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Evolutions of the Complex Relationship Between Education and Territories

Education Set coordinated by Gérard

Evolutions of the Complex Relationship Between Education and Territories

Edited by
Angela Barthes
Pierre Champollion
Yves Alpe

First published 2018 in Great Britain and the United States by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, this publication may only be reproduced, stored or transmitted, in any form or by any means, with the prior permission in writing of the publishers, or in the case of reprographic reproduction in accordance with the terms and licenses issued by the CLA. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside these terms should be sent to the publishers at the undermentioned address:

ISTE Ltd

John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

27-37 St George’s Road 111 River Street London SW19 4EU Hoboken, NJ 07030

UK USA

www.iste.co.uk

www.wiley.com

© ISTE Ltd 2018

The rights of Angela Barthes, Pierre Champollion and Yves Alpe to be identified as the authors of this work have been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018930833

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 978-1-78630-230-4

Michel BOYER, Thierry EYMARD and Laurent RIEUTORT

2.3.3.

2.4.1.

2.4.2.

2.4.3.

2.5.

2.5.1.

2.5.2.

2.5.3.

2.7.

3.1.

3.2.

3.5.

4.5.2.

4.6.

4.7.

Chapter 5. Education for Sustainable Development and Territories: Toward a New Age of Educational Relationships with Territories in

5.1.

5.2.

5.3. Structuring elements of the link with the territory in

5.3.1.

5.3.2.

5.3.3.

5.3.4. The opportunity of the “teach to produce differently”

5.4.

5.4.1.

5.4.2.

5.4.3.

5.5.

5.7.

6.1.

6.3.

6.3.1. 19th–20th Century: back and forth of the study of local setting in syllabuses

6.3.2. 21st Century: the primacy of the local setting in primary school, introducing the local setting in secondary schools

6.4. Relevance of the local setting in contemporary school geography: a challenge for teachers ...............................

6.4.1. Inhabiting: an epistemologically vague term

6.4.2. Difficulties in handling the local setting

6.4.3. Studying the local setting: a vector to transform

6.5. Conclusion

6.6. Bibliography

Chapter 7. When Territorial Commitment Gives Meaning to Professional Activity: Cases of Teachers in Rural Schools in France, Chile and Uruguay ...........................

7.1.

7.2.

7.3.

7.4.

7.5.

7.5.1.

7.5.2.

7.6.

7.7.

Chapter 8. Relatedness with the Non-Human Environment and Motivation Systems: Keys to Include the Territory in

8.1.

8.2.

8.3.

8.4.

8.5. Relatedness, sensitive approach to

8.6.

8.7.

Chapter 9. Territory-Based Education in Elementary Schools:

Sylviane BLANC-MAXIMIN and Michel FLORO

9.1. Summary

9.2. Introduction

9.3. School–territory relationships faced with different types of

9.4. The concept of territory-based education

9.4.1. Know-how favored by territory

9.4.2. A cultural mediator aspect.........................

9.4.3. The territory via its local heritage: promoter of values?

9.4.4. Territory-based education?

9.4.5. Conditions for the integration of the school in its territory......

9.5. Case study: partnership territorial educative project in the Queyras valley .....................................

9.5.1. Queyras and its writing

9.5.2.

9.6.

9.6.1.

9.6.2.

9.6.3. Ambitious pedagogic

9.6.4.

9.6.5.

9.6.6. Making people responsible?

9.6.7.

9.7.

9.7.1.

9.7.2.

9.7.3.

9.7.4. The territory, a dynamic tool

9.8. Bibliography

Chapter 10. Sensitive Postcard of a Local Territory: Development and Issues

Sophie GAUJAL

10.1. Summary

10.2. Introduction

10.3. First stage (T1): an ordinary course that promotes reasoned

10.4. Second stage (T2): generating

10.5. Third stage (T3): articulating spontaneous geography and reasoned geography by the development of a sensitive postcard.....

10.6. Fourth stage (T4): reformulations ...................... 186

10.6.1. Overview ..................................

10.7. Bibliography ..................................

Case Study 2. Is the Rural Primary School a Hospitable School? Parents’ Point of View

Chapter 11. The Rural School, a Polysemous Object with Significant Societal Challenges? Current Research

Angela

and Yves ALPE

11.1. Summary ....................................

11.2. Introduction ...................................

11.3. How the rural school became a research “problem” and subject .... 208

11.3.1. The supposed “deficiencies” of the rural school and inappropriateness of educational policies....................

11.3.2. Pedagogical and institutional responses to the supposed difficulties of rural students

11.4. What research exists around the rural school problems? ..

11.5. Current major research debates on rural schools ............. 215

11.5.1. The paradox of good rural academic results ............

11.5.2. Can we still talk about the lack of ambition by rural students?

11.5.3. Is there a “territory effect” on the educational performance and trajectories of rural students? ........................

11.6. Conclusion ...................................

11.7. Bibliography

Chapter 12. Relationships between Career Orientation and Territoriality: Elements of Theorization from Rural

12.1. Summary

12.2. Introduction: historical reviews related to the general theme: “education and territory”...............................

12.3. Key components of the conceptual framework ..............

12.3.1. Educational inequalities, academic inequalities, career orientation inequalities ..............................

12.3.2. Territory and territoriality: two related composite concepts ....

12.4. The case of rural mountain area schools

12.4.1. The initial question ............................

12.4.2. Main characteristics of the rural mountain area school

12.4.3. Current developments: toward a gradual “deconstruction” of the historical specificity of the rural mountain area school?

12.5. Approaches to the relationships between career orientation and territoriality ....................................

12.5.1. Historical background and societal challenges ............

12.5.2. Career orientation in rural mountain areas ..............

12.5.3. Adapting the school to the local context ................

12.5.4. “Effects of territory”?...........................

12.6. Conclusions: main achievements of the research, pending issues, thematic continuity and elaboration and avenues for research .................................

12.6.1. Main achievements of the

12.6.2. Pending issues

12.6.3. Thematic continuity and elaboration

12.6.4. Toward a theoretical reappraisal?....................

12.6.5. By way of proper “conclusion”

12.7. Bibliography

Chapter 13. Toward Convergences between Rural and Urban? Comparative Analyses of Educational Contexts and Social Representations in CM2

Pierre CHAMPOLLION

13.1.

13.3. Problem and

13.4. Corpus and methodology

13.4.1.

13.4.2. Methodology

13.5. Findings and analyses

13.5.1. Contexts (cultural and family)

13.5.2. Territorial social representations (of surrounding and remote territories)

13.5.3. Perceived behaviors, assessed-projected performances and orientation–insertion

13.5.4.

14.1.

14.2.

14.3. Rural school contexts and recent research developments ..

14.3.1. Age-old delay of the rural school and its poor image ..

14.3.2. The reversal of trends from the 1990s: toward the observation of good academic performance of rural students

14.3.3. What recent studies on the rural school apparently reveal: the end of rural student specificity?

14.3.4. Rural students’ school projects are becoming less and less specific...................................

14.3.5. Rural students’ professional plans are no longer significantly marked by their territory of residence

14.3.6. End of rural students’ attachment to their territory?

14.4. End of rural students “specificity” and inadequacy of public education policies...............................

14.4.1. What the General Inspectorate’s reports said about rural schools

14.4.2. Territorialized educational policies in view of

14.6.

Introduction

French public school was first established contrary to territories, or at least contrary to territorial identities. The desire to create a school for all resulted in the plan to establish the same school everywhere, because this alone could convey the values of the French Republic as well as national feeling. As pointed out by Prost [PRO 92, p. 63]: “One of the functions of primary school was to contribute to the unification of minds. Henceforth, the particularities (“dialects” for example) had to be eradicated: the common reference of all students had to solely be the national framework, both for the study of language as well as for history (“French civilization” in old textbooks) or geography (which taught the “natural boundaries” of the territory). By setting up the predominant primary school system known as “people’s school”, the conditions for decontextualization or “uprooting” were realized, which was to facilitate integration into the national community: “following the Revolution, the French model claimed to be a unified political body, and was developing the territory in a centralizing way, asserting the primacy of the capital and authorities residing there; the primordial, if not unique, sense of belonging to the “nation” being inculcated in education” [BER 05, p. 11]. At the same time, however, education was given the mission of participating in the “methodical socialization of the younger generation”, in other words, developing in the child “a certain number of physical, intellectual and moral states, which are demanded of him/her by both the political society as a whole and the special milieu for which he/she is specifically designed” ([DUR 03 & 51], 1st ed., 1922), which implies adaptation to the socioeconomic context, including its territorial dimension. The issue of the relationship between school (in the generic sense of the term) and its territory was therefore posited from the outset, and from the end of the 19th Century it formed a central aspect of education policies, which would attempt (most of the time without success) to reconcile two imperatives: one of political nature, that of the national unity of public schools, and the other socioeconomic in nature, including the adaptation of education to local conditions to promote local

development and the participation of school education to the modernization of the economy.

To these objectives would be added, after 1960, the taking into account of the inequalities of education and academic success. Alongside the socioeconomic and cultural determinants of these inequalities, the analyses of which were carried out by the sociology of education (Bernstein, Bourdieu and Passeron, Baudelot and Establet), works which were often sponsored or financed by public authorities (those of INED1 or DEP2 for example) highlighted the consequences of the territorial distribution of educational provision on trajectories and academic performances. Progressively, the extension of the education system vertically (extension of study period) and horizontally (diversification of educational programs), the widening of access to studies and the (relative) democratization of access to diplomas [BAU 89, DUR 02] as well as the emergence of a more utilitarian conception of education [TAN 86] based on the “competency model” (and not just on that of “knowledge”), changed the relationship between the school and its territory.

At the same time, the territories involved in the increased competitiveness dynamics linked to the comparative advantages between areas witnessed a strengthening of the assertion of the need for a return to the local system and an identity demarcation. The rise of local assertions and regional languages, the typicity of terroirs and heritages, the multiplication of quality labels, etc., were increasingly found, directly or indirectly, in schools and education in the broad sense.

It was from the 1980s that education science started to focus on the concept of territory and, more broadly, on the territorial contexts of education. First, it was the spatial dimension resulting from the work of geographers that served as a framework for a number of territorialized education analyses [GUM 80], continued today within the framework of studies on spatial inequalities [CAR 14] or the Observatoire de l'école rural (Rural School Observatory) – Observatoire education et territories (Education and Territory Obsevatory) [ALP 01]. Then, in the 1990s, emphasis was successively placed on territorialized education policies, educational territory planning policies [DER 92, CHA 94, VAN 01], on the “effects” such as “master effect”, “class effect”, “establishment effect”, “circumscription effect” [DUR 88, BRE 94] and finally in the 2000s on territory effects [CHA 13]. Just before this last period, the Evaluation and Long-Term Planning Department (DEP) of the French Ministry of Education [DAV 98] highlighted (which was a surprise to

1 National Institute of Demographic Studies.

2 Evaluation and Long Term Planning Department (whose name has been changed several times) attached to the French Ministry of National Education.

many) the right level of success of students of the schools in rural areas, which was confirmed, in particular, by all the works of the Rural School Observatory [ALP 01].

On another level, at the end of the 1980s, the territory appeared as a pedagogical as well as didactic opportunity that facilitated learning and developed students’ motivation. Many pedagogical movements (following, in particular, the Freinet school) claimed this stance, which was usually accompanied by great attention given to local relations (with local elected representatives, association movement, etc.). Later, it generally constituted the subject of innovative educational practices, such as “learning territory” [JAM 11] or the “educating village” [FEU 02].

At the same time, since the 1990s, with the emergence of environmental education, followed by education for sustainable development and heritage education, there seemed to be an emerging link between education and territories. The rise of education à, “education for”, in National Education, the emergence of a field of research structured around this theme, such as continuity beyond explicit incentives included in the Rocard law of 1985 within agricultural education, of a strong link between the institutions and territories, contributed to making them education “actors” in the sense that they impacted on school and university curricula [BAR 12]. But “education for” can also take a utilitarian function in projects of economic valuation of territories, hence raising the issue of legitimacy and ethics [BAR 13].

The primary objective of this summative book on the topic “Education and Territories” is to re-examine the school combination, understood in the broad sense (in France: school, junior high and high school3), and territory, according to three key aspects and fundamental questions which underlie its internal organization:

– the first part of the book focuses on historical developments, with a specific focus on the current situation, of the various links that have gradually developed between education and its territory. The contributions that make up this first part attempt to identify and characterize the relationship between the school and its territory, which has been established over a long period of time. Beyond that, the contributors attempt to specify the contemporary modalities within this framework that are of key significance to emerging innovations. They thus question old institutional arrangements (school projects, for example) as new (educational projects in territories, for example), as well as original and innovative forms recently adopted by education in relation to its territories (“learning territories”, “educating

3 In the United States, a collège would be recognized as junior high and a lycée would be a high school.

villages”, etc.) and new curricular arrangements such as “education for” (for example education for sustainable development);

– Part 2 covers the role of territories in education and their effects on education in terms of the pedagogical and didactic innovations that have developed. In this context, it asks whether and how the territory, in terms of learning, can be included in the strict discipline (geography, in particular), in the multidisciplinary/interdisciplinary area (sustainable development, environmental education, for example) and in educational partnership projects. It also addresses in this respect the question of the place currently occupied by the territorial system, which gives meaning to professorial activity, in the construction of the professional identity of teachers and, beyond that, the possible necessity introducing the territorial dimension in their initial training;

– finally, the third part deals with the findings and analyses resulting from field research, including aspects of the topic of more theoretical education and territories, by mobilizing its operational concepts. It thus poses various successive questions for this purpose To what extent and through which processes do territories and territorialities weigh on education? Are “territory effects” at work to this end? More precisely, are some of the observed inequalities in education and orientation of territorial origin? Do the public policies carried out really correspond to the needs of education in the territories? Are the rural educational characteristics observed in the past still relevant today, or are the rural and urban schools converging?

All of these questions are based on numerous field studies carried out in multiple laboratories (ADEF, ECP, EDUTER, ESO, GEODE, Géographie-cité, LDAR, LIPHA, LIRDEF, LSE, etc.) within French and Canadian universities, as reflected by the various signatories to the chapters. These questions are also fueled by the scientific work carried out in the last 20 years on these topics, by, among others, the Education and Territories Observatory and its Spanish Iberian partners (universities of Barcelona, Granada and Saragossa in particular) and Portuguese partners (University of Lisbon) [CHA 14]. The question and development of the main concepts used in this summary book owe much to this work based on field surveys [LE 01].

Through the diversity of these approaches (and the quality of the work gathered here), a central issue arises at the theoretical level: the issue of the constitution of a field of research structured around multiple and complex relations between education and territories. Although it may seem difficult to highlight a thematic unit, it is however possible to bring out the main aspects, which pool recent research together:

– that of the territorial inequalities of education, probably the oldest in the field of university research constituted around its initial sociological dimension,

subsequently supplemented by more geographical concepts (different types of spatial segmentation, territoriality, etc.), a field which is increasingly recognized as such;

– that of the consequences of the territorial context on the contents of education, in close connection with the development of “education for” (EDD, ERE, heritage education, etc.), which refers to a long tradition of the primary school (the “object lesson”, the Freinet school, etc.), whose main theoretical dimensions fall within the fields of pedagogy, didactics and (partially and, without doubt, inadequately to date) the epistemology of scholastic knowledge;

– that of the so-called “territorialized” educational policy, a well-identified research subject inspired by the contributions of political science, and also by the sociology of organizations, which could include more widely than today, not only more global issues (effects of globalization on education and territories), but also more “local” issues, which do not belong to the usual register of “educational policies” such as that of proximity networks of all kinds that can help to “circumvent” public decision, the consequences of urbanistic conceptions (settlement patterns, etc.), or conflicts in the use of typical territories, for example of “new rural communities”.

Beyond these key questions, such a field of research would have everything to gain by developing scientific cooperation around the issue of social representations [BAR 16], which covers all of the topics addressed here, including territorial (we are thinking here of territoriality), and which has the merit of possessing methodologies likely to be shared by many researchers, as evidenced by the contributions of some authors present here. The construction of this field of research, which is already well under way but undoubtedly still little formalized today, is an enormous challenge for education science, often questioned by the actors and decision makers on these issues. The aim of this book is to modestly contribute to the achievement of this objective.

Bibliography

[BAR 13] BARTHES A., ALPE Y., “De la question socialement vive à l’objet d’enseignement: comment légitimer des savoirs incertains ?”, Les Dossiers des sciences de l’éducation, no. 29, 2013.

[BAR 16] BARTHES A., ALPE Y., Utiliser les représentations sociales en éducation, L’Harmattan, Paris, 2016.

[BAU 89] BAUDELOT C., ESTABLET R., Le niveau monte: réfutation d’une vieille idée concernant la prétendue décadence de nos écoles, Le Seuil, Paris, 1989.

[BÉR 05] BÉRARD L., CEGARRA M., DJAMA M. et al., Biodiversité et savoirs naturalistes locaux en France, INRA, 2005.

xviii Evolutions of the Complex Relationship Between Education and Territories

[BRE 94] BRESSOUX P., “Les recherches sur les effets-écoles et les effets-maîtres”, Revue Française de Pédagogie, vol. 108, pp. 91–137, 1994.

[CAR 14] CARO P., BOUDESSEUL G., GRELET Y. et al., Atlas académique des risques sociaux d’échec scolaire: l’exemple du décrochage, Ministère de l’Éducation nationale, Céreq, 2014.

[CHA 94] CHARLOT B., L’école et le territoire: nouveaux espaces, nouveaux enjeux, A. Colin, Paris, 1994.

[CHA 13] CHAMPOLLION P., Les inégalités d’éducation et d’orientation d’origine territoriale, L’Harmattan, Paris, 2013.

[CHA 14] CHAMPOLLION P., BARTHES A. (eds), L’école rurale et montagnarde en contexte nord méditerranéen. Approches socio-spatiales, Presses Universitaires Franc-Comtoises, Besançon, 2014.

[DAV 98] DAVAILLON A., OEUVRARD F., “Réussit-on à l’école rurale ?”, Cahiers Pédagogiques, vol. 365, pp. 33–35, 1998.

[DER 92] DEROUET J.-L., École et justice. De l’inégalité des chances aux compromis locaux, Métailié, Paris, 1992.

[DUR 22] DURKHEIM E., Éducation et sociologie, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1922.

[DUR 88] DURU-BELLAT M., MINGAT A., “Le déroulement de la scolarité au collège: le contexte ‘fait des différences’”, Revue Française de Sociologie, no. 29, pp. 649–666, 1988.

[DUR 02] DURU-BELLAT M., Les inégalités sociales à l’école: genèse et mythes, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 2002.

[FEU 02] FEU J., SOLER J., “Més enllà de l’escola rural: cap a un model integral i integrador de l’educació en el territori”, Temps d’Educació, vol. 26, pp. 133–156, 2002.

[GUM 80] GUMUCHIAN H., MÉRIAUDEAU R., “L’enfant montagnard… Son avenir?”, Revue de Géographie Alpine, Special edition, Isère committee for UNICEF, Grenoble, 1980.

[JAM 01] JAMBES J.-P., Territoires apprenants. Esquisses pour le développement local du XXIème siècle, L’Harmattan, Paris, 2001.

[LE 01] LE MAREC J., Ce que le “terrain” fait aux concepts, HDR, Université Paris-7, 2001.

[PRO 92] PROST A., Éducation, société et politiques. Une histoire de l’enseignement en France, de 1945 à nos jours, Le Seuil, Paris, 1992.

[TAN 86] TANGUY L. (ed.), L’introuvable relation formation-emploi: un état des recherches en France, La Documentation française, Paris, 1986.

[VAN 01] VAN ZANTEN A., L’école de la périphérie. Scolarité et ségrégations en banlieue, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 2001.

PART 1

Historical Developments and Contemporary Modalities of Interactions between Education

and Territories

Evolutions of the Complex Relationship Between Education and Territories, First Edition. Edited by Angela Barthes, Pierre Champollion and Yves Alpe. © ISTE Ltd 2018. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Introduction to Part 1

The various contributions that constitute this first part all attempt to characterize, from their historical roots, the complexity of the relations that have gradually been built between education and its territory. The idea is to clarify the various modalities that they are currently adopting by further specifying the long historical framework on which they are based, and then focusing on the recent multiple factors of their developments.

Bruno Garnier first of all posits a historical perspective on the whole by raising the question of the purposes of socialization of education and that of the relationship between the construction of individual identity and the belonging of each person to collective identities registered in the territories of students’ life or origin. He then endeavors to provide a detailed analysis of the expectations and objectives of public educational policies that have followed one another over the past two centuries. Developed recently to build and unify Republican France beyond local peculiarities and regional identities, today they increasingly integrate, in what resembles a pendulum swing, the territorial dimension. The author ends up wondering, ultimately, if an aggiornamento could not be sketched between these two apparently contradictory, or at least diametrically opposed, political positions.

The other chapters of part 1 all show a particular dimension of recent developments, often of a somewhat managerial tendency, all of which seriously raise the issue of integration of territories in education issues. Thus, moving from the macrolevel to the mesolevel, Alain Bouvier, Michel Boyer, Thierry Eymard and Laurent Rieutort distinguish, in the progressive development initiated in the 1990s, partnership managerial practices among the heads of local public educational institutions (EPLE created in 1985), new tools for managing interactions between education and territories. They note that these professional practices are increasingly

observed in territorial school networks that are part of a co-construction partnership process. This brings us to the work of Maryvonne Dussaux, who explicitly shows that the partnership projects that are now multiplying within the field of education and training, provide de facto frameworks for the development of “learning territories” based on a collective cooperative approach supported by potential territorial assets that they have.

The issue of “education for”, more specifically education for sustainable development and its links with the territories, is subsequently introduced by Jean-Marc Lange and then Christian Peltier, one for general education and the other for agricultural education. Jean-Marc Lange shows, through an in-depth analysis of educational partnership projects, which are increasingly frequent and widely implemented within the framework of education for sustainable development, that school in the broadest sense (school, junior high and high school), as an institution where the threads of citizenship are tied, is gradually developing into the center of a territory that has become, or has become again, a learner.

Chapter 5 discusses a new age of relations between education and territories. The author indicates that after the time of project-based learning, there is situation-based learning, tied around an integrative territorialized object. This tendency is becoming more and more evident today, particularly in agricultural education, which a long time ago, as recalled, developed close ties with the territories (see at the institutional level, the Rocard law of 1985).

Finally, as in each part of the book, a case study provides a specific complement to the overall reflections. Valérie Guillemot then shows, through the case of the Regional Center for Vocational Training on Bioconstruction of the Southern Alps, that the professional field and institutional control are factors that influence behaviors and collective action. She identifies in the original professional practices of this training center, based on local contexts, the main levers likely to prevent inequalities of education and the orientation of territorial origin in the training of adults.

1

What Role Should Territories Play in Public Education Policies?

1.1.

Summary

The project of making individuals living in the same society aware of the ties that bind them together seems today to be thwarted by the relationship between the construction of individual identity and the belonging of each person to collective identities registered in territories of students’ life or origin. In France, education, in its school form, places the “emancipation” process at the center of its socialization mission: educating means stepping away from your condition, withdrawing from your condition to become yourself and a member of a larger community, in a movement of universalization whose term must be specified: how is it constructed and under what universalizing banner (religion, political principles, values, circulation of objects, devices)? Becoming a citizen requires more than ever a school concerned with universal values, but it must not deny the existence of identities and the interests of the inhabitants of a territory.

1.2.

Introduction

Before the school can form, in the individual being, a social being, the territory of origin or the individual’s residence has already forged cultural references that structure their identity. School must deal with this process undertaken outside of it. Several authors have studied it, showing the diversity of territorial levels to which individuals can refer to in order to find invariant characters, the founder of their own identity [SOU 81, TIE 11]. There are subnational territories, such as districts,

Evolutions of the Complex Relationship Between Education and Territories, First Edition. Edited by Angela Barthes, Pierre Champollion and Yves Alpe. © ISTE Ltd 2018. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

villages, regions, or foreign national territories (especially for people of immigrant origin), or supranational territories (for example religious territories, such as Islam which is a religion with universalist vocation), not to mention non-territorialized identities.

How can the challenge of identity and/or community claims related to the territories of origin or residence of inhabitants be responded to, while the mission of the French school system was established around the project to emancipate individuals from all the particular groups that act upon them (family, social class, various affiliations, especially religious)?

1.3. Can the policy of recognition be established in France?

The influence of territories of life on the construction of collective identities is not new, and the French school of thought has long based its mission of socialization on the integration of local identities in the national whole, with the help of republican values that claim to be universal. But what makes this integration particularly complicated today is that the solidarity of the local in the national, through universally shared values, is no longer obvious. The abstraction of local identities in the national whole can lead to tension between the demand for values and interests specific to the human communities that live on the territories of the Republic. These communities have become aware of the specificity of the identities they represent and demand “recognition” for them. This new dimension of identity emerged during the struggles in the United States in the years 1950–1960 led by black minorities or minority cultural groups. Charles Taylor strived to theorize this identity claim. He began by arguing that “identity is partly shaped by recognition or its absence, often by the misrecognition of others” [TAY 94, p. 41]. The devastating effect of the lack of recognition comes, he said, from the internalization of this identity in the form of self-depreciation. Charles Taylor then attempts to define a “policy of difference”, which opposes the policy of universal equality insofar as it allows “reverse discrimination” in favor of ill-considered minorities. Henceforth, a liberal society “distinguishes itself as such in the way it treats its minorities, including those who do not share the public definitions of good, and above all the rights it grants to all its members” [TAY 94, p. 81].

But this North American approach, generally accepted in so-called “communitarian” English-speaking societies, is criticized in “holistic” societies, such as France. For Paul Ricœur, the reverse discrimination advocated by Taylor poses a threat to the existence of a social space that is blind to differences. The liberal conception of dignity refers to the idea of a universal human potential shared by all: it is this potential that has allowed the widening of the sphere of individuals with

recognized rights. On the contrary, “in the case of the policy of difference, it is from the differentiated cultural fund that the demand for universal recognition proceeds, the assertion of a supposed universal human potential being itself considered for the simple expression of a hegemonic culture, that of the white man, male, at his peak in the Age of Enlightenment” [RIC 04 p. 334]. Paul Ricœur criticizes Taylor for condemning the search for a universal human identity, accused of being discriminatory, a particularism disguising itself as a universal principle. Henceforth, it is the general will dear to Rousseau that is accused of homogenizing tyranny. These debates have taken root in France [LEP 95, MES 99, REN 99, TOU 97, WIE 96]. Proponents of the universal and relativists clash, and the debate is enriching many works (see [MAA 01, p. 40].

These debates are being updated nowadays. On the whole, the recognition of differences does not cross the barrier of the granting of specific rights with regard to education. Each time a minister seems to be moving in this direction, their projects give rise to criticism made in the name of multiculturalism contrary to the tradition of the Republican school system. One of the manifestations of this opposition was the ratification of the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages signed on May 7, 1999 by France. The political significance of this decision had been announced shortly before by Lionel Jospin, the then Prime Minister:

“The government’s approach has a strong symbolic dimension. Indeed, it shows that the time when national unity and the plurality of regional cultures appeared to be antagonistic is over. The Government’s approach is inspired by the desire to enhance, in its richness and diversity, the entire national cultural heritage” [ALE 02, p. 25].

But the Conseil constitutionnel (French Constitutional Council) opposed the ratification of the text on the basis of the first paragraph of Article 2 of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, according to which “the language of the Republic is French”, on grounds that certain clauses of the Charter tended to “recognize the right to practice a language other than French not only in ‘private life’ but also in ‘public life’, to which the Charter associates justice and administrative authorities as well as public services” [COU 99, p. 11]. That is why the historical reconciliation between national unity and the plurality of regional cultures was nipped in the bud. It may be concluded that France and its schools will never recognize that there are “minorities” on the soil of the Republic, that is not only groups within a numerically larger community, but groups of citizens united by the demand for the recognition of their rights [LE 04, SIM 99].

Yet, the French nation was not first defined in 1789 based upon an identity or on a culture common to the citizens, but on the refusal of the old regime and feudalism. The Constitution of 1793 thus placed less emphasis on nationality than on citizenship. It is in this sense that Jean Leca wrote that “France is first a political community before being a cultural community” [LEC 85]. France is not a cultural community formed around a people center that has spread its culture to others. It is rather a political community built around a state. French citizenship should therefore have remained independent of the community to which its citizens belong [GAR 12].

In addition, even if a French tradition of citizenship (rather from the founders of the Third Republic than from the Revolution of 1789) opposes resistance to the recognition of rights attached to the nation’s subgroups, the visibility of a multicultural society becomes more significant every day, at a time when the management methods of the educational institution give an increasingly important place to the local system. In this context, the perfect equality of the provision of education throughout the territory of a Republic indifferent to differences remains only dependent on its founding principles, and little by little, it is being replaced by equity, giving right to new forms of the recognition of identities [MAR 96, pp. 65–66].

1.4. Globalization and national identity

But the construction of national identity must not only confront the threats of territorialized collective identities. An inverse phenomenon, called globalization, which can be described as a process of deterritorialization of human identity, is a threat to relativism and obsolescence, as well as the construction of national identity and the link between the nation and universal values that France claims to embody.

Even before identifying globalization as such, the ability of the national territory to establish the collective identity of its inhabitants has been discussed and even disputed. Criticizing Littré’s definition of the nation, Renan said: “The existence of a nation is (forgive me this metaphor) a daily plebiscite, as the existence of the individual is a perpetual affirmation of life” [REN 82, p. 32]. A century later, Eric Hobsbawm was hardly affirmative: “There were no satisfactory criteria for deciding which of the multiple human communities could carry the title of nation” [HOB 90, p. 18]. This explains why national identities are in reality processes that must be constantly supported, notably by schools. History is thus more often mobilized to achieve national identity than geography, as evidenced by the doubts of Vidal de La Blache: “Is France a geographical being?” [VID 03, p. 19] and as Fernand Braudel explained: “The decisive element is not land, nature or environment, it is history, man, in short prisoner of himself/herself, for he/she is heir to those who preceded him/her on

his/her own land and shaped its landscape, committing him/her in advance to a series of retrospective determinisms” [BRA 86, p. 202].

Yet, precisely the historical connections of man to the national territory tend to give way today in view of the opening of borders to the world. Marshall McLuhan was the first to use the expression “global village” to describe the deterritorialization of human culture [MCL 62, p. 31]. Furthermore, in the field of teaching history, it can now be argued that it is the history of humanity that makes it possible to think of the globality of today’s world in the complexity of the connections between territories and peoples. The emergence of global history, or connected history, has started being included in school curricula at the expense of a currently unfinished didactization effort [MAU 13]. Connected history leads one to think that all identity is the result of a series of influences of “accompanying” cultures that are incorporated into one another. The idea that there exist collective identities arising from fixed systems and pure territories is, at best, an absurdity, at worst, a mortifying fantasy that nourishes totalitarian ideologies [LAP 93, p. 25].

Thus, modern man would be led to relativize any form of identity salience and would also find himself possessing resistance ability and personal freedom, the fruit of the new education in the world, all these being the characteristics that define them, according to Alain Touraine, as a “subject” [TOU 92]. The modern individual would move from their territory of life, from their community of origin, to more inclusive territories and communities, networks to the entire planet, the homeland which is gradually accessing universal consciousness [MOR 93]. Still within the perspective of a globalization of citizenship, many authors from the field of political science, history, sociology and anthropology have questioned the emergence of a “nationalization of the world” or that of a transformation of international cultural identities into political identities [BAY 96, CAH 99, DEL 99, POU 95, REV 99].

Unlike previous contributors, other authors perceive, in the face of globalization, the reaffirmation of national identities [GUE 08]. In view of the weaknesses of the European construction and the difficulty of making a sustainable European identity to emerge through schooling, the affirmation of national identity and its support by the school would constitute the only bulwark against the decay of values in the cauldron of globalization, and, paradoxically, the national territory could become a space for the protection of regional identities, threatened by the steamroller of global culture. Anthony Giddens noted that during the advent of the first modernity, at the time of the 19th Century European industrial revolution and colonial development, Western societies imposed the nation-state model on the world as the most successful form of political sovereignty. Nowadays in crisis, the nation-state is making persistent and considerable efforts to mark its seal on every corner of its territory. Not only did it

impose its language and culture on all, it made its territory the framework for collecting information as well as economic and social statistics, and compelled users of these data to legitimize the validity of the partitioning off of national territories [GID 94, BEC 00]. Nationalism, far from being superseded, is on the contrary full of vigor. The resurgence of the national identities of former colonies shows that the national territory is quick in regaining its identity dimension when this dimension has been deliberately denied. This is illustrated by Algeria since decolonization, despite the considerable efforts previously deployed by the French colonial administration to destroy existing tribal affiliations [KAT 08]. In Europe, nationalist mobilizations in Scotland or Flanders testify to the vitality of national or subnational feeling [DIE 00].

These two a priori irreconcilable approaches agree on one fundamental point: the recognition of the diversity of territorial identities (whether or not they have the nation-state as a framework) is a means of training modern man and citizen. This concerns, in short, not confusing unity of the human being, wherever they live, with a uniformity of cultures, which are the salt of humanity. This reflection is based on the assessment of the crisis of identities, according to which the globalized world seems to standardize identities, while everywhere, multiculturalism helps further the affirmation of irreducible but sometimes disordered identities that are incompatible with one another, or even strongly antagonistic and exclusive, and therefore contrary to the movement of the universalization of humanist values [TOU 92, p. 213].

1.5. Territorialization of education policies

The Old Regime was marked by the absence of national unity of education. The schools were attached to the parishes and their territories, which were referred to as “church premises” [SAI 98, p. 35]. Though the idea of an equal education throughout the national territory was born in 1789, Christian Nique showed that the public primary school, as a public service, was built with François Guizot under the July monarchy: the period between 1830 and 1840 witnessed the organization of the elementary school, the division of tasks between the communes, departments, the state and the establishment of an inspection body as well as the unification of programs and methods [NIQ 90]. Secondary education, founded under Napoleon I, was based on the principle of a state monopoly, but in reality the administrative unit of the educational territory concealed a great geographical diversity and marked inequalities of access to schooling throughout the 19th Century [CHA 10]. The French Goblet Law of October 30, 1886 organized primary education based on decentralization, centralization and deconcentration: the three levels of primary school (nursery schools and kindergartens, elementary primary schools, upper primary schools and complementary courses) had the same legal status and the same municipal funding. But the determination of programs was national, and in secondary education the state

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lost it. For a long time unknown to myself, I was preparing this. Even when last you saw me, and the time before ... that last time at your house, when Philip died ... I was, unknown to my feeble consciousness, slaying the world. And I am all alone. And it is all well lost. Not that I did not love it. But look, my darling, all of it I love, and all in it I love, has become you!”

She accepted this as no new thing ... no new wonder.

“You had become all in life that my life needed. And the rest was a husk ... to be cut ruthlessly out.”

She withdrew her hand from mine. She clasped her hands in her lap and looked at me in a gesture of peace so far from my turmoiled state, that my eyes hurt, spanning the abyss between us.

“All of this ... you must listen carefully, for you must understand. That is my single hope: that you will understand: and all that I am saying is the truth, weighed as a man of science weighs, beloved ... all of this was taking place in me not from the moment when I knew you, but long before. What the world promised seemed good. Faith, passion, beauty, joy, the comradeship of perfect understanding, love in peace and in its strife ... all this ... the dangers faced with more bitterness than hope, the hours when anger cleanses, the quiet ways through woods, the ceremonials of the sea, day ... night ... the secret dwelling within the body of the belovéd as in the heart of heaven: all this the world had to give, and all this I cherished and believed in. But of all this, the world as I knew it was unworthy. Every jot of it was a crass imperfection ironically giving birth to a dream. Men and women were but maimed bits of themselves. Passion and vision were shreds torn and drooping, not banners across the sky.

“So I withdrew from the world, Mildred, the world’s splendor. That was before you came. How wonderfully, though I did not know, it was for your coming!”

I could not read her smile. And yet it moved me, making me defensive not for me: for her.

“I did not create for myself the image of a woman, and when I met you like a romantic confound that image with my eye’s. No, my withdrawal from the world of the world’s splendor was more terrible than that. For it was absolute. It was designless, and ruthless. It was, because it had to be. The world could not hold my desire of the world. Let the world therefore go!” ...

“Dear,” I drew closer to her, “how could I have dreamed that there would be a morrow ... the morning when I knew you ... by whose light all that had gone, all that had been dreamed, was darkness?”

What I had now to say no words of mine seemed great enough to bring. I was kneeling at her side. Again I took her hand ... again she let me.

“Did I know deeply always that I would know you? And the long years of vigil, of abstinence, were they my need, a wiser than the knowledge of my mind, to prepare my house for you? I cannot say. I know too well what infinite ways we go beyond the shallow tracings of our mind, to doubt that this might be. And yet, Mildred, the morning of my finding you was bright only as could be morning to a man who had dwelt in perpetual Night, and who knew not there was such a thing as sun. Can you picture him amazed, seeing the unknown sun? seeing the crystal radiance of dew, seeing a sky that is not black and the young clouds about his head: seeing last of all his lamp that had been his sun, fade to a blot against the wide magnificence of morning.”

I bent my head and pressed her hands against my brow once more. So, with eyes shut, I kneeled while the day dimmed, and heard the steadfast lifting of her breath, and felt her there, and knew not what I felt: so sweet, so near, so unbearably far she was.

“Mildred,” I whispered, “what would this man do, enamored of his morning, his first morning ... what would he do, if there was danger that the morning go, ere he had more than glimpsed it?”

I raised my eyes slowly. She was looking at me. Her eyes did not stir, meeting mine. It was as if they had begun to see a thing within me,

and were rapt in that deep focus.

“Mildred,” I whispered, “all this that I know and that I tell you now, I have known only since last I saw you. My mind strove, you know how purely, to make great my will. It worked better, O terribly better than I knew. For at the end, my will became so masterful that it ceased to consult my mind. How long it had been this masterful monstrous thing, I cannot say. But when there was danger that the dawning sun go or be clouded: then it worked. And only after what anguish of search, did I learn what it had done!”

She looked with her deep still gaze within me. Upon her eyes a faint glaze gleamed and it was hard, this surface of her eyes, hard and defensive: not like her eyes at all. I talked as if to pierce this glaze, as if to melt it.

“Perhaps from the beginning my will worked and made a fool of my mind ... a slave and a fool. Perhaps it was preparing from the first day, for you. Do you think that could be? And all my labors in science seeking the truth, all the chaste rigors of my life ... do you think perhaps these were blind ways for the working of my will ... plotting for you, wanting to possess you?

“For when I saw you, I wanted to possess you. And since I saw so deep, that was a sin. The shallow man may dare to possess. But your body was not enough for me: nor your mind, nor your love. Oh, I wanted them! But I beheld in you what no man can possess. Your mysterious power—the wisdom of your beauty which is so great that it has no words, that it disdains your mind. I wanted to possess that, above all. By equaling it I with my plodding mind of words and concepts! I became mad in love of your beauty: I wanted to possess, by equaling your beauty.

“Mildred, I must tell you everything. There is a brutal strain in my will. And when the end that it would win is brutal, it does not tell my mind. For my mind is not brutal.

“Mildred, there were obstacles in the way of my will to my life’s final need; obstacles to you. For you must be mine perfectly. Even my

mind agreed in that, and suffered.”

Her hand was motionless in mine. It was like a sleeping thing.

“I killed Philip LaMotte, who was in the way of my will.”

Her eyes seemed to be drawing forward from their distant focus to my mouth, as if what they had seen before within was now articulate there.

“My will killed the man whom my eyes had never seen, whose name I did not know, nor whose existence until you told me he was dead. My mind knows that, now.”

I could not bear her hand, this dead thing in my own. I could not let it go.

“There was another obstacle to our perfect marriage. I was poor, Mildred ... and my work was the sort men praise, the sort that nourishes men, but that they do not pay for. I went to see my parents, on that same fatal night when I was with you, and when my will was slaying my one rival. I told my parents of you: I begged them to give me money, so that I might ask you to become my wife. They refused. Mother, because she loved me selfishly and did not wish me to marry. Father because he loved only his ease.

“... I slew my parents.”

Then I could let loose her hand.

With her other hand she clasped the hand I had held. She felt it: she shuddered. She let it drop to her side.

“My will did away with my parents. I am their heir. I am rich.”

Again she clasped the hand which I had clasped.

“There was a deeper reason for my deeds—a better reason. My will, in these ruthless acts, proved itself equal to the power of your beauty: equal to the power in you which had called forth my love. These were sacrifices to you, Mildred: to the Goddess within you!

Sacrifices to prove your lover as terrible, as ineffable, as strong as was my love, and as was the power in you that made me love you.”

Mildred arose. Her hands quavered up to her brow.

“John ... are you mad!”

I smiled, and feared to smile lest the smile be horrible to her. Her hands clasped her brow. Then suddenly she let them fall. Her face hardened an instant, a glaze of resolution around its tender bloom. She sat down.

“John, can you explain what you have said?”

She seemed wholly woman. Could it be that my words diminished her? What I had to say was unreal and strange, now she seemed wholly human.

But I told her my story. And as I spoke, slowly, with care, I bled with agony. For this was fire I was pouring all about the flower of my love. How would she emerge? Transfigured to be my mate, wedded by fire to fire? Or ash?

So I went on, and told my story....

“Whence does he come, this larval man whom my will summoned, whom my will endowed with all the cunning of my learnéd brain, to slay, perfectly, surely? Is he gone forever? In that moment at the limekiln, when my intelligence had challenged my will’s deed and we stood locked in conflict ... the larval creature of my will, and my self of the light ... did I do him away? I think he is gone forever. He could live only when my mind slept: and now it is awake. That is why he strove to murder me. To drag me by the dark roots of us both into the boil of the limekiln. And he failed. Had he not been desperate, surely he would not have tried to kill his master by whose darkness he lived. My mind won in that electric moment! My mind leaped with my body, to the other side. He will lurk no more, murder no more. For my soul knows him.... But he has seared my soul.”

Her hands did not cease from moving while I spoke. Now, in my silence, they moved. They clasped in anguish on her breast. They

went to her brow. They tremored at her side. They were like flowers tremulous in a flame. She sat, swaying gently, like an agéd woman.

I was silent. Her head turned, and she saw me. The glaze in her eyes grew as what she knew was measured with her sight. Her body was rigid. Her pain was freezing her. She swayed no more. And her hands were lifeless.

I knelt before her. But I did not dare to touch her. I put forth my hands, but they remained suspended. For I did not dare to touch her.

“Mildred,” I said, “save me.”

She watched my hands, as if she wondered what these suppliant palms were going to do.

“There is power in me, Mildred. And power, if it is happy, is divine. Do you now know how I have needed you? Have I not won you? Save me!”

She watched my hands. They covered my face an instant. I stood up. And I stood over her.

“Mildred, I have been ruthless. Yes. More ruthless than my mind would ever have conceived. Is that a weakness in me? I loved my parents. They were the only human beings in my life. I was ruthless, because I was in love with Beauty. I have used truth ... as it was revealed to me, vastly beyond our miserable sphere ... I have used truth, because I was in love with Beauty.”

Her face was blanched as if some fire had seared it. Her eyes were like stones. Her beauty was a mask.

I feared what I saw in her, for it was the worst of myself.

“We must go on, now, Mildred. We dare not stop. You and I together with truth at our command, to create Beauty. To make Beauty live.... Mildred, will you save me?”

Still she did not speak. She watched me from her place below me as I stood. But she watched my eyes. And her eyes were limpid again,

and warm; their glaze had melted.

“I have learned that Truth is cold. It is a cold that burns: terribly and relentless. Truth cares not for man, and man in love with it is like a moth who would possess the sun. Oh, have I learned too late! Man cannot live with Truth. And yet he loves it. So by a miracle, he turns it into Beauty. And he dwells with Beauty. Save me! Save me!”

Her face broke, and her hands covered it. She wept.

“My love, my love,” I said, “do you not understand? I want to be a man. And I have glimpsed the terrible face of truth. That is the curse of my will. Love, I want to be a man again ... to live ... to live in your love ... to live in Beauty. Save me!”

She wept silently. Little waves of anguish welled with her breast, rose to her neck and her arms.

She wept long. I knelt beside her. She knew me there. I did not touch her, but she knew me there. Would her weeping cease, and would her hands come to mine?

She lifted her head. She did not look at me. She rose. I, kneeling, waited. Then, her eyes came down.

I knew that I had lost her.

I understood the pang across my eyes when first she came into the room: I knew that I had known that she was lost. She stood there before me kneeling: her skirt touched my face. She was turned toward the door, and her eyes were upon me. They were far away.

I drank her beauty like an immortal wine within a cup of death.

... O sweet beyond song is woman at her Spring! You are life, you are the wrung essence of all life. For you I have made myself an ashen path through the splendor of gardens. For you I have denied my soul all their flung radiance. That I might drink you perfectly. And I am all athirst. My ashen way has dried my mouth, and opened my desire. I am all thirst for you. And I have lost you?

—Mildred, will you see this longing in my mouth, and go?

—Mildred, will you see this death in my eyes, and go?...

You have gone already. And I am alone.

I have told my story. And, reader , though it has no moral, and thoughitmay have broughtyou more bewildermentthanjoy, ithas served its primary purpose. It has enabled me once more to live among you. Take the most anguished page, the blackest with my despair;ithasbeenjoyformetowritethatpage,forinthewritingI relivedit.AndwhereIam,eventhedarkesthumanhourinmemory is bright. If I suffered, it was because I still could strive: if I despaired it was because I still knewhope. Such are thejewels of man’s world. For man’s world is a playground whither the drab cosmic angels come for holiday. Strife, pain, suspense, anguish of heart and flesh, sacrifice and crime ... these are the raiments of Love. These are the joyous motley of the angels when they make feastonearth.

... I see an evening earlier in my life. I hadjust returned from my exhilarant years in Europe. It was June, and I was staying with a friendwholivedwithhiswife intheBerkshire HillsofNewEngland. Theyhadbeencalledtoanearbytown:Ideclinedtheirinvitationto go along with them. I supped alone in their house. There was cheese redolent of meadows and manure; there was honey that smelt of clover; there were vegetables lightly cooked so that the resilientairofAprilandofMaystilllingeredintheirgreen.

Isatontheporchalone,smokingmypipe,andwatchedthesunfall throughthescatteredhedgeoffirtreesanddogwood,copper-beech andlocust.Theairwasalivewiththeacaciascentandwiththesong ofbirds. Theirvoicesswarmedtheleafage: orioleandgrackle,virio, thrush and thrasher . Impudent red-breasts marched across the

green: a catbird with its stridence set in tune the melodious symphonyofthesweeterbirds.

The evening was alive. From the cropped grass of the lawn, the trees rose sheer: the trunks were columns of the earth; the branches,whelmedby leafandshadow, madea firmamentbeneath thesky. Isatandwashappy inthissingingdusk.Theshadowsand thedyingsun, thepied shrillchatter ofthebirds,came to me as a singlehappiness,ripeformymood.

Andthen,inaflash,theveilhadlifted,andIsaw.

This lovely scene that soothed my weariness and made me happy, bringing to my lips soft sentimentalphrases, was a shambles! In a spruce that bowered from my porch, I watched a brown thrasher wheel and screech about a branch in which an owl, ensconced, brooded over its young. The little bird was delirious with fear. It threshed its wings and screamed: it pecked at the robber owl and flewaway. Itwheeled,screamedup itscourage, shotinandpecked again. Robins were devouring worms. A handsome woodpecker massacredwood-slugson thebollofa beech.Nosinglecreature in thatgentledusk,butwasengagedinbitterdesperatewar. AndIsat, idle, burning my tobacco, slaying the mosquito that dared to buzz within the reach of my majesty.... All the world was murdering or murdered.Wasitlessfairforthat?

My time was to come. And I, like these humbler creatures of the lawn, knew my hours of crisis, knew the heartbreak of desire, the blackshroudsoffailure.Wasmytimelessfairforthat?

O reader , ifyou mustglean a moral from my story, let it be this! I leanbackoverthePrecipiceofTime,andgreedilyrelivethosehours which you call hours ofanguish: relive those days of failure, since they were living days. Was it not then that my heart beathighest, thatpassioncoursedmostfree,thatIwasmostalive?

Outoftheashthatyou callhistory, risestheeternalflameofLove. Warmyourselvesthere,mybrothersandmysisters.Forthetimewill come when you will watch Love’s distant gleam, desperate and

nostalgic like a winter moth which beats on the frosted window tryingtogetinwhere thelightburns,whichbeatsandbeatsuntilit fallsemaciateinthesnow....

THE END

1923-1924

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