levels, by developing a common accountability framework. Institutional governing boards and campus leadership need to be focused on the public interest and not on institutional constituencies.

The strong national data systems Colombia is developing can be instrumental in helping decisionmaking become more evidence-based.

greater second language acquisition, and mobility of staff and students.

The examination system run by the Instituto Colombiano para la Evaluación de la Educación (ICFES) – which measures students’ abilities when they enter and leave tertiary education – puts Colombia in a position to be a global leader in both the measurement of value-added in tertiary education and, perhaps more importantly, the use of assessment findings for tertiary quality improvement.

Therefore, investments in improving and expanding the technical quality of the ICFES system are eminently worthwhile.

At the same time, the Ministry of National Education maintains impressive systems for collection of data on tertiary education students and institutions, especially the Higher Education Institutions Dropout Prevention and Analysis System (SPADIES, Sistema de Prevención y Análisis de la Deserción en las Instituciones de Educación Superior). Continued efforts to refine and improve data quality will provide an expanding empirical basis for policy decisions.

In Colombia the tertiary education system relies on a mix of public and private financing and struggles to reach adequate levels of resources.

This is typical of countries with large cohorts of young people where tertiary education has recently changed from an elite to mass system. Colombia has been mobilising resources for tertiary education to finance not only expansion but improved quality and relevance. Public funding has increased, and the government has proposed new financing mechanisms to tie resources to GDP growth rates. All of this is encouraging, but more needs to be done. First, the uneven distribution of subsidies should be revisited. The amounts of public resource available to different institutions, and therefore the affordability to students of the tertiary education they offer, often vary markedly.

Students in some localities or seeking some types of careers may find education to be much more expensive than others. Such significant disparities in subsidy are justifiable only if they drive students towards types of study the country regards as a priority. Secondly and importantly, Colombia should increase its efforts to join the global trend toward greater accountability and more links between funding and performance.

Under current laws and financing arrangements, resource allocations to institutions take no account of past performance, efficiency or value for money. No country with so many young people to educate can afford to fund long term a tertiary system without strong accountability and incentives for performance.

As Colombia’s economy matures and grows, it is increasingly seeking a wider range of international partners and linkages; it would be well advised to reflect this growing internationalisation more fully in the tertiary education system. The country has unique strengths that it can share with the Latin American region and the rest of the world; and, like all countries, it can benefit greatly by taking full advantage of the growing international flow of ideas and people. It will be timely to promote a comprehensive approach to internationalisation, including updating of curricula, 122

Similarly, Colombia will require greater science, technology and innovation capacity to create the knowledge it needs and to select and adapt knowledge created elsewhere. Marked progress in expanding and strengthening doctoral programmes has been helpful, as has the commitment to invest revenues earned from natural resources to strengthen R&D capacity.

Government policies rightly seek to decentralise research capacity and to emphasise the production and exploitation of useful knowledge, whether for local, national or global purposes. Experience suggests that building strong STI (Science, Technology and Innovation) capacity is a multidecade process, requiring sustained investment and policy attention. Colombia should continue and expand its efforts in this area.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Colombians appreciate that, among all the riches of their country, potentially the greatest is their human capital. At the heart of education policy is the desire to see all students receive excellent basic and secondary education and then continue to pursue affordable, relevant and high quality tertiary education in their chosen field. The challenge is to overcome a past history of inadequate secondary preparation, insufficient financial assistance for needy students, unevenly funded institutions and underdeveloped quality mechanisms. Colombia has more than a decade of progress under its belt, and the energy to reach ambitious policy goals. Getting there in practice will involve dialogue and consensus-seeking among all stakeholders, as well as new resources and new rules. Each step forward, however, is a step towards a country that makes the most of its abundant talent.

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Wednesday, April 9 • 3:00-5:00 pm

SESSION BRIEF

Colombia´s Post-Conflict CONTEXT

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ast November, peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC, Colombia´s largest guerilla group) made a significant step forward by reaching a second partial agreement in the negotiations to end the longest-running armed conflict in Latin America, which has killed an estimated 220,000 people (only 1,636 of whom were combatants) between 1958 and 2012.

Furthermore, the conflict has resulted in nearly 5 million displaced persons (Colombia’s total population is 48 million), 27,000 people kidnapped, 25,000 “disappeared,” 2,000 massacres, 223 killed in terrorist attacks, and 13,000 victims of anti-personnel mines.

In August 2012, both sides agreed to come to the table in Havana to discuss a six-point negotiating agenda. In May 2013, a draft accord was reached on the important issue of land and rural development—a remarkable achievement considering that land tenure has been a source of rural violence in Colombia since the 1940s. Then, in November 2013, negotiators reached agreement on reforms to ease political participation for opposition movements, including any post-conflict party created by demobilized FARC members. But with several critical negotiating points remaining on the agenda—including ending the conflict (demobilization and transitional justice), solving the problem of illicit drugs, victims of conflict, and implementing, verifying and legalizing accords—the peace process faces the significant challenge of maintaining the inertia from early achievements now as rebel attacks have continued and the country gears up for presidential elections in May. The purpose of this meeting is to hear from a diversity of views about the prospects of peace in Colombia; the implications of a signing of a definitive peace accord between the Government and the FARC; the different post-conflict scenarios and impact of a final peace agreement on land issues, transitional justice, political participation, reparation for victims, demobilization and reinsertion of combatants, as well as the implications for most vulnerable populations including Afro-descendants and indigenous peoples.

PARTICIPANTS

Rodrigo Uprimny: Director, Centro de Estudios de Derecho, Justicia y Sociedad—DeJusticia (Grantee) Mr. Uprimny is a founder and the director of the Colombian think tank Center for the Study of Law, Justice and Society (Centro de Estudios de Derecho, Justicia y Sociedad) and Professor of Constitutional Law, Human Rights, and Theory of the State at the Universidad Nacional in Bogota. He also currently serves on Colombia’s Drug Policy Advisory Commission (Comisión Asesora para la Política de Drogas). From 1994-2004, Mr. Uprimny served as Deputy Judge of Colombia’s Constitutional Court. His research and analysis focuses on the intersection between drug policy and human rights, constitutional law, and the tension between law and economics. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Economy from the University of Amiens Picardie and a J.D. from the Universidad Externado de Colombia. (Please note that while the foundation supports DeJusticia’s work through our human rights initiative, Dejusticia does not receive funding for work within a “post-conflict framework”.).

Manuel Ramiro Muñoz: Director, Centro de Estudios Interculturales (CEI), Pontificia Universidad Javeriana (Grantee) Mr. Muñoz has been working with indigenous and Afro-descendent communities in Colombia for more than 28 years to help strengthen their formative and organizational processes. He has been the Director for Center for Intercultural Studies (CEI) in Calí, Colombia since 2010. Mr. Muñoz has authored numerous publications on interculturality, higher education and community processes, and is a member of the Scientific Committee of the Global University Network for Innovation (GUNI) Higher Education Conference—a network coordinated by the UN University, UNESCO and the Polytechnic University of Cataluña-Barcelona. Mr. Muñoz holds a BA in Philosophy and a Master of Teaching degree from the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, and completed doctoral studies in Education at the University of Barcelona, in Spain. (Please note that while the foundation supports CEI’s work through the OW initiative, CEI does not receive funding for work within a “post-conflict framework”.).

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Miriam Villegas: Leader, Mesa Redonda de Montes de María, Former Director of the Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (INCODER) A renowned expert on rural development issues, Ms. Villegas is the former director of the Colombian Institute for Rural Development (INCODER) and worked for more than 15 years with Father Francisco de Roux on the well-known Peace and Development Program in Medio Magdalena (PDPMM). She is a recognized supporter of the farmers’ movement, while simultaneously defending public-private partnerships as she believes rural development requires working together with the private sector. Prior to her work on rural development issues, Ms. Villegas had a long career as a researcher and advisor on textile-related issues, working on projects for the Central Bank, Colcultura, the Cafetero Cultural Fund, and Colombian Artisans.

Ms. Villegas holds a degree in Textile Design from the Universidad del Valle. She is also part of the High Level Working group on Mining and Development in Colombia, a multi-stakeholder dialogue effort led by the Social Science Research Council and supported by the AR&SC office as part of the TEAG Initiative.

Yolanda Garcia: Founder and Executive Director, Aso Manos Negras In 1996 Ms. Garcia founded the Association for the Defense of the Environment and Black Culture (Aso Manos Negras)—today a landmark human rights organization that advocates for the Afro-Colombian community’s rights, collective rights, and the just application of those rights in ancestral territories. Ms. Garcia previously served as the Operations Secretary for the Special Afro-Colombian Commission mandated by the 1st National Assembly of Black Communities in Tumaco in 1992. She also helped promote the formation of the Timbiquí Community Council Association in 2005. From 2004-2007, Ms. Garcia was the Cauca Department Minister of Culture, and is currently a member of the National Afro-Colombian Authority (ANAFRO), where she was elected as Operations Secretary. She is also a member of the Advisory Board for the Cauca Autonomous Regional Corporation (CRC) and collaborates frequently with the Center for Intercultural Studies (CEI) at the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana in Cali.

Ms. Garcia holds a degree in Social Work, as well as a master’s degree in Sustainable Development and the Environment from the Universidad de Manizales.

Luis Fernando Arias: Head, Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) (Grantee) Mr. Arias is an expert on Special Indigenous Jurisdiction, Indigenous´ Rights and Owned Jurisdiction Systems related issues. He currently leads the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) and previously worked as Coordinator of the Rights Division of the Indigenous Organization Kankuama of Sierra Nevada, Santa Marta. He also coordinated efforts in the areas of Special Indigenous Jurisdiction, Indigenous Peoples´ Rights, National and International Indigenous Legislation, and National and International Enforcement Mechanisms for Human Rights. Mr. Arias earned his law degree from the Popular University of Cesar in Valledupar, Colombia and has been a legal advisor at the National Consultation on the Coordination Law between the Special Indigenous Jurisdiction and the National Legal System. (Please note that while the foundation supports ONIC’s work through our human rights initiative, ONIC does not receive funding for work within a “post-conflict framework”.).

Martha Nubia Bello: Centro de Memoria Histórica (CMH) Ms. Bello joined the Center for Historical Memory as a researcher in 2007 and currently coordinates the General Report on Memory and Armed Conflict in Colombia. Her works focuses on memory reconstruction processes, the study of social movements, human rights, and forced displacement, with an emphasis on psychosocial impacts and interventions. She has participated in more than 25 research projects with CMH, the National University of Colombia, the Swiss Embassy, the Ministry of Social Protection, and the UNDP, among others. Prior to CMH, Ms. Bello was a professor at the University of the Andes. Ms. Bello earned a BA in Social Work from the National University of Colombia and an MA in Political Science from the University of the Andes, also in Colombia.

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Nelson Lemus: Member, Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca (CRIC) Mr. Lemus is a Council Member of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), which has been representing the interests of the indigenous communities in the Cauca region for more than forty years and serves as a hub for indigenous organizing.

Their current platform includes recuperating and defending ancestral lands and space for indigenous communities; expanding protected land areas; strengthening indigenous councils; elimination of lend-lease payments; increasing awareness of laws protecting indigenous peoples and ensuring their just enforcement; defending indigenous history, language and customs; training indigenous teachers; strengthening indigenous economies and communities; recuperate, defend and protect space and balance with Mother Earth; defend the family. Mr. Lemus represents the Northern Zone of Cauca, including the areas of Toribío, Jambaló, Tacueyo, San Francisco, Munchique Los Tigres, Canoas, La Paila, Concepción, Las Delicias, Huellas, Corinto and La Cilia.

(The foundation is currently working on developing a grant to support CRIC’s work).

Carmen Palencia: President, Asociación Nacional de Victimas por la Restitución y el Acceso a la Tierra Ms. Palencia leads the National Association of Victims for Restitution and Access to Land, which was created in December 2010 and brings together more than 1,000 leaders of victims’ organizations. In 2012, Ms. Palencia received the National Peace Prize for her efforts. More recently, she was named one of the most important leaders in Colombia by the magazine Semana for her work in relation to the Colombia-EU free trade agreement. Ms. Palencia travelled to the European Parliament to lobby that the EU impose conditions on banana exporters who have demonstrated support for illegal groups, as well as reporting requirements on the Colombian government in relation to land restitution.

Jorge Armando Otálora: Ombudsman of Colombia Mr. Otálora was named Colombia´s Ombudsman in 2012. He earned his law degree from the Catholic University of Colombia and completed further studies in Criminal Science and Criminology at the Universidad Externado in Colombia, where he was also a professor of Legal Process. In addition, Mr. Otálora served as Dean of the Law School at the Universidad Manuela Beltrán.

His career in public service began when he was still a law school student, working for the Municipal Criminal Court and later for the Public Prosecutor´s Office as a visiting attorney. Prior to becoming Ombudsman, Mr. Otálora also served as the Deputy Attorney General of Colombia, Judge for the Disciplinary Court of the Supreme Court of the Judiciary, and District Attorney, among other posts.

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Centro de Estudios Interculturales www.javerianacali.edu.co MISSION

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o promote productive relationships among communities, the State and the private sector, with a specific focus on Afro-descendent and indigenous communities, to advance sustainable development and policies that incorporate cultural diversity and promote interculturativity.

Core support for the Center for Intercultural Studies to help build a socially sustainable & inclusive region & promote social dialogue among the community, government & business in Southwest Colombia

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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Improved capabilities of the communities of Colombia’s Southwest for the defense and enforcement of their rights, the exercise of self-government and the intercultural relationships for conflict resolution;

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Improved capacity for relationships and dialogue between the communities and the government entities regarding legitimacy of the state, governance and autonomy of communities and their territories, forms of development and intercultural education.

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Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia www.renacientes.net MISSION

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o strengthen indigenous governance institutions in indigenous territories within the framework of collective human rights to promote the participation of indigenous people in public policies; to seek recognition for indigenous authorities; to develop common strategies with other organizations to seek the end of violent conflict in Colombia through peace, justice, and reparation.

For advocacy and training to promote and disseminate the United Nations Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and strengthen indigenous governance institutions in Colombia For workshops and documents in preparation for the 2014 UN World Conference on Indigenous Peoples For capacity building, a gathering of indigenous leaders and outreach to ensure the active participation of indigenous peoples in the planning, execution, monitoring and evaluation of the 2015 Census For organizational strengthening and census preparation

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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Design and production of training material around the UN declaration and the actual training of about 150 indigenous group leaders,

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Affirmation of indigenous rights in the realization of this census and in the broadly-gauged debate in society around the law on land

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Indigenous communities at the local level contribute to the document outlining ONIC’s position for the world conference and are further socialized into the main tenets of the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

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Agreement with the government to guarantee the participation of indigenous peoples and their representatives in all aspects of the census process

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Centro de Estudios de Derecho Justicia y Sociedad – DeJusticia www.dejusticia.org MISSION

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romote studies on law, justice and society, and seeking for citizenship without exclusion, validity of democracy, lawful social state and human rights in Latin America and particularly in Colombia.

General support for the promotion of human rights, democracy, social equity, non-discrimination and the rule of law in Colombia and Latin America To map Latin American organizations using information technology for social change (ITSC), prepare case studies on best ITSC practices in the region and convene a regional ITSC task force General support for the promotion of human rights, democracy, social equity, non-discrimination and the rule of law in Colombia and Latin America General support for the promotion of human rights, democracy, social equity, non-discrimination and the rule of law in Colombia and Latin America

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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DeJusticia is recognized as an authoritative source among academics and policy-making circles, both nationally and internationally in the region.

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Increased interaction among organizations implementing information technology for social change, and between these organizations and IT companies.

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Consolidation of Constitutional Court decisions expanding rights of vulnerable groups;

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Assertion of the social rights of vulnerable groups by courts and policy makers in the areas of extractive industries;

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Design and implementation of policies on the environment and land restitution based on DeJusticia’s recommendations to promote social transformation and redistribution.

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Judicial protection of the rights of Afro descendants and indigenous peoples have been reaffirmed;

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New jurisprudence has been developed for the promotion and protection of the rights of vulnerable populations;

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Public opinion has learned of the views of Dejusticia through the active dissemination of its work in the media.

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Transition in Colombia SERGIO JARAMILLO, HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR PEACE

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o understand the legal dilemmas of the peace process and transitional justice, it is necessary to understand the concept of ‘transition’. I shall therefore first talk about what the Colombian transition would consist of, and then about the dilemmas of justice.

But I would like to start by mentioning two basic premises. The first is that Colombia has been at war for 50 years; that is an unacceptable situation. The second is that we have before us the best opportunity in our history to end it. I say this because I have been engaged with the FARC for more than a year in Havana and I am convinced that the opportunity is real.

We therefore face a time for decisions such as only arises once in a generation. That is something we must not forget.

This opportunity did not appear out of nowhere.

As President Santos said: “the stars are aligned”; but they are not aligned by magic, but rather because President Santos has patiently put together a process that has moved forward step by step.

The first step was to recognize that a disease cannot be cured, nor a problem solved, if things are not called by their proper name. The name of this problem is ‘internal armed conflict’ –an internal conflict, by the way, with the FARC and the ELN, and not with anyone else.

The second was to put the victims front and centre, with the Victims Law. The guarantee of their rights is the basis of the process.

The third was to create a favourable international setting, ensuring that the region acts in support of peace in Colombia, and not as an impediment.

That is what the President and his Foreign Minister have achieved through their strategy of promoting regional integration.

The fourth was to open up a Constitutional space for transitional justice, the so-called Legal Framework for Peace, to which I shall refer later.

COMPLETE TEXT OF THE SPEECH GIVEN

BY THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR PEACE, SERGIO JARAMILLO, AT EXTERNADO UNIVERSITY ON 9 MAY 2013, PUBLISHED BY EL TIEMPO.

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The fifth was to start a careful, methodical peace process whose centre of gravity is the idea of ending the conflict in order to move to a phase of peace building –that is, to a phase of transition.

The idea of the transition is a consequence of the first point of the General Agreement we signed

with the FARC last August, which states: “We have agreed: I. To start direct, uninterrupted talks (...) aimed at reaching a Final Agreement to end the conflict, which contributes to the construction of a stable, lasting peace”. It is one thing to sign an agreement that formally puts an end to the conflict; and another, to start the subsequent peace building phase, to which the agreement “contributes”.

It means that until such time as this Final Agreement is signed, nothing will change in the field: there will not be a cease fire and there will be no demilitarized zones. But it also means that, once we sign, everything will change, because we would move on to the phase of construction of peace without arms –without the pressure and coercion of arms. We will be moving into the transition.

One could say that that is the real beginning of the peace process, rather than the end.

The basis of the transition will be the agreements we reach in Havana pursuant to the points of the General Agreement, which do not cover all aspects of national life. It has five substantial points –plus a sixth point on guarantees– which relate directly to the termination of the conflict and form a ‘hard core’ of problems which must be resolved to make peace possible, regardless of the political colour or ideology of each side. All the other issues are part of the political contest won with votes in a democracy.

President Santos has explained these points; I will summarise them briefly.

Agrarian development: the Government considers that, without a profound transformation of the rural sector that breaks the vicious circle of violence in rural areas –causing poverty and creating more violence– in order to establish a virtuous circle of development and stability, we won’t be able to guarantee that the conflict will not be repeated.

Political participation: all successful peace processes in the world lead to a transformation of the armed groups into political movements, which is precisely what the transformation of a conflict consists of. That transformation is underpinned by guarantees. Guarantees for the groups, so they can participate on a level playing field and with no risks to their safety; and guarantees for society, to break forever the link between politics and weapons, as the President has said.

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The end of the conflict: this is a process of termination. With the signing of the Final Agreement –as we agreed in the General Agreement– an integral and simultaneous process will begin in which the FARC will lay down their weapons and reintegrate into civilian life, and security guarantees are put into operation.

The problem of drugs: the peace process will not solve the problem of organized crime, but can contribute to a radical reduction in its territorial presence and, above all, to the removal of tens of thousands of Colombians from the trap of growing illegal crops.

The rights of the victims: I shall refer to this later.

Lastly, implementation, verification and approval: moving on to the transition depends more than anything else on establishing a robust system of guarantees. Once again, I refer to guarantees for both the FARC and for society.

Strictly speaking, in Havana we are not negotiating these points; we are building up agreements that establish the conditions and tasks that each side involved will have to fulfil to make the construction of peace possible.

Take for example the case of the victims. The General Agreement contains –for the first time– a point on victims’ rights. But this is not a case of negotiating the rights of the victims. Since last year, we have told the FARC repeatedly that what we are doing is trying to agree on how the Government and the FARC will assume their responsibilities towards victims in the context of an end to the conflict.

The centre of gravity of the process, I reiterate, is the idea of turning over a new leaf and entering a new phase, which we have called Phase III and which, in reality, constitutes the transition.

The point is thus to remove the conflict and the problem of arms from the road ahead in order to be able to implement and to be able to reconstruct.

The purpose of the transition is, precisely, to permit transformation and reconstruction.

If the term ‘reconstruction’ seems out of place to some people, it would be enough for them to visit some rural schools in eastern Antioquia Department, abandoned and ruined as they are by displacement, or to see the squalid settlements on the banks of the Atrato Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

River, which have been isolated and harassed so many times by armed groups. Rural Colombia has to be reconstructed. * What does the transition consist of? The first element of the transition is that it is temporary. We must set ourselves a goal measured in time –a goal of ten years, for example– in which to make all the things that are being agreed upon a reality.

The second is its exceptional nature. The effects of 50 years of conflict cannot be reversed in the normal course of things. We have to double our efforts and use every type of exceptional measures and mechanisms: legal measures, extraordinary resources and new institutions on the ground that work with sufficient intensity and impact to achieve the goals of the transition.

The third element –the most important– is territoriality. Allow me to say the following: if one thinks back carefully, there has never been a true peace process in Colombia. There have been successful processes in the past with different groups –M-19, EPL, CRS– but there has not been a process of territorial peace. A peace process has never been established that truly takes root in the regions and brings a final end to the conflict, which is President Santos’ vision and obsession.

The historical mistake has been to think that a process simply consists of the demobilization of certain groups, without thinking of transforming the territories or of radically changing conditions on the ground.

Let us take the example of Urabá. There are people there who demobilized from the EPL in the early 90’s only to join several paramilitary groups which in time sprang up –the ACCU, Bananeros, Elmer Cardenas, Heros of Tolova– and are today still rampaging round the gulf and southern Cordoba Department, under the label ‘Urabeños’, dedicated to drug trafficking.

Peace is not a matter of receiving a gun and handing over a taxi or a bread shop. It is, I repeat, a case of removing arms from the road forward in order to be able to transform certain territories and reconstruct the social contract in the regions.

To guarantee that there will be no more war. And that, in the Government’s opinion, can be achieved in two ways.

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One is to expand the scope and strengthen the effectiveness of the institutions in the territories.

This process has been under way for some time and it is expensive and difficult, but citizens of Catatumbo, Arauca or Putumayo have to feel that the Government values their rights as much as those of the inhabitants of Bogotá or Medellín.

small water supply systems to distribute drinking water are to be developed, it is perfectly feasible for it to be the communities that organize

The other is to build from the ground up, supported by the strength and capacity for organization of the communities. In Colombia, there are more than enough admirable examples of peace building from ground level, but one thing is what can be done in the midst of the conflict, and quite another is what can be achieved when there is no conflict and no armed groups harassing the population.

Those spaces for democratic deliberation may also be spaces for reconciliation. Not in the sense of forgiveness, which is for each person to decide on according to his or her own conscience and heart, but in the sense of acceptance by everyone of the same rules of the game –in the sense of working for this common purpose, which is to build peace in the territories.

This leads me to a fourth element of the transition, which is participation.

As I said, in Havana we are putting together agreements which will form the basis of the transition. But those agreements only establish the ‘what’. For the ‘how’, things will have to be done on the ground, with priorities that are not going to be decided on by the Government and the FARC, but by all the citizens in the regions in a later phase of transition in one great exercise of participation and joint construction of peace.

This, it goes without saying, will be an unarmed exercise. One could say that, to gain the right to participate in the transition, weapons will first have to be abandoned. That is the vision behind the General Agreement of last year: when it is signed, the laying down of arms and the implementation of what was agreed on will start simultaneously.

The joint construction of peace requires us to open the regions up to new spaces for participation, debate and peaceful democratic deliberation among people who treat each other as equals in their rights and freedoms –among authorities, communities, victims, farmers, ranchers, entrepreneurs, tradesmen and also reintegrated ex-combatants– to discuss how we are going to implement the things agreed upon.

We also have to think about new forms of community organization in order to make a success of the transition within the present politico-administrative organization of the State, which is not under discussion. For example, if programmes for new roads, irrigation projects, 132

themselves to prioritise, build, administer and maintain these works under the supervision of the municipal authorities.

What is involved, therefore, is to achieve a true mobilization of society around peace in a phase of transition. ** I shall now move on to the second part: the dilemmas of justice.

The idea of a transition is also a normative idea: one ‘transitions’ towards compliance with, or the restoration of, or the strengthening of, a certain order or certain rules of the game, which in turn are the measure of success of the transition. It is at this point that the efforts in reconstruction of the transition meet the dilemmas of justice.

If reconstruction after half a century of conflict has several dimensions, justice –justice understood as the set of fundamental principles and rules that guide and limit the conduct of politics and society– will also necessarily have to have several dimensions. More dimensions in any case than we have been accustomed to calling ‘transitional justice’.

I will begin with the most practical dimension, which I shall call the problem of territorial justice. This is everything that has to be done in the territories to restore and protect property rights. The Government has already begun the programme of land restitution in order to return to those who were displaced and are the rightful owners what was theirs and what the conflict took from them. This would have a much greater impact in a scenario of transition without conflict.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Similarly, the conflict served –as is well known– for the best land in the country to be acquired with drug money and money from all types of illegal activities; and for enormous quantities of common land to be taken away from the State through violence and corruption.

In both cases, what is needed is to reverse the effects of the conflict on the territory and ownership of land. For that, exceptional expeditious legal mechanisms have to be implemented during a limited time of transition.

This effort must also lead to a strengthening of the reach of the justice system and of the rule of law in the national territory, which is the true guarantee of non-repetition: the protection of citizens’ rights by the law.

A second dimension of justice in the transition, which we do not usually refer to, is distributive justice. If we are aiming for territorial peace after half a century of conflict, that peace must be inclusive and must satisfy the needs of all: those of the victims, of course, but also the needs of those people who, although they were not direct victims, suffered the effects of the war in the country. We must not forget all those who did not leave their farms, who suffered from the conflict, who were impoverished because of the conflict and who need special attention.

Above all, we must distribute land, together with the public goods and skills to make use of it. For this, we have to carefully weigh up the rights of the direct victims and the needs of the most deprived in rural areas.

I shall simply call the third dimension transitional justice, in its usual sense: the satisfaction of the rights of the victims in a transition. To that end, the Government promoted, with Congress, first the Victims Law and later the Legal Framework for Peace, which is a constitutional amendment. I have two comments in this regard.

First: the Framework says that it is the Executive who will ‘activate’ that Constitutional amendment through a statutory law. That has not occurred and it will not occur until President Santos so decides.

I say this to emphasise that the entire current discussion of the Framework is necessarily purely speculative. The Government has not taken a decision, nor has a bill been filed.

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

Second: in all this speculation, the concept of impunity is much abused. Impunity is necessarily measured according to the degree to which the rights of the victims are satisfied. We think that the mistake has been to concentrate simply on the perpetrators. The victims should be the centre of attention –as is obligatory under the Framework– so that there is the maximum possible compliance with their rights during the transition.

I shall not discuss all the elements of the Framework –its exceptional nature, the inclusion in the Constitution of the rights of victims, its proposal of a holistic solution that includes all the parties to the conflict–, I wish only to emphasise its central aspect, which is the idea of an comprehensive strategy.

‘Comprehensive’ in two senses: a strategy that includes and considers the rights to truth, justice and reparation; but also comprehensive in the sense that its scope covers the greatest number of violations that have been committed.

Those who insist on the contrary, on thinking that the violations of 50 years of war can be investigated on a case by case basis, are frankly lying to themselves. What we would reach in the end would be de facto impunity. We already know that if we were take that approach we would never finish, and that we have to do this in a more intelligent way.

The Government has already begun this task with the Victims Law. However, if we sign a Final Agreement we would be in an entirely different scenario. It would provide an extraordinary opportunity to put that comprehensive strategy into operation in a truly transitional phase, a phase of closure.

In matters of the truth, one could say that in Colombia, a great deal of knowledge is produced –it happens every day in the Historic Memory Centre–, but not much acknowledgement of what happened is forthcoming. And there is little clarity about what happened to the loved ones of thousands of families of victims of kidnapping and forced disappearance. A phase of transition must necessarily lead to answers being given to those families; a society cannot function with so many open wounds and so many private traumas.

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we achieve peace in the territory, there are other things that can be done regarding recognition of the victims, true guarantees of non-repetition, of the reconstruction of trust in the institutions and the law –in the rules of the game– the loss of which is, as Pablo de Greiff has rightly said, one of the worst effects of victimization.

So far as justice is concerned, I wish to mention the following. First, in the case of guerrillas who are in conflict with the State, unlike the paramilitaries who –curiously– lived in judicial anonymity and only came out of it through the Justice and Peace process, we are not starting from scratch; Colombian justice has been implacable with the FARC and ELN. The people we are talking with in Havana have dozens of convictions and arrest warrants for all types of crimes against their names.

What would be their treatment in a phase of transition? That will depend, precisely, on the comprehensive strategy: an adequate treatment of the rights of victims must be set forth in a law; a law that will be openly, democratically and transparently discussed. It will also depend on what the FARC –and eventually the ELN– are willing to do for their victims. If the perpetrators do not play an active role in the comprehensive strategy, there is no possibility of a solution.

What nobody can say is that there will be impunity. At the moment, the discussion around impunity is a performance –in some cases by those acting in good faith, but in others by a series of people whom I would call ‘eleventh hour “punitivists”, who ten years ago supported amnesties for paramilitary groups and today want to act like the Inquisition.

The Government’s position on this subject is very simple: there will be no general amnesty for these groups in Colombia. The only way forward is a comprehensive transitional justice strategy, based on a set of ‘conditions’ that guarantee its comprehensiveness, to which everyone will have to contribute and which will necessarily be within the framework of the international obligations of the Colombian State.

This also has consequences for the issue of political participation. Here, we must learn to distinguish between future participation in politics by the FARC –and eventually the ELN– as organisations, obviously after converting 134

themselves into legal political movements, for which there are no legal impediments, and the participation of individuals in politics which will depend on what takes place in those transitional justice processes. As the Government has said, this will be decided on a case by case basis. *** I will end with one last legal dimension: the problem of popular approval.

As the President has said, a Final Agreement would have to be approved by direct popular vote or referendum. Every citizen will be able to vote for or against the Agreement; so what we agree to with the Farc will always be conditional on that vote.

This will provide an opportunity for those leading the most rabid opposition to the process to express their disagreement democratically, instead of systematically misleading society with false information, which is what they are doing now.

The legal instrument for popular approval has not been decided upon. But what is clear is that it will not be a Constitutional Assembly. A Constitution is not drawn up in order to approve some peace agreement; its purpose is to create a new legal order for the nation.

That is not what this process is for. The point rather is to transform reality in order to put the last link in the chain of the Constitution of 1991, to close the circle and dedicate all efforts of the State and society to bringing about that promise of protection of the fundamental rights set forth in the Constitution.

I wish to stress that we are looking at a real and unique opportunity, perhaps the last opportunity we shall have to put an end, in an organised and productive manner, to the armed conflict in Colombia.

I worry that in the cities sometimes ending the armed conflict is seen as something banal. It is said that the drug-traffickers will not disappear; that there will still be insecurity; that robberies will continue. Clearly, a Final Agreement will not put an end to all the ills of the nation. But nothing, absolutely nothing could be more important for this country than to turn the page on the conflict.

For this, we have to achieve a true social mobilisation in the territories around the idea BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

of the construction of peace. More than an act of faith, we need a collective act of imagination of what the transition could be: a transition with deadlines, with goals and everyone with their sleeves rolled up working towards the same goal.

This is what we are aiming for, not to talk for the sake of talking. The Government has no interest in spending time talking with the FARC in Havana. What we want is to get the Final Agreement signed as soon as possible in order to be able to enter that new phase, which is the daily preoccupation of President Santos.

It will be a phase of transition to which all of us are going to have to contribute, a phase that will not be easy, that may be painful, but which is the best option we have of achieving an end with honour and dignity for us all –I stress: for us all– to these 50 years of war

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Conflict, Post-Conflict and the Historically Marginalized in Colombia HERNANDO GOMEZ - BUENDIA

THE ARMED CONFLICT

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omplexity, may be the best one-word description of Colombia´s armed conflict. Reaching back to geography (the Country is a series of diverse, loosely connected regions), to the resultantly weak central State, and to the pre-modern land tenure patterns in many regions, a socially rooted yet politically expressed violence has plagued Colombia for many decades: 7 civil wars during the XIX century, and the major Liberal-Conservative bloodshed known as “La Violencia” (1948-1964), which in 1964 metastasized to the creation of FARC (Colombia´s Armed Revolutionary Forces), and ELN (National Liberation Army) in 1964, thus giving birth to the ongoing “internal armed conflict”.

The FARC originated as a peasant self-defense army (against expanding latifundia owners), and turned communist (Soviet line) under the Cold War politics. It has since remained a rural guerrilla in an increasingly urban Country, which basically explains its but marginal political support (never reaching 5% in any survey). Favored by geography, however, the FARC grew military and expanded to many regions, in the process becoming a territorial power, or an actor in local social conflicts. This “military might-political dwarf” needed financing, and it found enough in “taxing” the coca growing peasants, and in kidnapping its “class enemies”. One consequence was the increased criminalization- degradation of the conflict.

The ELN began as the Cuban-variety guerilla, urban activists who established “foci” in oilproducing regions, but likewise failed to gain popular support. Funded largely by blackmails on oil companies, it gained some military strength and branched out into several regions, yet has remained a secondary force, and in the past experienced near-extinction crisis.

PREPARED FOR THE FORD FOUNDATION IN MARCH 2014. HERNANDO GOMEZ-BUENDIA IS A COLOMBIAN ECONOMIST AND SOCIAL SCIENTIST, AS WELL AS EDITOR AND DIRECTOR OF RAZÓN PÚBLICA, AN ONLINE JOURNAL ABOUT COLOMBIA AND A FORD FOUNDATION GRANTEE.

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Ill motivated, bureaucratized, and up against a difficult geography, Colombia´s armed forces spent several decades in a low-intensity war of contention in remote regions. But in the late- 90s, the well financed FARC managed to become a serious military threat, so that a major reengineering of the State´s forces was launched with support from the US (under the close to 8 billion dollars “Plan Colombia”). Álvaro Uribe presided over most of this process, when military expenditure expanded from

under 2% to 3.7% of GDP, troops were increased some 30%, and state-of- the- art technology was brought to bear on the conflict.

But, dating back to the 80s and 90s, an unofficial, paramilitary reaction was mushrooming. An obscure alliance of landowners, drug lords, politicians, and militaries, hired some 30,000 troops, officially to counter the communist insurgence, in fact much to further their economic and political interests. Massacres and terror came to match the kidnapping and bombings of guerrillas, so that the conflict became even more degraded. And all along, the logics of the “dirty war”, has percolated the military, police, and judiciary, so that many State agents are to be blamed for atrocities.

It bears saying that Colombia´s is not a civil war but is a war against the civilians: out of the 220,000 conflict-related deaths in between 1958 and 2012, only 1,636 were combatants, and fully 150,000 were selective assassinations. To add some relevant figures: nearly 5 million displaced persons (Colombia´s population stands at 48 million), 27,000 kidnapped, 25,000 “disappeared”, some 2,000 massacres, 223 killed in “terrorist attacks”, and 13,000 victims of anti-personnel mines.

One more element needs some explanation. In a history populated with amnesties for “political” violence (a total of 26), President Uribe decided to pardon the bulk of paramilitaries grouped under AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia). After involved negotiations, a system of transitional justice (“Justice and Peace Law”) was enacted, so that the main leaders and the 32,000 troops demobilized in exchange for nominal penalties.

This had the abovementioned effect of decreasing homicide rates, yet the jailed “commanders” continued their drug-business, so that the US secured their extradition (a key reason for Mexico´s ascendance in the industry); furthermore, the demobilization of paramilitaries was “premature” in that it came ahead of that of the guerrilla, thus reinforcing the message of impunity that many observers in and outside Colombia read from Uribe´s decision.

THE ONGOING PEACE NEGOTIATIONS The new military strategy succeeded in pushing back the FARC to its more traditional “rearguard” areas, in multiplying desertions, and in locating BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

and killing several key commanders. Though this guerrilla remains 7,000 combatants strong, its “Secretariat” finally came to the conclusion that the war could not be won. Even if president Santos (in office since 2010) risked the stern opposition of his mentor Uribe, he eventually arranged for official negotiations to begin in Havana on October, 2012.

Colombia has a history of successful negotiations with guerrillas. Yet the prior rounds with FARC (in 1982-84, and in 1999-2002) had failed because they were conditioned/to ceasefires that could not be monitored. On this occasion therefore, the “war” is expected to go on (a reality that many find disturbing), and there is the clause that “nothing is agreed until everything is agreed”.

The agenda covers 5 topics, which mirror the geopolitics of the conflict: 1) Land tenure and rural development –given the social origins of FARC; 2) Political participation – since it aims at becoming a political party; 3) Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR); 4) Drug policy – of particular interest to the US, and 5) Victims´ rights and transitional justice. The first two items have been covered already, and agreement on the third is imminent. As to the contents, it is worth remarking: -Concerning the first topic, the key issues included in the agreement are: 1) legalization of land titles (needed by some 20% of all plots, especially those in remote areas); 2) Redistribution of illegally occupied land (about 6 million hectares – 15 million acres); 3) “Peasant reservation areas” (presumably in regions where the FARC is rooted), and 4) a large scale social investments program for the rural areas (health, housing, credit…). Land tenure is likely to be the area of major, or “structural”, reforms to come out of the peace agreement.

- Warranties for the political participation of ex-guerrillas include: 1) New electoral districts in FARC-influenced areas (i.e., a quota in Congress); 2) Personal security for candidates and activists (a sensitive issue in light of the lasting “dirty war”), and 3) Seats in the Regional Councils for Reconciliation (to be created). National commissions will likewise be created to design the electoral reform and the charter for the opposition.

The guerrillas have (difficult to assess) ties with various grass-roots movements, and it appears that their peacetime bet is to mobilize them for political support (this includes native Colombians and afro-descendants).

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

- In regards to drug-trafficking, the key expectation of the Government is for guerrillas to abandon the protection of coca crops, and to dismantle their laboratories (which raises the issue of alternative financing for the demobilized); still- and contrary to popular beliefs- the drug economy is not dominated by guerrillas, nor do guerrillas depend on that economy only. There could also be some room for the legalization of marihuana and for a shift towards a more publichealth treatment of consumption; but the eventual extradition of wanted ex-commanders (to the US) is a thorny issue, and legalization of other drugs is a non-starter.

- Apart from the logistics, the DDD agreements will need to come to grips with the criminal responsibility of commanders and the rank and file. Opinion polls show widespread opposition to the pardons, especially because guerrillas are considered the “number one public enemy”.

Anticipating the problem, the Santos controlled Congress passed a constitutional amendment (the “Legal Framework for Peace”) to adapt and update the necessary mechanisms of transitional justice; but this is the main remaining obstacle before the final agreement.

Finally, although the agenda is not identical, there is the well-grounded expectation that a deal with the ELN (1,500 persons in arms) will be negotiated in the near future.

POST-CONFLICT One key implication of the above described complexity of Colombia´s “armed conflict” is that signing the peace with FARC and ELN will not mean the end of “organized” violence (guerillas are responsible for less than 5% of homicides).

But besides its direct contribution to reducing violence, the major implication of the agreement will be to put an end to political violence (or at least to the political excuse for violence). This is a large gain for Colombia, in that politics (i.e. the peaceful competition among ideas and interests) will at last de “discovered”, and in that paramilitarism will not again permeate the power structure (133 former or current members of Congress have been investigated as “para-politicians”).

Even so, the remnants of “political” violence and the underlying “social” violence” are likely to continue for a number of years. Some “fronts” of 137

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FARC/ELN may reject the agreements, and many of the 8,500 ex-guerrillas may join criminal groups; plus there are some 6,000 ex-paramilitaries (in the so called “new criminal bands”), all of whom will continue to abuse the communities. Violence for territorial control will probably intensity as the guerrillas demobilize, while local mining/oil bounties have already been luring armed groups.

Fuelled by, and mixed with, violence arising from land tenure and other social issues, this kind of violence will predominantly affect the rural and marginalized communities, while cities will continue to suffer from the abundance of murderers-for-hire (Cali, Colombia´s third largest city, ranks as the fourth most violent on Earth).

From the standpoint of citizens´ security therefore, the post-conflict stage will not be easy.

At a hopefully reducing overall level, violence and crime nonetheless stand to be more diversified; the military, police, and judiciary systems would then need be rebalanced and sophisticated, and a more agile, decentralized, and hands-on management of local realities and underlying social tensions will be necessary.

Among those tensions, the ones relating to land tenure will be critical. It may be striking to realize that the abovementioned agreement with a communist guerrilla does not refer to agrarian reform (i.e., redistribution of privately owned land) but to a mere legalization of titles and devolution of stolen properties. This goes to probe how backwards is rural society, and how entrenched are interests in there. Yet –and because of those interests- the Colombian State has not been able to do much: president Santos anticipated a Law of Victims and Land Restitution meant to recover 4 million hectares, yet, after 2 years of execution, only 18,192 of them have been recovered.

The second major challenge is likely to be justice. The judiciary is already overflowed, and confused by the abundance of statutes. Many guerrilla cadres are responsible for crimes against Humanitarian Law and must be punished, yet a “transitional” system shall be used. And there is the gigantic task of insuring the right of the millions of victims- “true, justice, reparation, and warranty of non repetition”-. But once again, there is little to inspire optimism: the transitional system set up by Uribe to judge the paramilitaries has turned but 14 convictions in 8 years.

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Thus one comes to the main concern regarding Colombia´s post-conflict: the at best limited capacity of the State to carry out reforms or effective policies, especially in those more trouble-loaded topics and/or regions. Colombia´s birthmark- the weakness of the State- may continue to impair its future as it did its past. But weak State may signify strong civil society, and Colombian society might be on the verge of “discovering politics”. In point of fact, the group worst silenced by violence – the peasantry- already achieved a landmark mobilization (the “National Agrarian Workstoppage” in 2012), and social movements are becoming more vocal as the peace negotiations advance. Peace may bring along its own engine: citizens and communities, beginning with the most marginalized, who have no violence to fear, and can therefore demand their rights and make sure that the agreements are honored.

THE HISTORICALLY MARGINALIZED Despite the recent economic upturn, 30.2% of the households in Colombia live in poverty, and 10.1% live in extreme poverty. The corresponding figures for the rural areas are 46% and 22.3%; and the ethnic minorities in the countryside are at the bottom of the income distribution. Thus, practically all the Native and Afro Colombian communities are living in misery, one shocking fact for an upper-middle income Country (US 11,000 PPP). Malnutrition, infant mortality, illiteracy, unemployment and poverty rates are 2 or 3 times the national average in those states (departamentos) where minorities concentrate.

Colombia is one of the most miscegenated countries of Latin America, so that race related information is difficult to ascertain. As measured by self-identification, between 2.1% and 3.4 % of the population is Native. According to the government, there are 1.392.623 Natives belonging to over 87 peoples, but according to the Organization of Indigenous People (ONIC) there are 102 peoples.

Afro-descendents are 10% of the population according to the 2005 census, but some observers estimate that the true figure is twice that number.

A centuries-old process of colonization has expelled those communities that maintain their ethnic identities to remote and unproductive regions. Hence, even if 29.84% of the Colombian territory belongs to the 710 existing indigenous resguardos, only 8% of this land is fit for agriculture, BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

and much of it is de facto occupied by mestizos. Afro Colombians in the Pacific region labor in swampy, unhealthy territories. Yet the “armed conflict” has most harshly affected those communities, partly because of their very remoteness, partly because of the underlying land tenure conflicts, partly because those same territories are the sites of both illegal crops and most of the new mining exploits that fuel the conflict. Consequently, the risk for an indigenous person to be forcefully displaced is two or three times that of the average Colombian, and the Constitutional Court has declared that 35 indigenous peoples are in “serious danger of extinction” as a result of the conflict; the Afro-Colombian communities, in turn, have been the victims of some of the worst massacres, selective murders and confinement of communities are frequent, and a full 50% of the Internally Displaced Population is Afro-Colombian.

Violence is a major roadblock to the political mobilization and participation of those communities. Not only because their leaders – as any popular leader- are the preferred victims of assassination, intimidation or forced displacement, but critically because the actual, or mostly imputed, association of social protests with a communist guerrilla has led to the criminalization and widespread delegitimization of social and grassroots movements. Colombia features record-low rates of unionization, organized protests, and voting for left-of-center political parties.

On the positive side, the 1991 Constitution granted a series of right for the indigenous peoples, including language, cultural identity and schooling, some legal jurisdiction for their traditional authorities, representation in Congress, and collective property. The Afro communities were likewise granted some representation in Congress and a special land arrangement. But these advances have been confined mostly to the normative sphere, and shall remain so until the communities manage to assert themselves in the realm of public policy-making: the likely ending of political violence would be a truly unique opportunity for them.

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Thursday, April 10 • 8:30-10:30 am

SESSION BRIEF ENSURING EXERCISE OF RIGHTS:

The Work for an Improved Census in Colombia CONTEXT

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critical expression of exclusion and discrimination is the absence of accurate, reliable and rigorous statistics on indigenous and Afro-descendant populations in the official national information systems. This absence both expresses and furthers the invisibility of these ethnic groups to the rest of society and critical policy-making sites. How may official policies purportedly aimed at meeting the rights-based needs and demands of these groups be conceived, designed and implemented if information on their numbers, distribution and main characteristics is nonexistent or grossly deficient?

An important part of the work of the foundation and its partners seeks to raise the visibility of the problems, needs and demands of indigenous and Afro-descendent populations, in this case via a sustained improvement in official national information systems and statistics. The upcoming national population and housing census, originally planned for 2015 but postponed for 2016 or 2017 due to funding and other difficulties, presents an excellent opportunity to energize these ethnic communities, civil society organizations and government into a plan for greatly improving national official information that yields an accurate count accompanied with the appropriate social, economic, and demographic information.

Grantees from Afro-descendent and indigenous communities as well as from the research community, accompanied by experts in strategic communications, are working on three major areas: 1) Testing and developing a set of questions for the census that may capture more accurately the numbers an characteristics of ethnic populations; 2) Ensuring that the process of conducting the census guarantees full coverage and is designed with a participatory and culturally sensitive approach; and 3) Seeking to have the target populations prepared based on an awareness of the importance of the census as a basis for the design and implementation of public policies that will better serve their communities. Engaging in census preparation activities also promotes the goal of strengthening the organizations that represent Afro-Colombian and indigenous populations and communities. The organizations involved work in coordination with the DANE, the national statistics agency.

The currently ongoing national agrarian census, which gathers information on land, crops and livestock, has provided an extra opportunity to activate the involvement of these organizations in the process. This census will provide urgently needed information (the previous census was conducted 43 years ago!), especially in light of possible scenarios resulting from the negotiations to end the armed conflict, and serve as the immediate background for the population census. The context of the activation of the agrarian census shows the difficulties encountered in ensuring the conditions for an acceptable census, including lack of official political will, mostly expressed in the denial of funds. This is the context in which this set of grantees seeks to advocate for an improved national population census.

PARTICIPANTS

Claudia Mosquera: Researcher, Centro de Estudios Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Colombia (Grantee) Ms. Mosquera is Associate Professor in the Department of Social Work and a researcher in the Center for Social Studies at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia in Bogotá, lecturer in Latin American Studies at the Université de Paris III, and a doctoral candidate at the Université Laval in Canada. She was founder of the Initiatives for Peace and Coexistence Program and is Director of Research on Racial Equality, Cultural Difference, Environmental Conflicts and Racisms in the Black Americas (IDCARAN). Her research includes racial equality, discrimination, inclusion and public policy, in Colombia.

Jader Gomez: Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN) Mr. Gomez is one of the leaders in the Black Communities Process (PCN), an organization devoted to the promotion, strengthening and consolidation of community councils, as well as contributing to the cultural, social, economic, political, environmental, and institutional development of marginalized areas of the country and strengthening the identity of Afro-descendants. Mr. Gomez leads the work on census preparation, training, and the relationships with the Colombian National Statistics Agency, DANE.

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Juan de Dios Mosquera: Founder and President, Movimiento Nacional por los Derechos Humanos de las Comunidades Afrocolombianas—CIMARRON (Grantee) Mr. Mosquera is Founder and President of the National Movement for Afro-Colombian Human Rights, CIMARRON—a landmark organization and one of Colombia´s oldest Afro-Colombian NGOs. He has extensive academic experience, including most recently as a Professor of Afro-Colombian Studies at the Institute Superior de Formacion Afro in Motevideo and as a Visiting Professor for Postgraduate Studies in Childhood, Culture and Development at the Universidad Distrital Fancisco Jose de Caldas in Bogota, Colombia. Ms. Mosquera also served as a representative from the National Black Community to the Colombian Peace Commission in 1998. He holds a degree in Social Sciences from the Universidad Tecnologica de Pereira, as well as specialized courses in Sociology at the Center for Social Study and Research (CEIS) in Bogota, Colombia and the Universidad Iberoamericana in Mexico.

Carlos Viáfara, Department of Economics and Social Sciences, Universidad del Valle (Grantee) Mr. Viáfara is a Professor and Researcher in the Department of Social Science and Economics at the Universidad del Valle in Calí, Colombia. His research focuses on development economics, labor markets, social demography and ethno-racial groups. In 2012, he served as an advisor to the Calí Mayor´s Office on issues of Afro-descendent Inclusion. He also worked as an analyst covering territorial issues for the Colombian National Administrative Department of Statistics. Mr. Viáfara earned a bachelor´s degree in Economics from the Universidad del Valle and earned a master´s degree in Population from the Latin American Social Sciences Institute (FLACSO) in Mexico.

Dora Vivanco: Head, Census Project, Conferencia Nacional de Organizaciones Afrocolombianas (CNOA) Ms. Vivanco is part of the National Technical Team for the National Conference of Afro-Colombian Organizations (CNOA) and is responsible for program and project management in the area of Afro, Negra, Palenquera and Raizal (ANPR) youth. She also currently coordinates the project “Strengthening the CNOA Afro-Colombian Organizations through Training, Increasing Awareness, and Self-Recognition for participation in the upcoming Colombian Population Census,” which is supported by the Ford Foundation.

Ms. Vivanco holds degrees in Psychology from the Universidad San Buenaventura de Medellin, Health Administration from the Universidad de Los Andes, as well as a master’s degree in Public Policy from the Universidad de Los Andes.

Gonzalo de Francisco: Executive Director, Newlink Communications (Grantee) Mr. de Francisco has over 25 years of experience as a respected policy maker and communicator. Between 1989 and 1994, he was a member of the Presidential Advisory Committee on Peace. In this capacity, he participated in projects for the support of the rural economy and in the negotiations that led to the demobilization of several guerrilla groups, notably M-19, EPL and Quintín Lame.

Between 1998 and 2002, he acted as Presidential Security Advisor; implementing the Citizen Coexistence and Security strategy.

Mr. de Francisco focused on the work of the National Police Force and coordinated the implementation of the Colombia Plan in its initial phase. Since 2002, he has been engaged in strategic communication consulting, holding positions as vice president of Dattis Consultores en Comunicación and president of VOX Comunicaciones Estratégicas. Mr. de Francisco is a political scientist with a degree from the Universidad de los Andes.

César Rodríguez: Director, Programa de Justicia Global y Derechos Humanos, Universidad de los Andes; Coordinator, Observatorio de Discriminación Racial (Grantee) Mr. Rodríguez is a Professor and founding Director of the Program on Global Justice and Human Rights at the Universidad de los Andes. He is a founding member of the Center for Law, Justice, and Society (Dejusticia) and a Hauser Global Fellow at NYU Law School. He has been a visiting professor at Stanford University, the University of Pretoria, the Åbo Academy of Human Rights, the University of Buenos Aires, the Andean University of Quito, and the Irish Center for Human Rights. He holds a Ph.D. and an M.S. (Sociology) from the University of Wisconsin-Madison, an M.A. from NYU’s Institute for Law and Society, an M.A. (Philosophy) from the National University of Colombia, and a J.D. from the University of the Andes.communication consulting, holding positions as vice president of Dattis Consultores en Comunicación and president of VOX Comunicaciones Estratégicas.

Mr. de Francisco is a political scientist with a degree from the Universidad de los Andes.

Mauricio Perfetti: Director, Colombia´s National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE) Currently the Director of Colombia´s National Administrative Department of Statistics, Mr. Perfetti is a career public servant.

He has previously held the posts of Sector Deputy Director at the National Planning Department (DNP), Vice Minister of Preschool, Elementary and Middle School Education at the National Ministry of Education; Executive Director for the Manuel Mejía Foundation of the National Federation of Coffee-growers; Government Advisor on Coffee-grower Issues for the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit; Executive Director of the Center for Regional, Coffee and Business Studies (CRECE); and Advisor to the President of Colombia on social-political issues. Mr. Perfetti holds master´s and doctoral degrees in Public Policy and Economics, with extensive experience and knowledge in planning, design, and implementation of social and economic policies.

Wilson Herrera: Member, Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) (Grantee) Mr. Herrera is a member of the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC), an organization founded at the first National Indigenous Congress in 1982 to represent the indigenous peoples of Colombia. As part of their mission, ONIC seeks to strengthen indigenous governance institutions in within the framework of collective human rights and to promote the participation of indigenous people in public policies. The Ford Foundation has supported ONIC projects for organizational strengthening and census preparation among indigenous communities and civil society in Colombia.

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BOGOTA Strengthening Human Rights Worldwide Initiative Strengthening Human Rights Worldwide: Ini)a)ve-­‐Wide

Social Change Goal: The human rights movement of the 21st century is more vibrant, relevant and strategic, and is increasingly effec0ve in realizing the rights of the most marginalized with stronger leadership from the Global South in the interna0onal arena.

Ini)a)ve Impact:

More effec0ve implementa0on of rights for the poor and most marginalized at na0onal, regional, and interna0onal level.

With fresh voices from the Global South and new advocacy models, the human rights movement is more effec0ve

Long-­‐Term Outcomes: Medium-­‐Term Outcomes:

New leaders, par0cularly from the Global South, exert greater influence within na0onal, regional and global human rights movement

New human rights tac0cs increase accountability and more effec0vely addresses inequality and the non-­‐ fulfillment of rights

A new architecture for human rights movement with strengthened rights’ standards, mechanisms, and systems

Governments increasingly pressured and/ or compelled to enforce the rights of the most marginalized

Increased South-­‐South and Systema0c South-­‐South and North-­‐South collabora0on North-­‐South collabora0on among diverse actors, and on among diverse actors cross-­‐cuQng themes

Short-­‐Term Outcomes Improved Human Rights Human rights organiza0ons beIer Organiza0ons’ ins0tu0onal, equipped to expand the scope of programma0c and strategic their work capacity to expand their work

Public awareness is heightened around government failure to meet obliga0ons to protect and enforce rights of the poorest and most marginalized

Pioneering monitoring and advocacy tools developed and tested; Best prac0ces iden0fied and shared

Advocacy, Li)ga)on and Reform

Communica)ons and Public Educa)on Leadership Development

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Innova0ve legal remedies and Targeted public policies and li0ga0on strategies used innova0ve legal strategies are before domes0c courts and developed interna0onal bodies

Capacity Building and Technical Assistance

Learning and exchanges among human rights organiza0ons and other stakeholders are enhanced

Network Building and Convening Research and Public Policy Analysis

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Advancing Racial Justice & Minority Rights Initiative Advancing Racial Jus/ce & Minority Rights Ini/a/ve WW

ARSC

To secure equal rights and greater opportunity for marginalized racial and ethnic communi/es and indigenous peoples

To aCain a level of par/cipa/on of IP and AD communi/es that allows them to secure expansion and full enjoyment of rights

Long-­‐Term Outcomes

Strong IP and AD organiza+ons and leadership in solid alliances to push for improved policies aiming to enforce their rights

Civil and poli+cal society aware and suppor+ve of the rights of IP and AD

Ins+tu+onal representa+on and par+cipa+on of IP and AD in the poli+cal process and in relevant civil society posi+ons

Government commitment to adopt and implement policies that enforce rights of IP and AD

Mid-­‐Term Outcomes Increased infrastructure capacity of organiza+ons represen+ng IP and AD

Applied research supports legal, poli+cal and cultural advocacy

Short-­‐Term Outcomes

Organiza+ons represen+ng AD & IP have set plans for organiza+onal strengthening and leadership development

Communica+ons strategies support build up of public awareness of situa+on and rights of ID & IP

Debate and conversa+ons advanced on best strategies for legal, poli+cal and cultural advocacy

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

Greater li+ga+on capacity for rights enforcement

Strengthened state commitment and capacity to enforce FPIC and par+cipa+on

Na+onal and regional conversa+ons and coordina+on takes place on ways to aGain increased government commitment and capacity to enforce FPIC

Improved official na+onal sta+s+cs and systems of informa+on

Alliances of IP & AD organiza+ons with other CSOs, research centers and IOs to commit government to improve ethnic informa+on in census

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BOGOTA GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Universidad Nacional de Colombia www.unal.edu.co MISSION

P

romote and support multidisciplinary research in the areas of Human and Social Sciences.

For the Center for Social Studies to conduct research on problems of racial/ ethnic self-identification by AfroColombians and publish and disseminate the findings in preparation for the 2015 census Phase I For the Center for Social Studies to conduct research on problems of racial/ethnic self-identification by Afro-Colombians and publish and disseminate the findings in preparation for the 2015 census Phase II

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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Pedagogic material and audiovisual campaigns about reflection of the self-identification of the black people, Afro-Colombian, raizal, and palenquera population.

•

Propose a massive communication strategy to raise awareness and encourage self-recognition of the population black, Afro-Caribbean and Raizal Palenquera Colombian from their own forms of representation.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Asociación Movimiento Nacional por los Derechos Humanos de las Comunidades Afrocolombianas www.movimientocimarron.org MISSION

P

romote the autonomous organization and the ethno-education of Afro-Colombians so they may exercise their ethnic and citizen rights.

For alliance building, media outreach and advocacy to increase the visibility of the Afro-Colombian population in official data and statistics in preparation for the 2015 national census

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

A strategy for improvement of the census is developed and shared by all relevant organizations;

•

Reached consensus reached about the question or set of questions to be advocated before the official national statistics agency;

•

National statistics agency develops dialogue with interested organizations and a participatory framework for the census instrument and process;

•

The Afro-Colombian population responds to media campaigns by strengthening self-affirmation and identification.

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BOGOTA GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Universidad del Valle www.univalle.edu.co MISSION

E

ducate through the generation and diffusion of science, culture, art, technique, humanities and philosophy, with a clear vocation to service society. Likewise, it makes the integral formation of the human being possible within a creative spirit that allows the personal improvement and the development of a democratic society, tolerant and committed with civil duties and human rights.

For the Center of Socioeconomic Research and Documentation to conduct research on Afro-descendant and indigenous populations in Colombia to improve data gathering for the 2015 National Census

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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Adequate measurement of the labor market and living conditions indicators for the afro descendant population compared to the white-mestizo population in the cities of Cali and Cartagena;

•

Characterization of the different types of Afrocolombian organizations in the country registered in Dirección de Asuntos para Comunidades Negras, Afrocolombianas, Raizales y Palenqueras of the Bogota Home Office and in town halls and governorates of specific municipalities and departments (regions).

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Corporación Agencia AfroColombiana Hileros www.renacientes.net MISSION

T

o Promote and defend the human rights, cultural identity and the territories of black communities, their autonomous participation, and a gender perspective starting from organizational empowerment, mobilization and alliance building of the Afro movement.

For training, technical assistance, networking & conferences to build the capacity of Proceso de Comunidades Negras de Colombia & other organizations to promote & defend the rights of Afro-Colombians For training and other activities to build the capacity of Afro-Colombian organizations to advocate for their rights To help Afro-Colombian communities prepare for the 2015 national census & to work with the National Administrative Bureau of Statistics to develop and test demographic indicators for Afro-descendants For advocacy of rights of Afro Colombians and census preparation.

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

Increased government accountability in regard to legislation and policies concerning the Afro Colombian population, and in particular with regards to the safety of this population

•

Strengthened connections and partnerships with the public advocate regarding cases of rights violations and the promotion of consultation processes;

•

Enhanced visibility of the Black Communities Process as a legitimate interlocutor in national and regional dialogues;

•

Afro-Colombian leaders are better equipped for work on census substance and process issues; Administrative Bureau of Statistics fully understands the concerns of Afro-Colombian organizations regarding substance and process aspects of the census

•

Grant proposal under review

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BOGOTA GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia www.renacientes.net MISSION

T

o strengthen indigenous governance institutions in indigenous territories within the framework of collective human rights to promote the participation of indigenous people in public policies; to seek recognition for indigenous authorities; to develop common strategies with other organizations to seek the end of violent conflict in Colombia through peace, justice, and reparation.

For advocacy and training to promote and disseminate the United Nations Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and strengthen indigenous governance institutions in Colombia For workshops and documents in preparation for the 2014 UN World Conference on Indigenous Peoples For capacity building, a gathering of indigenous leaders and outreach to ensure the active participation of indigenous peoples in the planning, execution, monitoring and evaluation of the 2015 Census For organizational strengthening and census preparation

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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Design and production of training material around the UN declaration and the actual training of about 150 indigenous group leaders,

•

Affirmation of indigenous rights in the realization of this census and in the broadly-gauged debate in society around the law on land

•

Indigenous communities at the local level contribute to the document outlining ONIC’s position for the world conference and are further socialized into the main tenets of the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

•

Agreement with the government to guarantee the participation of indigenous peoples and their representatives in all aspects of the census process

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Corporación Centro de Pastoral Afrocolombiana www.convergenciacnoa.org MISSION

A

ffirm the cultural identities of Afro descendants in Colombia, promote their ethnic and territorial rights, facilitate the expression of the Christian faith and different spiritualties of Afro Colombians.

For training, organizational development and dissemination in preparation for the upcoming national census in Colombia

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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A set of trained community leaders is available to the national statistics agency to carry out the census in their regions;

•

An increased number of Afro Colombians are prepared to self-identify themselves in accordance with ethnic categories in the census;

•

A sustained relationship is established with government agencies to ensure an ongoing-process of improvement of official national information that is ethnically differentiated;

•

A set of trained community leaders is prepared to analyze census results and to push for ethnically focused public policies.

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NEWLINK Communications www.newlink-group.com MISSION

D

evelop and implement a strategy to animate public debate through the print, broadcast and other media, as well as other forums, with the goal of raising awareness on the importance of the census, of the need for adequate funding, and of general commitment by each relevant government agency.

To develop a communication strategy for foundation grantees on census and statistical information on indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples in Colombia

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

150

•

Grantees with projects on the census developed and consistently implement a communications strategy towards their communities, government, civil society and the media, and are visible spoke persons for the goal of an improved and just census;

•

Indigenous and Afro descendant populations have been reached out and exhibit greater knowledge of the census and its importance and are prepared actively to participate in it;

•

Relevant government agencies are receptive to demands for participation of organizations representative of those populations, and are strengthened by government commitment and budgetary support.

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Universidad de Los andes www.uniandes.edu.co MISSION

T

o seek academic excellence and impart a critical and ethical formation to its students, in order to strengthen their awareness of their social and civic responsibilities, and their commitment to the analysis and solution of the problems of Colombia.

For Racial Discrimination Watch to conduct research on the phrasing of ethnic/racial self-identification questions on survey instruments and disseminate the findings to improve Colombia’s census For the Human Rights and Global Justice Program’s Racial Discrimination Watch to award scholarships for advanced graduate education at U.S. law schools to AfroColombian lawyers For advocacy of rights of indigenous peoples and Afro Colombians and research for upcoming national census

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

Greater awareness is attained in official circles and the general public of the need for an adequately conducted and improved national census.

•

Strengthened leadership capacity of Afro Colombians in law fields, government, academia, NGOs and social movements to promote racial justice and human rights.

•

Grantee Proposal under Review.

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BOGOTA SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION PROMOTING VISIBILITY AGAINST EXCLUSION AND DISCRIMINATION:

Working Toward an improved Census in the countries of the Andes Region FELIPE AGÜERO AR&SC OFFICE

S

erious attempts to promote, design and implement public policies aimed to effectively diminish exclusion and discrimination in the Andean countries face a major obstacle: the lack, and sometimes the complete absence, of adequate official information and statistics on historically excluded and discriminated populations. AfroPeruvians, for instance, suffer from nearly complete invisibility and official non-existence, as they are not counted in the national census, paradoxically after receiving, two years ago, an official apology by the national government for the abuse, exclusion and discrimination historically perpetrated against them since colonial times.

In Colombia, Afro-descendants are deemed by different expert estimates to represent over 20 per cent of the population, yet the census has this population at only 10 per cent of the total.

Indigenous populations fare no better. Scattered through the Colombian territory they are not fully reflected in official statistics, even if many of these peoples face the risk of extinction, as denounced by international agencies and domestic courts.

In Peru, indigenous peoples stand significantly undercounted, partly as a result of official statistics agencies not following international recommendations on the formulation of questions designed to capture indigenous population. The southern cone, where indigenous peoples have been politically and culturally suppressed, also shows serious deficiencies in accounting for all these groups.

How may policies presumably aimed to advance the political, social, economic, and cultural rights of these excluded groups make any effective and accountable progress if the basic questions of visibility and counting remain unresolved?

How may the design, implementation, and assessment of public policies against exclusion and discrimination take place if official statistics on target populations are of poor quality or plainly non-existent?

THE NEED FOR AN INCLUSIVE CENSUS AND IMPROVED OFFICIAL STATISTICS

152

Issues of official counting on racial and ethnic lines, and the accompanying social and demographic analysis needed, are admittedly complex and raise numerous questions for debate in these divided societies. They refer to the different historical contexts and paths through which exclusion and discrimination of these populations became so pervasive and deep. Difficulties in the

affirmation of many of these populations’ selfidentity only compound the problem. Yet the challenge of visibility and rigorous presence of these populations in official national statistics and most certainly in the national census, must be addressed squarely and urgently. This memo propounds the way in which the AR&SC office would address this challenge.

NEW OPPORTUNITIES Fortunately, a set of opportunities has developed that makes work on this challenge both timely and feasible. A number of factors coalesce to create this context of opportunity: a) An international context more favorable to national demands of racially and ethnically excluded populations, including recommendations issued by the UN Committee for the Elimination of all Forms of Racism and international commitments acquired via the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the International Labor Organization’s Convention 169; b) greater awareness of and mobilization for their rights by indigenous and Afro descendant populations and organizations, particularly as they face threats and challenges over land issues in the context of accelerated expansion of national economies based on large infrastructure, mining, energy, and forestry investments; c) the rise of governments in the region with a political agenda opened to renewed dialogue with these excluded populations.

The Peruvian government, for instance, has passed a law on prior consultation of indigenous communities following guidelines of the ILO Convention 169. This consultation law is generating a demand for official statistics and information on this population, which will inevitably extend to matters affecting AfroPeruvians as well as other excluded sectors. In Colombia, the Santos administration has put forth a set of programs, including a law on victims and land restitution, and launched negotiations to end armed conflict, which are generating similar and urgent demands on improved official information.

The timing of the next national census in each one of these countries is also an opportunity, as well as a challenge, for the preparatory work that must start now: 2016-7 in Colombia, 2017 in Peru.

This timing provides the temporal space for an incremental strategy aimed at developing all the factors that would contribute to an improved and BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

inclusionary national census in each country.

This timing also means that most of the work may be conducted in the time period of the current administrations in each country: what they do or fail to do will be decisive for the way the census is designed and conducted. This context provides, in turn, an excellent opportunity for the Foundation to engage its renewed leadership role in a strategic area that should have an enormous impact on the actual ability for progress in the agenda for inclusion and non-discrimination in the region.

GOALS The principal goal of the Foundation’s work in this area is to ensure that governments assume their responsibility in rigorous official data collection in national statistics, in the national census as well as on all official surveys, especially concerning historically excluded and discriminated populations. For this purpose, the work of the Foundation aims at supporting and expanding expert groups in research centers, universities, and think tanks, and their interaction with government officials as well as with organizations representing excluded groups; promoting national debate on the role of national statistics and its relationship with issues of exclusion and discrimination, particularly with the demands of public policy; promoting research on all substantive and procedural aspects related to official construction of national statistics on historically excluded groups; promoting the use of comparative experience for the benefit of regional goals; and strengthening the ability of indigenous and Afro-descendant organizations to exert pressure on government agencies and to promote awareness among these populations.

PARTNERS These include organizations that we are already supporting, such as the Latin American Center for Demography, within the UN’s Economic Commission for Latin America (already actively involved in connecting national and international indigenous organizations—such as the Indigenous Fund—with the respective official national statistics agencies); Research Centers/ Think Tanks, such as GRADE in Peru; universities, such as a group at Princeton University conducting surveys in the region and coordinated with the previous grantees, and other ones at Universidad del Valle in Cali, and the Universidad Nacional Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

and the Universidad de Los Andes in Bogotá; and advocacy organizations, such as Global Rights’ project in Peru. Critical partners are the national statistics agencies in each country.

The group of partners should expand to include other organizations within the UN system and the Inter-American system; agencies of foreign governments working within the regions (such as USAID, and of European governments); national and foreign universities; government agencies in the target countries; and all relevant civil society organizations and organizations representing historically excluded populations. Work supported by the Foundation in other places, notably Brazil and the U.S. is especially relevant here.

PREPARATORY WORK AND GRANT PROGRAMMING An improved inclusionary census as well as other forms of data collection such as surveys by sector (i.e., household surveys, health surveys) requires a focus on three principal aspects: a) the questionnaire (for instance, adding a question in the Peruvian census to include Afro-descendants; developing questions that are based on selfidentification; or improving the statement of the question in the Colombian census); b) the procedure (i.e., the duration—budgetary restrictions in the previous census in Colombia shortened the time span, negatively affecting the counting of excluded populations--, the preparation and training of the census takers); and c) the respondents (i.e., ensuring the preparation of members of the excluded populations).

This focus requires targeting the government and its specialized agencies, and the populations to be surveyed. This, in turn, demands work, in addition to those agencies, with all other organizations listed as partners in order to develop activities that will yield the desired results. In terms of approaches, this work centers on advocacy, research, education and training, and communications and varies according to national context.

COLOMBIA Grant making in Colombia started with emphasis in years 1 and 2 in research that would support substantive interaction and cooperation of experts with official statistics agencies (especially DANE), both for the national population census (2016 or 2017) and the 2014 agricultural and 153

BOGOTA

livestock census. Support here is going for research at the Universidad del Valle in Cali on labor markets and life conditions of Afro population in Cali and Cartagena; on death and birth certificates and morbidity data by ethnic and other variables; and on the state of Afro-Colombian organizations.

At the University of the Andes support goes for a longitudinal household survey that clarifies demographic dynamics that should help in census and other survey recommendations, and for testing of alternative census questions. At the Universidad Nacional grants support research on difficulties of self-identification of Afro descendant population in the Caribe Region. These and other research combine with work supported at Princeton University, and with activities of CELADE--ECLAC in combination with the Racial Discrimination Watch at the University of the Andes. In the following phase greater emphasis is given to advocacy aimed to interact and influence agencies, both from the experts’ side and the civil society organizations, all with the aid of a communications strategy worked out with a communications grantee. These activities have included seminarfocused events and other national events with larger audiences for greater visibility, bringing in regional comparative experience.

Support for training and education also has picked up, involving support for representative organizations working on their constituencies, advocacy facing state agencies to develop their training capacities. A more concerted advocacy effort is planned to resurface the urgency of the national population census once the agrarian census is completed, including ensuring that funding is adequately and timely provided for census preparation and development.

these issues. GRADE’s group of experts is aiming to constitute itself in an official advising capacity to INEI as well as to the Vice Ministry of Culture, where a working group on Afro-descendants has already been formed, which has launched the first national survey on Afro Peruvian population with foundation support. Research addresses all aspects necessary to improve on the questionnaire of the national Census, but also to improve the National Household Survey and the data collection design and implementation at the ministry of health. In each instance pilot studies are about to start. Closed expert seminars (including representatives of ethnic populations) as well as more visible national public events on ethnicity, racism and social inclusion will be combined to position these issues in the national agenda, connect them with current issues of public policy (such as the implementation of the law of prior consultation to indigenous groups) and benefit from the opportunities of closer work with government officials and agencies in the current administration. Training and education will follow the same guidelines and emphases as in Colombia.

CHILE In Chile the 2012 census ended badly and the new administration has pledged to conduct a new one in 2016. Early results announced on the basis of the 2012 data collection yielded a figure for the indigenous population that climbed up to over 10 per cent of the total population. This figure doubled that of the previous census, an increase due primarily to a different phrasing of the question. Special attention will be have to be given to the 2016 census to ensure that the process will proceed rigorously, reaching all the population.

PERU Aiming for the 2017 census, work in Peru emphasizes research support addressing the greater complexity of self-identification issues of indigenous populations, as well as the greater invisibility of the Afro descendant population.

The Group of Analysis for Development (GRADE), a sophisticated research center, other indigenous and Afro descendant organizations (grantees) and research centers, have formed a working group with the national official statistics agency (INEI) to plan and carry out census preparatory activities. This center also has scheduled joint activities with CELADE and Global Rights on 154

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BOGOTA

Thursday, April 10 • 11:45-1:15 am

SESSION BRIEF

Ensuring Social Protection, Financial Inclusion and Livelihood Promotion Services for the Poor and Extreme Poor CONTEXT

T

he Department for Social Prosperity (DPS) is the Colombian Government entity responsible for formulating, coordinating and implementing policies aimed at poverty reduction, social inclusion, reconciliation, land restitution, attention to vulnerable groups, as well as socioeconomic reintegration and integral reparation to victims of the internal armed conflict. DPS’ budget for 2013 was about USD 4 billion and its largest program, “Mas Familias en Acción” reached about 2.6 million families.

In the past two decades, two anti-poverty instruments have been widely adopted and particularly praised in many countries around the world: Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs and microfinance.

Numerous impact studies have shown that CCTs contribute to poverty and inequality reduction in the short term, as well as to improvements in education and health in the long term. On the other hand, microfinance tools, such as savings, credit, insurance or risk capital, claim to produce medium term impact by providing families with the means to generate income, accumulate assets and exit poverty.

Combining these two strategies seems therefore particularly promising to achieve short, medium and long term impact on poverty.

More recently, "graduation" schemes adapted to the needs of the poorest households have further confirmed the potential of combining financial services with direct subsidies and business development services, with the long term objective of transforming them into public policies.

Thirdly, after a decade of rapid growth, impact investing schemes through crowdfunding seems to have gained sufficient maturity to reach more challenging targets, such as rural Small and Growing Businesses.

This meeting will be an opportunity to share with key stakeholders from the Department of Social Prosperity, the public agency in charge of social protection programs, and from Fundación Capital, the Foundation private partner in the implementation of three major projects linking social protection, financial inclusion and livelihood promotion in Colombia and regionally.

PARTICIPANTS

Mariana Escobar: Deputy Director, Department for Social Prosperity (DPS) Throughout her career, Ms. Escobar has worked in public service, particularly in the design, implementation, and evaluation of public policy. She has served as Deputy Director of Security and Defense at the National Planning Department (DNP), Coordinator for the Support Program for Coexistence and Citizen Security, and as an advisor to the Presidential Council for Human Rights.

She currently serves as the General Deputy Director for DPS. Ms. Escobar is a doctoral candidate in political science at the London School of Economics and Political Science, where she also holds a master’s degree in Government. In addition, she holds degrees in Security and Defense and Economics and Political Science from the University of the Andes in Bogota.

Julio Abril: Director of Productive Inclusion, DPS Mr. Abril’s work at DPS has focused on improving programs and policies through building working relationships among various actors from the public and private sectors, as well as civil society. As part of the DPS team for productive inclusion, he has helped design technical and operational policy guidelines for income generation to benefit those living in extreme poverty and internally displaced by the armed conflict. Mr. Abril earned a degree in Government and International Relations from the Univerisdad Externado de Colombia in Bogota, and holds a master’s degree in Development Studies from the International Institute for Social Studies at Rotterdam Erasmus University in The Hague.

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María José Uribe: Director of Financial Inclusion, DPS Prior to joining DPS, Ms. Uribe worked for the Colombian National Agency for Overcoming Extreme Poverty (ANSPE). She has also worked as a research consultant for Fedesarrollo, ECON ESTUDIO, and the Center for Economic Development Studies (CEDE) at the Universidad de los Andes. Her work has focused on the evaluation and design of public policies in the areas of microfinance, productive chains, foreign direct investment, public purchases, security, drug policy and health. Ms. Uribe holds a master’s degree in Economics from the Universidad de los Andes, where she is also an assistant professor of political economy, game theory, microeconomics and conflict theory.

Miguel Jordana: Technical Advisor for Colombia, Project Capital, Fundación Capital (Grantee) Mr. Jordana holds a double master´s degree in Political Science from the Paris Institute of Political Studies (Sciences-Po Paris). He has more than six years of experience in the microfinance and entrepreneurial support sectors. In particular, Mr. Jordan´s work has focused on the design, planning and implementation of financial inclusion projects, operational support for microfinance institutions through technical assistance, the development of financial education tools, as well as research in the areas of political and social science, and international finance and economy. He speaks Spanish, English, French and Portuguese fluently.

Tatiana Rincón: Director, Graduation Project, Fundación Capital (Grantee) Ms. Rincón earned a master´s degree in International Relations from Carleton University in Canada. She has worked for numerous international institutions, including the Carter Center, and has done consulting work with the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). In Colombia, she has served as the National Project Coordinator for “Local and Commercial Economic Development,” a combined effort of the European Union Delegation, the Ministry of Commerce, and the Director of International Cooperation of the Ministry of Interior and Justice. Ms. Rincón has also worked as a professor, researcher and academic coordinator for the Universidad Externado in Colombia.

Paula Rodríguez: Director, LittleBigMoney Project, Fundación Capital (Grantee) Ms. Rodríguez holds masters´ degrees in International Relations from the Universidad Javeriana in Bogota Colombia and in Public Management from the SDA Bocconi School of Management in Italy. She has worked with the public sector in Colombia, opening foreign markets to small and medium-sized Colombian businesses. Ms. Rodríguez has also worked with private companies that provide public services to support the design of new investment projects and public project bids.

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundación Capital www.fundacioncapital.org MISSION

P

romote social, economic and educational development of the poor in Latin America and the Caribbean Region.

To integrate community practice, public policy and private markets to help Latin America’s poor access the tools they need to improve livelihoods, manage risk and build assets Phase I Phase II Phase III Phase IV

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

Proyecto Capital (PK) pilot implementation is completed in Colombia, and a significant investment in human resources and knowledge sharing set a strong foundation for following years. In addition, a tablet-based financial education system is successfully tested (Colombia Lista) ;Research, diagnostic and feasibility studies for implementing a crowdfunding strategy in Latin America, specifically in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia, targeting micro and small underserved enterprises, identifying their capital needs and potential financing instruments (LittleBig Money).

•

Design and development of LittleBigMoney’s platform and initiative. Building up the crowdfunding platform, designing capital instruments, processes of identification and selection, and all the administrative systems for capital management;

•

Based on encouraging impact evaluation results of the pilot projects in Peru and Colombia, these governments decide to scale-up PK, reaching 540,000 and 300,000 people, respectively;

•

Began implementation of the first public policy based graduation initiative in the world, with the potential to reach 5 million extreme poor people if scaled up, and designed an additional graduation pilot to guarantee the economic rights of the victims of the armed conflict in Colombia with a potential to reach another 4 million people.

•

The experience gained through various pilot projects in the LAC region allows PK to be in a privileged position to influence the adoption of pro-poor financial inclusion public policies. In fact, PK is working hand in hand on designing financial inclusion and financial education national strategies in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, and El Salvador. Twelve TAF agreements signed with regulated financial institutions allow PK to influence the design of more adequate savings products, promote the use of closer attention channels and a better customer service for the poor.

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BOGOTA SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

FACT

Ensuring social protection ACCESS TO FINANCIAL SERVICES

MORE ASSETS

facilitates asset building for the poor

LESS VULNERABILITY THE POOR HAVE THE MOST TO GAIN by accessing the formal financial system

BUT

75%

How can we reach them quickly, effectively and on a

OF THE POOR ARE UNBANKED

MASSIVE SCALE?

BY CONNECTING

SOCIAL PROTECTION

FINANCIAL INCLUSION

WITH

PROYECTO CAPITAL

30 MILLION

HELP THEM

access to the formal financial system through savings

poor in LAC are covered by conditional cash transfers

AND TURN recipients into clients

WHO? SUPPLY

DEMMAND

HOW? Savings incentives

Better Customer Service Adequate Financial Services

Financial Education

Guatemala

that are part of Proyecto Capital

Colombia

3 COUNTRIES

Ecuador Brazil

Peru

in the scaling up phase (Colombia, Paraguay and Peru)

Bolivia

Chile

WHERE?

Paraguay

Social Protection Programs

Regulatory Bodies

11 COUNTRIES

Dominican Republic Mexico El Salvador

Financial Institutions

CCT Recipients Closer Attention Centers

2 COUNTRIES

2.8 MILLION

Saving accounts opened in a joint effort with the government in Colombia

5 COUNTRIES

implementing the first phase (Bolivia, Ecuador, Chile, Dominican Republic, El Salvador)

in the design phase (Guatemala and Brazil)

www.proyectocapital.org

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BOGOTA

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Thursday, April 10 • 4:00-6:00pm

SESSION BRIEF

Increasing Participation: Mining and Inclusion in Colombia CONTEXT

C

olombia has experienced an important expansion of the extractive industry in recent years. A long cycle of high demand and high prices for commodities has resulted in the mining sector playing an increasingly larger role in the country´s economy. In 2013, natural resource extraction excluding the oil sector accounted for 2.3 percent of GDP and 16.8 percent of exports. The growth of the mining sector in Colombia has served to generate increased tax revenue and subsequently expand social expenditure, but these new resources are not reaching the most marginalized populations who also want access to the benefits of economic growth. This lack of access to resources, as well as the environmental concerns associated with large-scale mining projects, has led to increased tension and conflict in the areas where the mining industry operates.

The TEAG initiative seeks to help develop mechanisms for community participation in decisions that affect them, but also to strengthen government institutions at the national and local levels to better manage resources to respond to social needs and ensure equitable enjoyment of the benefits that result from the industry. At the core of the TEAG initiative is the premise that increased social dialogue between the private and public sectors and communities plays a critical role in advancing greater understanding about the impact of the extractive industries, in addressing and building solutions to ensure the sustainable development of these communities, and in ensuring a more effective allocation of resources for basic public services.

The participants in this session will discuss their perspectives and experiences in relation to the extractive industry; the role of information in advancing an educated debate about the industry: the capacities and limitations of public institutions in the effective use of public funds, and the various efforts by civil society organizations to increase effective participation in decision-making processes, as well as experiences in social dialogues for inclusion among communities, government and the private sector.

PARTICIPANTS

Juanita León: Founder and Director, La Silla Vacía One of the pioneers of digital journalism in Latin America, Ms. León has covered conflict, politics and the Internet throughout her career. She currently oversees La Silla Vacía, a news website that has emerged as a singular source of independent information and consistent coverage of the mining sector Colombia. Ms. León was previously Editor of the Peace Division at El Tiempo newspaper, Editor of Reports at La Semana Magazine and Director of lasemana.com. She holds a law degree from the University of the Andes in Colombia, an MA in Journalism from Columbia University, and was a Nieman Fellow at Harvard University. With Ford support, La Silla Vacía has developed La Silla Minera, a dedicated section of their news website that has become the go-to resource on mining issues in Colombia.

Raul Roys: Executive Director, Fundación Cerrejón Mr. Roys leads Cerrejon Mining Company´s philanthropic foundation, which seeks to improve quality of life for communities in La Guajira through strengthening public institutions and civil society organizations and ensuring better social investment of public resources. Mr. Roys holds a degree in Electrical Engineering from the University of the Andes in Colombia, with a concentration in Economics and Regional Development Management. He draws on a lengthy career including experience in corporate social responsibility, resource management, project management for royalty investments, as well as conflict management. With Ford support, Fundación Cerrejón has supported the Department of la Guajira as well as several municipalities in the region to strengthen local institutions, particularly to promote the effective allocation and use of mining royalties as public resources to improve social conditions.

Fabio Velásquez: Executive Director, Foro Nacional por Colombia (Foro) Renowned sociologist and political scientist, Mr. Velásquez is the Executive Director of Foro, an institution dedicated to strengthening Colombia´s social cohesion and democratic culture. Mr. Velásquez leads Foro in conducting research, providing technical assistance and engaging in dissemination and raising awareness on issues related to citizen and political participation, public management, environmental management, and peace-building, among others. He holds a degree in Sociology from the Javeriana Unversity in Colombia and did doctoral studies in Political Science at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland, as well as postgraduate studies in Territorial Organization at the Polytechnic University of Madrid. Ford support has facilitated Foro’s work to help the government of Chocó develop a transparent, democratic and inclusive public management model in which both the private sector and civil society participate in decision-making relating to the mining industry operating in the department.

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Claudia Jiménez: Executive Director, Asociación del Sector de Minería a Gran Escala (SMGE) Ms. Jiménez is the Executive Director of the Association for the Large Scale Mining Sector (SMGE), a non-profit organization created in 2011 to represent large-scale mining companies committed to development, environmental protection, and the wellbeing of communities where these companies operate in Colombia. Prior to SMGE, Ms. Jiménez served as Minister-Counselor to the President of the Republic in 2009-2010. She also served as Ambassador to Switzerland and Liechtenstein between 2006 and 2009; during the same government she was Director of the Presidential Program of the Renewal of Public Administration (PRAP) of the National Planning Department. She holds a Juris Doctorate from the University of Paris II Pantheon Assas, an International Diploma in Public Administration from the Ecole Nationale d’Administration (E.N.A.) France, as well as a Master’s Degree in Public Law from the University of Paris II Pantheon Assas.

Alcibiades Escue: Indigenous Leader, Asociación de Cabildos Indígenas del Norte del Cauca (ACIN) Ms. Escue is a leader of the Association of Indigenous Townships of Northern Cauca (ACIN), an association of indigenous townships representing the most-widely recognized indigenous movement in Colombia, based on the principles of life, spirituality, reciprocity, integrity and the respectful use of land. ACIN drives political organization of congresses, mobilizations, community projects, assemblies and steering committees, as well as provides representation for community organizations. Mr. Escue´s work has focused on coordinating efforts for the defense of human rights.

Maria Claudia Medina: Former Coordinator of AVANZA, Tripartite Social Dialogue Program of the Ministry of Interior An expert consultant on governance issues, social dialogue and community relations with the extractive industry, Ms. Medina is the former Coordinator of AVANZA and continues to advise the Colombian Ministry of Interior. Ms. Medina has extensive experience with the design, implementation and evaluation of social programs, social corporate responsibility, sustainable development and managing public-private relationships. She holds a degree in Psychology from Pontificia Universidad Javeriana in Bogota, a master’s degree in Management of Social Services and Social Wellbeing from the Universidad de Alcala de Henares in Madrid, as well as a doctorate in Political Science and Sociology from the Universidad Complutense in Madrid. The foundation’s TEAG initiative helped lead to the development of Avanza, a Colombian Ministry of Interior-led strategy—one that La Silla Vacia has referred to as the Ministry’s most important initiative—to promote citizen participation through tri-part dialogue among community, industry and government actors to cultivate agreements that promote good governance and sustainable development in areas affected by the extractive industry.

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BOGOTA STRATEGY MAP

Transparent Effective and Accountable Government: AR&SC

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

La Silla Vacia www.lasillavacia.com MISSION

P

romote greater transparency and accountability of the Colombian government regarding the impact of mega-projects such as palm oil industry, oil exploration and mining, particularly in relation to human rights, socio-cultural transformation and the environment.

For an in-depth investigation of the sale of land for mining & other large-scale projects in Colombia and the impact in indigenous and Afro-Colombian territories & to publish the findings on its blog To produce, publish & create a user-friendly database of reliable & objective information on the challenges of & opportunities for constructive social dialogue among extractive industries stakeholders To create a blog page dedicated to mining on its website to serve as both a comprehensive reference on the industry in Colombia and its impact on vulnerable populations and a hub for informed debate To produce high level journalist coverage of Mining and Oil extraction in Colombia and impact on vulnerable populations To produce high level journalist coverage of Mining and Oil extraction in Colombia and impact on vulnerable populations

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

La Silla Vacía has emerged as the main source of independent information and consistent coverage of the mining sector in Colombia, in particular reporting on its environmental and social impact, especially for Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities.

•

With Ford support, La Silla Vacía has developed La Silla Minera, a dedicated section of their news website that has become the go-to resource on mining issues in Colombia for the community, but also for actors from government and the industry. From January – March 2013, La Silla Minera published 8 stories exclusively dedicated to mining issues, and another 20 stories between April and December 2012, for a total of 28 stories about mining and local governance. Each of the stories published was read by an average of 6,500 users and received an average of 17 comments.

•

La Silla Minera mining section is visited by fifty thousand users throughout the year;

•

La Silla Vacía publications have an average readership of 5,000 readers per article.

•

Grant approval in process

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BOGOTA GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundación Antonio Restrepo Barco www.funrestrepobarco.org.co MISSION

T

o foster educational, technical, and cultural development, especially among poor children and youth.

Promotion of social development in Colombia and the protection of human rights, particularly in areas related to children, youth, the family, health, education, citizen participation, and improving income levels of the poor.

To help the Ministry of the Interior implement the Alliances for Prosperity initiative in the Casanare region to ensure that local communities benefit from royalties from the extractive industries To help the Ministry of the Interior implement the Alliances for Prosperity initiative in the Casanare region to ensure that local communities benefit from royalties from the extractive industries Supplement

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

166

•

Greater number of municipalities undertaking institutional strengthening activities, including training on citizens’ oversight and a Decalogue of good practices in institutional strengthening; improved results in fiscal and general performance; greater number of participants in local government decision-making processes including participation in “conversational spaces” convening industry, local public institutions and the community; and reduction of corruption cases within municipalities;

•

Observatory of the oil and mining industry in Casanare to be replicated for the mining and energy industry of Colombia; publications and periodic newsletters distributed; publication of systematization of experiences; and

•

Improved development strategies within the framework of the new national royalty system and CSR strategies linked to municipal development plans; increased number of civil society organizations taking part and carrying out monitoring of royalties’ resources.

•

A document of analysis and proposals related to public policies for indigenous communities and the processes of dialogue as well as free, prior and informed consultation to be presented to the Ministry of Interior.

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GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Consultoria Estrategica www.strategica.cl MISSION

C

ollaborate with Latin American governments, civil society organizations and private companies in the region, in scenarios with multiple actors and interests, in defining strategies to achieve change and results that benefit all stakeholders, and support the management of change.

To promote social dialogue among government, local communities and mining companies in areas of Chile, Colombia and Peru where extractive industries operate For training, technical assistance and capacity building to promote and encourage social dialogue for sustainable and equitable development in areas where extractive industries operate

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

Local partner institutions with the capacity to carry out context analysis maps, train local governments and local actors to carry out social dialogue and monitor implementation of agreements resulting from the dialogue.

•

Strengthened government institutions for the design of public policies fostering social dialogue and efficient and equitable use of royalties;

•

Public officials trained on the implementation and evaluation of public policies for the promotion of social dialogue and efficient and equitable use of royalties;

•

Validated methodology for forging social dialogue in areas with strong presence of extractive industries.

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BOGOTA GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundación Cerrejón para el Fortalecimiento Institucional de La Guajira www.cerrejon.com MISSION

C

ontribute to strengthening civil society and state institutions in La Guajira Department, and build an environment of accountability and participation in which to carry out design, implementation and evaluation of social policies and investments that promote integral and sustainable development for the department.

For a pilot technical assistance program to promote transparency and accountability in a La Guajira municipality receiving mineral royalties and assist in implementation of its local development plan.

To help the Department of La Guajira with economic and social planning processes to develop mechanisms for greater transparency and accountability in the use of royalties from extractive industries For capacity building to strengthen local and regional governments transparency and accountability mechanisms in the use of royalties from extractive industries

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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•

Improvement in a La Guajira municipality receiving coal royalties in terms of efficiency and effectiveness, various planning processes and mechanisms, public investment and administrative management in general.

•

2012-2015 Development Plan formulated and in the process of being approved in accordance with criteria and guidelines established by the current legal and policy framework;

•

Scheme for monitoring royalty projects implemented.

•

Civil society representatives are better informed and more actively participating in accountability processes. Cerrejon conducted 42 workshops on project design, implementation and management, as well as provided information on Colombia´s new royalty system for 45 public functionaries and contractors from local agencies in 10 municipalities, including the Government of La Guajira, Municipal Mayors Offices, Corpoguajira, and the University of La Guajira.

•

Grant Approval In Process

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Grant Making Summary

Fundación Foro Nacional por Colombia

WEB: http://www.foro.org.co Mission: Promote democratic values and practices that guarantee social cohesion in Colombia and strengthened democratic culture.

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Grant Making Summary

Fundación Foro Nacional por Colombia MISSION

Fundación Foro Nacional por Colombia

Jun-­‐10 Feb-­‐11 Nov-­‐11 Aug-­‐12 May-­‐13 Feb-­‐14 Nov-­‐14

www.foro.org.co WEB: http://www.foro.org.co To assess the impact of the Colomb government's social policies, partic Mission: Promote democratic values and practices t hat $134.000 o promotessocial, educational, and cultural guarantee ocial cohesion in Colombia and sdevelopment trengthened of poor people in Colombia.flagship Families in Action program country's p oorest sectors democratic culture.

T

$200.000

Jun-­‐10

Feb-­‐11

Nov-­‐11

$134.000

Aug-­‐12

To help the government of Chocó c new vision for extractive activity in and design a transparent, democra inclusive public management

To assess the impact of the

Colombian government’s social policies, To assess the impact particularly o f the Colombian Indicators of Success the flagship Families in Analysis of the Families in Agovernment's ction program´s contribution t o educing the sarticularly ocial gap in terms of re social prolicies, pAction the inequalities in Colombia during the program, present decade. on the country’s

flagship Families in Action program, on the poorest sectors Increased public debate among experts, beneficiaries, local and national authorities, regarding th country's p oorest sectors its impact and enhance formulation of recommendations to re-­‐orientate the program, maximize To help the government of attention to the poorest groups of the country.

Chocó construct a new vision for At the end of the project, the government of Cghocó has designed o af nd Cshocó et up a tcransparent, demo To help the overnment onstruct a activity inclusive public management model extractive in which different sectors in of tits he cterritory ivil and political society, an new v ision f or e xtractive a ctivity i n i ts t erritor private sector linked to mining have t aken a

r elevant p lace i n t he d ecision-­‐making s cenarios r ela and design a transparent, $200.000 sector and in the monitoring of its implementation. & inclusivedemocratic public and ddemocratic esign a transparent, &

management

inclusive public management

May-­‐13

Feb-­‐14

Nov-­‐14

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

Indicators of Success

of ofthe in in Action program´s contribution to reducing the social gap in gap terms of regional • Analysis Analysis theFamilies Families Action program´s contribution to reducing the social in terms inequalities i n C olombia d uring t he p resent d ecade. of regional inequalities in Colombia during the present decade.

• Increased Increased public debate among experts, beneficiaries, and national regarding authorities, public debate among experts, beneficiaries, local and local national authorities, the regarding the formulation of recommendations re-orientate the its program, itsthe formulation of recommendations to re-­‐orientate the ptorogram, maximize impact amaximize nd enhance impact and enhance the attention tocountry. the poorest groups of the country. attention to the poorest groups of the

• At the end of the project, the government of Chocó has designed and set up a transparent, democratic At the end of the project, the government of Chocó has designed and set up a transparent, democratic and and inclusive public management model in which different sectors of the civil and political society, inclusive public management model in which different sectors of the civil and political society, and in the and in the private sector linked to mining have taken a relevant place in the decision-making private sector linked to mining have taken a relevant place in the decision-­‐making scenarios related to the scenarios related to the sector and in the monitoring of its implementation. sector and in the monitoring of its implementation.

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BOGOTA SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION MINING & INCLUSION:

Implications for Afro-Colombiansand the Indigenous in Colombia

I

f economic forecasters are correct, boom years are ahead for Colombia. Private and official analysts predict the nation’s gross domestic product (GDP) will grow by an average of 5 percent per year over the next decade. Much of the forecast, though, is based on the assumption that the country will experience an upsurge in mining and oil investment and revenue. But the rapid expansion of mining concessions also directly threatens the territorial rights—and economic health—of the country’s Indigenous and AfroColombian populations, who make up 3.4 percent and 10.6 percent (including palenquera or raizal from San Andres), of Colombia´s population, respectively, according to the national office of statistics’ most recent census in 2005.

Future investment and expansion of mining will directly affect Colombia’s more vulnerable populations, since many of the sought-after concessions affect Indigenous lands—or resguardos—and other protected territories.

Resguardos make up approximately 74 million acres (30 million hectares) of Colombian territory, while 17 million acres (7 million hectares) are Afro-Colombian lands. Under Colombia’s constitution, this territory belongs to the respective communities, although the state retains sub-soil rights for mining and oil exploitation.

EXCERPTS FROM ANDREA ARMENI, “MINING: THE RISKS FOR AFROCOLOMBIANS AND THE INDIGENOUS,” AMERICAS QUARTERLY, FALL 2011; WITH UPDATED INFORMATION AND ADDITIONAL CONTRIBUTIONS FROM JUANITA LEON, PROMINENT COLOMBIAN JOURNALIST AND DIRECTOR OF LA SILLA VACIA (GRANTEE).

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During the administration of former President Alvaro Uribe, the number of acres with mining concessions increased eightfold, from 2.79 million to 21.08 million (1.13 million to 8.53 million hectares)—or about 4 percent of the national territory. In 2011, following the end of President Uribe’s second term, there was a backlog of 19,000 unprocessed title requests, covering approximately 20 percent of Colombia. In a preventative measure, Uribe’s successor President Juan Manuel Santos froze the mining title request window, allowing the National Mining Agency to process 17,000 requests, more than 92 percent of which were rejected. When the mining title window reopened last July, once again increasing the number of pending requests, the agency had developed more efficient systems and methods to effectively process requests. Significantly, no titles have been granted within protected areas or páramos, which had been a major concern surrounding the change in government.

There is no question that mining is an important driver of Colombia´s economy. In 2010, mining—excluding the oil sector—accounted for 2.3 percent of GDP and 25 percent of exports.

While these figures declined in 2013, with mining accounting for 2 percent of GDP and 16.8 percent of exports, the industry remains a powerful actor and influencer on the Colombian economy.

Much like President Uribe, President Santos has continued to focus on expanding mining, touting it as one of the “locomotives” of the country’s economic development. However, the mining sector faces an evolving political landscape. After passing the Colombian Congress in 2010, the Mining Code reform (known as Law 1382) was struck down by the Constitutional Court in May 2011. The reform threatened to apply even more pressure to Indigenous and Afro-Colombian lands—and by implication their inhabitants— in areas such as the Amazon rainforest. It was deemed unconstitutional due to the lack of prior consultation with Indigenous and AfroColombian peoples who live on the land—a constitutionally guaranteed right. With the reform struck down, the Colombian government then published a proposed, amended mining code in August 2011 that did not differ substantially from the previous edition. This time around, the government committed to consult with Indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples before presenting the reform to Congress, as required by the Constitutional Court.

Restructuring the mining code has become a flagship policy priority for the Santos administration, creating both opportunity for important reform and cause for concern. For one, the focus on large-scale mining favors multinationals over local mining companies.

But large mining developments displace the subsistence artisanal mining practiced by large numbers of Indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations by excluding them from the larger concession zones. Furthermore, reforms may not go far enough to address the risks to Amazon communities posed by the mining boom. Despite the legal protection of ancestral lands, many areas of the Colombian Amazon have yet to be titled. In many of these places, conflicts over land not only involve communities, but also often result in violent speculation and conflict among paramilitaries, private investors, guerrillas, narcotics traffickers,

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

and the military. Areas with weak state presence attract speculators and illegal armed groups in a Wild West environment, with traffickers increasingly interested in gold as a way of laundering drug trafficking money. Consequently, members of the communities are often threatened with expulsion and violence if they resist encroachment on their lands.

The push to expand mining activity is critical for economic growth; but ignoring the social and environmental costs will take a huge toll. The government should carefully consider and reconcile the legitimate worries of the mining sector and civil society in its reform plans. Everyone can benefit from the mining boom. But this must be done without adversely affecting the environment and Afro-Colombian and Indigenous communities.

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BOGOTA

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SANTIAGO

Saturday, April 12 • 10:30am - 12:00 pm

SESSION BRIEF ENSURING RECOGNITION:

Indigenous Peoples in Chile CONTEXT

A

ccording to the most recent census data, close to 11 percent of Chile’s population identify themselves as indigenous, and over 80 percent of this group come from the Mapuche people, located primarily in southern Chile, mostly south of the Bío Bío River. In fact, in the early 19th Century this river marked the demarcation of the nascent republic of Chile to the north, and the numerous Mapuche communities to the south. However, in the ensuing decades the government did not respect rights accorded the Mapuche. Toward the end of the century it had expanded its dominion into territories previously recognized as Mapuche, way south of the Bío Bío River, and began a policy of “colonization” of southern territories by allotting large tracts of Mapuche land to Chileans and Europeans whose immigration was actively sought.

Today, Mapuche demands emphasizing land devolution are at the core of their mobilization. Successive governments since the return of democracy in 1990 developed a policy of purchasing land to return to Mapuche communities, but pending demands for land far exceed what has been accomplished so far. Just as important are demands for political participation and representation, and constitutional recognition, with which they would like to see their right to autonomy and self-determination affirmed. Chile is a signatory of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and has ratified ILO Convention 169, which recognize these rights and specifically establish the obligation of states to consult and, in many cases, obtain the consent of indigenous communities on all policies and decisions that affect them. This is especially relevant in light of the surge of large mining, energy, infrastructure, forestry and fisheries projects that take place in areas in which they live, areas that are among those exhibiting the highest poverty rates.

Despite the 1990 transition to democracy, which put an end to the seventeen years of harsh military authoritarian rule led by General Pinochet, and the ensuing four democratic administrations (1990-2010) led by a center-left coalition and one led by coalition of parties of the right (2010-2014), Chile continues to lag notably behind the rest of the region in terms of political inclusion of its indigenous population.

The foundation´s focus on the rights of indigenous peoples—especially Mapuche—in its work in Chile aims to confront this, the greatest pending issue of democratization, and to help make a difference in the efforts to promote an inclusive democracy that accepts and values the diversity of its peoples and their rights.

A new administration has taken over in Chile in March 2014, with president Michelle Bachelet leading a renewed center-left coalition determined to make a significant mark in the fight against inequality and to pass a new constitution that replaces the one inherited from the Pinochet years. The government program incorporates many of the demands of indigenous peoples, and government officials have committed themselves not to use the much-criticized anti-terrorism law against indigenous mobilizations. Expectations are there, but so far they may only be just that.

Through grants for research and development of policy proposals, advocacy, litigation, alliance building, organizational strengthening and education and training, the foundation seeks to influence policy debates; establish bridges between indigenous organizations and influential officials; strengthen indigenous organization and new leadership, and monitor violence exerted against indigenous communities, all under the prism of the need to shorten the gap between established norms and actual implementation.

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SANTIAGO

PARTICIPANTS

José Aylwin: Co-Director, Observatorio Ciudadano (Grantee)

Mr. Aylwin is a human rights lawyer, specializing in Indigenous peoples and citizens’ rights in Latin America. He is currently the acting Co-Director of the Observatorio Ciudadano (Citizens’ Watch), an NGO which promotes the protection of human rights in Chile. His research has been published by different organizations, including the University of La Frontera in Chile, the United Nations (ECLAC), the Inter-American Institute for Human Rights, IWGIA (Denmark), and the University of Montana, on topics including Indigenous peoples’ land rights, ombudsmanship in Latin America, globalization and human rights in Latin America and human rights in Chile. Mr. Aylwin graduated in legal and juridical studies at the University of Chile Law School in Santiago and obtained a Master of Law degree from the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada. He also teaches Indigenous Peoples’ Rights at the Universidad Austral de Chile School of Law, in Valdivia, Chile.

Nancy Yañez: Co-Director, Observatorio Ciudadano (Grantee)

A human rights lawyer, Ms. Yañez is the Co-Director of the Observatorio Ciudadano. She is also a Professor of Legal Anthropology at the University of Chile, and has authored numerous publications on the rights of indigenous peoples, including The Rights of Indigenous Communities in Chile (2003), Agrarian Reform and Mapuche Lands (co-authored with Raúl Molina y Martín Correa, 2004), The Lagos Administration, the Indigenous, and the “New Deal” (co-authored with José Aylwin, 2007), Large-scale Mining and Indigenous Rights in Northern Chile (co-authored with Raúl Molina, 2008), and Indigenous Communities and the Right (co-authored with José Aylwin and Matias Meza-Lopehandia, 2013) .

Ms. Yañez holds a master’s degree in International Law, with a concentration in Indigenous Community Rights, from the University of Notre Dame in the United States.

Domingo Namuncura: Coordinator, Indigenous Rights Program, Fundación Chile 21

A native of Valparaiso, Chile, Mr. Namuncura, boasts a long career of social and political work, as well as journalism.

After earning his degree in Social Work from the Universidad Católica in Valparaiso, Mr. Namuncura founded the Peace and Justice Service of Chile in 1976. For more than a decade he was at the helm of the magazine, Peace and Justice, which was critical of the military regime. Following Chile´s return to democracy, Mr. Namuncura served as a presidential advisor and as Director of the Chilean Indigenous Development Corporation (CONADI). He is currently a professor of Human Rights at the Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano and Coordinator of the Indigenous Rights Program at Fundación Chile 21. (Through two IIEs, the foundation has supported Chile 21´s work to organize two seminars to contribute to debate surrounding the issue of indigenous rights that may eventually inform constitutional change and policy implementation in Chile; as well as to implement a series of activities and workshops to foster debate, exchange and the dissemination of knowledge and recommendations on the rights and demands of indigenous peoples, including on how to best incorporate the perspective of indigenous peoples in the national census.)

Lorena Fries: Director, National Institute of Human Rights (INDH) (Grantee)

Unanimously elected INDH Director in 2010 and again in 2013 for an additional three-year term, Ms. Fries has developed pioneering programs in Human Rights with the armed forces, policy, judges and public functionaries in South America.

She has coordinated the presentation of shadow reports before the United Nations Human Rights System, as well as regional reports for the Inter-American system, playing a key role representing civil society in the negotiation processes for international agreements on human rights and justice. She previously served as President for the Corporación Humanas.

Ms. Fries holds a law degree and a master´s degree in International Human Rights Law from the University of Oxford.

Claudia Pailalef: Indigenous Leader, National Advisor for the National Committee for Indigenous Development (CONADI) Trained as an agronomist, Ms. Pailalef represents a new generation of young indigenous leaders. She is an activist for Maphuche-Huilliche interests and currently serves as the President of the Rio Negro Indigenous Community Council.

She was elected to serve as a National Indigenous Advisor to CONADI for a period of four years beginning in 2012, where she represents the primary interests and demands of the Mapuche communities located in the Los Rios, Los Lagos and Aysen regions. Ms. Pailalef also represents the Indigenous Organizations as a member of the Civil Society Advisory Board Evaluation System for Environmental Impact in Chile (SEIA). Throughout her career she has worked to provide technical and policy support in the areas of agriculture and land and social development planning to numerous Mapuche communities in the Los Lagos and Valdivia regions in Southern Chile. (Ms. Pailalef´s representational work in the Mapuche-Huilliche communities is supported by the capacity-building component of the foundation´s grant to the Fundación Felipe Herrera.)

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Mijael Carvones Queipul: Spokesperson for Alianza Territorial Mapuche (ATM) (Werkén)

Another member of the new generation of indigenous leaders, Mr. Carvones serves as the Spokesperson, or Werkén, for more than 200 Mapuche communities in Chile organized under the Mapuche Territorial Alliance (ATM). He has been an activist for human rights since he was eight years old and became a member of his lof (community) organization, supporting the recovery of his families’ lands. Since then, he has travelled throughout most of the Mapuche communities in the country, working toward social and political reorganization based on human rights and international rights for indigenous people. As a result of his activism, Mr. Carvones has been arrested by police and persecuted by paramilitary groups, suffering death threats as well as an assassination attempt. (The training and organizational work of the ATM is supported by the capacity-building component of the foundation´s grant to the Fundación Felipe Herrera.)

José Vargas: Director, Indigenous Policy Program, Fundación Felipe Herrera (Grantee)

Mr. Vargas has served as the Director of the Indigenous Policy Program for the Fundación Felipe Herrera since 2010, promoting processes of political dialogue among Mapuche leaders and public institutions. A former advocate and leader of the Chilean farmers’ movement, Mr. Vargas became a political activist in exile in 1973. From 1986 to 2005, he served as the Director of Consumers International’s Latin America Regional Office, where his work focused on incorporating normative processes for protecting rights and consumer protection in the region from a human rights perspective, advising governments and UN institutions on the subject. As an international consultant, Mr. Vargas has worked to promote social corporate responsibility. He has also served as an advisor to Chilean President Michele Bachelet’s first administration regarding the restitution of indigenous lands. Mr. Vargas holds a degree in Agriculture, as well as a master’s degree in Development Studies from the Institute of Social Studies at Erasmus University in Holland.

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SANTIAGO Strengthening Human Rights Worldwide Initiative Strengthening Human Rights Worldwide: Ini)a)ve-­‐Wide

Social Change Goal: The human rights movement of the 21st century is more vibrant, relevant and strategic, and is increasingly effec0ve in realizing the rights of the most marginalized with stronger leadership from the Global South in the interna0onal arena.

Ini)a)ve Impact:

More effec0ve implementa0on of rights for the poor and most marginalized at na0onal, regional, and interna0onal level.

With fresh voices from the Global South and new advocacy models, the human rights movement is more effec0ve

Long-­‐Term Outcomes: Medium-­‐Term Outcomes:

New leaders, par0cularly from the Global South, exert greater influence within na0onal, regional and global human rights movement

New human rights tac0cs increase accountability and more effec0vely addresses inequality and the non-­‐ fulfillment of rights

A new architecture for human rights movement with strengthened rights’ standards, mechanisms, and systems

Governments increasingly pressured and/ or compelled to enforce the rights of the most marginalized

Increased South-­‐South and Systema0c South-­‐South and North-­‐South collabora0on North-­‐South collabora0on among diverse actors, and on among diverse actors cross-­‐cuQng themes

Short-­‐Term Outcomes Improved Human Rights Human rights organiza0ons beIer Organiza0ons’ ins0tu0onal, equipped to expand the scope of programma0c and strategic their work capacity to expand their work

Public awareness is heightened around government failure to meet obliga0ons to protect and enforce rights of the poorest and most marginalized

Pioneering monitoring and advocacy tools developed and tested; Best prac0ces iden0fied and shared

Advocacy, Li)ga)on and Reform

Communica)ons and Public Educa)on Leadership Development

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Innova0ve legal remedies and Targeted public policies and li0ga0on strategies used innova0ve legal strategies are before domes0c courts and developed interna0onal bodies

Capacity Building and Technical Assistance

Learning and exchanges among human rights organiza0ons and other stakeholders are enhanced

Network Building and Convening Research and Public Policy Analysis

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

Advancing Racial Justice & Minority Rights Initiative Advancing Racial Jus/ce & Minority Rights Ini/a/ve WW

ARSC

To secure equal rights and greater opportunity for marginalized racial and ethnic communi/es and indigenous peoples

To aCain a level of par/cipa/on of IP and AD communi/es that allows them to secure expansion and full enjoyment of rights

Long-­‐Term Outcomes

Strong IP and AD organiza+ons and leadership in solid alliances to push for improved policies aiming to enforce their rights

Civil and poli+cal society aware and suppor+ve of the rights of IP and AD

Ins+tu+onal representa+on and par+cipa+on of IP and AD in the poli+cal process and in relevant civil society posi+ons

Government commitment to adopt and implement policies that enforce rights of IP and AD

Mid-­‐Term Outcomes Increased infrastructure capacity of organiza+ons represen+ng IP and AD

Applied research supports legal, poli+cal and cultural advocacy

Short-­‐Term Outcomes

Organiza+ons represen+ng AD & IP have set plans for organiza+onal strengthening and leadership development

Communica+ons strategies support build up of public awareness of situa+on and rights of ID & IP

Debate and conversa+ons advanced on best strategies for legal, poli+cal and cultural advocacy

Visit to the Andean Region and Southern Cone Darren Walker, Martín Abregú and Xav Briggs 2014

Greater li+ga+on capacity for rights enforcement

Strengthened state commitment and capacity to enforce FPIC and par+cipa+on

Na+onal and regional conversa+ons and coordina+on takes place on ways to aGain increased government commitment and capacity to enforce FPIC

Improved official na+onal sta+s+cs and systems of informa+on

Alliances of IP & AD organiza+ons with other CSOs, research centers and IOs to commit government to improve ethnic informa+on in census

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SANTIAGO GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Observatorio Ciudadano www.observatorio.cl MISSION

P

romotion, documentation, and defense of human rights of an individual and collective nature, with emphasis on the rights of indigenous people, local communities, environmental rights, and citizen rights recognized by international human rights laws.

Start-up support for a citizen rights' watch in Chile to protect the rights and combat the exclusion of indigenous peoples To protect and advance the rights of indigenous peoples For legal assistance, advocacy, training, research & communications to protect the rights & combat the exclusion of indigenous peoples & promote their participation in national and local institutions

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

180

•

Increased awareness in Chilean state and society of the lack of protection of human rights, in particular relating to indigenous peoples;

•

Jurisprudence on indigenous peoples’ rights established in Chile as a result of legal actions presented in national courts and cases successfully presented before international courts.

•

Improved visibility of human rights deficits, in particular those affecting indigenous people; greater empowerment and articulation of organizations representing excluded sectors of society;

•

Broad debate of proposals for institutional transformations leading to the implementation of agreement 169.

•

Increased compliance with obligations resulting from international norms on human rights and indigenous rights agreed upon by the Chilean state;

•

Greater knowledge developed on mechanisms for indigenous and citizen participation in national and local institutions, and on rights’ protections; utilization by policy makers and other advocacy groups of policy proposals and papers issued by the OC;

•

Greater awareness of need of institutional reforms for increased indigenous and citizen participation and placement of these issues in the platforms of political parties and influential elite groups.

BUILDING INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACIES

GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos www.indh.cl MISSION

T

o preserve and promote the full effect of human rights in Chile. As an institution of the republic it must observe, report and intervene in the defense of threatened or violated human rights, while equally encouraging the construction of a culture that recognizes and promotes them in all spheres of national life.

To conduct research on state violence against Mapuche populations in southern Chile and broadly disseminate the findings in print, online and at workshops and meetings

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

•

Broad dissemination and reach of the report;

•

An open disposition on the part of government and the police to change views and practices;

•

Initiation of training on human rights by government; and improved dialogue between national and international human rights organizations and the government.

•

Reduction of police violence against the Mapuche;

•

Modification of the anti-terrorist law so it conforms to international human rights standards;

•

Reform of the police operating procedures so that they too conform to those standards; and the recognition of the multicultural nature of the Chilean state.

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SANTIAGO GRANT MAKING SUMMARY

Fundación Felipe Herrera www.ffh.cl MISSION

T

o support and promote initiatives at the national, sub regional and regional levels in the field of culture and development, especially those that are linked to the enrichment and appreciation of the cultural identity of Latin America and the Caribbean as well as the dissemination and promotion of thought and work of Felipe Herrera Lane, in the process of Latin American and Caribbean integration.

For research, leadership development, training & technical assistance to build the capacity of Mapuche communities to assert their rights & engage in dialogue with government, business & civil society

INDICATORS OF SUCCESS

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•

Mapuche leaders generate policy proposals that express a large segment of the Mapuche communities and leadership;

•

Research and studies inform decisions of policy-makers and civil society leaders;

•

Political, civil society and business actors develop greater knowledge of and are more sensitive to demands of indigenous peoples;

•

Improved links with the media result in improved image of indigenous demands

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SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

Indigenous Population in Chile

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SANTIAGO SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

Indigenous Population in Chile

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SANTIAGO SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

Indigenous Population in Chile

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SANTIAGO SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

Indigenous Population in Chile

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SANTIAGO SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

Indigenous Population in Chile

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SANTIAGO SUPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

Indigenous Population in Chile

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DISEÑO:: STUDIO VISUAL SAS / CAMILO JARAMILLO R. • ARMADA:: JESSICA MOVILLA, NANCY CUÉLLAR C. • FOTOGRAFÍA:: PATRICIA RINCÓN-MAUTNER, SHUTTERSTOCK, FUNDACIÓN FORD

• IMPRESIÓN:: LA IMPRENTA EDITORES S.A.