At Home in the Lonely City - Thesis

AT HOME IN THE LONELY CIT Y .

Shaun Matthews MPhil in Architecture and Urban Studies University of Cambridge

At Home in the Lonely City Exploring the potential socio-spatial influence of residential architecture through Central Poplar.

Shaun David Matthews

Homerton College | University of Cambridge Design Research Thesis 2020 A design-research thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the M.Phil in Architecture and Urban Design (2018-2020) This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text.

Word Count: 14932

CONTENTS .

Acknowledgements

1

Abbreviations

3

Definitions

4

Introduction.

5

Chapter 1. Loneliness and the Built Environment.

13

Chapter 2. The Lonely City

21

The City and Loneliness

23

A Changing City Lifestyle

27

Life In London

35

Chapter 3. The Missing Middle.

43

Living on an Island

45

Moving away from Home

53

A Changing Neighbourhood

60

Chapter 4. The Role of the Street.

67

A Changing Morphology

69

Social Significance and Disconnection

75

A Return to the Street

86

Chapter 5. A Sense of Agency

99

Facilitating an Identity

101

From Public to Private

113

A Resident's Perception

121

Conclusion

129

Bibliography

135

List of Figures

145

Appendix

153

ABBREVIATIONS .

3.

CSM -

Chrisp Street Market

CWG -

Canary Wharf Group

DLR -

Docklands Light Railway

DTT -

Design Think Tank

GLA -

Greater London Authority

LBTH -

London Borough of Tower Hamlets

LCC -

London County Council

MTS -

Mayor's Transport Strategy

PTAL -

Public Transport Accessibility Level

TfL -

Transport for London

ULEZ -

Ultra Low Emission Zone

DEFINITIONS .

Home Environment - referring to the home and immediate area surrounding the home, for example the block or street.

Residential Environment - a collection of home environments, the broader area inclusive of multiple streets.

Shared Space - space outside the privacy of the home which is accessible to multiple residents, like a street or courtyard.

Housing Density - referring to the overall density of a site or development, including streets, open space etc.

Typology Density - the density of homes within the area of the block or single building footprint, not including context.

4.

INTRODUCTION .

“You can be lonely anywhere, but there is a particular flavour to the loneliness that comes from living in a city, surrounded by millions of people.” - Olivia Laing (Laing,a2016. p3)

The idea that a city, home to potentially millions of people living in such proximity and offering innumerable opportunities for social interaction, could encourage an increased prevalence of loneliness, seems somewhat antithetical when first considered. Yet, for many urban residents, this statement reflects reality, concluded in recent research (Henningsmith,aetaal,a2019) and demonstrated so evidently through the city of London. A city that has become synonymous with loneliness, regarded as one of the ‘Loneliest cities in the world’ (Timeout,a2016), with fifty-six per cent of residents reporting they felt lonely often or all the time. Prompting the appointment of the world’s first-ever ‘Minister for Loneliness’, along with the Government’s Loneliness Strategy, attempting to address the severity of this public health concern (GOV,a2018).

Loneliness has only recently achieved such prominence in the UK, attributed greatly to its ubiquitous media proliferation and growing public awareness.

Following reports identifying its rather unsettling prevalence, experienced most profoundly by young adults (BBC,a2018).

Fig 1. Combination of recent headlines about loneliness from news publications.

5.

6.

An association with the built environment, however, is far less prominent.

Although recognised in the Government’s Loneliness Strategy, which identified transport, access to community space, neighbourhood planning and housing design, advocating for further research to better understand their potential impact (GOV,a2018). Currently, literature regarding loneliness and the built environment is rather insufficient, while typically focusing on the elderly, suburbia and social isolation (Aiden,a2016). Although housing is frequently referenced, it is only indirectly to characteristics like tenure, transitions and homelessness (Aiden,a2016). Highlighting a necessity for research looking specifically at loneliness with respect to young adults and housing within an urban context.

Housing and more specifically the development of new housing is of particular pertinence within the context of London, which is currently experiencing a severe housing shortage. With the recent yearly assessment from the GLA indicating an additional sixty-six thousand new homes were needed to fulfil existing and future demand, three times current supply (GLA,a2018). The subsequent pressure on London Councils to meet new housing targets has encouraged the approval of many large-scale redevelopment projects, frequently involving the demolition of existing homes to provide increased densities. A process recently identified as potentially increasing the prevalence of loneliness for existing residents (CorcoranaandaMarshall,a2017).

Fig 2. Text from latest Government Loneliness Strategy 2018, highlighted.

7.

8.

Through acknowledging London’s existing circumstances, both with respect to the current prevalence of loneliness and future housing demand, this essay intends to explore the socio-spatial relationship between loneliness and residential architecture, focusing predominately on young adults. Questioning how the design of residential architecture may influence both an individual’s engagement within shared space and subsequent social relations and therefore how future housing may respond to the social considerations identified.

Employing a site, referred to as ‘Central Poplar’, to provide a context for this research, enabling a detailed discussion about the potential influence of specific spatial and social conditions, in addition to opportunities for future residential development within the area. The site is situated within the London Borough of Tower Hamlets, an area with the highest level of residential development (GLA,a2015) and joint highest 18-29-year-old population in the UK (ToweraHamlets,a2018a).

Whilst discussing a topic of such unusual and cross-disciplinary nature, this essay will first ensure an understanding of both loneliness by definition and its relevance to the built environment. Introducing the recognised theoretical model of contributors and identifying the built environment’s potential position, along with the accompanying vocabulary from which to understand the subsequent discourse.

9.

Hertfordshire Essex

Buckinghamshire

Berkshire

Kent

Surrey

Fig 3. Map indicating the Borough of Tower Hamlets within London.

10.

Hackney

Newham

City of London Poplar

Southwark

Greenwich Lewisham

Fig 4. Map indicating the Ward of Poplar within the Borough of Tower Hamlets

11.

Lansbury

Canary Wharf

Fig 5. Map outlining the defined area of 'Central Poplar'

12.

CHAPTER 1 .

LONELINESS AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

13.

The apparent contradiction of increased loneliness within the city arises from the term’s commonly interchangeable use with social isolation and frequent representation as an individual alone (OwensaandaSirois,a2019).

It is important to recognise that loneliness, although sometimes related, regularly occurs without social isolation and is instead defined as the negative experience from ‘perceived social isolation’ (CacioppoaandaPatrick,a2009).

Whereas social isolation - simply being alone - can be a positive and highly valued experience, understood as solitude (Tillich,a1959).

Although definitions vary, loneliness can be succinctly defined as the unpleasant and subjective experience that occurs from a discrepancy between desired and actual social relations, attributed to both perceived quality and experienced quantity (PeplauaandaPerlman,a1982). A fundamental component of the human condition, loneliness acts as an aversive state encouraging individuals to seek companionship, formerly reducing the chances of starvation or predation within hunter-gatherer societies (Cacioppo,aetaal,a2014). Humans are inherently social beings, and whilst loneliness is no longer attributed to such immediate dangers, chronic loneliness still holds profound consequences for our health - with a higher mortality rate than obesity and equivalence to smoking fifteen cigarettes a day (Holt-Lunstad,aetaal,a2015).

The subject of loneliness, from a built environment perspective, has grown significantly over recent years, with interest from both academic and professional fields. Demonstrated through the emergence of loneliness focused architectural research at the RSA, LSA, Melbourne School of Design and the University of Cambridge. In addition to external organisations like The Loneliness Lab (TLL), who I have collaborated with for the past year.

Which has brought together; academics, professionals, policymakers and residents to better understand how the built environment may influence 14.

loneliness. TLL is partially funded by the residential developer Lendlease, who are proposing to integrate the research into the development brief of their future projects, under the consideration of ‘connectedness’.

Literature identifying a direct relationship between loneliness and the built environment is rather insufficient, as previously discussed, in part attributed to the subjective nature of loneliness and its recent emergence as a field of interest. Loneliness, however, has been linked to contributory social ‘provisions’ like; attachment, social integration and sense of alliance (Weiss,a1973), for which the associated literature directly references the built environment. Additionally, through acknowledging that loneliness by definition is intrinsically linked to social relations, it is possible to infer a relationship between loneliness and associative terms which similarly discuss social relations.

The built environment is regularly referenced with relation to associative terms like; sense of belonging, social capital, social isolation and community. (Mazumdar,aetaal,a2018; FarahaniaandaLozanovska,a2014).

Therefore, through adopting a contributory understanding of loneliness and its associated terms, it is possible to identify additional literature which establishes a connection with the built environment.

Acknowledging this, TLL commissioned a literature review, combined with group discussions, which I participated in, specifically identifying contributors to loneliness for young adults. The built environment was only identified directly in a few cases and predominately associated with social isolation like; single occupancy, privatisation of public space, declining social infrastructure, accessibility and working habits. However, also indirectly associated with contributors like; high population turnover, housing tenure, transitions, regeneration, poverty, increasing housing costs

15.

Fig 6. Loneliness Lab group discussion exercise.

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To understand how these contributors are related to loneliness, it is useful to revisit the definition of loneliness. Summarised appropriately as the discrepancy between an individual’s desired and actual social relations (CorcoranaandaMarshall,a2017).

Contributors can, therefore, be regarded as producing a discrepancy. Defined within the literature as ‘predisposing factors’ and ‘precipitating events’, which can influence an individual’s expectation and desire for social relations or restrict access and the formation of actual social relations (PerlmanaandaPeplau,a1984,ap23).

Predisposing factors include personal characteristics, situational determinants and cultural values and norms - which make people vulnerable to loneliness - whilst precipitating events can be understood as transitions or changes in an individual’s socialising patterns that trigger loneliness (Perlmanaand Peplau,a1984,ap23). The built environment contributors identified in the literature review can be regarded as both situational determinants and precipitating events, as shown. As previously discussed, these contributors are predominately indirectly related to the built environment and influenced significantly by other social, political, cultural and economic contributors, demonstrating the complexity and intersectionality of this relationship.

*SITUATIONAL DETER MINANTS

*PRECIPITATING E VENTS

Transport

Single Occupancy

Moving home

Gated Community

Working Habits

Moving job

Walkability

Housing Tenure

Unemployment

Distance

Increasing Housing Costs

Changing Social Infrastructure

Poverty

Empty Homes

Declining Social Infrastructure

Privatisation of Space

Bedroom Communities

Regeneration

Perception of Safety

Lack of Identity

High Population Turnover

Safety

Fig 7. Model of the causes of Loneliness adapted from (Perlman, and Peplau, 1984. p23) 17.

Personal

*Situational

Cultural Values

Characteristics

Determinants

and Norms

PREDISPOSING FACTORS

Influence both

Actual or achieved social

Needed or desired social

relations

relations

+ *PRECIPITATING E VENT

Discrepancy between desired and actual social relations

EXPERIENCE OF LONELINESS (Dependent on cognitions and past experiences)

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With the relationship between loneliness and the built environment now identified, it is important to recognise that it is heavily dependent upon the individual and therefore influenced by personal, social and cultural contributors. These predisposing factors would ultimately have a greater influence upon loneliness, relative to the built environment. Which is why the social influence of the built environment is heavily contested within the architectural community.1 Recognising that the built environment cannot be understood in isolation, whilst acknowledging the highly subjective nature of these factors. This essay develops a generalised understanding of resident’s predisposing factors, through informal discussions and relevant statistics. Establishing narratives for the purpose of exploring the potential influence of the residential environment whilst negating personal characteristics.

Whilst not attempting to over-simplify the complexities of loneliness for the purpose of a solution or adopting a deterministic view of the built environment’s influence, as historically employed with relation to crime prevention. This essay, instead, advocates the premise that the built environment may influence social behaviour through facilitating ‘affordances’ - actions made possible through the physical environment and enacted depending upon individual’s predisposing factors (Lang,a1981).

These affordances may influence social relations and therefore indirectly contribute to loneliness. An understanding shared by historic social ecologists (Bothwell,aetaal,a1998,ap111) and aligning with the theoretical discourse of contemporary environmental psychology (Landryaand Murray,a2017).

1 Quotes opposite expressing opinions on architecture's infleunce over behaviour.

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“First, Man creates environment and environment, in its turn, influences man.” - Alison and Peter Smithson.

(Smithson and Team 10, 1968)

“People can inhabit anything. And they can be miserable in anything and ecstatic in anything. More and more I think that architecture has nothing to do with it.”

- Rem Koolhaas.

(WIRED, 1996)

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CHAPTER 2 .

THE LONELY CIT Y

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This chapter begins by introducing the relationship between loneliness and the city in a historical sense while developing a contemporary understanding discussed through both urban social theory and artistic representations.

It then looks at the progression of western society with respect to ‘liquid modernity’ and ‘neoliberalism’ discussing both with respect to the characteristics of a changing city lifestyle and the accompanying architectural narrative. Before discussing the specific conditions of London and the associated lifestyle with relation to the loneliness contributors identified in the previous chapter. Concluding by introducing the two prominent lifestyles of young adults living in Tower Hamlets, developed through discussion with residents, establishing two generalised narratives to be referenced throughout this essay.

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THE CIT Y AND LONELINESS .

The loneliness of the city is by no means a recent phenomenon, although rarely referenced directly within historical discourse, due to the terminology’s relatively recent use (alberti,a2018). Historically, this connection can be traced to the ideas of nineteenth-century social theorists and their awareness of the modern city’s detrimental influence on social relations. Most notably the work of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Georg Simmel.

Whilst referring to the rapid urbanisation of the nineteenth-century, Marx proposed that the metropolis and modern work, with its emphasis on economic efficiency under capitalism, would leave an individual feeling increasingly disconnected from ‘other persons’ (Marx,a1932). Suggesting, within his ‘theory of alienation’, that the conditions of the metropolis discourage social relations of mutual interest, whilst promoting competitive economic self-interest (Giddens,a1971). Engels further elaborated upon this idea, remarking that the ‘isolation’ afforded through increased selfinterest, dissolves individuals ‘into nomads, of which each has a separate principle and purpose’ (Magubane,a1985).

Building upon these perceptive critiques of the metropolis, Simmel noted that “one nowhere feels as lonely and lost as in the metropolitan crowd, despite bodily proximity and narrowness of space” (Simmelaand Wolff,a1964,ap418). A phenomenon he attributed to the specific social conditions created through an immense population, encouraging only

fleeting

or

anonymous

relationships

(Simmel,aetaal,a1997).

Proposing that an individual would become disengaged and apathetic, acquiring a ‘blasé outlook’, as a consequence of over-stimulation (WeinsteinaandaWeinstein,a1993). Additionally, highlighting the large degree of personal freedom and anonymity afforded through the metropolis, which freed an individual from the traditional boundaries and social ties 23.

of community (Simmel,a1971). Civility within cities is significantly lower than in rural communities (MoseraandaCorroyer,a2001). Supporting Simmel’s notion that the anonymity and over-stimulation of the city encourage apathetic tendencies and social disengagement. Interestingly, in conversations with young adults living in London, these characteristics were frequently expected and sometimes even regarded as positive or desirable, suggesting perhaps a progression away from the traditional sense of community and its restrictive social ties.

Following the work of these nineteenth-century theorists, the anonymity and estrangement experienced within the city remained a subject of ongoing fascination, particularly from a representational perspective, with artists attempting to capture the city condition. Demonstrated most notably through Edward Hopper’s and Laurence Stephen Lowry’s perceptive representations of New York and Manchester, respectively. Hopper’s ‘Nighthawks’, Fig 8, and Lowry’s, ‘The Rust Hour’, Fig 9, both inadvertently captured the complex and somewhat indescribable experience of loneliness within the city, depicting the apathetic nature of the crowd, described by Lowry as ‘the most lonely thing of all’ (TheaNewaYorkaTimes,a1976,ap38).

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Fig 8. The painting 'Nighthawks', by Edward Hopper , 1942.

Fig 9. The painting 'The Rush Hour', by L.S. Lowry, 1964.

25.

In a contemporary context, the socio-psychological influences of the city on the individual have been collectively grouped under ‘the urbanicity effect’ (Corcoran, et al, 2017). Referring to numerous studies identifying the detrimental effects of urban environments upon health, concluding that urban populations in comparison with rural are more likely to experience depression, anxiety (Gruebner, etaal,a2017) and loneliness (Henning-smith,aetaal,a2019). Although a connection with loneliness has been identified, it is important to recognise the far-greater social, cultural, economic and environmental benefits of the city environment (LandryaandaMurray,a2017), which has even inspired, through loneliness itself, some of humanities greatest artists (Laing,a2016).

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A CHANGING CIT Y LIFEST YLE .

Recognising the city and its connection to loneliness, in a western context, it is necessary to explore the modern city-lifestyle which has accompanied urbanisation, and the relationship of a changing architectural narrative. In 2008, more than half of the world’s population lived in cities, a figure which has dramatically increased over the past decade (UnitedaNations,a2019).

Bringing forward the term ‘Homo Urbanis’, defining the next stage in humanity’s evolution (LandryaandaMurray,a2017). The giant cities of today, however, provide a relatively new environment with respect to humanities evolution, and their impact upon our social behaviour is still relatively unknown.

Loneliness is described as a product of the way we live (Hari,a2018), consistently attributed to the evolving characteristics of modern lifestyles, like rising single occupancy and population mobility, the restructuring of the family unit and the emergence of virtual communities

(MentalaHealthaFoundation,a2010).

Meaning

the

idea

of community is no longer fixed to a physical location or mutual labour (LandryaandaMurray,a2017). Encouraging the erosion of a traditional sense of community and the importance of local social ties, promoting a more anonymous and transient lifestyle, referred to as ‘Liquid Modernity’ (Bauman,a2000).

The conditions of the city may exacerbate this modern lifestyle through the increased sense of anonymity and personal freedom afforded. Personal freedom has historically mirrored an increase in personal and social isolation (Fromm,a1994). Until relatively recently an individual’s economic needs were typically subordinate to human needs, with great solidarity and stronger social ties among individuals of similar social and labour roles VegaaandaBrennan, 2000). Relating to Marx’s notion of a rise in economic self-interest. Therefore, the modern city-lifestyle, affording increased 27.

anonymity and social isolation could be regarded as a progression of personal freedom, coupled with the inevitable influence of the city’s conditions.

This modern lifestyle has recently been influenced by a socio-political shift, commonly termed ‘Neoliberalism’, which promotes the ‘entrepreneur of self’ (Foucault,a2010). Emphasising personal-responsibility, socioeconomic success and competitive self-interest (SaganaandaMiller,a2018), with a progression away from a culture of social dependency (Harvey,a2012).

The accompanying individualistic mentality is frequently identified as potentially contributing to loneliness through influencing an expectation of social relations, like social comparison (SaganaandaMiller,a2018) and pressure to appear socioeconomically successful (Monbiot,a2016).

Neoliberalism, may therefore further contribute to the characteristics of the modern city-lifestyle which potentially encourage loneliness.

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Contemporary urban theorists in their critiques of the modern lifestyle, collectively advocate for a more communitarian mentality (Putnam,a2000), in solution to the social detriments of ‘liquid modernity’ (Bauman,a2000).

Proposing that a shift towards prioritising social relations and community above economic self-interest could provide a remedy to the current levels of social isolation (Bauman,a2000), while potentially ameliorating urban loneliness (BBC,a2018). This change of mentality could perhaps be seen at a governmental level, demonstrated through the New Zealand Government’s ‘Wellbeing budget’ (NZaGov,a2019) which proposes prioritising public wellbeing and social capital over immediate economic growth. Supported by research highlighting the long-term economic benefits of increasing social capital (Aldridge,aetaal,a2002; Putnam,a1993). However, acknowledging the modern city-lifestyle as a product of various social and cultural societal changes, including technological advances, in addition to the physical conditions of the city itself. A shift towards a more communitarian urban mentality seems unlikely, especially in consideration of the currently dominant neoliberal ideology and its emphasis on individualism.

Fig 10. Newspapers headline for wellbeing budget New Zealand Government

Looking now to the historic relationship between architecture and the development of this modern city-lifestyle. Starting with the nineteenth century, the relationship between work and the home had become increasingly separated, giving birth to the idea of the nuclear family in response to the perceived ills of communal urban-life (LloydaandaVasta, 2017). The poor living conditions and quality of life experienced within

29.

the city encouraged a belief that changes in the living environment would directly influence human behaviour, with planners employing an environmental deterministic approach. In the UK this culminated in the idea of the Garden City by Ebenezer Howard. Which proposed taking the benefits of the country and city environments and combining them into a new radical plan, convinced that building a city from scratch would completely change the social behaviour of its inhabitants in a positive and predicted manner. In 1899 the first Garden City of Letchworth was constructed, and although the physical conditions were an improvement, it lacked the sense of community and lifestyle of the old city (Miller,a1989).

Fig 11. Howard's Concept for the Garden city as three magnets.

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Following this deterministic ideology and in the shadow of the first WorldWar, the architect Le Corbusier proposed the Radiant City concept, envisaging an environment that created harmony between people and their surroundings whilst freeing communities from the misery of poor housing (Clement,a2018). The design took a rather functionalist approach centered on the efficient movement of the automobile, revolutionary at the time, with housing arranged into high-rise tower blocks facilitating large expanses of greenery. This concept aligned with the political intentions of many European governments, including the UK, as a solution to the unsanitary and overcrowded slums which plagued many cities (IHBC,a2019). Corbusier’s proposal envisioned a completely new lifestyle, firmly believing that the new living environment would positively influence the social behaviour of its inhabitants. Although never fully adopted in the UK, the ideas of the Radiant City did influence the design of many post-war estates across the country.

Fig 12. Photograph of Cobusier's model for the Radiant City concept in Paris.

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The destruction of the Second World-War and subsequent housing shortage in the UK provided an opportunity for the concept of the Garden City to reemerge, heavily influencing the New Towns Act 1946, which capitalised on the nation’s enthusiasm towards rebuilding (Bullock,a2002).

By the 1960s congestion and poor living conditions in the capital encouraged migration to the suburbs for residents of greater mobility and socioeconomic status, giving rise to commuter towns like Milton Keynes.

These new towns typically consisted of a high proportion of families, resulting in a disproportionate number of young adults living in the city, leading to increased population turnover and reduced social cohesion (FranklinaandaTranter,a2011). Characteristics present in London today.

Acknowledging the lack of social cohesion afforded through the citylifestyle, the planning and subsequent architectural narrative shifted away from a car-dominated lifestyle and instead towards attempting to improve social cohesion and sense of community (FranklinaandaTranter,a2011).

Lead by architects like Neave Brown and Alison and Peter Smithson who advocated for a return to a more human and socially orientated lifestyle, recognising the detrimental social impact of the modernist ideology.

An expectation of ‘community’, within large civic triangles still holds significant relevance with the contemporary housing narrative, demonstrated through its use in describing and promoting the lifestyle provided by many new residential developments. Community is frequently proposed in a deterministic manner by developers and housing associations, with an expectation that design and particular shared spaces will create a socially successful environment.

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Discussion with Kate Beeching from Clarion Housing Group highlighted what she described as ‘token social spaces’. Pseudo-public or communal space within new developments which through its title connotes an expectation of social behaviour and community, like that shown in figure 14, but which rarely functions as marketing representations depict. Therefore, creating a disconnect for residents who may desire the proposed idea of these shared spaces and accompanying lifestyle or community, but are unable to experience it. Bringing to question the nature and characteristics of these shared spaces within the context of increasing densities and the typical social behaviour of city residents.

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Countryside

“An exciting new community”

Fig 13. Image of the Fresh Wharf development by countryside, with description.

Telford homes

“Create an inspiring neighbourhood and thriving community”

Fig 14. Image of New Garden Quarter by Telford homes, with description.

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LIFE IN LONDON .

Moving now to the London lifestyle which can be described as fragmented, with many residents travelling large distances between home, work and social activities. Typically encouraged through the increased connectivity and accessibility afforded through London’s transport infrastructure.

Meaning, no longer is there such an emphasis on social relations within the immediate home environment, as expected from a traditional sense of community, but rather social relations across a wider distribution referred to as a ‘large civic triangle’ (Putnam,a2000).

With regards to the loneliness contributors identified in the previous chapter, London presents in many cases the least favourable conditions.

High housing costs, which have risen sharply over the past ten years (FutureaofaLondon,a2018b), have forced residents and particularly young adults to move away from familiar neighbourhoods. This has contributed to the high population turnover, with an average tenancy of only twenty months (Letslivehere,a2018), significantly reducing the chances of residents forming an attachment to place (Bailey,aetaal,a2012). The transient nature of the home environment

may also encourage a disinterest towards

social relations, leading to what is referred to as ‘bedroom communities’ (CorcoranaandaMarshall,a2017). Additionally, London’s long work hours (ONS,a2017) and the rise in flexible and remote employment dramatically impact individual’s social lives. Single occupancy has also continued to rise in London, commonly referenced as a significant contributor to loneliness in recent reports (ONS,a2017) although more closely linked to social isolation (Mellor,aetaal, 2008).

Accompanying these characteristics, the London mentality is frequently generalised as individualistic, self-sufficient and reserved (Monbiot,a2016) with multiple contemporary commentators associating these traits with neoliberalism and its emphasis on competitive self-interest, as previously 35.

discussed (Watts,a2018). A scenario which I feel encapsulates this mentality is the daily commute to work on the underground, described by Michelle Lloyd a twenty-three-year-old resident.

“A typical day for me involves a long commute to my office in Islington… I don't really interact with anyone until I get to the office.

It's rare to get a smile or even eye contact on the underground”. Michelle Lloyd (Gil,a2018) A rather familiar description for anyone who has lived and worked in London. An apparent lack of interest in social interaction, with people withdrawing to the privacy of their screens and headphones. Although this scenario presents an extreme environment, it clearly captures the apathetic tendency encouraged through the conditions of the city, as proposed by Simmel, with social isolation employed in response to an over-stimulation of possible contact. While acknowledging that the characteristics of this London lifestyle and mentality are only generalisations, they do provide a context from which to explore the lifestyles of young adults living in Tower Hamlets.

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The Borough presents two prominent and polarised lifestyles for young adults. The first, that of a ‘young professional’, typically of higher socioeconomic status, attracted by the comparatively low housing prices, employment growth and increasing connectivity with the city (FutureaofaLondon,a2018b). Young professionals have typically shorter occupancies (DCLG,a2010), which in the case of a majority population can encourage standardised and impersonal amenities catering to this lifestyle (BaileyaandaLivingston,a2007). Discussion with a young professional, Lisa, who had recently moved to Canary Wharf, revealed that she regularly travelled across London to see friends, remarking that the distance wasn’t discouraging due to the connectivity of the area. When asked how well she knew her neighbours, Lisa replied.

“I live with one other person, who I see most days, but my working hours are fairly long, so I get home very late most nights. I haven’t really met any of my neighbours on my floor yet but it isn’t really something that bothers me”. - Lisa 1 Lisa’s apparent apathy towards the other residents in her building and the surrounding home environment, I feel illustrates a progression away from a traditional sense of community, as previously discussed. Instead, she is content with the social relations of her larger civic triangle and has no expectation within the home environment. Lisa’s narrative, similar to other young adults I spoke with as well as my own experience, I feel captures the common characteristics of a young professional’s lifestyle in Tower Hamlets. The following vignettes attempt to illustrate the typical characteristics of this lifestyle, creating a narrative from which discussion in the following chapters will reference.

1

37.

Lisa, Interview by Author, Resident's flat, 18 july 2019. See Appendix 1.

‘The Young Professional’ Fig 15. Drawings depicting the typical characteristics of the Young Professional lifestyle.

Potentially long working hours, or remote / flexible employment.

Typically short occupancies discouraging resident familiarity .

Encourage standardised or impersonal local amenities.

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The second prominent lifestyle is that of the ‘young Bangladeshi resident’.

Characterised by typically small civic triangles, with short distances between social activities, high levels of localism and strong family engagement (Strugis,aetaal,a2013). Young Bangladeshi residents, with an emphasis on men, have been described as the most civically active and socially connected demographic in London (Gest,a2010), demonstrating a traditional sense of community. Bangladeshi households are traditionally multigenerational, with children continuing to live with their parents until marriage, which in the context of Tower Hamlets led to extreme levels of overcrowding (ToweraHamlets,a2014). Discussion with a former resident, Wahab, who had recently moved away from his parents’ in Poplar, reaffirmed this lifestyle. Suggesting that before moving he knew almost everyone in his block, along with most of the residents on the estate. When asked about his social life, Wahab replied, “Most of my friends I would see at the mosque, which is just around the corner, as well as people I know in the local shops, everyone knows everyone here”. - Wahab 1 Wahab mentioned that although going to university he had struggled to find a good job and affordable housing in the local area. Subsequently having to move a considerable distance from his family and the local community.

A familiar narrative for many young Bangladeshi residents within Tower Hamlets (BanglaaStories,a2018), with redevelopment frequently causing displacement. A scenario discussed further in the next chapter. These vignettes, like the previous, capture the typical characteristics of this young Bangladeshi lifestyle, developed through discussion with Wahab and fellow residents.

1

39.

Wahab, Interview by Author, Poplar Mosque, 2 july 2019. See Appendix 2.

‘Young Bangladeshi Resident’ Fig 16. Drawings depicting the typical characteristics of the Young Bangladeshi Resident lifestyle.

Traditionally multigenerational family, children living at home until marriage.

Strong sense of familiarity amongst local residents .

Typically small civic triangle, socialising close to home.

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This chapter has established the relationship between the city and contemporary urban loneliness, understanding its impact upon the modern city-lifestyle. As suggested, loneliness could be viewed as a product of contemporary living (Hari,a2018). An inevitable progression of personal freedom to which we are still adapting, rather than something to eradicate.

Recognising that we did not evolve with the city habitat (Bryans,a2019) and are still relatively unaware of its influence upon our lives. History has shown that whilst architecture may influence social behaviour, it should not attempt to impose a lifestyle deterministically or intend to encourage a more communitarian mentality as advocated by some urban theorists, but rather accommodate for the increasing diversity of lifestyles. Acknowledging that the anonymity and personal freedom of the city were frequently described as positive characteristics and a desired component of the modern citylifestyle.

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CHAPTER 3 .

THE MISSING MIDDLE

43.

Through discussing the socio-spatial and socioeconomic inequality between the Wards of Poplar and Canary Wharf in Tower Hamlets, this chapter will identify the potential impact upon social relations, commenting on the characteristics of the island-like communities which have formed.

While highlighting the potential significance of both the existing and proposed architectural languages with respect to the psychological divide between residents. Before focusing specifically on the conditions of Poplar and the social implications of current residential development, discussing both physical and neighbourhood resource displacement with respect to young Bangladeshi residents and their social relations. Concluding by summarising potential opportunities for future residential development with respect to the identified social implications.

44.

LIVING ON AN ISL AND .

Tower Hamlets is an area of extremes with the highest levels of income inequality in the UK (ToweraHamlets,a2016), as demonstrated by the Wards of Poplar and Canary Wharf. Comprised of predominately the richest and poorest residents in Tower Hamlets, the Wards present two almost completely segregated and polarised communities. This socioeconomic disparity is as evident physically on the urban landscape, with transport infrastructure creating a rather inaccessible boundary, as it is culturally and psychologically amongst the residents (Fraser,a2018).

The detrimental social and economic impact of this boundary, particularly for residents of Poplar, is recognised as a major concern by the council, citing both integration and connectivity as fundamental issues for future development (ToweraHamlets,a2018b). The Council also highlights the role of future residential development in reducing inequality and improving accessibility for all residents, whilst identifying the absence of an intermediate availability of employment and housing as significant contributors to the extreme disparity, referred to as the ‘missing middle’ (ToweraHamlets,a2016). Current proposals like the North Quay Project by Canary Wharf Group, have begun to acknowledge these concerns through ‘The Poplar Link’, proposing improved pedestrian access connecting the wards (CanaryaWharfaGroup,a2019).

Median Household Income Unemployment (Tower Hamlets, 2014)

£23,544 - 15.7%

£39,918 - 8.2%

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POPLAR CANARY WHARF

Fig 17. Aerial showing Dual-carriage way and DLR tracks dividing Wards, with single pedestrian access route.

46.

The Wards, in many respects, can be regarded as two separate and rather insular communities, which has encouraged the formation of two distinctive city-lifestyles. Firstly, Canary Wharf with its material abundance as a global financial centre has segregated itself from its surrounding context, establishing a community that lacks socioeconomic diversity and integration within the Borough (FutureaofaLondon,a2018a). This segregation, much like a gated community, allows Canary Wharf to control its boundaries and internal composition, which can enforce a collective lifestyle, suppressing an individual’s distinctiveness (Sennett,a1971) while encouraging social comparison and in-group identities (Sturgis,aetaal,a2013).

This collective lifestyle may be further reinforced through the residential environment with a lack of visual distinctiveness and self-expression. As found in suburbia, uniformity and repetition of the living environment can encourage what is referred to as ‘groupthink’, promoting standardisation of collective values and devaluation of inclusivity (Janis,a1974;aPalti,a2017).

Canary Wharf’s north residential area is almost exclusively new-build highrise flats characterised by glazed facades and shared entrances, as shown in figure 18, creating a rather homogeneous identity. This anonymous and impersonal environment almost reflects the nature of the predominately young professional occupants, with their short occupancies, meaning the flats are almost regarded like hotels, with room cleaning and services included (CBRE,a2020).

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Fig 18. Photograph of new residential tower in Canary Wharf, similar to surrounding.

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Looking now to Central Poplar, which in comparison presents a completely different urban condition, both in terms of accessibility and living arrangements. Located north of the DLR tracks and Aspen Way Dualcarriageway – acting as significant barriers to pedestrian accessibility - Poplar finds itself rather disconnected from the opportunities of the city, resulting in high levels of unemployment and poverty (FutureaofaLondon,a2018a).

These physical conditions, although not exclusively responsible, have contributed to the island-like community and lack of integration present, with forty-one per cent of the population of Bangladeshi ethnicity (ToweraHamlets,a2018a). This presence of predominately Bangladeshi residents has established a thriving community with extremely strong social connections within the local area, as previously discussed. Moreover, long tenancies of the majority social rent households have encouraged high levels of familiarity, with many residents growing-up and continuing to live within the area.

Central Poplar’s residential environment is typically characterised by postwar tenement blocks and townhouses along with two storey terraces, giving an extremely different aesthetic in comparison with Canary Wharf.

In terms of materiality, it is almost entirely brick facades with exposed concrete slabs, an architectural language heavily associated with post-war social housing by the LCC (BritishaHistoryaOnline,a1994). Whilst historical disinvestment has meant it has remained of considerably lower density than surrounding areas, giving a noticeably different impression, and one which further reinforces the idea of a segregated community.

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Fig 19. Post-war architectural language common across Central Poplar.

Fig 20. Low density of the street with typically only three storey residential.

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Looking to recent proposed developments like Blackwall Reach and Chrisp Street Market (CSM), the direct result of increased residential investment following the announcement of Crossrail (FutureaofaLondon,a2018a).

These developments propose a rather universal language seen across London through contemporary residential architecture. Providing an aesthetic and form which is rather alien to the area's existing architectural language, and for existing residents may be received as rather disconcerting, loaded with negative symbolism surrounding exclusion and inaccessibility.

Presenting a socio-economic identity based on the unique qualities of the residential environment (Lynch,a1960), in this case the architectural language. Speaking with residents about their thoughts on the new developments highlighted the disassociation felt, suggesting that although the developments proposed social and affordable housing, the homes weren’t attainable, with their appearance reaffirming this. Conversation with Nadir, a lifelong Poplar resident remarked, “To be honest it doesn’t really feel very Polar. They say the homes are affordable and for people of the area, but they don’t look or feel it. They aren’t really a place I could see myself living, even if I could afford it.”

- Nadir 1 This statement, shared by the other residents I spoke with, really highlights the attitude towards the architectural language of these new developments.

Emphasising the perceived lack of transition between the two prominent lifestyles as expressed visually. Even though the new developments share few characteristics with the residential environment of Canary Wharf, they are regarded similarly, reinforcing the psychological divide between the two communities and contributing to the othering mentality which has segregated the residents so effectively. Whilst this segregation could be viewed positively with respect to the strength of social relations for many 1

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Nadir, Interview by Author, Poplar Mosque, 2 july 2019. See Appendix 2.

Fig 21. CGI of Proposed Blackwall Reach Scheme

Fig 22. CGI of Proposed Chrisp Street Market development.

52.

MOVING AWAY FROM HOME .

London is experiencing a severe housing crisis, with an additional 66,000 new homes needed in 2019, a volume of residential construction which hasn’t been achieved since before the Second-Wold-War (GLA,a2018).

The subsequent pressure on London Councils to contribute to this target has encouraged the approval of many large-scale redevelopments, typically involving areas of redundant land like brownfield sites. However, with the increasing scarcity of land within Inner London Boroughs, redevelopment has consistently included the demolition of existing council estates, proposing new residential at increased densities.

Tower Hamlets is currently experiencing the highest level of residential development in the UK and is set the highest target, requiring thirty-ninethousand new homes over the next ten years (GLA,a2015). As clearly visible from the illustration, figure 24, this has led to a large proportion of the existing urban landscape being or proposed to be redeveloped.

Local Authorities Housing Association Private Sector

Fig 24. Map on the next spread indicating all of the proposed, approved and completed residential developments. 2007-2021 53.

Fig 23. Graph showing constructed houses in London, data from (GLA, 2019)

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1931

1941

1951

No Information for sectors

1961

1971

1981

1991

2004 London Plan

2001

2011

2011 London Plan 2008 London Plan

2015 London Plan

2017 Draft London Plan

2021

10,000

20,000

30,000

40,000

50,000

60,000

70,000

80,000

785

182

184

191

643

252

N/a

1,639 N/a

649

298

888

55.

Residential Development

Proposed Site

Ward Boundary

901

10.

New Homes

785

0

1176

643

437

1575 N/a

392 700 395 N/a

735

3330

888 309

56.

597

The frequently inseparable relationship between these large-scale redevelopments and gentrification or social cleansing is a highly contentious topic within the field of architecture and one which questions the agency of the architect. Whilst this chapter focuses solely on the social implications of large-scale redevelopment, it is important to recognise the far greater socio-political and economical contributors influencing this process, far outside the control of the architect.

Large-scale redevelopment is evidently a significant concern within the context of Poplar, with recent proposals like CSM and Robin Hood Gardens (RHG part of Blackwall Reach) receiving widespread public protest, concerned that many existing residents and the community will be permanently displaced.

Fig 25. Protesters outside Poplar HARCA offices.

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Fig 26. Protesters outside the 16th International Architecture Biennale in Venice.

As previously discussed, traditional Bangladeshi families are typically multigenerational, which in the context of Poplar has contributed to high levels of overcrowding (ToweraHamlets,a2014). And whilst redevelopments commonly facilitate equivalent social and ‘affordable’ housing, they rarely accommodate this multigenerational family dynamic. Meaning young residents like Wahab are forced to move to cheaper accommodation, typically outside the Borough where they may struggle to achieve their desired social relations. As highlighted before, ‘precipitating events’ like transitions are frequently identified as contributing to loneliness for young adults.

Housing prices across London have increased considerably over the past ten years, with low-income residents consistently being pushed out of Inner London Boroughs to find affordable housing (TheaSmithaInstitute,a2018). Tower Hamlets and specifically the area around the Canary Wharf Station is expected to increase significantly with the imminent completion of the Elisabeth Line (FutureaofALondon,a2018b). Which combined with the existing shortage of

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medium-income housing, is forcing many young Bangladeshi residents to move away. This lack of housing choice has contributed significantly to the island-like conditions present within Poplar, with new developments providing social housing for the poorest residents, whilst the ‘affordable housing’ isn’t attainable for a large majority. A scenario repeatedly highlighted by residents in conversation. While resulting in residualisation, whereby only the poorest residents are able to remain in the area, while local amenities change to cater more affluent newcomers. A scenario discussed in more detail later in this chapter.

For young Bangladeshi residents moving away from Poplar means leaving their strong social relations and small civic triangles behind and instead adopting a more atomised and detached city-lifestyle. It is this transition that many residents have expressed discomfort towards, while unfamiliar with the experience of a large civic triangle (BanglaaStories,a2018). Sabiha, a young Tower Hamlets resident suggested that, “The huge importance attached by my Bangladeshi parents to family life can actually make us more susceptible to loneliness.” - Sabiha Khanam (BBC, 2017) Maintaining strong social relations with family and friends can become increasingly difficult, after moving away, with the cost of transport and distance acting as significant barriers. An expectation of social relations, however, may remain relatively unchanged for these residents, due to their experience living within such strong communities. Therefore, young Bangladeshi residents may feel unable to achieve the social relations they desire within their new residential environment, ultimately contributing to a feeling of loneliness.

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A CHANGING NEIGHBOURHOOD .

Having identified the potential social impact of physical displacement upon young Bangladeshi residents, the discussion now moves to focus on the remaining young residents and the notion of neighbourhood resource displacement. Traditionally Tower Hamlets would have developed incrementally with the needs of its residents, building upon the social complexity and existing networks of the area. Whereas, contemporary large-scale redevelopments like CSM now offer little opportunity for existing residents to adapt to the physical changes of their new living environment.

Instantly replacing whole neighbourhoods and removing the intangible social networks and attachment which has developed over time, a scenario recently linked to emotional loneliness (CorcoranaandaMarshall,a2017).

Local social infrastructure can form an important part of a young resident’s socialising pattern, especially within the context of a small civic triangle, meaning its removal may significantly affect access to existing social relations. While the speed of this change may prevent a gradual adaptation of social behaviour, acting as a ‘precipitating event’. It is possible to identify existing social infrastructure which provides an opportunity for residents to socialise and be known within the context of Central Poplar. ‘Zayn the Clippers’, depicted in figure 27, is one of many barbers of similar social characteristics, acting not only through its commercial function but as a social hub, providing an informal and un-prescribed space for socialising, as shown. Resident engagement within the shared-space of the public realm, facilitated through the barbers, encourages the formation of identity, removing a sense of anonymity within the local area whilst encouraging an attachment to place (ShawaandaHagemans,a2015). Therefore, the removal of these amenities, as proposed in the CSM plan, may significantly discourage resident engagement within the public realm, restricting access to existing social relations.

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Fig 27. Drawing depicting the social environment of Zayn the clippers barber in Poplar.

In addition to the complete removal of important social infrastructure like the barbers, proposed changes to local amenities may potentially exclude existing residents. This can be considered a ‘situational determinant’ as the characteristics of the new amenities may prevent or discourage access to social relations. New amenities may cater to a higher socioeconomic demographic like young professionals, meaning poorer residents may feel unable to engage with the social opportunities provided. This is referred to as ‘neighbourhood resource displacement’, whereby existing residents

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feel displaced from their local area due to changing social and commercial infrastructure (Davidson,a2008).

“Local shops and services change, and meeting places disappear.

The places by which people once defined their neighbourhood become spaces with which they no longer associate” (Davidson,a2008,ap2392) This sense of social displacement may be further reinforced through the visual appearance of new amenities, as the aesthetic qualities of a shop or bar may denote an expectation of socioeconomic status and subsequent exclusivity, due to the perceived cost of engagement. A feeling expressed by residents regarding the architectural language of a recent redevelopment in London (Kapoor,a2019) whilst similar to views of residents in Poplar, as previously discussed. The amenities proposed in the CSM scheme, shown in figure 28, compared with the existing, figure 29, clearly present a significant change in aesthetic quality which may influence the perceived social engagement and behaviour within this environment. Highlighting, the significance of the architectural language employed through these new developments and its potential social impact upon resident engagement.

As observed through multiple site visits during my fieldwork period, independent and localised amenities around Central Poplar provide important social infrastructure, especially for young Bangladeshi residents.

Who would regularly socialise or meet outside the local barbers or takeaways shops like ‘Poplar Friend Chicken’ as shown in figure 30. These amenities, due to their nature, are typically replaced through the process of development, which instead commonly provides more impersonal and universal amenities like nationwide merchandisers and franchises.

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Fig 28. Proposed amenities for the CSM development with Cinema and bars.

Fig 29. Existing amenities at Chrisp Street Market Way.

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Fig 30. Poplar Fried Chicken with young local residents socialising outside.

A progression towards universal and impersonal amenities is consistent across London, demonstrated through the decline of many independent retailers on the Highstreet (BIRA,a2018). These amenities can encourage ‘bedroom communities’ in which residents have little social connection and engagement within the local area (Corcoranaand Marshall,a2017).

Instead, relying on socialising outside of the home environment, a mentality demonstrated by Lisa. Therefore, whilst the changing nature of these amenities may have little impact on the milieu and lifestyle of a young professional, the detrimental social impact is potentially far greater for many young Bangladeshi residents due to their reliance upon the local area for socialising.

As this chapter has identified the Wards of Poplar and Canary Wharf present two polarised communities, both physically and socioeconomically, each with potential concerns regarding loneliness for young adults. In a physical sense, there is an opportunity for improving pedestrian accessibility

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across this divide, building upon current proposals. While future residential development could respond to the Council’s concerns regarding the ‘missing middle’ through an increase in intermediate homes. It is important that the accompanying architectural language does not further segregate or reinforce existing connotations, but rather establishes a language between the two, creating a more diverse and inclusive urban landscape.

Moreover, there is an opportunity for future redevelopment, recognising the importance of existing social infrastructure, to propose a more integrative process, maintaining the intangible social networks and attachment for existing residents.

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CHAPTER 4 .

THE ROLE OF THE STREET

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To understand the socio-spatial conditions of Central Poplar’s existing morphology and its relationship with current redevelopment, this chapter will begin by briefly discussing the historical growth of Tower Hamlets, with a particular focus on the surrounding Central Poplar area. It will then explore the social significance of the street which has accompanied this changing morphology, in both a broader societal sense and with relation to the current conditions, understanding how this may have influenced the use of shared space – the street. Before discussing the progressing cultural conditions potentially influencing the future role of the street within the residential environment. Identifying the typical characteristics of redevelopment employed across Poplar, along with potential opportunities for new development with respect to Central Poplar’s current morphology the changing conditions.

68.

A CHANGING MORPHOLOGY .

Originally comprised of small villages outside the City of London, Tower Hamlets urbanised with the ever-expanding population of London in the seventeenth century, and over the course of the eighteenth century became synonymous with poverty, overcrowding and criminality (Palmer,a2000).

The nineteenth-century brought significant change to the urban landscape, with the opening of the West India Docks in 1802 and the East India Company in 1803. Prompting the rapid construction of housing, in the form of narrow back-to-back terraces, accommodating the growing demand of the dockland’s workforce (BritishaHistoryaOnline,a1994b). These terraces were arranged in a simple grid, replicated across the surrounding docklands area - known today as Poplar - establishing a uniform morphology. By the start of the twentieth century, Poplar presented extremely poor living conditions with many homes considered inadequate for inhabitation. The solution to these conditions was seen in slum clearance, which proposed demolishing existing terraces and rehousing residents in higher density tenement blocks (Bullock,a2002). In many respects, causing similar social implications to existing residents as the current redevelopment of the estates within Poplar.

The construction of the Will Crooks Estate (WCE) clearly demonstrates the significance of slum clearance upon Poplar’s morphology. As evident through comparing figures 31 and 32, the terraced housing was demolished along with the existing streets to create enough space for the LCC’s large tenement blocks (BritishaHistoryaOnline,a1994a). The estate, characterised by a stepped back relationship from the existing streets and expanses of open space, subsequently changed the urban form, creating a single block. The birth of the ‘island condition’ in Poplar.

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Fig 31. Historical Map of Will Crooks Estate before 1910.

Fig 32. Historical Map of Will Crooks Estate 1930.

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Like most of the East End, Poplar suffered from severe bomb damage during the II World-War, with the Docklands and factories providing key targets for the German Bombers, resulting in the destruction of a considerable number of terraced homes (Bullock,a2002). This provided the opportunity to redevelop large portions of Poplar and the surrounding Wards, employing the same methods as previous slum clearance, removing of many of the existing streets to facilitate larger residential blocks, ultimately replicating the island condition, as discussed. Which saw the removal of many of the existing streets to facilitate larger residential blocks, ultimately replicating the island condition, as discussed. The scale and impact of this post-war redevelopment are clearly visible through comparing the street configuration in 1930, figure 33 and the street configuration today, figure 34. As shown, there is a significant reduction in streets which has resulted in large voids within the morphology. The residential developments which have occupied these spaces have typically shared similar characteristics to the WCE, with large open spaces and a diminished relationship with the remaining streets, as illustrated through their plans, figure 35.

The island conditions created through the post-war redevelopment has contributed to the fragmentation of Poplar’s urban landscape, where residential blocks are collectively grouped and understood as self-contained units, segregated within the urban morphology. Whilst recognising other considerations influence redevelopment like landownership, tenure, and cost. The nature of these island conditions would have undoubtedly contributed to the current redevelopment approach which regards these sites as single replaceable units. Demonstrated through the recent redevelopment of both CSM and RHG in their entirety. Therefore, perpetuating the social implications for existing residents as identified in the previous chapter.

71.

1930

Fig 33. Street configuration 1930 2020

Fig 34. Street configuration 2020

72.

Fig 35. Post-war development with the street configuration, clear stepped back relationship.

73.

Understanding these island conditions as detached from their surroundings or as self-contained units, neglects the intangible social importance of the existing infrastructure, as well as the complex interconnected nature of the city (Smith,a1974). Instead, redevelopment frequently replaces these sites with a less complex and integrated version. Christopher Alexander describes this process through an analogy, comparing the complexity of the existing urban fabric - in this instance Poplar - to that of a semi-lattice structure, whilst new development to that of a tree, shown in figure 36 (Alexander,aetaal,a1997). The semi-lattice structure acknowledges the rich interconnected relationships of the city, both physically and virtually, accounting for the social significance of certain spaces, whilst the tree is limited to the capacity of the human mind, providing a deficient and simplistic alternative (Alexander,aetaal,a1997). This analogy, when considered in the context of small-scale redevelopment would have limited social implications as residents are able to adapt their social behaviour to the changes. However, when considered in relation to the large-scale redevelopment currently employed across Poplar, the social implications are far greater and would affect young Bangladeshi residents significantly, as highlighted previously.

Semi-lattice connections

Tree connections

Fig 36. Alexander's diagram explaining the semi-lattice connections analogy.

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THE ROLE OF THE STREET .

“A street is not a street without people” - L.S. Lowry (The New York Times, 1976, p36)

Throughout almost the entire history of human habitation, the street has played a fundamental role within our social lives. Providing a shared space for socialising along with a means of arranging homes and identifying oneself with a location. In a traditional sense, the street could be regarded as the foundation of an individual’s social life, establishing through its boundary a sense of community (Jacobs,a1964). These place-based communities were historically formed through limited geographical mobility, meaning a combination of physical proximity and frequency of interaction encouraged strong social relations (Farahani,a2016), in which residents were typically well known. During the eighteenth century, Poplar’s streets would have held significant social importance, facilitating high levels of localism and a strong sense of community amongst residents (Smith,a1974) while typically associated with trades or employment like the docklands, with residents living and working in proximity (BritishaHistoryaOnline,a1994).

The rapid urbanisation and industrialisation of the nineteenth century, subsequently led to increasing geographical mobility for many of London’s residents, afforded through improvements in public transport (Lawton,a1979), while simultaneously disrupting the social life of a traditional sense of community (Farahani,a2016). As the car became more ubiquitous, the street was regarded as an unsafe and unhealthy environment, with functionalist urban planners separating it from the home environment, replaced instead with footpaths and endless grass lawns (Gehl,a2006). This approach come at a time of great housing demand following the II WorldWar, providing abundant opportunity for implementing this removal of the street through large-scale redevelopment (Bullock,a2002), as demonstrated through Poplar. Whilst encouraging a functional understanding removed of its former social significance.

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In response to the changing social role of the street and in disagreement with the prevailing modernist planning theory, Jane Jacobs advocated for the return to the idea of the traditional street as a shared space within the home environment (Jacobs, 1964). Suggesting that socially successful urban neighbourhoods encouraged people to pass on the street and be known, rather than anonymous open expanses of greenery and impersonal shared entrances (Jacobs, 1964). The urban discourse which followed supported Jacobs’ rhetoric, advocating for diverse and complex street environments while recognising the social importance of this shared space (Sennett,a1971;aGehl,a2006). From an architectural perspective, architects like Brown and the Smithsons incorporated the street into the home environment, figure 37 and 38, while maintaining a separation between vehicles and people, attempting to re-establish the traditional social environment which had been lost through post-war redevelopment.

Their concepts heavily influenced the subsequent architectural narrative, encouraging a renewed appreciation for the social role of the street, which has continued through to contemporary residential design, demonstrated by architects like Peter Barber, figure 39 and Alison Brooks, figure 40.

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Fig 37. Photograph of the Famous 'streets in the sky' at Robin Hood Gardens.

Fig 38. Neave Brown's Alexander Road, with the central street shown.

77.

Fig 39. Peter Barber's Donny Brook Quarter using a street typology to arrange the homes.

Fig 40. Accordia by Alison Brooks an Feilden Clegg Bradley studio.

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Looking now to the current conditions of Central Poplar, the relationship between the street and home environment could generally be described as rather disconnected, something clearly evident when visiting during fieldwork. The streets are relatively wide, typically accommodating twoway access and a significant amount of on-street parking, figure 41, meaning the presence of the car is immediately apparent. The residential environment is made up of a considerable amount of designated parking space as illustrated in figure 43, facilitated through Central Poplar’s relatively low housing density, which even accommodates individual drive-ways, an extremely unusual characteristic for such a central London location, figure 42.

Fig 41. Photograph of Saltwell Street, showing on street parking.

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Fig 42. Photograph of Wade Street showing individual driveways.

Central Poplar

Existing Parking provisions

Fig. 43. Drawing illustrating parking facilities across Central Poplar

80.

The stepped-back nature of Central Poplar’s predominately post-war residential blocks creates a noticeable separation between the street and home environment, figure 44. While the absence of clearly defined street edges imbues a sense of ambiguity towards in-between space, with large pockets of redundant shared space, illustrated in figure 46. This obvious separation of the two environments has resulted in the streets feeling rather cold and void of social purpose perceived simply in a functional sense as access routes to a destination or the car. This sense of transience is further encouraged through the lack of amenities throughout the residential environment providing places to meet or socialise, which are instead grouped into a small cluster on the corner of the WCE, figure 45. This is perhaps a due to the area’s low-density and proximity to both Canary Wharf shopping centre and CSM.

Fig 44. Photograph of stepped back nature with street.

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Fig 45. Local amenities to Central Poplar.

Central Poplar

Existing Parking provisions

Redundant Space

Fig 46. Map indicating the redundant space alongside the street.

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The orientation and arrangement of the residential blocks may further encourage a sense of disconnection between the streets and home environment. As shown in figures 47 and 48, the blocks are typically orientated with their entrances or front elevation facing away from the street, creating a blank or relatively inactive streetscape. This condition creates an almost hard barrier for the home environment, establishing an easily perceived boundary. The almost inverted condition is replicated across the residential environment, producing clusters of blocks centered around shared space, shown in figure 50. These arrangements have established semi-public space for the immediate residents, stepped away from the transient nature of the main streets while acting as a transition space between the privacy of the home and anonymity of the public environment, in a similar nature to a cul-de-sac, figure 49.. A condition recently concluded to encourage the highest levels of attitudinal and behaviour cohesion amongst neighbours (Hochschild,a2015). The sociospatial characteristics of these arrangements and their potential positive influence on social relations will be explored further in the final chapter.

Fig 47. Photograph of typical block orientation to street.

83.

Fig 48. Arrangement and nature of rear elevation to WCE blocks.

Fig 49. Internal courtyard like space created by orientation of terrace typologies.

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Fig 50. Sketch of block groupings and pockets of shared space.

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A RETURN TO THE STREET .

Across London, there has been a noticeable progression away from automotive transport in recent years, encouraged though improved public connectivity and emission charges as well as environmental, health and social concerns (MayoraforaLondon,a2018). Bringing forward renewed interest from councils like Tower Hamlets, regarding the future role of the street (ToweraHamlets,a2020), while questioning the potential social and health benefits of pedestrianisation (SoniaandaSoni,a2016). The Charity organisation Living Streets and Mayor of London - Sadiq Khan have advocated strongly for this move away from automotive transport, successfully achieving the heavily contested pedestrianisation of Oxford Street last year (LivingaStreets,a2019b). While the Mayor’s latest Transport Strategy sets out objectives for improving walkability across London and reducing pollution, aiming to cut automotive transport within the city by seventeen per cent by 2041 (MayoraforaLondon,a2018). Objectives which were promoted through London’s largest #WorldCarFreeDay. ‘A day to put people first on London’s Streets’. (LondonaCaraFreeaDay,a2019).

From a social perspective, pedestrian accessibility has been identified as a possible contributor to loneliness. With a recent campaign from Living Streets encouraging students at university to walk more as an innovative way to tackle loneliness, identifying the importance of the street and its design in promoting social interactions (LivingaStreets,a2019a). Therefore highlighting the street as an essential component within the future design of residential architecture.

Walking, cycling & public transport Car, taxi and private hire vehicle

Fig 51. Statistics regarding walking in London (Mayor for London, 2018).

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Fig 52. London Mayor, cycling over closed Tower Bridge Road on #WorldCarFreeDay

A recognition of the social benefits of the street and its role within the home environment can be seen through its prominence within the contemporary narrative of residential architecture. With many new urban residential developments typically incorporating the idea of a traditional street, breaking away from the ‘island condition’ historically employed, while achieving increasing housing densities. The question of density is an important factor influencing the characteristics of residential typologies, with a higher requirement typically restricting the possibility of incorporating street conditions.

A clear demonstration of achieving higher housing density through innovative street design can be seen through the recent winner of the Stirling Prize, Goldsmith Street by Mikhail Richies. The project, which was the only entry to propose street conditions, consists of four narrow lanes,

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achieving a considerable housing density through its intimate layout. While overcoming planning concerns regarding overlooking and daylight through the careful positioning of windows and the thoughtful design of the roof profile (RIBA,a2019). The recognition from the RIBA, whilst commending the architectural design, clearly demonstrates the current valuing of the street condition within the architectural community, as a desirable and important component of the home environment.

Fig 53. Street view Goldsmith Street, still providing on-street parking

Fig 54. Long Section of Goldsmith Street homes, showing sun angles and roof profile.

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Fig 55. Site plan of Goldsmith Street project.

Moving now to the potential future role of the street within Central Poplar’s residential environment, we must first consider the changing factors influencing the area's development. The completion of the Elisabeth Line (Crossrail) and opening of Canary Wharf Station in 2021, combined with the proposed ‘Poplar Link’ as part of the North Quay Project, have resulted in a significant increase in the predicted PTAL across the surrounding area (TfL,a2018) - inclusive of Central Poplar, as shown in figure 56. This will have a considerable impact on future development, as increasing PTAL will encourage higher housing densities and reduced parking provisions. Central Poplar’s location and current PTAL, mean new residential development could expect a recommended housing density of around 200dph (MayoraforaLondon,a2016), more than double the area’s current density.

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2019

2021

Fig 56. PTAL for Central Poplar and surrounding area.

Achieving this density, as demonstrated through many of the surrounding redevelopments, figure 57, typically involves a considerable transition in residential typology, regularly excluding the integration of the street condition. Along with the removal of existing housing, bringing forward the social implications previously discussed. The characteristics of the residential typology typically employed are demonstrated through the Blackwall Reach redevelopment, specifically phase 2 – Parkside West which proposes a housing density of 205dph (Tower Hamlets Planning, 2019), shown in figure 58.

90.

Fig 57. Manhattan Plaza, new development planned in Poplar

Fig 58. Parkside West proposal, delivering 256 homes.

91.

Parkside West has employed a high-density mid-rise typology in a similar layout to the previous residential blocks of RHG, figure 59. This typology, due to characteristics like communal entrances and minimal ground activities, significantly restricts the possibility of creating the conditions of a traditional residential street. While the arrangement of the blocks, with large open shared spaces and the absence of dividing streets, replicates the nature of the preceding island condition, along with the social disconnection from the street, as discussed. As Parkside West demonstrates, the necessity to achieve high housing densities across the area heavily limits future residential development with respect to typology, therefore making the integration of the traditional street condition extremely difficult.

PARKSIDE WEST PROPOSAL

REMAINING BLOCK

Co

od Lane

Woolmore Street

nS

Robin Ho

tto tre et

Poplar High Street

Figure. 59. Site plan showing proposed Parkside West LHS and remaining Robin Hood Garden Block RHS. 92.

An approach to residential development which does offer an opportunity to integrate the street condition while achieving increased housing densities, and currently employed across Tower Hamlets, is an Infill process. The Council is currently leading multiple projects across the Borough using redundant space within existing estates to provide new homes, subsequently increasing the housing density through this integrative and non-destructive process. This is demonstrated through the Hanbury Street project, which proposes the construction of seven new homes with a narrow site, as shown in figure 60. Currently, these projects are only employed at a smallscale due to the conditions required for their implementation, like sufficient redundant land and funding, in addition to considerable planning difficulties with concerns over daylight and overlooking.

Fig 60. Architect's Sketch of infill proposal.

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Tower Hamlets is included within the widening boundary of the Ultra Low Emission Zone, coming into effect in 2021 (Tfl, 2020). Which will restrict access to high-emission vehicles, expected to cause a significant decline in local car dependency (TfL, 2018). Which within the context of Central Poplar, could heavily reduce the provision of on-street parking, providing a considerable amount of land in addition to the existing redundant spaces, as previously identified. Through utilising these spaces within Central Poplar for residential development, there is the possibility of achieving higher housing densities through a less extreme typology transition (employing low-density typologies). Potentially negating the social implications of the existing redevelopment methods, while maintaining the conditions and benefits of the traditional residential street. Encouraging, in the words of Peter Barber, “A densely packed, convivial, congested city of intimately scaled streets” which “compress and intensify the urban and human experience.”

(Barber, et al, 2018.p60) The following sketches test this process with respect to the existing residential environment, looking at both the possibility of infill, as well as extending the existing blocks. An approach which has recently received growing interest from urban construction professionals (MestaWood, 2017), and was discussed in conversation with the local housing association Poplar HARCA as a potential for future development in the area.1

1 Aug 2019.

Meeting with Paul Dooley Director of Estate Regeneration Poplar HARCA, 1

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Approximate Housing Density

Figure 61. Site sketch showing existing residential environment.

90dph

Approximate Housing Density 150dph

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Figure 62. Site sketch showing potential infill proposal.

Approximate Housing Density

Figure 63. Site sketch showing extension proposal.

180dph

Approximate Housing Density

Figure 64. Site sketch showing combination proposal.

230dph

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The street’s relationship within the home environment and its social significance have dramatically shifted over the past one-hundred years, resulting in the disconnected relationship currently identified. The current morphology and island conditions, a direct product of post-war development, have facilitated a contemporary redevelopment approach which typically replaces vast portions of the built environment, leading to significant social concerns for existing residents. Within the context of current housing demand, alternative incremental development methods would be unrealistic or even exacerbate existing problems. However, Central Poplar’s rather unique spatial characteristics and changing circumstances may offer an opportunity to provide increased housing densities through low-density typologies implemented through an infill process. Utilising the current socio-political shift towards re-establishing the traditional street condition as a fundamental component of the home environment.

Fig 65. Sketch plan for potential infill proposal using reduced street width.

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CHAPTER 5 .

A SENSE OF AGENC Y

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A resident’s inability or reluctance to use shared-space within the home environment could significantly restrict their opportunities for forming and maintaining social relations, and if expected, contribute to loneliness. This chapter focuses on the characteristics of typical residential typologies within Central Poplar and how they may influence ‘situational determinants’, therefore indirectly influencing social relations. It begins with introducing the notion of a ‘place identity’ as influenced through both observational connections and the external expression of identity, highlighting the potential impact of certain characteristics of the home. This chapter then focuses on the importance of perceived social boundaries and their influence upon a resident’s sense of ownership and engagement within shared space. Before discussing the potential contribution characteristics of the home environment may have with respect to a perception of safety and a sense of control, drawing on the theories introduced previously to understand this relationship.

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FACILITATING AN IDENTIT Y .

The idea of home and its position within the social landscape of contemporary city-living still holds significant importance, even within the context of the modern city lifestyle. For many it is seen as a fundamental component of the milieu, providing both a physical and temporal sense of belonging, familiarity, sense of security, comfort, and order (Lloyd and Vasta, 2017). The home defines a boundary of privacy for its inhabitants, which acts as a foundation for participation within the public realm, while contributing to an individual’s identity (Saunders, 1989). This is understood as ‘place identity’, in which an individual’s sense of self and recognition by others may be influenced by characteristics of the home like locality, form and tenure (Landry and Murray, 2017).

“When we identify with a place, we dedicate ourselves to a way of being in the world” (Norberg-Schulz, 1985, p12) If the home is regarded as a contributor to an individual’s ‘place identity’, it would imply that the physical characteristics of the home play an integral role. This may be understood through the phase ‘house as a mirror of self’, suggesting that observable features of the home may express a resident’s identity and contribute to others perception of them (Schorr, 1964). For instance, a personal item positioned so that it is visible externally, like outside an entrance or through a window, therefore portraying information about the inhabitant. Equally, it can be understood as the collective connotations attributed to a specific architectural language like post-war housing, as previously discussed.

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Developing this idea further, we return to Simmel, who remarked that the reserved and unfriendly nature of the city stems from an inability to express identity outwardly (Simmel, 1971). While Laing, similarly described loneliness as a desire for intimacy, highlighting the need to express oneself, proposing that intimacy cannot exist without being known, and therefore a lack of self-expression may contribute to the feeling of loneliness (Laing, 2017). Both, when considered with respect to the home, brings to question the role of design in providing opportunities to express oneself externally, therefore allowing the formation of place identity and a sense of familiarity amongst residents. Suggesting that a lack of self-expression afforded through the home may contribute to a lack of identity within the home environment, making the formation of intimate social relations considerably harder, and therefore a ‘situational determinant’. We must acknowledge however, that place identity is something which typically forms over time, similar to an attachment to place (Lloyd and Vasta, 2017), meaning the occurrence of short occupancies would have a detrimental impact upon its formation. Recognising that length of occupancy is typically influenced by economic and social considerations, is there perhaps the potential for a more timely formation of place identity, through increased opportunity for self-expression, afforded through design?

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Recent work from the London School of Architecture’s Design-ThinkTank looked at the role of design in creating meaningful connections (intimate social relations) within the home environment, identifying five types; incidental, observational, shared activity, inclusive and belonging, along with precedents believed to facilitate or encourage them.1 Whilst all contribute to meaningful connections, observational connection is of particular relevance to the formation of place identity. Relating to what Jacobs’ referred to as ‘eyes-on-the-street’, the notion that residents would become familiarised with each other through frequent observations within the home environment (Jacobs,1964). Meaning the design of the home or residential typology is crucially important as various characteristics may restrict opportunities for observational connection and the external expression of identity, which may reduce the formation of place identity.

Potentially resulting in an anonymous living-environment where residents may struggle to form meaningful connections.

Fig 66. Drawings from LSA design manual, showing types of meaningful connections.

1 Unpublished LSA design manual available through contacting Thomas Bryans at thomas.bryans@ifdo.co

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The recent refurbishment of the Park Hill estate in Sheffield by Studio Egret West and Hawkins/Brown, effectively demonstrates the potential of residential design in encouraging place identity. The decision to narrow the existing gallery-access walkways enabled the formation of stepped-back entrances which are inclusive of corner-windows. Intended to “encourage inhabitants to take ownership of their demise and express their identities with a plant or entrance mat” (Hawkins/Brown, 2007, p48). These windows, shown in figure 67, provide an opportunity to display personal items which are consciously visible for fellow residents, externally expressing an identity for each home and its occupants. Whilst their orientation facilitates observation of both the walkway and entrance space, giving a perception of ‘eyes-on-the-street’ while increasing the possibility of observational connections with fellow residents. Moreover, the external nature of the walkway means residents are able to observe others coming and going, gradually building a sense of familiarity with other residents through an association with the home.

Fig 67. Photograph showing Park Hill State reburbished entrance condition with window.

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As discussed, characteristics of the home like gallery-access walkways may contribute to the formation of place identity, through both opportunities for observational connection and the external expression of identity. These characteristics may be heavily dependent upon particular residential typologies, which as previously discussed, are commonly attributed to specific housing densities. A consideration of density with respect to the formation of place identity will now be explored with relation one of Central Poplar’s existing typologies, the Tenement block of the WCE and the proposed residential of CSM, exemplifying the characteristics of typical redevelopment.

Fig 68. WCE block showing relationship with surrounding context.

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The tenement blocks of the WCE, shown in figure 68, have an approximate housing density of 150dph, not far off the recommended for Central Poplar. The homes are accessed via external-balconies which are clearly visible from the street, providing frequent opportunities for observational connections, similar to the Park Hill Estate. Whilst the inward arrangement of the blocks with relation to the balconies means residents are able to observe numerous other homes, in addition to the car-parking and playground below, with parents often seen watching their children playing from above. Something a passer-by is made acutely aware of through a constant feeling of being watched.

Fig 69. Balcony with persoanl items stored outside.

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Fig 70. View from below showing balcony inhabitation.

As shown in figure 69 and 70, these balconies are regularly inhabited with washing-lines and other personal items, which contributes significantly to the identity of each home, while making them easily distinguishable.

Moreover, the arrangement of windows on the internal facade, shown in figure 71, allows a resident to observe the balcony space and their belongings from inside the home. The characteristics of this typology, therefore, offer significant opportunities for both observational connection and the external expression of identity, contributing undoubtedly to residents place identity and a strong sense of familiarity, evidenced through Wahab’s experience of living in the estate.

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Fig 71. Original Plan of LLC tenement block showing relationship of windows to balconies.

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Moving now to the proposed CSM scheme which has a density of 243dph (GLA, 2016). Focusing on the mid-rise typology shown in figure 72, as similar in characteristics to other surrounding developments. This typology consists of double-loaded corridors, a characteristic common for higher density typologies along with shared entrance cores. As evident through figure 73, residents would be unable to observe the corridor from inside their home due to an absence of windows. This is perhaps an economic consideration as fire-safety regulation specifies a more expensive type of glass for internal corridors. Regulations also prevent residents from inhabiting the corridors with personal belongings (GOV, 2019). Meaning the homes may be rather indistinguishable and provide little opportunity for expressing identity while encouraging an anonymous environment. Looking briefly to Lisa’s flat, figure 74, which is a typical example of this doubleloaded corridor condition. As shown, the only differentiating characteristics are the flat number and corridor location, almost resembling the conditions of a hotel, whilst creating a rather anonymous and uniform environment.

We could presume a similar condition would be created through the proposed CSM typology, with a lack of opportunity for expressing identity.

Fig 72. CGI of Chrisp Street Market scheme showing residential mid-rise typology.

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Fig 73. Floor plan of CSM typology.

Fig. 74. Entrance condition and corridor, Lisa's flat.

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Historically architects like Herman Hertzberger have experimented with the idea of expressing identity through the entrance condition of internal the corridor, as shown in figure 75. Designing shelves allowing residents to territorialise the entrance space with personal belongings, along with small windows providing the opportunity to observe the corridor space.

These design characteristics, however, within the context of contemporary residential development end up incurring significant costs and are therefore seldom included.

Fig 75. Herman Hertzberger, internal corridor and entrance condition at Almere.

While the CSM typology offers opportunities for residents to meet within the block, this would typically rely on residents arriving or leaving at similar times, as the corridor offers little reason or opportunity to congregate.

Therefore the connection afforded through the corridor space could be

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described as rather fleeting or transient, facilitating only ‘necessary activities’, things like going to work or the shops (Gehl, 2006).

The external characteristics of this typology include individual balconies providing residents with an opportunity for observational connections, in addition to an external expression of identity. The formation of place identity, however, may be significantly reduced due to the infrequent use of the balcony with comparison to the entrance and corridor condition, meaning residents may struggle to familiarise themselves with others and be less inclined to form social relations within the residential-environment, potentially encouraging ‘bedroom communities’.

Having now discussed the characteristics of both typologies with respect to the formation of place identity the detrimental influence of the higherdensity typology (CSM) is clearly evident. Significantly reducing residents opportunities for observational connection and the external expression of identity with comparison to the typology of the WCE. Although we have only explored the conditions of three typologies, it may be possible to make the assumption that with decreasing typology density opportunities for the external expression of identity may increase, facilitated through characteristics like individual ground entrances and private gardens.

Observational connection, however, may be reduced at particularly lowdensities due to population, meaning the formation of place identity may be best suited to medium-density typologies like the gallery-access blocks of the WCE and Park Hill Estate.

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FROM PUBLIC TO PRIVATE .

The role of public-private boundaries and a ‘sense of ownership’ within the home-environment have been consistently recognised throughout the architectural discourse with respect to influencing social relations (Jacobs, 1964; Newman, 1973b; Oldenburg, 2001; Gehl, 2006). While studies conclude that a larger home environment population or group size, generally adversely influence social relations (Valins and Baum, 1973; Birchall, 2014), with one study suggesting that larger populations may increase social interactions if appropriately sub-divided, encouraging smaller groupings, or ‘clusterings’ to engage in increased social interactions. (Williams, 2005) This may be observed through everyday scenarios like cul-de-sac and courtyard conditions, highlighting the importance of perceived social boundaries within the home environment.

“As one moves to denser and denser agglomerations the opportunity for individual and collective efforts at defining territory becomes increasingly difficult.” - Oscar Newman (Newman, 1973 ,ap52) As suggested, the density of residential typologies may restrict the formation of perceived social boundaries and the subsequent sense of ownership over shared space, in turn, influencing a resident's engagement within the space and achieved social relations (Newman, 1973a). Before exploring this notion with respect to the characteristics of Central Poplar’s residential typologies, we must first unpack the architectural theory and accompanying vocabulary.

Starting with the ideas of Jacobs, acknowledging the relevance of her discourse with respect to residential redevelopment. In relation to social boundaries Jacobs’ identified the importance of perceived zones within the home environment, in which an individual would feel varying degrees of 113.

familiarity, trust and comfort, proposing that the success of these spaces was heavily dependent on visibility - the concept of ‘eyes on the street’ (Jacobs,a1964).

This was later adopted through the highly contentious work of Oscar Newman in ‘Defensible Space’, who took an environmental deterministic approach towards residential design and its influence upon crime prevention. Proposing the concept of ‘territoriality’, “the capacity of the physical environment to create perceived zones of territorial influences”, identifying hierarchical residential boundaries which transition from public to private (Newman, 1973b, p51), shown in figure 76. Suggesting that resident engagement within the shared-space of the home environment is influenced by characteristics like natural surveillance, size of groupings and image - understood symbolically (Newman, 1973b). While Newman’s work on crime prevention was later discredited due to unscientific concepts and flawed methods (Reynald and Elffers, 2009), his preliminary theories on social interactions and ‘territoriality’ influenced the subsequent architectural discourse.

Fig 76. Oscar Newman's hierarchial residential boundaries.

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Gehl later progressed Newman’s theory of hierarchical residential boundaries, through highlighting the importance of ‘transitional spaces’ with respect to social engagement, suggesting that without these spaces the boundary between public and private is instantaneous (Gehl, 2011). Meaning, in the context of single occupancy and the urban environment, one is either alone or completely anonymous. Transitional spaces, therefore, provide varying degrees of privacy and opportunities for connection, breaking the publicprivate dichotomy. The literature identifies the idea of particular transitional spaces, referred to as ‘third space’, which encourage a sense of familiarity whilst requiring little or no obligation to social relations (Oldenburg, 2001), subsequently facilitating ‘weak ties’, interactions like passing or seeing another resident (Granovetter, 1973). While these may appear insignificant, they can potentially act as prerequisites for the formation of stronger social relations (Gehl, 2006), highlighting the importance of these third spaces.

With an understanding of the significance of perceived social boundaries within the home environment and their relationship with the home and third space, the discussion can now focus on the existing conditions of Central Poplar. Exploring the potential influence of particular characteristics with respect to a resident’s sense of ownership and engagement within shared space.

Looking firstly, at an example of the terrace typology prevalent across Central Poplar, with an approximate housing density of 70dph. Through grouping the various shared spaces created through this home environment, it is possible to identify the hierarchical social boundaries, as shown in figure 78. The homes consist of individual entrances with small stepped-back or walled areas creating semi-private boundaries, shared by two homes.

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Fig 77. Site plan of terrace typology and internal

Fig 78. Identified perceived residential social

parking space.

boundaries. Public is main street.

These spaces, as shown in figure 79, are typically inhabited with vegetation or belongings which provide each home with a unique identity. While the courtyard parking arrangement, set back from the main road, and shared by all residents, creates a semi-public ‘third space’ central to the homes, in a similar fashion to a cul-de-sac. Moreover, the inward-facing arrangement provides a strong visual connection with this space, intensified through the proximity of resident parking, providing frequent opportunities for observational connections. The characteristics of this typology may, therefore, encourage a strong sense of ownership and subsequent engagement within the shared-space, undoubtedly facilitating the formation of ‘weak ties’ and familiarity amongst residents, while contributing to an individual’s place identity.

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Fig 79. Terrace entrance condition showing resident inhabitation.

As proposed by Newman, the grouping size of homes can significantly influence a resident’s perception of ownership, encouraging an extension of the perceived private boundary into shared-space (Newman, 1973a).

This can be seen within both the terrace typology and blocks of the WCE, with residents frequently inhabiting the area surrounding the home, even at ground level, as shown in figure 80.

However, we must not over-value or consider the influence of group-size in isolation, as employed within past studies, acknowledging that theorists also identified natural surveillance (Jacobs, 1964) and image as potential contributors (Newman, 1973b). Natural surveillance would be affected by characteristics in a similar manner to observational connection. Suggesting that a lack of opportunities for natural surveillance may discourage resident engagement in shared space. While the influence of image may

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be understood both with regard to identity, as previously discussed, and in a symbolical sense, as demonstrated through the significance of the step in figure 80, Clearly demarcating the private boundary and therefore encouraging a greater sense of ownership over this space, highlighting the interconnected relationship of these contributors.

Fig 80. Entrance of WCE block ground condition with resident's belongings stored outside.

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Returning to the CSM typology, it is again possible to identify the hierarchical boundaries of the home environment, acknowledging the outside of the block to be public, shown in figure 82. The floor plan is arranged with corridors shared between four or five homes. Recognising the small grouping-size, it could be assumed that the corridor space would function in a semi-private manner, facilitating more intimate social connections, immediately outside the private boundary. However, due to the characteristics of the internal space - the absence of natural surveillance and lack of identity or ‘image’ afforded through the design and building regulations - as previously discussed, this space may be perceived a semipublic. Assuming, of course, similar characteristics to the one discussed prior. Therefore, the corridor space could be regarded as rather impersonal, facilitating only necessary activities, while restricting the formation of social relations to simply incidental connections.

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Fig 81. CSM typical plan of flat layouts and

Fig 82. Identified perceived residential

relationship with corridor.

social boundaries. Public is outside block.

Recent work by architect Natasha Reid has looked at alternatives for highdensity residential typologies like CSM, testing the possibilities of larger shared-spaces within the traditional corridor, as well as facilitating internal visibility and gallery-access (Reid, 2016), shown in figure 83. Unfortunately, these characteristics are frequently at odds with the economic viability and attainment of higher densities, which in the context of Poplar is a significant barrier to their implementation. Highlighting the difficulties of facilitating characteristics within the home environment through residential typologies which encourage a sense of ownership and resident engagement within shared space.

Fig 83. Natasha Reid corridor test, high density typology with additional shared space.

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A RESIDENT'S PERCEPTION .

Both a perception of safety or crime (Rokach and Brock, 1998; Farrall, et al, 2007) and sense of control (Cheng, et al, 2013; Corcoran, et al, 2017) are identified within the literature as ‘situational determinants’, restricting an individual’s access to social relations and potentially contributing to loneliness. Perception of crime is discussed with respect to the residential environment, suggesting it may encourage a resident’s reluctance to leave the home, influencing subsequent engagement within shared space and access to social relations (Guite, et al, 2006). Although reference is made to the built environment, to understand the potential influence of the home environment and particular characteristics we must draw upon the theoretical discourse and concepts already discussed.

Starting with a perception of safety or crime, which although frequently discussed with respect to the elderly (Hay, 2015), may adversely influence residents all ages from accessing social relations within the homeenvironment (Rokach and Brock, 1998). While acknowledging this is a highly complex concern, for which any potential influence from the built environment may only be of a minimal contribution, recognising that an individuals ‘predisposing factors’ and the existing social environment would have far greater influence. Therefore, making differentiating a predisposing influence from the home environment particularly difficult. Nonetheless, frequent reference is made throughout the architectural discourse with respect to characteristics of the home environment, like streets, the home and shared-space, encouraging a sense of safety amongst residents (Jacobs, 1964; Newman, 1973b; Gehl, 2006). Referencing the idea of natural surveillance, proposing that if shared space is perceived to be watched or easily observable, this may imbue a feeling of safety amongst residents (Jacobs, 1964).

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Particular characteristics of residential typologies may provide residents with opportunities to observe shared space, like a street or courtyard before choosing to enter, allowing them to see if there are any potential dangers or undesired social interactions. This ‘situational determinant’ may, therefore, be influenced in a similar way to a sense of ownership and familiarity amongst residents, as previously discussed, relating to the characteristics of the residential typologies which afford opportunities for observational connection.

Fig 84. Eldery Ladies watch the street from there windows in streets of Lisbon , acting as 'eyes on the street' and alerting police about trouble.

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Regarding this perception of safety with respect to the residential typologies already discussed, the characteristics of the WCE block seem most relevant for discussion. As identified the spatial conditions of the balconies and orientation of the blocks provide significant opportunities for observational connections throughout the estate, in addition to window placement which allows for natural surveillance of both the balconies and shared space below. Although the blocks are open-access there is a continuous feeling of being watched, which discourages non-residents from entering the blocks, establishing a well defined social boundary. An opportunity to observe the ground condition from the vantage of the balconies, as shown in figure 85, may also provide residents with some reassurance of the type of social interactions expected within the shared space, subsequently influencing their engagement.

The perceived levels of safety and security amongst residents, however, are more likely to be a result of the high levels of familiarity and the strong sense of community, as expressed by Wahab,1 with many of the residents having lived on the estate most of their lives. Highlighting the complex and interconnected relationship between the characteristics of the home environment and other ‘predisposing factors’ influencing a resident’s ability to access social relations or shared-space. Not wanting to over-inflate a potential influence of the home environment with respect to such a highly complex social issue such as crime or safety, but rather acknowledge that there is potential for design to play a role. Therefore, suggesting that residential typologies which through their characteristics provide greater affordances and opportunities for both natural surveillance and observational connection, may in some instances influence a resident’s perception of safety or crime, subsequently contributing to achieved social relations.

1

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Wahab, Interview by Author. Poplar Mosque. 2 july 2019. Appendix 2

Fig 85. View from WCE balcony looking onto shared ground condition.

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Moving now to the notion of a sense of control, in which the literature identifies how physical characteristics of place may impact a sense of belonging, community cohesion and social engagement (Evans, 2003; Ellaway, et al, 2001), through influencing an individual’s perception of control over their environment (Corcoran, et al, 2017). A recent study of open-plan offices concluded that a lack of choice or control over the office environment contributed most significantly to employee loneliness (Bernstein & Turban, 2018). Although not directly related to the home environment, this highlights the relationship between loneliness and a sense of control over the environment, or more specifically the social environment. This can be understood as ‘boundary control’ in which the individual regulates contact, both restricting and seeking interaction to achieve their desired state of access. Relating to Laing’s understanding of loneliness, where an individual may desire the intimacy of connections, but may only achieve this through exposure (Laing, 2017).

Assuming a similar relationship with respect to the home environment, a sense of control may be afforded through characteristics which enable choice over social interactions, allowing a resident to regulate a degree of intimacy shared with neighbours. In its simplest form, this could be understood as closing a blind to a front window, therefore preventing observational connections and increasing privacy. This scenario offers limited control with respect to social interactions, with a resident either in complete privacy or full exposure, depending on the nature of the shared space outside the window. Therefore, highlighting the importance of this boundary with respect to achieving desired social relations.

Returning to the concept of transitioning social spaces, which breakdown the home environment into various perceived zones, each with accompanying expected levels of intimacy or social connection. The relationship of these zones with respect to the home may influence the nature of the boundary

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between public and private, privacy and exposure. A range of zones, as demonstrated through Central Poplar’s terraced typology, may facilitate a sense of control, as a resident is able to predict or observe possible social interactions, understanding who space is shared with, and choosing whether to engage within the space. This scenario could be understood as a thick boundary, as the transition between privacy and full exposure is gradual, facilitated through various spatial characteristics, as previously identified, and illustrated in figure 86.

Terrace :

CSM :

Fig 86. Idea of thin and thick boundary in terms of social spaces.

In comparison, the characteristics of the CSM typology, with an inability to observe the shared space of the corridor before entering, would provide little control over possible interactions within this space, creating what will be referred to as a thin boundary. Although shared space is provided within the CSM typology in the form of communal gardens, the nature of the thin boundary may mean residents feel a lack of control or choice over the social interactions within this space. Therefore, encouraging residents to withdraw into the privacy of the home or display apathetic tendencies towards socialising within the home environment, relating to the notion of over-stimulation. Residential typologies which discourage a sense of control or choice over social interactions within the shared spaces of the home environment may, therefore, have a detrimental impact on resident’s social relations.

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As identified, characteristics of the home environment and residential typologies may potentially influence social relations indirectly through contributing to ‘situational determinants’ like place identity, sense of familiarity, sense of ownership, sense of control and a perception of safety or crime. These situational determinants can be collectively grouped under the term ‘agency’, understood in both a philosophical sense, being able to act, and a sociological sense, being able to choose or have choice (Barker, 2005).

“Agency is the capacity of individuals to act... and to make their own free choices.”

(Chris Barker, 2005, p448) Therefore characteristics of the home environment and residential typologies may be understood as providing affordances which influence a residents sense of agency. While acknowledging that in many instances this sense of agency is the combination of multiple predisposing factors, of which the home environment may only play a small role. Making it challenging to state that certain characteristics definitively influence social relations more than others, but rather, there is a greater probability. With respect to the conditions of Central Poplar, future residential development could attempt to integrate characteristics of the existing typologies which afford the greatest sense of agency as identified. Recognising the impact of typology density, there is perhaps an opportunity for implementing low-density typologies in a high-density manner across the existing residential environment through an infill process, similar to that illustrated in figure 87.

Fig 87. Sketch of potential infill proposal on site.

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CONCLUSION .

Great emphasis is currently being placed on tackling the existing stigma surrounding loneliness, encouraging a mentality which regards it as a common and natural experience of the human condition, rather than something to be eradicated. Demonstrated by the recent #LonelyNotAlone Campaign. Aligning with the current theoretical discourse which understands it as the product of contemporary living (Hari, 2018).

An inevitable component attributed to the characteristics of a modern western-lifestyle (Bauman, 2000), which is potentially intensified through the conditions of the city. Suggesting, that while the social behaviour of many urban residents has become increasingly transient, individualistic and anonymous, perhaps an expectation of social relations is still within a phase of acclimation, due to the scale and pace of urbanisation. This may be seen through the somewhat nostalgic expectation of community and social relations, which is still present within the narrative of contemporary residential development.

In light of this changing mentality, it is not for residential architecture to impose a new lifestyle or encourage a return to a more communitarian mentality, through a deterministic understanding of the built environment's influence upon social behaviour. But rather accommodate an increased diversity of lifestyles and opportunities through design. Recognising that characteristics of the home environment may facilitate affordances which encourage a sense of ‘agency’, subsequently influencing an individuals ‘situational determinants’ and engagement within shared space, therefore indirectly influencing achieved social relations. Consequently, contributing to an experience of loneliness, depending upon other predisposing factors and an individual’s expectation of social relations.

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Fig 88. Twitter campaign Lonely, Not Alone. #LonelyNotAlone #LetsTalkLoneliness

Looking at the site in a broader sense, and with respect to the spatial and social conditions currently identified across the Wards of Poplar and Canary Wharf, highlights the potential benefits in creating a more diverse and inclusive urban environment, progressing from the extreme disconnection and segregation currently experienced. As proposed by the Council, greater integration and connectivity between the Wards is desperately required to achieve this environment, citing both a need for improved pedestrian accessibility and the creation of an intermediate-range of housing, providing the ‘missing middle’ (Tower Hamlets, 2016). Acknowledging the current proposals to improve connectivity, this essay focused on the necessity for providing new housing, an issue of extreme pertinence within both the Borough and the broader context of London. Exploring the potential social repercussions of current residential redevelopment, with a particular focus on young adults.

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As discussed, the architectural language of new residential developments may carry significant weight with respect to existing resident’s sense of inclusion, loaded with negative symbolism surrounding inaccessibility and socioeconomic status, whilst potentially furthering the existing segregation.

Therefore, highlighting the relevance of an appropriate transitioning of architectural language within the consideration of future housing.

Current redevelopment methods employed across the Borough present numerous social implications for particularly young Bangladeshi residents.

As discussed, residential displacement is a highly contentious topic, although one driven by far greater economic and socio-political forces outside the influence architecture. This essay does highlight the impact of neighbourhood resource displacement upon remaining residents as a result of redevelopment, suggesting it may cause disengagement within shared space and local amenities, subsequently impacting social relations.

Bringing to question the social benefits of recognising the importance of existing amenities and their integration within the redevelopment process, potentially negating some of the social implications attributed to current methods. Whilst creating a more diverse and complex residential environment which maintains the intangible social networks formed over time.

As this essay has shown the street has the potential to act as a significant social component within the home environment, functioning as an important shared space, recognised by many within the architectural community, while providing both environmental and health benefits attributed to pedestrianisation. Whilst Central Poplar’s current morphology does facilitate examples of successful ‘third space’, the majority of the residential environment shares a rather disconnected relationship with the street, acting simply as transient space with minimal social function. A relationship replicated through new residential development, which due to

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the pressure of achieving high housing densities consistently employs highdensity typologies, like those in the CSM scheme. As discussed the typical characteristics of these high-density typologies heavily restrict the social conditions of the street, whilst also significantly reducing affordances for a sense of ‘agency’ within the home environment.

Analysis of the existing residential typologies and their subsequent home environment has highlighted the particular characteristics most favourable in affording a sense of ‘agency’ amongst residents while potentially contributing to successful ‘third space’ and resident engagement.

Demonstrating the importance of both housing density and typology density with respect to these characteristics and their accompanying social environment. Concluding that whilst lower typology density was more conducive to a sense of ‘agency’, high housing density may offer social benefits, through increased opportunities for incidental and observational connections, although heavily dependent on layout and orientation.

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While acknowledging both the necessity to provide new homes and potential social implications of both current redevelopment methods and high-density typologies, this essay has brought to question the role of future residential development with respect to the identified social considerations. Highlighting, within the context of Central Poplar, the potential for alternative methods of housing development which utilise the existing spatial opportunities and changing circumstances, negating some of the current social implications. Advocating for high-density residential environments, the combination of low-density typologies, questioning current planning policies in favour of creating more intimate, diverse living environments. Echoing the rhetoric of both (Sennett, 1971) and (Barber, 2018), that socially and ecologically sustainable environments are created through complexity, diversity and intensity of social opportunities.

Therefore, this essay hopefully contributes to the design considerations of future residential architecture within the city.

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Fig 89. Peter Barber sketch for 100 mile city, high density living, low rise.

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BIBLIOGR APHY .

Aiden, H,. 2016. Isolation and loneliness: An overview of the literature. British Red Cross, London., 2016. https://researchinformation.bris.ac.uk/en/publications/ isolation-and-loneliness

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LIST OF FIGURES .

Figure 1. Authors. Combination of recent newspaper headlines screenshot, with respective organisation displayed.

Figure 2. GOV (2018). A connected society: a strategy for tackling loneliness.. [image] Available at: https://www.gov.uk/ government/publications/a-connectedsociety-a-strategy-for-tackling-loneliness Figure 3. Authors.

Figure 4. Authors.

Figure 5. Authors.

Figure 6. Authors.

Figure 7. Perlman and Peplau (1984) Model of causes of Loneliness. [image] Available at: https://pdfs. semanticscholar .org Figure 8. ART INSTITVTE CHICAGO (2020) Nighthawks. [image] Available at: https://www.artic.edu/ artworks/111628/nighthawks Figure 9. Artnet (2020) Past Auction [image] Available at: http://www. artnet.com/artists/ls-lowry/the-rush-hourw3pmy_k1RjZ1DU08_C88WQ2 Figure 10. Independent (2019).

Zealand unveils new ‘wellbeing budget’ with focus on mental health over economic growth [image] Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/ world/australasia/new-zealand-budgetwellbeing-mental-health-jacinda-arderneconomy-a8938226.html Figure 11. Gutenberg (2014).

The Project Gutenberg EBook of Garden Cities of To-Morrow, by Ebenezer Howard [image] Available at: https:// 145.

www.gutenberg.org/files/46134/46134h/46134-h.htm Figure 12.

CityPlanningCoordinator (2019) Radiant City Model [image] Available at: https:// cityplanningcoordinator.blog/2019/09/20/ nyc-and-la-a-tale-of-two-cities-lecorbusier-and-frank-lloyd-wright/ Figure 13. Countryside (2020) Fresh Wharf [image] Available at: https:// www.countrysideproperties.com/alldevelopments/london/fresh-wharf#na Figure 14. Telfordhomes (2018) New Garden Quarter bringing traditional garden square living to East London. [image] Available at: https://www. telfordhomes.london/new-garden-quarterbringing-traditional-garden-square-livingto-east-london/ Figure 15. Authors. Young Professional vignettes Figure 16. Authors. Young Bangladeshi Resident vignettes Figure 17. Google Maps (2020) Poplar Aerial [image] Available at: https://www.google.com/maps/search/ maps/@51.5079716,-0.0198269,616m/ data=!3m1!1e3 Figure 18. Authors.

Figure 19. Authors.

Figure 20. Authors.

Figure 21. Dezeen (2016) London firms Haworth Tompkins and Metropolitan Workshop have each designed two buildings to replace the Brutalist Robin Hood Gardens estate.

[image] Available at: https://www.dezeen. com/2016/08/04/replacement-revealedbrutalist-robin-hood-gardens-smithsonshaworth-tompkins-metropolitanworkshop/ Figure 22. Sheppard Robson (2018) Images. [image] Available at: https://www. sheppardrobson.com/architecture/view/ chrisp-street Figure 23. Author. Data from (GLA, 2019) Figure 24. Author.

Figure 25. EastLondonAdvertiser (2015) Protesters outside Poplar HARCA Housing offices [image] Available at: https://www.eastlondonadvertiser.co.uk/ news/east-end-tenants-booted-outof-goldfinger-s-iconic-balfron-towerclaim-1-3961574 Figure 26. Getty Images (2020) Robin Hood Gardens [image] Available at: https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/photos/ robin-hood-gardens?sort=mostpopular&m ediatype=photography&phrase=robin%20 hood%20gardens Figure 27. Authors.

Figure 28. Sheppard Robson (2018) Images. [image] Available at: https://www. sheppardrobson.com/architecture/view/ chrisp-street Figure 29. Authors.

Figure 30. Authors.

Figure 31. National Library of Scotland (2020) Essex (New Series 1913-) n LXXXVI.9 (Poplar Borough; West Ham) [image] Available at: https://maps.nls.uk/

view/104194818 Figure 32. Digimap (2020) Historic map [image] Available at: https://digimap. edina.ac.uk/roam/map/historic Figure 33. Authors.

Figure 34. Authors.

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Figure 36. ResearchGate (2012) Semi lattice structure [image] Available at: https://www.researchgate.net/figure/ Semi-lattice-structure-picture-fromAlexander-1982_fig24_278696314 Figure 37. Anothermag (2018) Girl on a Street in the Sky, Robin Hood Gardens, 1972 [image] Available at: https://www.anothermag.com/designliving/10885/how-the-ruins-of-a-brutalistlondon-estate-ended-up-at-the-venicebiennale Figure 38. Dezeen (2018) Neave Brown is now among architecture's immortals [image] Available at: https:// www.dezeen.com/2018/01/18/neavebrown-now-among-architecturesimmortals-opinion-catherine-slessor/ Figure 39. PeterBarberArchitects (2019) Donny Brook Quarter [image] Available at: http://www. peterbarberarchitects.com/donnybrookquarter Figure 40. ABA. (2019) Accordia. [Image] Avaliable at: Alisonbrookesarchitecture.com Figure 41. Authors.

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Available at: https://www.london.gov. uk/sites/default/files/mayors-transportstrategy-2018.pdf.

Figure 59. Authors.

Figure 60. Tower Hamlets. 2017.

Hanbury Street Whitechapel. Available at: https://www.towerhamlets.gov.uk/ Documents/Housing/AA7010_Hanbury_ Street_Consulation_Board.pdf Figure 61. Authors.

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Figure 52. LondonSE1. 2019.

Mayor London Bridge. Available at: https://www.london-se1.co.uk/news/ view/10003

Figure 66. LSA DTT. 2019.

Unpublished LSA design manual available through contacting Thomas Bryans at thomas.bryans@ifdo.com

Figure 53. RICS. EoE Goldsmith Street External. Available at: https://www. rics.org/uk/training-events/rics-awards/ rics-awards-east-of-england/

Figure 67. Urbansplash. 2020.

Gallery. https://www.urbansplash.co.uk/ regeneration/projects/park-hill

Figure 54. MikhailRiches. 2019.

Goldsmith Street Long Section Available at: http://www.mikhailriches.com/project/ goldsmith-street/#slide-10 Figure 55. Authors.

Figure 56. Tf L. 2020. WebCAT. Available at: https://tf l.gov.uk/info-for/ urban-planning-and-construction/ planning-with-webcat/webcat Figure 57. New London Development. 2019. Manhattan Plaza. Available at: http:// newlondondevelopment.com/nld/project/

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Figure 58. Blackwall Reach. 2020.

Parkside West – Phase 2 Available at: https://blackwallreach.co.uk/masterplan

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Figure 71. British History Online.

1994. “Public Housing in Poplar” British History Online. Available at: http://www. british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/ vols43-4/pp23-37 Figure 72. Sheppard Robson.

2018. View. Available at: https://www. sheppardrobson.com/architecture/view/ chrisp-street Figure 72. Tower Hamlets. 2018.

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development.towerhamlets.gov.uk/onlineapplications/applicationDetails.

Figure 73. Authors. Adapted from CSM planning document available at TowerHamletsPlanning.co.uk Figure 74. Authors.

Figure 75. MARTIN CHARLES / RIBA COLLECTIONS. 1985. The double-banked corridor. https://www. architectural-review.com/buildings/deoverloop-care-home-almere-netherlandsby-herman-hertzberger/10037631.article

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Figure 76. Aggregate. 2015.

Diagram of discrete defensible spaces clearly allocated to various residents Available at: http://www.we-aggregate. org/piece/defensible-space-and-the-opensociety Figure 77. Authors.

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Intimate Series: For High Density at a Human Scale. Natasha Reid Design, p. 43, Available at: https:// docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/7fc4df_ d6f b0b9c316b4b11a7ca833af313ca80.pdf.

Figure 84. Price, 2010. Old Lady Neighborhood Watch Available at: https://www.good.is/articles/old-ladyneighborhood-watch

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APPENDIX .

APPENDIX 2.

Meeting with Lisa, new resident to Canary Wharf. Young Professional Date: 18/07/19 Time: 12:00 – 13:30 Attendance: Shaun Matthews (Interviewer) Lisa (Resident)

Minutes paraphrased:

Shaun – How long have you been living in Canary Wharf?

Lisa – 3 months now

Shaun – How many people do you live with?

Lisa - I live with one other person, who I met when I first rented the home, I didn’t know him before.

Shaun – How often would you say you socialise in the area?

Lisa – After work we regularly go down to the local bars or restaurant for food and drinks so maybe 3 or 4 times a week doing that id say. In terms of outside of work, a lot of my friends live outside the area, so I tend to go and meet them across London.

Shaun – How well do you know your neighbours?

Lisa – I haven’t really met any of my neighbours on my floor yet but it isn’t really something that bothers me. Ive met a few people in the pool and library room, so id say I know like 5 or 6 people.

Shaun – Do you socialise with any of the local resdients?

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Lisa – Outside of the apartment and facilities no not really.

Shaun – In terms of the local facilities what do you use regularly?

Lisa – I mean we have a lot within this block of flats, like the gym, bar, restaurant. So other than that, tesco for food of course and then the local bars with work really.

Shaun - Do you feel your work affecting your social life?

Lisa – Not really, I socialise a lot with my work colleagues so I’m with them all the time, but my working hours are fairly long, so I get home very late most nights.

Shaun – Have you ever felt lonely whilst living here?

Lisa – perhaps a little bit when I first moved in, but I didn’t really know anyone at work either.

Now I have that group of friends its great.

Shaun – Where were you living before and what was the accommodation like?

Lisa – I was at uni, so living in student accommodation. So its really nice to have your own private space now, which I can invite friends round and have drinks. The uni halls were just boxes, and you didn’t really have social space or a good lounge.

Shaun – How long do you see yourself living in the area?

Lisa – I mean it depends on my work to be honest, I think at least 2-3 years, although id probably like to get a flat by myself so I have all the space to myself.

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APPENDIX 2.

Meeting with Poplar Shah Jalal Mosque Committee and Young Adult.

Date: 2/07/19 Time: 19:00 – 20:30 Attendance: Shaun Matthews (Interviewer) Faruk Ahmed (Chairman Mosque Committee) Nadir (Mosque Committee Admin) Sister Christine Frost (Poplar Neighbourhood Planning Committee) Wahab (Young Adult Previous Local Resident)

Minutes paraphrased:

Initial introductions Shaun - what it is like living within the Poplar area, and what concerns do you have?

Nadir – major concerns with drugs and crime, especially for young adults. Lack of role models or opportunities.

Wahab – agreeing with Nadir, also a serious lack of jobs, a lot of the young people I know just can’t get any work, I have a degree in Economics and am going to have to move to West London for work. We are next to one of the largest financial employers in the country.

Faruk – Lack of affordable housing in general, a lot of people are having to move out of the area, I had to move after the DLR line was built, lost my home, now live in the Isle of Dogs.

Shaun – Thoughts on the surrounding redevelopment projects?

Sister Christine – a lot of housing for people from outside the area, very little affordable housing, pushing us out really. They say they are going to provide affordable housing but it isn’t really affordable, no one here can afford to pay their prices, especially without employment.

Nadir – there is a lot happening and it is happening very quickly, is crazy to see how much the area and skyline has changed over the past 5 years. A lot of people we know had to 151.

move out of Robin Hood Gardens and have been rehoused elsewhere across the Borough, they said they liked living there.

Wahab – Yeah I had friends in Homes where the new Blackwall Reach development is, none of them can afford the new rents, so will have to move away.

Shaun – What do you think about the design of the new developments?

Nadir – To be honest it doesn’t really feel very Polar, they say the homes are affordable and for people of the area, but they don’t look or feel it. They aren’t really a place I could see myself living, even if I could afford it.

Wahab – I mean they look nice in the images, clean, lots of greenery, but like Nadir says, I don’t really think they are for the people here, they just say they are.

Sister – You see buildings like them all across London now, the same designs all in brick, and all for more affluent residents or for people out of the area.

Shaun – Did anyone take part in the public consultation for the North Quay Project?

Nadir – Yes, I went to all of the events, they had VR headsets at one and you got to see like a fly through of the design. There wasn’t that many people from here that went though.

Faruk – No I didn’t go Sister – Yes I went along to the one held in the Estate

Shaun – Why do you think it wasn’t so well attended?

Nadir – It felt a bit smart to me, like everyone was very dressed up and it felt very official. There were probably more people running it than actually attending as well, so quite intimidating walking in.

Wahab – I only went and saw the boards in the mall, and people would kind of just walk slowly past them and then go on with their day, it wasn’t really a stopping event, I felt at least.

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Shaun – how well would you say you know your neighbours?

Faruk – Oh I know all of them easily by first name.

Wahab – yeah I used to know almost all of the people currently living in my block. Other than a few people who have recently moved in.

Sister Christine – Well I have lived here for almost 80 years, so I know the community very well, sadly the number of people I do know is gradually reducing due to the new developments though.

Nadir – I live slightly further away but I know all of my neighbours on my street.

Shaun – What do you feel is important about the area?

Nadir – the community without a doubt, the connection you have with others.

Sister – Agreeing with Nadir. People all with similar lifestyles and concerns.

Wahab – Yeah the people, and the community really, especially in the Will Crooks Estate, it always feels very safe.

Shaun – Would you say you socialise mostly in the local area or further afield?

Sister – I run the community group just across the park, so most of the time I’m with people there, both elderly and young.

Wahab – Most of my friends I would see at the mosque, which is just around the corner, as well as people I know in the local shops, everyone knows everyone here” Nadir – the majority of my friends go to this mosque, so I would travel here to meet people.

The shops and stuff in the area are also important. I still use the same hairdresser here.

Shaun – Do you feel there is a divide across the Dual Carriage Way?

Faruk – oh definitely, it’s very much the glass towers on one side and the brick homes on the other.

Nadir – Yeah its quite a bit of a barrier, and generally people wouldn’t come here or go there, 153.

we have what we need here to be honest.

Shaun – Do you feel this prevents you from using Canary Wharf, in a sort of them and us manner?

Faruk – never really consider it, I don’t have much need to go there, other than getting the DLR through.

Nadir – I think some people would definitely feel it creates an us and them effect, I personally don’t feel it, but id imagine some people might be put off as they may feel they wouldn’t fit in.

Wahab – I do go occasionally but the shops aren’t really very accessible cost wise, a few friends hang out in the mall sometimes.

Shaun – With the increasing accessibility predicted after the opening of the Elizabeth line, how do you feel it might affect car dependency in the area?

Sister – Currently the parking in the Estate is oversubscribed, it’s meant to be just for residents but we are finding people who work over in Canary Wharf parking here and walking over. The streets are currently very full with cars.

Nadir – Id imagine it will reduce the amount of people using cars to get to work and stuff and we would be able to walk across and get the tube. Plus the charge on old cars will also affect the poor people in the area who can’t afford a new car.

Wahab – I don’t have a car, I just get the Tube or bus everywhere, but I think a lot of people in the area do own cars and use them a lot.

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