Other Feminism

GRAD THESIS PROCESS BOOK

BY SERENA GUO

Modesty

谦逊 Gracefulness 温文 Purity 纯洁 Delicacy 脆弱 Civility 端庄 Compliancy 顺从 Reticence 寡言 Chastity

贞洁 Affability

亲切 Politenes 礼貌

TABLE OF CONTENT

12

Women as Other The Second Sex

她者 第二性

12

Women’s Moral & Eternal Feminine

女德与 永恒的女性

What defines a good women

12

The Raise of Feminism In China History / Timeline /

中国女权 之旅

[ORDINARY]

12

Posters and Graphic Design to Illustrate Feminism Image of strong female

12

Design Terminology Types of Feminism

THE DISCUSSION OF FEMINISM 从女 STARTS FROM THE DISCUSSION OF FEMALE.

女性讨论中看

到女权

WOMEN AS OTHER

FOR a long time, I have hesitated to write a book on woman. The subject is irritating, especially to women; and it is not new.

the Second Sex

Enough ink has been spilled

in

quarrelling

over feminism, and perhaps we should say no more about it. It is still talked about, however, for the voluminous nonsense uttered during the last century seems to have done little to illuminate the problem. After all, is there a problem?

And if so, what is it? Are there women, really? Most assuredly the theory of the eternal feminine still has its adherents who will whisper in your ear: ‘Even in Russia women still are women’; and other erudite persons – sometimes the very same – say with a sigh: ‘Woman is losing her way, woman is lost.’ One wonders if women still exist, if they will always exist, whether or not it is desirable that they should, what place they occupy in this world, what their place should be. ‘What has become of women?’ was asked recently in an ephemeral magazine.

But first we must ask: what is a woman? ‘Tota mulier in utero’, says one, ‘woman is a womb’. But in speaking of certain women, connoisseurs declare that they are not women, although they are equipped with a uterus like the rest. All agree in recognising the fact that females exist in the human species; today as always they make up about one half of humanity. And yet we are told that femininity is in danger; we are exhorted to be women, remain women, become women.

It would appear, then, that every female human being is not necessarily a woman; to be so considered she must share in that mysterious and threatened reality known as femininity. Is this attribute something secreted by the ovaries? Or is it a Platonic essence, a product of the philosophic imag-

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她者

她者 我很久以来就想写一本谈女人的书，只是一直很犹 豫。一来，这个题材容易激怒人，尤其容易激怒女 人；再者，这主题也不新鲜了。关于女性问题的论 战已经耗费许多笔墨，许多议题到这时候差不多都作 结，所以呢那就别再谈了。然而，这个话题并没有就 此打住。这世纪最近几十年来，不计其数的蠢话说得 口沫横飞，也并没有把这个问题理清楚。回头再想， 这真的是一个问题吗？是什么样的问题呢？到底在这 世上还有女人吗？的确，拥护“永恒的女性”之说的 信徒还是有的；他们附着耳朵低声说：“连在俄国， 她们都还很有女人味”；不过另外有些头脑灵通的人 士（有时，他们和前者其实是同一批人）会摇头叹 气，说：“女人不见了，女人早都不见了。”这下子 没人知道现在到底还有没有女人、以后是不是一直都 会有，也不知道该不该期待有女人的存在，更不知道 女人在这世界上占有什么位置，什么样的位置她们应 该占有。最近有一本不定期出刊的杂志问道：“女人 都到哪里去了？” 但应该先问的其实是：怎样才是女人？有人会立刻接口 说：“Tota mulier in utero，女人等于子宫。”可是在 说到某些女人的时候，又会有行家下断语说：“她们才不是 女人。”虽然她们明明和其他女人一样都有子宫。大家都同 意人类之中有女性；女性人口大约占人类总额的半数，从古 到今皆然；然而，总有人会跟我们说：“女性特质都快丧失 了”；总会有人积极劝说：“要有女人味，要当个女人，要 变得像女人。”那么，这意思是说女人不见得是女人；她必 须拥有那种神秘不可言，并且濒临消失的女性特质才算数。 女性特质是由卵巢分泌的吗？或者它是钉在柏拉图天空上观 念世界里的东西？是不是只要让它套上花花俏俏的裙子就能 落地为实？虽然有些女人意兴高昂，竭力让自己带有女性特 Women as Other

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第 二 性

ination? Is a rustling petticoat enough to bring it down to earth? Although some women try zealously to incarnate this essence, it is hardly patentable. It is frequently described in vague and dazzling terms that seem to have been borrowed from the vocabulary of the seers, and indeed in the times of St Thomas it was considered an essence as certainly defined as the somniferous virtue of the poppy But conceptualism has lost ground. The biological and social sciences no longer admit the existence of unchangeably fixed entities that determine given characteristics, such as those ascribed to woman, the Jew, or the Negro. Science regards any characteristic as a reaction dependent in part upon a

situation.

femininity

If no

today longer

exists, then it never existed. But does the word woman, then, have no specific content? This is stoutly affirmed by those who hold to the philosophy of the enlightenment, of rationalism, of nominalism; women, to them, are merely the human be-

The Second Sex Published by Vintage Books USA (November 1, 2010)

ings arbitrarily designated by the word woman.

Many American wom-

en particularly are prepared to think that there is no longer any place for woman as such; if a backward individual still takes herself for a woman, her friends advise her to be psychoanalysed and thus get rid of this obsession. In regard to a work, Modern Woman: The Lost Sex, which in other respects has its irritating features, Dorothy Parker has written: ‘I cannot be just to books which treat of woman as woman ... My idea is that all of us, men as well as women, should be regarded as human beings.’ But nominalism is a rather

1

质，却从来没有人立下可依循的典范。有人总乐于用一些像是 从灵媒那里借来的含糊、闪烁的字汇来描绘女性特质。 在十三世纪圣托马的时代，女性特质被视为一种本质， 这种论定就像定义罂粟具有安眠的特性一样确然。不 过，这种概念论的立场在这里 并站不住脚，因为当前的生物科 学、社会科学认为，并没有固定 的、不可变易的质素可以用来界

ETERNAL FEMININE

定某一类的人（像是女人、犹太 人，或黑人），说这一类的人 就是会表现出某些特性；这两 类科学把这种特性看作是因应某 一「景况」而产生的继发反应。 如果说女性特质在现今已经荡然 无存，这其实是因为它根本不存

永恒的女性

在。而这是不是意味着「女人」 这个字眼没有任何实质内容？拥 护启蒙时代的哲学、理性主义的 哲学，还有唯名论的人士大力宣 称：女人就是我们在人类之中以

「女人」这个字指称的那种人；尤其，那些美国女人最 爱抱持「女人再也不只是女人」的论调；没有跟上时潮 的女人如果还认为自己是女人，她的女性朋友会建议她 去看心理医师，以摆脱这种心结。有一本内容十分挑衅 的书《现代女性：遗失的性别》，作者桃乐西‧帕尔克写 道：「我无法公允看待那些只把女人看做是女人来论述 的书……我的想法是，不管我们是男人或女人，所有的 人都应该被看作是人。」只是，这种唯名论的说法太过 粗略；反女性主义者正好抓到话柄，借这机会回驳说女 人可不是男人。女人的确和男人一样都是人类，但这种 说法其实很抽象；每一个具体的个人都是特殊的个体， 一向各自为政。否认永恒的女性、黑人的灵魂，或是犹 太人特性，并不表示不承认世界上有犹太人、有黑人、 有女人的存在；否认既定特性的存在，对当事人来说并

2

inadequate doctrine, and the antifeminists have had no trouble in showing that women simply are not men. Surely woman is, like man, a human being; but such a declaration is abstract. The fact is that every concrete human being is always a singular, separate individual. To decline to accept such notions as the eternal feminine, the black soul, the Jewish character, is not to deny that Jews, Negroes, women exist today – this denial does not represent a liberation for those concerned, but rather a flight from reality. Some years ago a well-known woman writer refused to permit her portrait to appear in a series of photographs especially devoted to women writers; she wished to be counted among the men. But in order to gain this privilege she made use of her husband’s influence! Women who assert that they are men lay claim none the less to masculine consideration and respect.

I recall also a young Trotskyite standing on a platform at a boisterous meeting and getting ready to use her fists, in spite of her evident fragility. She was denying her feminine weakness; but it was for love of a militant male whose equal she wished to be. The attitude of defiance of many American women proves that they are haunted by a sense of their femininity. In truth, to go for a walk with one’s eyes open is enough to demonstrate that humanity is divided into two classes of individuals whose clothes, faces, bodies, smiles, gaits, interests, and occupations are manifestly different.

Perhaps these differences are superficial, perhaps they are destined to disappear. What is certain is that they do most obviously exist.

If her functioning as a female is not enough to define woman, if we decline also to explain her through ‘the eternal feminine’, and if nevertheless we admit, provisionally, that women do exist, then we must face the question “what is a woman”?

不表示他从此解放，无所拘束，而是他可以避免被套入 「非真实自我」中。显然，没有哪个女人在说自己超越 女性性别的时候，完全是真心诚意，没有别的居心。像 是几年前，有位知名的女作家不愿意自己的肖像出现在 一系列专门介绍女作家的照片中，理由是她要跻身男作 家之列；但为了得到这项特权，她还是运用了她丈夫的 影响力。那些认为自己是男人的女人，一样想要男性以 绅士之仪礼遇她、尊重她。 我还记得在那一场乱烘烘的会议里，有位信奉托洛斯基主义的 年轻女子，虽然她明显比其他人柔弱许多，但她还是站在台 上，握紧拳头随时准备出击；她不让自己流露出女性弱小之 貌；不过，她这么做，是出于对另一位革命份子的爱，她要自 己如同他一样。会让那些美国女人全身紧绷，武装起来，以便 向男人挑战的这种态度，正可以证明潜藏在这些女人心里的 是，她们深深为自己是女人而困扰。事实上，只需要睁开眼睛 看看四周，就会发现人类的确分为两类，这从服装、脸孔、身 体、微笑、步态、兴趣、所做的事，就看得出明显差异：这些 差异也许很浮面，也许注定会消失，但不容置疑的是，在目前 这是无法否认的事实。 如果女性生理机能不足以界定女人，如果我们拒绝以 「永恒的女性」来诠释女人，再如果我们承认（就算只 是暂且承认）这世界上有女人，那么我们就得问：女人 是什么？

Carlota Guerrero: Women of My Life, Barcelona (Copyright © Carlota Guerrero, 2020)

To state the question is, to me, to suggest, at once, a preliminary answer. The fact that I ask it is in itself significant. A man would never set out to write a book on the peculiar situation of the human male. But if I wish to define myself, I must first of all say: ‘I am a woman’; on this truth must be based all further discussion. A man never begins by presenting himself as an individual of a certain sex; it goes without saying that he is a man. The terms masculine and feminine are used symmetrically only as a matter of form, as on legal papers. In actuality the relation of the two sexes is not quite like that of two electrical poles, for man represents both the positive and the neutral, as is indicated by the common use of man to designate human beings in general; whereas woman represents only the negative, defined by limiting criteria, without reciprocity. In the midst of an abstract discussion it is vexing to hear a man say: ‘You think thus and so because you are a woman’; but I know that my only defence is to reply: ‘I think thus and so because it is true,’ thereby removing my subjective seculiarities imprison her in her subjectivity, circumscribe her within the limits of her own nature. It is often said that she thinks with her glands. Man superbly ignores the fact that his anatomy also includes glands, such as the testicles, and that they secrete hormones. He thinks of his body as a direct and normal connection with the world, which he believes he apprehends objectively, whereas he regards the body of woman as a hindrance, a prison, weighed down by everything peculiar to it.

‘The female is a female by virtue of a certain lack of qualities,’ said Aristotle; ‘we should regard the female nature as afflicted with a natural defectiveness.’

在陈述这个问题的同时我立刻想到了该怎么回应这样的提问。 问题由我提出，本身就别有意味。男人不会想到要写一本书来 谈男人在人类社会中的特殊处境。而如果我要界定我自己，就 必须事先声明：「我是个女人」；但这个事实总会沦为别人的 口实，让人下断言说，就是因为这样，所以如何。男人从来不 会一开始就以性别来看待自己作为一个个体：他就是人，不言 自明。在市政府的文书里，或是在申报身分的文件栏目中，很 对称的列出男性、女性不过是表面形式。男女两性之间的关系 不像电极的正、负两极：男性既是正极，又是不带电的中性， 以致在法文中， les hommes（男人）指的就是人类，而在 拉丁文中，vir（男性）这个狭义字，在意含上等同于homo（ 人）这个广义字。女性则被看作电极中的负极，以致所有加诸 于她的质素都成为她的圈限，女人和男人之间并不存在「以同 等的方式相互看待的对等关系」。 有几次在和人讨论某些抽象 的议题时，有部分男人的说法让我很不快，他们说：「因为你 是女人，所以才会这样想」；而我知道我最佳的辩护之道是在 答话中除去我的主体性，以「我会这么想是因为事情真的就是 这样」来回应，千万别反驳说：「因为你是男人，所以你的想 法和我有差别」；因为，一般认为男人并没有什么殊异之处， 男人理所当然是人，是女人自己这方有亏。就像对前人来说， 垂直线是个绝对值，斜线是参照于它而定义的，同样地，在人 类之中便是以男性做为人类的绝对值。女人有卵巢，有子宫， 于是以这几项特定的生理条件来指称这就是她的主体性；有人 就此心安理得地说，女人是用内分泌思考。心高气傲的男人自 己都忘了在他们的生理构造中也有睪丸分泌贺尔蒙。他自认为， 他的身体与他领会了其客体性的世界之间，两者的联系直接而 正常；相反的，他认为所有构成女人身体特殊质素的都使她的 身体成为重担：身体对她等于是障碍，是监牢。

「女人之为女人，是因为短缺了某些质素。」亚 里士多德还说，「我们应该将女人看作是她天生 就不完善，因此深受痛苦。」

And St Thomas for his part pronounced woman to be an ‘imperfect man’, an ‘incidental’ being. This is symbolised in Genesis where Eve is depicted as made from what Bossuet called ‘a supernumerary bone’ of Adam.

Thus humanity is male and man defines woman not in herself but as relative to him; she is not regarded as an autonomous being. Michelet writes: ‘Woman, the relative being ...’

And Benda is most positive in his Rapport d’Uriel: ‘The body of man makes sense in itself quite apart from that of woman, whereas the latter seems wanting in significance by itself ... Man can think of himself without woman. She cannot think of herself without man.’ And she is simply what man decrees; thus she is called ‘the sex’, by which is meant that she appears essentially to the male as a sexual being. For him she is sex – absolute sex, no less.

She is defined and differentiated with reference to man and not he with reference to her; she is the incidental, the inessential as opposed to the essential.

He is the Subject. he is the Absolute.

She is the ‘Other.’

之后，还有圣托马宣称女人是「残缺的男人」，是「随 机偶发的」存有。在法文中，往往会以le sexe这个字 来代称女人，这意谓着她在男人眼中是个「带着性别的 人」；对男人来说，她就是性别，因而她完完全全是带 着性别的人。

女人以男人来界定自己、区分自己，而男人则不需 以女人做为参照；她是与本质者相对的非本质者。 他是主体。 他是绝对存有。 而她是「他者」。

The category of the Other is as primordial as consciousness itself. In the most primitive societies, in the most ancient mythologies, one finds the expression of a duality – that of the Self and the Other. This duality was not originally attached to the division of the sexes; it was not dependent upon any empirical facts. It is revealed in such works as that of Granet on Chinese thought and those of Dumézil on the East Indies and Rome. The feminine element was at first no more involved in such pairs as VarunaMitra, Uranus-Zeus, Sun-Moon, and Day-Night than it was in the contrasts between Good and Evil, lucky and unlucky auspices, right and left, God and Lucifer. Otherness is a fundamental category of human thought.

Thus it is that no group ever sets itself up as the One without at once setting up the Other over against itself. If three travellers chance to occupy the same compartment, that is enough to make vaguely hostile ‘others’ out of all the rest of the passengers on the train. In small-town eyes all persons not belonging to the village are ‘strangers’ and suspect; to the native of a country all who inhabit other countries are ‘foreigners’; Jews are ‘different’ for the anti-Semite, Negroes are ‘inferior’ for American racists, aborigines are ‘natives’ for colonists, proletarians are the ‘lower class’ for the privileged.

Lévi-Strauss, at the end of a profound work on the various forms of primitive societies, reaches the

following

conclusion:

‘Passage

from

the

state of Nature to the state of Culture is marked by man’s ability to view biological relations as a series of contrasts; duality, alternation, opposition, and symmetry, whether under definite or vague forms, constitute not so much phenomena to be explained as fundamental and immediately given

data

of

social

reality.’

Things

become

clear, on the contrary, if, following Hegel, we find in consciousness itself a fundamental hostility towards every other consciousness; the subject can be posed only in being opposed – he sets himself up as the essential, as opposed to the other, the inessential, the object.

「他者」这个存在的范畴和「意识」一样原始。在初民 的社会中、在古老的神话里，一直就有「同者」和「他 者」这个二元性；这个画分一开始和两性的区别并不相 关，也完全不是以现实经验为论据建立起来的，这从许 多文化研究中就看得出来，尤其像是二十世纪的法国汉 学家葛兰言对中国思想的研究，以及法国神话学学者杜 梅齐尔对印度、罗马的研究。 譬如，印欧神话中的婆楼 那─弥陀罗，希腊神话中的乌拉诺斯─宙斯，还有太阳 ─月亮、白昼─黑夜；在这几个二元性中，并没有女性 元素的涉入；在善与恶、吉与凶、左与右、神与魔的对 立中一样也没有。 「他异性」是人类思维中的一个基本 范畴。 任何群体在界定自身为「我者」之时，一定会同时设立「他 者」与他面对面。像是在火车上只要有三个旅客碰巧坐在同 一个包厢，就会将包厢之外的其他旅客看作是隐约带有敌意的 「他人」。对同一个村镇的居民来说也一样，村镇以外的人都 是可疑的「他人」；在某个地方土生土长的人则会把从其他地 方迁来的住民视为「外来的」；像是犹太人对反犹太的人来说 是「他人」，还有黑人对美国种族主义者、原住民对殖民者、 无产阶级对有产阶级都是如此。 人类学家李维斯陀在深入探讨几处原始部落的亲属关系之 基本结构以后，按下结语说：「界定从自然原始的阶段过 渡到文明的阶段，是根据人有能力以对立系统（像是二元 性、交替性、对反性，以及对称性）来思考各种生物学上 的血脉关系而定，这些或以明确、或以模糊的形式呈现的 种种对立系统，比较不是有待诠释的现象，而比较是社会 真实景况直接而基本的条件。」如果人类的存在景况只是 建立在团结、友谊之上的一种Mitsein（共存），那这种 彼此互为对立的现象就无法理解。相反地，若是从黑格尔 「意识本身即带着敌意来面对所有其他的意识」之观点来 看，事情便清楚许多；主体只能是在对立之中设立自身： 主体宣称自己是本质者，指任其他的意识是非本质者，是 客体。

But the other consciousness, the other ego, sets up a reciprocal claim. The native travelling abroad is shocked to find himself in turn regarded as a ‘stranger’ by the natives of neighbouring countries. As a matter of fact, wars, festivals, trading, treaties, and contests among tribes, nations, and classes tend to deprive the concept Other of its absolute sense and to make manifest its relativity; willy-nilly, individuals and groups are forced to realize the reciprocity of their relations.

How is it, then, that this reciprocity has not been recognised between the sexes, that one of the contrasting terms is set up as the sole essential, denying any relativity in regard to its correlative and defining the latter as pure otherness? Why is it that women do not dispute male sovereignty?

No subject will readily volunteer to become the object, the inessential; it is not the Other who, in defining himself as the Other, establishes the One. The Other is posed as such by the One in defining himself as the One. But if the Other is not to regain the status of being the One, he must be submissive enough to accept this alien point of view. Whence comes this submission in the case of woman?

只是另一个意识也以同样的态度对待对方：本地人士到外地旅 行，会发现那个地方的本地人士也将他们视为外地人；在不同 村镇、族群、国家、阶级之间，会有战争、有交易，有市集、 有协定、有抗争……这种种事宜会剥除「他者」的绝对性，而 使它具有相对性，因此不管是个体还是群体，也不管是不是出 于意愿，都必须承认彼此之间的关系是以同等的方式互相看待 的对等关系。 在两性之间为什么就没有建立起这种对等关系呢？为什 么两性之中只有一个性别确立为唯一的本质者，他和相 对应的另一个性别之间的「相对性」则完全被抹除，并 且将这个对应的性别看做是绝对的他异？对男性拥有这 种绝对权力，女人为什么不加以驳斥？

任何主体都不会自动自发将自己设立为非本质 者；从来不会是由界定自身为「他者」的「他 者」来界定「我者」，而是由将自身视为「我 者」的「我者」来界定「他者」。不过为了让「 他者」不会反过头来成为「我者」，就必须让 「他者」服膺异于外来观点——异于己的外来观 点。女人会服膺于此，到底是怎么来的？

There are, to be sure, other cases in which a certain category has been able to dominate another completely for a time. Very often this privilege depends upon inequality of numbers – the majority imposes its rule upon the minority or persecutes it. But women are not a minority, like the American Negroes or the Jews; there are as many women as men on earth. Again, the two groups concerned have often been originally independent; they may have been formerly unaware of each other’s existence, or perhaps they recognised each other’s autonomy. But a historical event has resulted in the subjugation of the weaker by the stronger. The scattering of the Jews, the introduction of slavery into America, the conquests of imperialism are examples in point. In these cases the oppressed retained at least the memory of former days; they possessed in common a past, a tradition, sometimes a religion or a culture.

The parallel drawn by Bebel between women and the proletariat is valid in that neither ever formed a minority or a separate collective unit of mankind. And instead of a single historical event it is in both cases a historical development that explains their status as a class and accounts for the membership of particular individuals in that class. But proletarians have not always existed, whereas there have always been women. They are women in virtue of their anatomy and physiology. Throughout history they have always been subordinated to men, and hence their dependency is not the result of a historical event or a social change – it was not something that occurred. The reason why otherness in this case seems to be an absolute is in part that it lacks the contingent or incidental nature of historical facts. A condition brought about at a certain time can be abolished at some other time, as the Negroes of Haiti and others have proved: but it might seem that natural condition is beyond the possibility of change. In truth, however, the nature of things is no more immutably given, once for all, than is historical reality.

If woman seems to be the inessential which never becomes the essential, it is because she herself fails to bring about this change. Proletarians say ‘We’; Negroes also. Regarding themselves as subjects, they transform the bourgeois, the whites, into ‘others’. But women do not say ‘We’, except at some congress of feminists or similar formal

我们可以设想，两性之间如果是以同等的方式互相看待的对等 关系，也许有助于女性的解放；在希腊神话中，海克力斯在利 底亚女王翁法勒脚边纺纱的时候，是他的欲望桎梏了他自己， 而为什么翁法勒女王无法继续掌有已经握在她手中的主导权？ 美狄亚为了报复她的丈夫杰逊，杀害了自己的孩子。这则野 蛮的传奇意谓着，男人非常在意他的后代，以致让女人握有十 足的掌控权，得以做出骇人之举。古希腊喜剧作家亚里斯多芬 在《利西翠妲》中戏谑的想像是：女人集合起来，为了抵制战 争、维护社会的和平，协力拒绝做爱，拿男人的性需求作为要 胁；但这也不过是戏剧。在古罗马历史传奇记载，被罗马人掳 掠的萨宾妇女身体不由自主地抗拒罗马人，无法受孕，但这则 历史传奇同时也交代了以皮条抽打女人对不孕有神奇的疗效， 男人便有理由用这个方法整治不孕的女人。生物性的需求（ 性的欲望、繁殖的欲望）使得男人依附于女人，却没有使女人 在社会上得到解放。主人与奴隶之间因为经济上互相需要而联 合，而这也没有为奴隶带来解放。 其中原因在于，在主人与奴隶的关系中，主人并不设想 自己一样需要奴隶，他有权力满足自己的需要，但他不 会把这个权力释放出来；相反的，依附于主人的奴隶， 不管是出于希望或是害怕，他内化了自己对主人的需 要；尽管这两方对对方的需求一样急迫，压迫者对被压 迫者总是占尽优势，从这一点便可以解释为什么譬如工 人阶级的解放会来得这么迟。然而一直以来，如果不说 女人是男人的奴隶，至少可以说她是他的附庸；两性从 来不曾平等分享这个世界；虽然女性的处境日有改善， 但女人目前仍然严重受到束缚。几乎没有哪个国家， 女人的法律地位等同于男人，男人常常大量剥夺她的 权益。尽管有某些法律在字面上认可了女性的权利，但 长久累积的习惯作梗，这些法律很难在风俗上具体落 实。 就经济层面来说，男人和女人几乎可以说是壁垒分 明的两个阶级，就算双方各方面条件相等，相较于新近 加入的女性对手，男人总有更好的待遇、更高的薪水、 更多的机遇功成名就。不管是在工厂、在政治界，男人 都占有绝大多数的员额，而且高阶的重要职位也是由他

FEMINISM IN GRAPHIC DESIGN Before 2000

How Feiminist Movements Co-opt Graphic Design to Express Themselves

Technological advancements in the 20th century in photography, silk-screening, and mass-produced printing have made posters an especially suitable (and economical) way to get out a message of dissent.

Like broadsides before them, the poster is informative and effective for the dramatization of a specific point of view. The Suffragettes, Free Angela Davis, the Hackney Flashers, the women’s movements in India, Pakistan, Chile, the Women’s Action Network in Japan, Reclaim the Night, the Combahee River Collective, Black Feminism, the Wo-men’s Liberation Movement, the See Red Women’s Workshop, the Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional, the Riot Grrrls, the Guerilla Girls and many more have all left their traces, not just in terms of the fights that they have won, but as physical debris; reams of paper, prints, and other paraphernalia produced in action and as calls for action.

Different typographies have articulated different goals and historical contexts; fonts reveal the ways that different types of feminism have found expression throughout the years.

20 世纪摄影、丝网印刷和大 批量印刷的技术进步使海报 为传达异议信息的一种特别 适（且经济）的方式。就像 们面前的宽幅面一样，海报 特定观点的戏剧化提供了丰 的信息和有效的效果。女权 义者、自由安吉拉·戴维斯 哈克尼闪光者、印度、巴基 坦、智利的妇女运动、日本 妇女行动网络、重振黑夜、 巴希河集体、黑人女权主义 妇女解放运动、见红Wome Workshop、Comisión F nil Mexicana Nacional、 Grrrls、Guerilla Girls 等 留下了他们的踪迹，不仅是 们赢得的战斗方面，而且是 身体残骸；在行动中和作为 呼吁而产生的大量纸张、印 和其他用具。 不同的排版表达了不同的目 历史背景；字体揭示了多年 同类型的女权主义的表达方

Barbara Kruger

Much of her work consists of blackand-white photographs overlaid with declarative captions—in white-on-red Futura Bold Oblique or Helvetica Ultra Condensed. The phrases in her works often include pronouns such as “you”, “your”, “I”, “we”, and “they”, addressing cultural constructions of power, identity, and sexuality.

See Red Women’s Workshop Feminist Posters 1974-1990

Much of her work consists of blackand-white photographs overlaid with declarative captions—in white-on-red Futura Bold Oblique or Helvetica Ultra Condensed. The phrases in her works often include pronouns such as “you”, “your”, “I”, “we”, and “they”, addressing cultural constructions of power, identity, and sexuality.

TERMINOLOGY

Radical Feminism “Feminism...is not 'women as victims' but women refusing to be victims.”

1970s

Western

激进女权 主义

Radical feminism was the cutting

激进的女权主义是一种强调男女不平

edge of feminist theory from

等的父权根源的哲学，或者更具体地

approximately 1967-1975. It is no longer as universally accepted as

说，是男性对女性的社会统治。 激

it was then, nor does it provide a

进的女权主义认为父权制主要是通过

foundation for, for example, cultur-

性别分化权利，特权和权力，从而压

al feminism.

迫女性和特权男性。 激进的女权主义普遍反对现有的政治 和社会组织，因为它与父权制固有地 联系在一起。

TERMINOLOGY

Liberal Feminism "Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex."

—— Equal Rights Amendment

1970s

自由主义 女权

Western

Liberal feminism aims for individ-

自由主义女性主义在私人领域看待问

uals to use their own abilities and

题时，往往是平等的：私人生活如何

the democratic process to help women and men become more equal

妨碍或加强公共平等。 因此，自由

in the eyes of the law, in society

女权主义者也倾向于支持婚姻作为一

and in the workplace. By organiz-

种平等的伙伴关系，并且更多的男性

ing women into larger groups

参与托儿。 堕胎和其他生殖权利与

that can speak at a higher level, lobbying

legislators

and

raising

awareness of issues, liberal feminists use available resources and tools to advocate for change. As such, they stand in contrast to Marxist or socialist feminists who believe the democratic process itself needs to be changed.

Liberal Feminism: Definition & Theory. (2015, July 11).

控制自己的生活选择和自主权有关。 结束家庭暴力和性骚扰与消除与男性 达到同等水平的妇女的障碍有关。

TERMINOLOGY

Socialist Feminism “Unlike modern feminists, who argue for a redivision of household tasks within the family, increasing men’s share of domestic responsibilities, Bolshevik theorists sought to transfer housework to the public sphere.” ― Wendy Z. Goldman, 1917-1936

1970s

Western

社会主义 女权

Marxism recognizes that women

大多深受马克思主义影响，但又不满

are oppressed, and attributes the

马克思主义无法解答“妇女问题”及

oppression to the capitalist/private property system. Thus they insist

性别盲的现象，因此企图发展一种政

that the only way to end the op-

治理论与实践方式，融合约同时发展

pression of women is to overthrow

的激进女性主义的洞识和马克思主义

the capitalist system. Socialist

的传统，同时避免它们各自的问题。

feminism is the result of Marxism meeting radical feminism. Marxists and socialists often call themselves

当代社会主义女性主义是晚近的政治 倾向，理论或应用都仍在发展中。它

"radical," but they use the term

和激进女性主义一样，认为古老的政

to refer to a completely different

治理论如自由主义或马克思主义，都

"root" of society: the economic

无法充分解释妇女受压迫的原因，而

system.

在发展新的政治经济理论时，除了受 马克思主义、激进女性主义及心理分 析女性主义影响外，也对这些理论有 所批判。

TERMINOLOGY

Cultural Feminism

1970s

Western

文化主义 女权

Marxism recognizes that women

大多深受马克思主义影响，但又不满

are oppressed, and attributes the

马克思主义无法解答“妇女问题”及

oppression to the capitalist/private property system. Thus they insist

性别盲的现象，因此企图发展一种政

that the only way to end the op-

治理论与实践方式，融合约同时发展

pression of women is to overthrow

的激进女性主义的洞识和马克思主义

the capitalist system. Socialist

的传统，同时避免它们各自的问题。

feminism is the result of Marxism meeting radical feminism. Marxists and socialists often call themselves

当代社会主义女性主义是晚近的政治 倾向，理论或应用都仍在发展中。它

"radical," but they use the term

和激进女性主义一样，认为古老的政

to refer to a completely different

治理论如自由主义或马克思主义，都

"root" of society: the economic

无法充分解释妇女受压迫的原因，而

system.

在发展新的政治经济理论时，除了受 马克思主义、激进女性主义及心理分 析女性主义影响外，也对这些理论有 所批判。

The unique power of design to change cognition and rewire us to form new habits may one day eradicate the way we look at gender roles. Design has power to empower and make everyone feel like an intrinsic part of the society. With sensitive design we can break stereotypes, and for that designers need to look beyond cognitive biases, political biases, gender biases, social biases and start a dialogue on why should we exclude a particular group from our target users, but rather provide them with the power to choose. Through the ages, the greatest role of design has been to make life better; designers need to identify political movements which question the supremacy and the privileges of one group over the other.

Feminism is just one movement that is asking

DESIGN & SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

POWER OF DESIGN

We really can’t gain equal footing as women in the society if we don’t get men standing by us. You can give feminism any other name for your convenience, but that really is a refusal to address the ‘elephant in the room’ and calling it a fox, as the elephant feels to large to accommodate. We need feminists in design. After all, the things we shape, in turn shape us.

the qu1estions of inclusiveness. As we move towards a more global and diverse society, these questions expand to diverse gender groups,ethnic minorities, linguistic minorities, economically underprivileged, speciallyabled and so on.

1. Chinese propaganda poster 2. US Poster for Feminism Movement

OTHER FEMINISM

DESIGNING A BROADER IMAGE OF FEMINISM IN CHINA

We really can’t gain equal footing as women in the society if we don’t get men standing by us.

You can give feminism any other name for your convenience, but that really is a refusal to address the ‘elephant in the room’ and calling it a fox, as the elephant feels to large to accommodate.

We need feminists in design.

After all, the things we shape, in turn shape us.

the qu1estions of inclusiveness.

As we move towards a more global and diverse society, these questions expand to diverse gender groups,ethnic minorities, linguistic minorities, economically underprivileged, speciallyabled and so on.

We really can’t gain equal footing as women in the society if we don’t get men standing by us.

You can give feminism any other name for your convenience, but that really is a refusal to address the ‘elephant in the room’ and calling it a fox, as the elephant feels to large to accommodate.

We need feminists in design.

After all, the things we shape, in turn shape us.

the qu1estions of inclusiveness.

As we move towards a more global and diverse society, these questions expand to diverse gender groups,ethnic minorities, linguistic minorities, economically underprivileged, speciallyabled and so on.

We really can’t gain equal footing as women in the society if we don’t get men standing by us.

You can give feminism any other name for your convenience, but that really is a refusal to address the ‘elephant in the room’ and calling it a fox, as the elephant feels to large to accommodate.

We need feminists in design.

After all, the things we shape, in turn shape us.

the qu1estions of inclusiveness.

As we move towards a more global and diverse society, these questions expand to diverse gender groups,ethnic minorities, linguistic minorities, economically underprivileged, speciallyabled and so on.

在我们的女权圈子内鼓励网络激进主义，并致力 于创造一个人们可以毫不犹豫地、用他们喜欢的表 达方式的环境是非常重要的事情。 如果您是一名 社交媒体战士，那么您“干得漂亮”。 请继续下 去，因为事实仍需改变。无论您选择如何参与激进 主义，您都在努力实现变革，因为您期待一个更美 好的世界。

It is important to encourage digital activism within our feminist circles and create an environment where people do not hesitate to choose their preferred mode of expression. If you are a social media warrior, you are doing “enough”. Go on, as the fact remains that regardless of how you choose to engage in activism, you are working towards bringing about change because you care for a better world.

line spaces safe for digital activists and to visibilize conversations around the issue.

There are activists with social anxiety, activists who cannot afford the time or do not have the agency to engage in street activism, activists who find it safer to express their politics online, and activists who express better through writing or art.

Many activist spaces expect others to restrict their politics and activisms to parameters that they do not choose for themselves.

Shaming digital activists or making them feel that they are not doing “enough” is extremely condescending. Such culture runs contrary to politics of liberation and resistance. Expecting everyone to take to the streets to protest is arbitrary and may even discourage people from expressing their politics.

By Debarati Das August 26, 2019

尽管在线女权主义激进主义能够带来今天的变化，但数字激进主义者往 往不得不面对无效，因为许多人仍然认为在线激进主义不太有效或不够 充分。

在线活动家经常被告知，如果他们不参与基础工作，他们就不

是真正的活动家。

数字激进主义通常被称为“懒惰主义”，而在线激

进主义者通常被称为“键盘侠”。

这种观点有很强的排他性和偏见。

为了促进运动的发展，重要的是要努力为不同社会经济和文化背景和能 力的人创造一个包容性的环境，从而减轻实现言论自由的障碍，而

社

交媒体为这种包容提供了可访问性和范围。 围绕残疾人解放、表达和平等的数字话语在互联网上蓬勃发展。 世界各地的许多残疾人正在通过在社交媒体上发言以数字方式收 回他们的空间，这对他们来说比残疾人世界中的许多其他机构更 容易访问和更安全。观点的皮肤故事在残疾和性行为的交叉点上 发表故事，而残疾素食主义者在残疾倡导、食品正义、女权主义 和动物解放的交叉点上撰写强大的社交媒体内容。 许多出柜的酷儿发现在社交媒体上分享他们的政治和个人表达也更安 全。在我在 Facebook 上发起 The Visibility Campaign 后不久，我开始 收到LGBTQIA+群体的请求，希望分享他们的故事但希望保持匿名。这 些人是真实的，他们的世界观、政治、意识形态和激进主义是真实的。 我们必须承认并理解“数字化”不会侵蚀政治现实。相反它加大了影响 力，因为没有其他平台能够像互联网一样快速和广泛地实现信息流动。 所有激进主义都是真实的，网络欺凌也是如此。在网上表达女权 主义政治的人，尤其是女性和其他边缘化性别的人，面临着多种 威胁，从拖钓和侵犯隐私到通过模因和强奸威胁进行的人身攻 击。许多虐待案例在线上比线下更普遍，因为人们通常发现以 数字方式伤害他人比亲自伤害他人更容易。不幸的是，关于在线 骚扰可能对数字活动家的心理健康造成的破坏性影响的讨论并不 多。许多在#metoo运动中为性暴力行为发声的幸存者遭到无情 的受害者指责和精神骚扰，这只会增加他们的创伤。 有些活动家有社交焦虑症，有些活动家没有时间或没有机构参与街头活 动，有些活动家认为在网上表达政治更安全，有些活动家通过写作或艺 术表达得更好。 许多激进主义空间希望其他人将他们的政治和激进主义限制在他 们不为自己选择的参数上。羞辱数字活动家或让他们觉得他们做 得“不够”是极其居高临下的。这种文化与解放和抵抗的政治背 道而驰。期望每个人都走上街头抗议是武断的，甚至可能会阻止 人们表达自己的政治观点。

通过使用技术作为反抗和推动激进主义的强大工 具，女性和其他边缘化性别的人正在不断地帮助 当代女权主义发展成为一个更具包容性、多维度 和亲民的群体。

Through the use of technology as a powerful tool of resistance and activism, women and persons of other marginalized genders continue to help contemporary feminism evolve into a more inclusive, multi-dimensional, and pro-intersectional movement.

movements to grow, it is important to work towards alleviating barriers to free expression by seeking to create an inclusive environment for persons of different socio-economic and cultural settings and abilities. Social media offers accessibility and scope for such inclusion.With statistics like these, we can’t deny that women and girls continue to face devastating gender-based oppression, and it’s clear the world needs feminism and feminist activism as much as it ever did. It may seem that feminism is more popular than it is though, with feminist discourse gaining traction and greater exposure, particularly online. One might even make the assumption that most people are feminists or feminist-leaning. The truth is that feminists are still a minority of the general population, with only 38% of women and 22% of men saying they identify as feminist. While these numbers actually reflect an increase in recent years, most people remain reluctant to align themselves with feminism or call themselves feminists, and it’s largely due to misconceptions and harmful negative stereotypes about feminist women and the feminist movement itself.

Digital discourses around disabled persons’ liberation, expressions, and equality are thriving on the internet. Many disabled persons around the world are reclaiming their spaces digitally by speaking on social media, which is more accessible and safer for them than many other agencies in an ableist world. While Skin Stories by Point of View publishes stories at the intersection of disability and sexuality, Disabled Vegan writes powerful social media content at the intersections of disability advocacy, food justice, feminism, and animal liberation.

Many closeted queer people find it safer to share their political and personal expressions on social media as well. Shortly after I started The Visibility Campaign on Facebook, with the view to amplify voices of queer persons, I began receiving requests from LGBTQIA+ people who wished to share their stories but wanted to remain anonymous. These individuals are real. Their worldviews, politics, ideologies, and activisms are real. We must acknowledge and understand that “digitality” does not erode the reality of politics. On the contrary, digitality strengthens movements because no other platform enables flow of information as fast and as widely as the internet does.

All activisms are real, and so is cyber bullying. People who express their feminist politics online, especially women and people of other marginalized genders, face a multitude of threats, from trolling and privacy breach to personal attacks through memes and rape threats. Many instances of abuse are more prevalent online than offline because often, people find it easier to harm others digitally than in person. Unfortunately, there is not much talk around the devastating impact that online harassment can have on the mental health of digital activists. Many survivors who called out their perpetrators for sexual violence in the #metoo movement were relentlessly victim-blamed and mentally harassed, which only added to their traumas. There is an urgent need to make on-

为什么数字女权主义 是真实和有效的

许多关于当代女权主义问题的讨论开始并发生在互联网上。在过去几年 中，社交媒体一直是各种运动的发源地，这些运动推进了当代女权主义 的进程。通过使用技术作为抵抗和激进主义的强大工具，妇女和其他边 缘化性别的人继续帮助当代女权主义演变为更具包容性、多维度和亲交 叉的运动。我大部分关于社会政治问题、性别和性行为以及支持交叉政 治的知识都来自于其他人关于的数字女权主义激进主义里。 标签的力量是不可否认的。一个显着的例子是#metoo 运动，它 使边缘化性别的幸存者能够让肇事者对性虐待负责，这简直就是 一场革命。女性开始记录她们在街头游荡的行为，这对印度的大 多数女性来说是一种激进的行为，她们使用#whyloiter

作为收

回公共场所运动的一部分。 Pinjra Tod (#pinjratod) 运动抵制 针对女学生的限制性和压迫性的宿舍住宿政策，当它演变成社交 媒体运动时，就开始围绕这个问题展开重要对话。在包括#LahuKaLagaan 在内的一系列旨在取消“期间税”的运动之后，印 度对卫生巾征收的 12% 税被取消。 #WhyIMarch 在社交媒体 上成为历史悠久的 Aurat March 的一部分，这是巴基斯坦妇女 反对家庭、公共场所和工作场所基于性别的暴力和骚扰的运动进 步。人们甚至可能会假设大多数人都是女权主义者或女权主义 者，事实是，女权主义者仍然是总人口中的少数，只有 38% 的 女性和 22% 的男性表示她们认为自己是女权主义者。虽然这些 数字反映了近年来呈现增长的趋势，但大多数人仍然不愿与女权 主义结盟或称自己为女权主义者，这主要是由于对女权主义女性 和女权主义运动本身的误解和有害的负面刻板印象。

WHY DIGITAL FEMINIST ACTIVISM IS REAL AND VALID

Many discourses on contemporary feminist issues begin and take place on the internet. In the past few years, social media has been a home to various movements that continue to shape the course of contemporary feminism. Through the use of technology as a powerful tool of resistance and activism, women and persons of other marginalized genders continue to help contemporary feminism evolve into a more inclusive, multi-dimensional, and pro-intersectional movement. I know most of what I know about socio-political issues, gender and sexuality, and pro-intersectional politics because of other people’s digital feminist activism.

The power of hashtags is undeniable. A remarkable example is the #metoo movement, which enables survivors of marginalized genders to hold their perpetrators accountable for sexual abuse and is nothing short of a revolution. Women began documenting their act of loitering on the streets, a radical act for most women in India, using #whyloiter as part of the movement to reclaim public places. The Pinjra Tod (#pinjratod) movement that resists restrictive and oppressive hostel accommodation policies for women students started significant conversations around the issue when it evolved into a social media movement. The 12% tax on sanitary napkins in India was scrapped after a series of campaigns including #LahuKaLagaan, which sought to remove the “period tax”. #WhyIMarch trended on social media as part of the historical Aurat March, a Pakistani women’s movement against gender-based violence and harassment at home, public places, and workplaces.

Despite the change that online feminist activism is capable of bringing about today, digital activists often have to face invalidation because many still perceive online activism as less valid or inadequate. Online activists are often told that they are not real activists if they do not engage in groundwork. Digital activism is often called “slacktivism” and online activists “keyboard warriors”. Such worldview is exclusionary and ableist. For

‘大鼎’，‘上门驴’，‘大鼎爹’，脍炙人口的流行语，言简意赅骂 了回去，绝对是一种进步，但力量还是悬殊得很，革命尚未成功，不要 心浮气躁。要发动群众，多多发明口号，因为口号对人的心理造成的冲 击，往往大于长篇累牍的大道理啊。”在2020年12月，林毛毛因“恶意 引战的不良信息，煽动不同群体之间的对立情绪”被新浪微博禁言一年 之前，在微博上写下了这样的文字。

al information. “By my side, it is true that Internet curse warfare will eventually develop into information human flesh.”

Xiao Hua believes that the difficulty of personal resistance to the structure is incomprehensible by women who have not yet entered society or have privileges in society, so they will fiercely ask other feminists to solve problems on their own. Plan: “Many young women’s anxiety is about their future life anxiety, but they have not yet entered life, so they don’t know what life will be like, so they will look at it in a defensive posture—— What they need is a complete solution. But when you are really in life, you will find that there is no complete solution. What is needed is often a compromise.”

On the other hand, Xiaoqi believes that the chaotic online feminist ecology is conducive to discussion. “Because after all, the Internet is now the only voice of feminism in China. The more the interests of all parties surface, the more women can rise to the surface.”

小桦认为，女权议题在社交网络上无法形成健康、可持续的讨 论。网上讨论无关观点探讨，更多是争输赢和站队，最后获利者 是平台和资本，“谁赢了，热搜就上去了”。 这种撕裂让肖美丽遗憾。她几年前曾和“小鳄鱼毛毛”见面，“那时候 还抱着一种我们是都是同路人的感觉，后来她们就在微博上开始骂平权 仙子什么的，我感觉我们还是有本质上的差别的”。

在肖看来，女权主义者内部不应该划分阵营， 分辨敌我，她更愿意尝试理解不同女权主义者 的诉求和方式的背后的处境。

“豆瓣姐姐”组中，组规写着“来的目的是团结不是分裂，欢迎 大家讨论不同立场女性身上的争议性”。但身为小组管理员的小 叶认为，包容是难以实践的。“关于包容，渐渐到后期我发现是 没有的，小组中的管理员大多数都属于激进女权。其他的管理员 会认为这种人（婚驴）不该存在小组里，或者直接踢出。” 小叶表示，她们也想过团结，最终还是因为失望而撕裂。“人就是一个 感性加理性的动物，哪怕她还想保持理性的想法，可是正常生活中的种 种不同经验会使她无法真正加入我们。”而组长小七在建组前就预料到 撕裂，特意注册了没有个人信息的账号。“在我身边，确实网络骂战到 最后都会发展成信息人肉。” 小桦则认为，个人抵御结构之困难，是些尚未进入社会、或在社 会中有特权的女性无法理解的，因此她们对于其他女性主义者， 会激烈地向对方要求一个从自身出发解决问题的方案：“很多年 轻女性的焦虑是对自己未来所要面对生活的焦虑，但她们还未进 入生活，所以她们并不知道生活会是怎么样，所以她们会以一个 抵御性的姿态来看——她们需要的是一个彻底的解决方案。但当 你真的处在生活里时，会发现不存在一种彻底的解决方案，需要 的往往而是妥协。” 但另一方面，小七认为混乱的网上女权生态是有利于讨论的。“因为网 络毕竟是现在国内女权唯一的发声地。越是让各方利益浮出水面，女性 就越能浮出地表。的必经之路：“现在江湖上终于出现了‘婚驴’，

Coincidentally, in 2019, the sex science blogger “Queen C-Cup” was accused by another feminist KOL “Burst Sweetheart Little Crocodile Mao Mao” for supporting surrogacy because she transferred a surrogacy investigation, and the former spent ten thousand RMB in a reputation lawsuit.

Xiao Hua believes that feminist issues cannot form healthy and continuable discussions on social networks. Discussions on the Internet are irrelevant to the subject, more about fighting for winning and losing and standing in teams, the final profit is the platform and capital. “Who wins, the hot search will go up.”

This tear makes Xiao Meili regret it. She met “Little Crocodile Maomao” a few years ago, “At that time, we still had the feeling that we were all fellow travelers, and then they started scolding Fairy Fairy on Weibo. I feel that we still have the essence Of the difference”.

In Xiao’s view, feminists should not divide camps and distinguish between the enemy and ourselves. She is more willing to try to understand the situation behind the demands and methods of different feminists.

In the “Sister Douban” group, the group rule says “The purpose of coming is to unite, not to split, and everyone is welcome to discuss the controversy of women with different positions.” But Xiaoye, a group administrator, believes that tolerance is difficult to practice. “ About tolerance, I gradually realized that there was no such thing in the later stage. Most of the administrators in the group belonged to radical feminist rights. Other administrators would think that such people (married donkeys) should not exist in the group or be kicked out.”

Xiaoye said that they had also thought about unity, but eventually they have torn apart because of disappointment. “Human is a perceptual and rational animal. Even if she still wants to maintain her rational thoughts, the various experiences in normal life will prevent her from joining us.”

The group leader Xiaoqi anticipated the tear before the group was established, and deliberately registered an account without person-

Papi , one of the most popular influencer in China, is accused as “Marriage Donkey” by the extreme feminists

“撕裂”：平权仙子与极端女权

在国外某高校就读的小桦近年愈发感到中国互联网上女权群体的撕裂。 她坦言自己已跟不上网上“黑话”，需去搜什么是“平权仙子”。“ 极端女权”也常表达对“学院派”的不满，认为她们太理想主义，为男 权“洗白”。 最近小桦亲历了女权内部的争斗。演员郑爽被爆在美代孕，对代 孕的讨论一时铺天盖地，多是“反对一切形式的代孕”的口号以 及对郑爽的谴责。小桦就此议题接受采访，其中提到要跳脱出对 口号化的单一叙事，了解问题的更多复杂面向。提到“代母”的 处境，认为要跳脱出对谴责代孕的单一叙事，了解代孕问题的更 多复杂面向，比如选择代孕的人很多是不孕不育的夫妻，代母亦 受到生活环境亦对于生育的普遍期待和压力。她说话时很谨慎， 怕被网友当成“支持代孕”。但她依然受到了不少指责。“感觉 很多人其实都没看过文章，交流总是被迫从零开始。”她表示。 无独有偶，2019年性科普博主“女王C-Cup”被另一女权KOL“爆裂甜 心小鳄鱼毛毛”指责支持代孕，原因是她转了一个针对代孕调查，前者 最后花几万元打名誉权官司。

This idea is reflected in popular culture. The most recent debate topic of the debate program "Wonderful Flowers", "Should independent women receive the betrothal gift" is quite representative. The debate topic did not reflect on the gender oppression behind the betrothal system, but focused on " Should independent women receive the betrothal", the final blame for the structural gender problem is the right of individual choice.

Xiao Meili felt sorry for discussing this trend of gender issues from the starting point of what women should do and tried to understand: "These personal & decision-making 'punchings' make people have a kind of power, and they will feel 'I can control my life, so you don’t have to face that great sense of hopelessness.' They may not be able to accept this kind of powerlessness of 'we did it but it may be useless', and will have a kind of cursing other women and telling them not to Marrying her to wake her up (just a good idea) is to compensate for the feeling of powerlessness."

Equal rights fairies and extreme feminism

In recent years, Xiao Hua, who is studying at a foreign university, has increasingly felt the tearing of feminist groups on the Internet in China. She confessed that she can no longer keep up with the “black talk” on the Internet, and she needs to search for “fair rights fairies”. “Extreme feminism” also often expresses dissatisfaction with the “old-school feminism”, thinking that they are too idealistic and “whitewashed” for patriarchy.

Recently, Xiao Hua has personally experienced the struggle within feminism. The actor Zheng Shuang was exposed to surrogacy in the United States, and discussions about surrogacy were overwhelming for a while, mostly with the slogan “against all forms of surrogacy” and condemnation of Zheng Shuang. Xiao Hua was interviewed on this subject, in which she mentioned that she should break away from a single slogan narrative and understand the more complex aspects of the problem. When it comes to the situation of “surrogacy mothers”, we believe that we should break away from the single narrative condemning surrogacy and understand more complex aspects of surrogacy issues. The general expectation and pressure for fertility. She is very cautious when she speaks, for fear of being regarded as “supporting surrogacy” by netizens. But she still received a lot of criticism. “It feels that many people have never read the article, and communication is always forced to start from scratch.” She said.

小时候，婚姻不幸的母亲常告诉她“千万不要找农村男人”。如 今她25岁，在私企当助理，初入职场的她已目睹、经历职场性别 歧视。现在她准备考研，渴望成为律师、经济独立，走上不婚不 育的幸福道路。 “身边工作的同学告诉我，面试的时候，面试官会很明显地问是否有计 划结婚生孩子。一些怀孕的同事在休完产假后回来被公司辞退。”她能做 的，就是不结婚。“我不结婚的话最起码不会在婚姻中被压榨。我可以避 免生育，又能避免两人在生活上的损耗。” 网络“打拳”成为中国女权新生态的背后，是前些年紧缩的政治 环境。2015年，“女权五姐妹”在反性骚扰行动后被关押一个余 月，妇女维权NGO被叫停，线下女权活动屡屡受挫，女权主义者 频频被“喝茶”，女权发展的线下空间不断压缩。 这些密集声量，有多少能转换成促进性别平等的结构性改变? 2021生效的 《民法典》“离婚冷静期”法案让不少人怀疑“打拳有用”这一观点。法 案自推出经过3次意见修改，上了多次热搜，在网上遭到几乎一边倒的反 对，然而依旧通过：协议离婚的夫妇需等待30天冷静期，才被民政局批准 离婚，目的是降低冲动结婚情况，维护婚姻稳定、社会和谐。 制度和社会现实使得，如今网络“打拳”者的主要诉求与前几年 的女权行动者诉求取向上有很多不同：早年行动派呼吁定制反家 暴法、通过街头运动呼吁反对歧视女同性恋、通过众筹打广告反 对逼婚，而如今，向女性宣传“不婚不育”，近年网络女权议题 最主要的诉求：如果男人无法改变，就骂醒更多女人；制度无法 改变，那就改变自身。 这种想法也在流行文化中不断重复。日前热议的辩论节目《奇葩说》的最近 一期辩题“独立女性该不该收彩礼”，就颇具代表性，辩题没有反思彩礼制 度背后的性别压迫，而是把落脚点放在“独立女性是否该收彩礼”，把对结 构性的性别问题最后归咎于个人的选择权身上。对于从女性个人应该做 什么为切入点，讨论这个性别议题的这一趋势，肖美丽感到遗憾，也试 图理解：“这些属于个人决策的‘打拳’让人有一种力量，会觉得‘我 的生活我是可以控制的’，就不用面对那种很大的无望感。她们可能无 法接受这种‘我们做了但是可能没用’的无力感，会产生一种只要骂其 他女性，让她们不要结婚，把她骂醒（就好了的想法），是对无力感的 补偿。”

When she was a child, her unhappy mother often told her “never look for a man from a rural area.” Now she is 25 years old and works as an assistant in a private company. She has witnessed and experienced gender discrimination in the workplace when she first entered the workplace. Now she is preparing for postgraduate entrance examinations, eager to become a lawyer, financially independent, and embark on the road of happiness without marriage and infertility.

“The classmates who work next to me told me that during the interview, the interviewer would obviously ask if there were plans to get married and have children. Some pregnant colleagues were fired by the company after returning from maternity leave.” All she can do is not to get married. “If I don’t get married, at least I won’t be squeezed in the marriage. I can avoid childbirth and the loss of life between the two.”

Behind the new ecology of Chinese feminist rights on the Internet is the austerity political environment in the past few years. In 2015, the “Five Sisters of Women’s Rights” were detained for more than a month after the anti-sexual harassment action. Women’s rights protection NGOs were suspended, offline feminist activities were repeatedly frustrated, feminists were frequently “drinking tea”, and offline space for feminist development continued compression.

How many of these intensive voices can be transformed into structural changes that promote gender equality? The new “cooling-off period for divorce” bill that took effect in 2021 has made many people doubt the effectiveness of punching. Since its introduction, the bill has been revised three times and has been discussed massively on Weibo. It has met with almost onesided opposition on the Internet. However, it is still passed: couples who divorce by agreement have to wait for a 30-day cooling-off period before they are approved by the Civil Affairs Bureau for divorce. The purpose is to reduce impulsive marriage, maintain marriage stability and social harmony.

Institutions and social realities make the main demands of online “punchers” different from those of feminist activists in previous years: the early activists called for customized anti-domestic violence laws, street campaigns called for discrimination against lesbians, and the adoption of Crowdfunding advertises against forced marriages, and now, to promote “non-marriage and infertility” to women, the main appeal of online feminist issues in recent years: if men cannot be changed, then more women will be awakened; if the system cannot be changed, then change yourself.

在跳跳看来，林毛毛这种“极端女权”，是中国女性生活的解 药。林被炸号后，粉丝整理出15M的微博语录存档，

放在网盘

继续研读。 “很多女生，我说的很多是真多很多，自己以前有很多心理问题，比如 抑郁、焦虑，吃药没用，看了心理医生也没用，但是翻了林毛毛的微博 之后就醒悟了。她（的微博）真的是有奇效的。”跳跳生于山东农村家 庭，“打拳”后才理解到身边无处不在的女性压迫：亲戚聚会，男人总 躺在沙发上吹牛玩手机，女人在厨房洗碗。她有个妹妹——父母想生个 儿子，怀孕时做了性别筛查，本想打掉，最终留下了。她曾以为只是自 己的家里不喜欢女儿，直到看到微博上流传着一张“禁止溺女婴“的标 语，这让她明白个体的悲剧原是制度性的。 “我之前完全对女权没啥感觉，也是通过网络接触到了很多信 息，一点一点地变成现在这个样子。网络打拳肯定是有用的。” 她进一步解释，她认为从个人的角度讲，打拳的实际作用可能很有限， 但打拳对她而言，是一种生活态度：“活在这个世界上，你可以选择乐 观，可以选择悲观，还可以选择打拳。它已经成为了我的人生观的一部 分，不会因为它可能没有用而放弃的。打拳打得开心，这就是有用，每 个人打到最后，可能打的不是女拳，也不是什么主义或流派的拳，打的 是我权。” 这么想的并非跳跳一个。小叶是“豆瓣姐姐——学术女权 nism

Femi-

Research”小组管理员。小组2020年6月成立，至截稿有超

过6000组员。“学术”指的并非女性主义理论知识，而是对热点 时事、情感矛盾、“打拳”等自行一派的民间讨论。 小叶喜欢阅读，从《茶花女》和《小妇人》等小说初窥到女性所受的压 迫，工作后又读了《黑箱》和上野千鹤子，但她发现，现实困境并不能 从书中解决，成为“极端女权”才是出路。

‘Being a victim was not my job, nor was it part of my character.

As I prepared to tell the world my story, I despaired at the prospect of having to live with this label for the rest of my life.’

In Tiaotiao’s view, Lin Maomao’s “extreme feminism” is the antidote to the lives of Chinese women. After Lin was bombed, fans sorted out 15M Weibo quotations and archived them on the Internet disk to continue studying.

“A lot of girls, I said a lot. I had a lot of psychological problems before, such as depression and anxiety. It was useless to take medicine, and it was useless to see a psychologist. But after reading Lin Maomao’s Weibo, I realized that She (Weibo) is really miraculous.” Tiao Tiao was born in a family in a rural area in Shandong. Only after “punching” did she understand the ubiquitous female oppression around her: when relatives gather, men always lie on the sofa and play with mobile phones. , The woman washes the dishes in the kitchen. She has a younger sister—the parents wanted to give birth to a son. She was screened for gender when she was pregnant. She wanted to get rid of it, but she stayed. She once thought that her family didn’t like her daughter until she saw a slogan “No drowning of girls” circulated on Weibo, which made her understand that the individual tragedy was institutional.

“I didn’t feel much about women’s rights before, and I was exposed to a lot of information through the Internet, and it became like this bit by bit. Internet ’punching‘ is definitely useful.”

She further explained that she believes that from a personal point of view, the actual effect of ‘punching’ may be very limited, but for her, ’punching‘ is an attitude to life: “In this world, you can choose to be optimistic, you can choose to be pessimistic, and you can choose to punch. It has become a part of my outlook on life, and I will not give up because even it may be useless. It helped me to be happy. Everyone hits at the end, it may not be females’ fists, nor is it. I decide whose fist it is. “ Tiaotiao is not the only one who believes in this. Xiaoye is the administrator of the “Sister Douban-Feminism Research” team. The group was established in June 2020 and has more than 6000 group members as of the deadline. “Academic” refers not to the theoretical knowledge of feminism, but the self-discussions on hot current affairs, emotional contradictions, and “punching”.

Xiaoye likes to read. She first got a glimpse of the oppression of women from novels such as “La Traviata” and “Little Women”. After work, she read “Black Box” and Ueno Chizuko, but she found that the real dilemma cannot be read from the book. To become an “extreme feminist” is the way out.

“极端女权”真的极端吗？从个人身上找解药

网络女权主义发展凶猛，很快出现各种“黑话”——“小吊子”、“金 针菇”是骂男性，“婚驴”贬指进入婚姻、服务于婚姻的女性，“平权 仙子”指呼吁不要男女对立的温和派，“学院派女权”是“不知人间疾 苦的理中客”。 跳跳熟练运用这些词语，并骄傲拥抱“极端女权”称号。她们常 被嘲讽为“田园女权”或“女拳”：她们被认为极端、厌男、只 会在网上骂人宣泄情绪、不做实事。于学术，并没有联结大众， 也没有给年轻人主体位置。在2009年中国公民社会异常活跃的 时期，发生了轰动舆论的邓玉娇案，吕频试图从妇女权利的角度 去参与公共讨论，却发现无人在意，这让她意识到自己曾经所做的 工作对中国的公共舆论几乎没有影响。 “极端女权”的代表人物是林毛毛。这位现居德国的女权博主在微博 通过接地气的语言建议女性：不要当婚驴，孩子要女人生女人养，选择 更高质量的精子库。她毫不避讳被称“极端”，认为这是革命的必经之 路：“现在江湖上终于出现了‘婚驴’，‘大鼎’，‘上门驴’，‘大 鼎爹’，脍炙人口的流行语，言简意赅骂了回去，绝对是一种进步，但 力量还是悬殊得很，革命尚未成功，不要心浮气躁。要发动群众，多多 发明口号，因为口号对人的心理造成的冲击，往往大于长篇累牍的大道 理啊。”在2020年12月，林毛毛因“恶意引战的不良信息，煽动不同群 体之间的对立情绪”被新浪微博禁言一年之前，在微博上写下了这样的 文字。

我认为没有比中国女人更脏乱差的了, 你们自己瞧瞧自己生出来的儿子，都 跟垃圾一样，无论外表还是内涵，都 让人嫌弃唾弃，你们噌噌噌制造了多 少垃圾污染人类眼睛和心灵，然后骂 我脏乱差？你知道最大的垃圾是什么 吗？就是你老公你儿子，辣眼睛熏鼻 子，还有脸骂我呢。

Is “Extreme Feminism” really extreme?

Find the antidote from the individual Internet feminism is developing fiercely, and various “black words” soon appear-”Little Diaozi” and “Emoji Mushroom” are scolding men, “married donkeys” derogate to women who enter marriage and serve marriage, and “fairy fairies” refer to appeals. Don’t want the moderates who oppose men and women, “academic feminism” is “a reasonable guest who doesn’t know the suffering of the world.”

Tiaotiao uses these words proficiently and proudly embraces the title of “Extreme Feminism”. They are often ridiculed as “pastoral women’s rights” or “female boxing”: they are considered extreme, hateful of men, only cursing people on the Internet to vent their emotions, and do not do real things.

The representative of “Extreme Feminism” is Lin Maomao. The feminist blogger who currently lives in Germany advised women on Weibo in a down-to-earth manner: Don’t marry a donkey, and ask a woman to give birth to a child, and choose a higher-quality sperm bank. She did not shy away from being called “extreme”, thinking that this is the only way for the revolution: “Now there are finally married donkeys’, ‘Dading’, ‘door donkeys’, and ‘Dading fathers’ in the arena. Buzzwords, concise and offensive, is definitely a kind of progress, but the power is still very wide, the revolution has not yet succeeded, do not be impetuous. We must mobilize the masses and invent slogans because the impact of slogans on people’s psychology is often greater than It’s a long story.” In December 2020, Lin Mao Mao was banned from Sina Weibo for “maliciously citing bad information and inciting opposition between different groups” and wrote on Weibo a year before.

I think there is nothing messier than a Chinese woman. Look at the sons you have given birth to yourself. They are all like rubbish. No matter the appearance or the connotation, they are disgusting. How much rubbish did you make to pollute human eyes and hearts, and then call me dirty and messy? Do you know what the biggest rubbish is? It’s your husband and your son, with ugly eyes and nose, and how dare you have the face to scold me.

WOMEN’S FIST

女 拳

WOMEN’S RIGHT

女 权

与行动派断层，中国特色泛女权的 「极端」「粉红」「下沉」

23岁女孩跳跳的微博里，你会看到“极端女权”的缩影：她是坚定的反 婚反育者，嘲讽温和派女权是“平权仙子”，并认为大部分男人都无可 救药的。 “我是一定不会结婚的，假如经济条件好一点的话，我可以想着 去领养一个女孩，身体允许的话，就去买精子，生一个女儿，然 后孩子生下来，要么就是跟我姓，要么就是跟我老娘姓。” 从小目睹女性亲戚婚后的不幸生活，跳跳小学开始萌生不结婚、不生孩 子的想法。但她那时还不知什么是女权主义，大学偶尔和自称“女权主 义者”的同学交流，也听得懵懵懂懂。直到近两年，她在社交网络频繁 看到“女权”一词，同时出现的，有家暴事件，被打女性发自己血淋淋 的伤口；有性别歧视事件，密密麻麻的数据显示女性遭遇的歧视；而影 响力最大的是女权KOL：不婚不育、“国蝻”、“婚驴”、“平权仙子” ，“打拳”两年，她学会了很多新词。 每天动动手指间，跳跳从政治冷感者到“极端女权”：“成为女 权主义者的门槛没有那么高，我没有必要说去读几十本西方女权 的著作，然后我再去写多少论文，我才能称自己为女权主义者。 不是的，我就是女权主义者。”

THE ”EXTREME”, “PINKY“, ”DRIFTING” PAN-FEMINISM IN CHINA

In the 23-year-old girl Tiaotiao’s Weibo, you will see the epitome of "extreme feminism": she is a staunch anti-marriage and anti-education, mocking moderate feminism as "fairy fairies" and believing that most men are hopeless medicine.

"I will definitely not get married. If the financial situation is better, I can think about adopting a girl, and if my body permits, I will buy sperm, give birth to a daughter, and then the child will be born, either with my surname or Just follow my surname."

Witnessing the unfortunate lives of female relatives after marriage from a young age, Tiaotiao merged the idea of ​​not marrying or having children from Elementary school. But she didn't know what feminism was at the time. In university, she occasionally communicated with classmates who claimed to be "feminists" and could not understand it. Until the past two years, she frequently saw the term "feminism" on social networks.

At the same time, there were incidents of domestic violence, and women who had been beaten had their own bloody wounds; there were incidents of sex discrimination, and dense data showed that women suffered discrimination; The most influential women’s rights KOLs: not married and infertile, "national fetish", "married donkey", "equity fairies", "fighting" for two years, she has learned a lot of new words.

By moving her fingers, Tiaotiao jumps from a politically indifferent person to an “extreme feminist”: “The threshold for becoming a feminist is not that high. I don’t have to say to read dozens of Western feminist works, and then I will write more. Thesis, I can call myself a feminist. No, I am a feminist.”

E”

TIMES CHANGE. WOMEN-HATE IS ETERNAL.

“FEMINA ”TERF” ”BITCH” ”WITCH”

MY COQUETRY IS NONE OF YOUR BUSINESS

One day in June 2012, when two masked women wearing black headscarves appeared at the busy Nanjing West Road subway station in Shanghai, many people were surprised. They were holding two tablet computers in each hand, one with a slogan saying “Be cool, don’t be perverted”, and the other with a slogan “I can harass, you can’t harass”.

我可以骚 你不能扰 2012年6月的一天，当上海繁忙的南京西 路地铁站出现了两名头戴黑色头巾的蒙面 女子时，不少人感到惊奇。她们手里分别 拿着两个平板电脑，一个写着“要清凉， 不要色狼”，另一个写着“我可以骚，你 不能扰”的标语。 她们是两名女权主义者，来到这里是为了

They are two feminists who came here to protest a remark made by the Shanghai Metro on social media. Earlier, the Shanghai Metro Second Operating Company posted a picture of a woman wearing a semi-transparent black gauze skirt through its official Weibo. The accompanying text below said: “It’s strange not to be harassed if you take the subway and wear it like this.” This makes some women’s rights activists think that they are shifting the responsibility of sexual harassment to the victims.

Although just simply stopping to display the slogan, it is quite rare for China, a country where there have been few gender-related sports before. This incident is regarded by many Chinese feminist activists as the first public anti-sexual harassment activity.

抗议上海地铁在社交媒体上的一则言论。 此前，上海地铁第二运营公司通过官方微 博发了一张显示一名女性穿着半透视黑 色纱裙的图片，下方的配文称：“乘坐地 铁，穿成这样，不被骚扰才怪”，这让一 些女权人士认为是在将性骚扰的责任推卸 给受害者。 尽管只是简单地驻足展示标语，但对中国这 个此前鲜有与性别相关的运动的国家来说已 相当罕见，这次事件被很多中国女权活动人 士视为首个公开进行的反性骚扰活动。

INCIDENTS

#Metoo

On January 1, 2018, Beijing University‘s Ph.D. graduate Luo Xixi reported her professor, Chen Xiaowu, of sexually harassing her. This year, it broke out in China, sweeping academia, public welfare, media, and religious circles and kicked off the curtain. Alumni of dozens of colleges and universities in China have issued joint letters, request-ing their alma mater to establish a mechanism to prevent sexual harassment on campus. After the outbreak of the Zhu Jun case, China's #MeToo was completely suppressed when it finally crashed into the “in-system” power class. Several #MeToo vocalists were sued by the alleged infringement suspects for reputation infringement. Feminist activists and #MeToo volunteers continued to support victims' rights defense and expanded their solidarity fronts overseas.

米兔在中国

2018年1月1日，北京航空航天大学博士毕 业生罗茜茜实名举报该校教授陈小武曾于 12年前在她读博期间对她性骚扰，且多年 来性骚扰门下数名女生，为#MeToo运动 这一年在中国爆发，席卷学术界、公益 界、媒体界、宗教界等拉开了序幕。中 国数十所高校校友纷纷发表连署公开信， 要求母校建立机制防范校园性骚扰。朱 军案爆发后，中国#MeToo在最终撞向“ 体制内”权力阶层时受到了全面打压， 数个#MeToo的发声者被其指控的侵害嫌 疑人以名誉侵权告上法庭，女权行动者 和#MeToo义士们继续接力支持受害者维 权并将声援阵线扩展至海外。

INCIDENTS

他那么普通 却那么自信

2

THEY LOOK SO MEDIOCRE, YET MANAGE TO BE SO CONFIDENT.

1

YANG LI The 29-year-old is now one of the country’s most well-known comedians, having risen to fame in recent months on a Chinese television show called “Rock and Roast”.

Every week, in front of a national audience of millions, she addresses controversial gender issues using a style unfamiliar to many Chinese viewers - stand-up comedy.

She’s attracted a huge following, but her punchlines haven’t landed well with everyone - and now Yang is facing the biggest backlash of her career.

In a December episode she talked about telling a male comedian her new jokes. He replied that she was “testing men’s limits”.

In recent weeks on social media, male netizens have accused her of “sexism” and “man hating”. Meanwhile a group claiming to defend men’s rights has called on netizens to report Yang to China’s media regulator, alleging her of “repeatedly insulting all men” and “creating gender opposition”.

But supporters have defended Yang, saying the male critics are oversensitive and lack a sense of humour.

There is little doubt that Yang’s jokes have prompted fresh debate in China, where both the feminist movement and stand-up comedy are relatively new cultural phenomena.

杨笠 男人还有底线呢？笑果文化的脱口秀演员 杨笠说出这句话后，一场战争在互联网上 开启了。表面上看来，这是某些因这句话 被触怒的男人们，与杨笠的辩护者之间的战 争。除了在社交媒体互相嘲讽或者激辩，还 有人甚至发起了举报，指称杨笠制造性别对 立。这场战争也延伸到女权等其他议题上。 但这并不是一场全面战争。在公共人物 中，几乎看不到杨笠的公开反对者——国 际关系学院法学教授储殷可能是少有例 外，笑果曾经的签约艺人池子在表达语焉 不详的嘲讽后很快噤声了。姚晨、黄西、 苏醒等人对杨笠予以声援。这毕竟是一个 属于娱乐圈的话题，没有得到媒体的全方 位跟进，但提及此事的主流媒体普遍对杨 笠持支持或宽容态度。 把杨笠当成一个捍卫女性权益的顽强斗士 完全是一种误会。在《脱口秀大会3》， 她表现优异杀入决赛，她说出的为什么有 些男人明明那么普通，却可以那么自信成 为破圈金句。但面对蜂拥而至的媒体，她 没有顺应一般期待，对于女性议题进行更 深入论述，主张什么或者批判什么，而是 把价值判断收了起来。她的脱口秀里，除 去看似凌厉的调侃，不难找到柔软的部分。 她承认有她对恋爱的向往，也讲述独自接 受手术的卑微感受——更多时候，她不过 是讲述个人的故事。她表示不愿被划入女 权群体，对此也没有体系化的思考。杨笠 把解读的权力留给观众，最重要的是，当 别人笑了，我就觉得我得到赦免了。

INCIDENTS

I wish all the best for my friends and partners.

The movement can only become continuable when the advocaters are in good position.

Every females and feminists who stand out to fight against gender issues deserves to be remembered.

Our status as females raise as our determination as females awakes.

One key thing is to take control on how we phrase ourselves.

I am not attamping to escape from this toxic environment because that means to compeletly give up on it.

I hope that feminism would become a fundamental proposition of China. That is the ideal expectation of mine.

We must acknowlage the fact that we don’t know how the future will look like. We even don’t know what possibilities this movement will create.

I am expecting more new and inspiring ideas from this movement. I wish I could follow up with them.

对，为女权行动者留下发挥空间。米兔的议题得到了空前传播， 无数女性经验进入公共舆论，教育、联结了大众，并指向制度性 改变。但审查很快迎头赶上。那年三八妇女节，“女权之声”遭 到全网封禁，女权行动者被进一步散沙化。弦子曝光朱军后，米 兔也在撞向体制内的权力阶层时被全面打压。数个米兔发声者被 其指控的侵害嫌疑人告上法庭，运动随之陷入低谷。 与此同时，网络泛女权社群蓬勃发展。曾经行动派为吸引眼球花样百 出，今天每个女权议题都能一呼百应，但公权力的桎梏和成组织的反女 权者的污蔑也如影随形，更令人焦虑的是女权社群本身的极化、撕裂和 内卷。如何在这错综复杂的形势中突围，是我们每个人面临的考验。

The contemporary history of Chinese feminism that cannot be erased:They acted here Since the reform and opening up, most of China’s sporadic feminists have been within the system. Some of them are cadres of the Women’s Federation, or scholars who carry out women’s studies or gender studies in colleges and universities. The theory of feminism was introduced to China, and the World Women’s Conference in 1995 gave birth to the first wave of Chinese civil women’s organizations.

According to Lu Pin, the Qianqian Law Firm of Guo Jianmei, which is well-known in the field of women’s rights protection today, was formerly known as the Peking University Women’s Legal Research and Service Center. The organization was established in December 1995. There is also the Red Maple Women’s Hotline established in 1998. It is the first female psychological counseling service hotline in China, and it has a history of more than 20 years. The early women’s movement led by scholars also received funding from some international foundations. Among them, the topic of anti-domestic violence received strong support from the Ford Foundation. The Anti-Domestic Violence Network, established in 2000, is the largest women’s alliance ever in China, with 77 group members and more than 120 individual members with various professional backgrounds in 28 provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions across the country.

However, as a reporter at that time, Lv Pin was always marginalized in the feminist movement within the system. During her participation in the activities, she aroused a lot of confusion and dissatisfaction—the movement was limited to dialogue within an elite circle and was too much. Academia does not connect with the public, nor does it give young people a dominant position. In 2009, when the Chinese civil society was extremely

但是，当这些行动者不断发动大众去问责政府，不断地去指认国家作为 一个问题制造者的角色，女权主义者跟国家的关系也越来越被推向危机 和破裂的边缘，而所有的风险和后果，都是由行动者们来承担的。 2014年左右，在国内舆论环境急速收紧、公民社会陷入低潮的 情况下，行动者们的活跃度也明显下降。2015年3月妇女节前 夕，著名的女权五姐妹案爆发。当时吕频刚刚离开北京前往纽约 参加一个联合国会议，在她到达纽约的当天，国内的五个青年女 权行动者被捕。一个多月后，五位行动者虽然在全球抗议的声浪 之下被释放，但青年女权行动者也完全失去了街头的活动空间， 国内女权活动开始更多地发生在社交媒体上，女权的思想和话语 在各大网络平台上迅速地普及、下沉。 据纽约时报报道，自2015年开始，吕频与同在美国的中国女权人士合 作，在Facebook上建立了名为Free Chinese Feminists的公共主页，向 国际社会播报“女权五姐妹”案件的进展以及呼吁救援。五姐妹获救之 后，该公共主页逐渐转向发布中国国内的女权活动，成为英文世界了解 中国女权行动的窗口。在线下，通过在纽约的公开讲座和联络，她们积 极影响、联结着留学生群体，使中国女权主义者社群渐渐在美国形成。 2017年1月20日，美国新总统特朗普上台的同一天，中国女权活 动家吕频和她的同伴在纽约正式注册了中国女权组织。经过大半 年的筹备，吕频说，这个组织的目的是在中国国内持续政治高压 的情况下为民间女权活动开拓新的联结和支持。 依托于这个组织的活动，新一代的年轻女权主义者成长起来，并在米兔 运动中贡献出了自己的力量。

后来的她们：下沉、离散，却又遍地开花 2015年的女权五姐妹事件严重挫伤了行动派，使得女权运动失去了街头活 动空间，却没能够遏止女权主义在网络上的兴起。 2018年初，罗茜茜举报陈小武，中国米兔运动拉开帷幕，其个体 叙事、去中心化的方式，使一直打压公民运动的维稳机器难以应

However, when these actors continue to mobilize the public to hold the government accountable and continue to identify the role of the state as a problem maker, the relationship between feminists and the state is increasingly being pushed to the edge of crisis and rupture. The risks and consequences are borne by the actors.

Around 2014, as the domestic public opinion environment was rapidly tightening and civil society fell into a low ebb, the activity of actors also declined significantly. On the eve of Women’s Day in March 2015, the famous Five Sisters case broke out. Lu Pin had just left Beijing to attend a United Nations conference in New York.

On the day she arrived in New York, five young women’s rights activists in China were arrested. After more than a month, although the five activists were released under the global protests, young women’s rights activists also completely lost the space for activities on the streets. Domestic feminist activities began to occur more on social media. Feminist thoughts He Discourse is rapidly spreading and sinking on all major online platforms.

According to the New York Times, since 2015, Lu Pin has worked with Chinese feminists in the United States to establish a public homepage called Free Chinese Feminists on Facebook to broadcast the progress and appeals of the “Five Sisters of Feminists” case to the international community. Rescue. After the five sisters were rescued, the public homepage gradually shifted to publishing domestic feminist activities in China and became a window for the English-speaking world to understand China’s feminist activities. Offline, through public lectures and contacts in New York, they actively influence and connect groups of overseas students, so that the Chinese feminist community gradually formed in the United States.

On January 20, 2017, the same day that the new US President Trump took office, Chinese feminist activist Lu Pin and her companions formally registered a Chinese feminist organization in New York. After more than half a year of preparations, Lu Pin said that the purpose of this organization is to open up new connections and support for civil feminist activities in the context of continued political pressure in China.

Relying on the activities of this organization, a new generation of young feminists has grown up and contributed to the Mi Rabbit movement.

之后，以吕频为代表的女权主义者们开始走出体制的范围，把女 权主义带向了社会，并积极介入社会事件，产生了广泛的社会效 应，这是一个质的变化。 1996年，吕频和朋友们成立了“妇女传媒监测网络“专门关注媒体和性 别；2004年吕频从报社辞职成为自由职业者；2009年她在“妇女传媒监 测网络”旗下创办了《女声》电子报，并在2011年在新浪微博更名为“ 女权之声”，定位为“女权立场，公民视域，行动取向”。直到2018年3 月9日“女权之声”被全网封杀之前，它都是中国国内影响力最大的女权 传播与倡导平台，为中国民间女权活动提供了重要的支持与指引。 之后，吕频很快意识到，只靠传播没法推进中国的女权权益。因 为传播确实是可以创造出知识，但传播不能够成为组织。因此， 她开始致力于发展在地的行动派组织，并让年轻人成为运动的主 体。吕频将女权主义与年轻人的相遇称之为“中国女权运动的一 个全新阶段”。

“年轻人有未被体制所收编的能量，没有被 家庭和职业所收编的能量，他们才是社会 变革的真实拥趸和参与者，是可靠或者可 持续的拥趸和参与者。”

active, the Deng Yujiao case that caused a sensation in public opinion occurred. Lu Pin tried to participate in public discussions from the perspective of women’s rights, but found that no one cared about it. This made her realize that what she had done was right. Public opinion in China has little influence.

After that, the feminists represented by Lu Pin began to step out of the scope of the system, bring feminism to the society, and actively intervene in social events, which produced a wide range of social effects, which is a qualitative change.

In 1996, Lu Pin and her friends set up the “Women Media Monitoring Network” to focus on media and gender; in 2004, Lu Pin resigned from the newspaper and became a freelancer; in 2009, she founded “Women’s Media Monitoring Network” under the banner of “Women Media Monitoring Network”. The e-newsletter, and was renamed “Voice of Women’s Rights” on Sina Weibo in 2011, positioning it as “feminist position, civic vision, and action orientation”. Until March 9, 2018, the “Voice of Feminist Rights” was blocked by the entire network, it was the most influential feminist dissemination and advocacy platform in China, and it provided important support and guidance for China’s civil feminist activities.

After that, Lu Pin quickly realized that China’s feminist rights could not be promoted only by broadcasting. Because communication can indeed create knowledge, but communication cannot become an organization. Therefore, she began to devote herself to developing local activist organizations and letting young people become the main body of the movement. Lu Pin called the encounter between feminism and young people “a brand new stage in the Chinese feminist movement.”

"Young people have energy that has not been incorporated by the system, and energy that has not been incorporated by their families and occupations. They are true fans and participants of social change, and they are reliable or sustainable fans and participants."

抢救断层的十年中国女权运动史 行动者们的群像、历程与现状

不能被抹去的中国女权当代史： 她们曾在这里行动 自改革开放以来，中国零星出现的女权主义者们多身在体制之内，她们 有些是妇联的干部，或者是在高校开展女性学或性别研究课程的学者， 曾通过访学等活动将一些西方女权主义的理论介绍到了中国，而1995年 的世妇会则催生了中国民间妇女组织的第一波兴盛。 据吕频的介绍，今天在妇女维权领域为人所熟知的郭建梅律师的 千千律师事务所，它的前身北大妇女法律研究与服务中心，是中 国第一家专业从事妇女法律援助和研究的公益民间机构，即是在 1995年12月成立的。还有在1998年的成立的红枫妇女热线，是国 内第一条妇女心理咨询服务热线，到现在已经有20多年的历史。 而早期由学者来主导的妇女运动，也受到了一些国际基金会的资 助。其中反对家庭暴力的议题，即受到了福特基金会的大力支 持。于2000年成立的反对家庭暴力网络，是中国曾经的最大规 模的妇女联盟，拥有遍布全国28个省、市、自治区77个团体成 员和120余名具有各种专业背景的个人成员。 但是，彼时作为记者的吕频在体制内的女权运动中却始终处于边缘地位， 她在参与活动的过程中生发出了许多困惑和不满——运动局限于一个精英 圈子内的对话，且过于学术，并没有联结大众，也没有给年轻人主体位 置。在2009年中国公民社会异常活跃的时期，发生了轰动舆论的邓玉娇 案，吕频试图从妇女权利的角度去参与公共讨论，却发现无人在意，这让 她意识到自己曾经所做的工作对中国的公共舆论几乎没有影响。

A DECADE OF FEMINIST MOVEMENT IN CHINA THE GROUP PORTRAIT, STORIES AND CURRENT SITUATION OF THE ACTIVISTS

The contemporary history of Chinese feminism that cannot be erased:They acted here Since the reform and opening up, most of China’s sporadic feminists have been within the system. Some of them are cadres of the Women’s Federation, or scholars who carry out women’s studies or gender studies in colleges and universities. The theory of feminism was introduced to China, and the World Women’s Conference in 1995 gave birth to the first wave of Chinese civil women’s organizations.

According to Lu Pin, the Qianqian Law Firm of Guo Jianmei, which is well-known in the field of women’s rights protection today, was formerly known as the Peking University Women’s Legal Research and Service Center. The organization was established in December 1995. There is also the Red Maple Women’s Hotline established in 1998. It is the first female psychological counseling service hotline in China, and it has a history of more than 20 years. The early women’s movement led by scholars also received funding from some international foundations. Among them, the topic of anti-domestic violence received strong support from the Ford Foundation. The Anti-Domestic Violence Network, established in 2000, is the largest women’s alliance ever in China, with 77 group members and more than 120 individual members with various professional backgrounds in 28 provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions across the country.

However, as a reporter at that time, Lv Pin was always marginalized in the feminist movement within the system. During her participation in the activities, she aroused a lot of confusion and dissatisfaction—the movement was limited to dialogue within an elite circle and was too much. Academia does not connect with the public, nor does it give young people a dominant position. In 2009, when the Chinese civil society was extremely

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GRAPHIC DESIGN’S ROLE IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 2021

DESIGN TERMINOLOGY TYPES OF FEMINISM 2021

TABLE OF CONTENTS

FEMINISM PROGRESS OF THE DECADE Activists‘s Portrait & Movements

FEMINISM & RADICAL INTERNET

断层的十年 女权运动史

女权与 极端的网络

WHY IT IS HARDER TO “COME OUT” AS FEMINISTS?

女权 多样性 包容性

FEMINISM & DIVERSITY & INCLUSIVITY

OTHER FEMINISM

INDEPENDENCE 独立 SELF-SUFFICIENCY 自足 POWER

力量 EGO

本我 SELFISH

自私 PROUD

骄傲 CALMNESS 冷静 RATIONALITY 理性 EXPRESSIVENESS 表达 COURAGE 勇气