Maltese Skyline Evolution

Skyline Evolution: Addressing Urban Skylines through Policy

A dissertation presented to the Faculty for the Built Environment in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Engineering and Architecture at the University of Malta

Sean Buttigieg June 2010

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ABSTRACT Name:

Sean Buttigieg Dissertation Title:

Skyline Evolution: Addressing urban skylines through Policy Skylines are a vital symbol of any culture as they amount to a reflection and index of social values and cultural beliefs. (Attoe, 1981) This dissertation investigates the importance of skylines and seeks to verify that these urban artefacts are given scant attention under legislation which constitutes the Maltese Planning System.

A number of Maltese skylines are being threatened by haphazard or insensitive development, shedding a doubtful light on the practicality and efficiency of any skyline-related policies within the Maltese planning system. This dissertation stems from a perception that the idea of skylines is not given the attention it deserves in Maltese urban policy. In this context, the dissertation aims at providing a generic guide which urban planners should consider in the future management and design of urban skylines. The dissertation starts off by exploring the concepts behind ‘ideal skylines’ and then moves on to analyse their translation into policy, in which the author refers primarily to the British Planning System, of which the Maltese is commonly accepted to be a variant. It is through this process that the author compiles a generic guide for the formulation of skyline policies.

This guide is then cross-referenced with policies found within the Maltese Planning System.

Finally, the author delves into an analysis of the skyline of the Town of Lija in Malta in a bid to show how the use of three-dimensional (3D) visualization techniques should have been employed prior to the extension of building height policies for this village were approved in 2006, as this would have greatly decreased the possibility of insensitive development and therefore a more harmonious skyline.

Keywords: skyline landscape townscape roof structures visualisations ii

DECLARATION OF AUTHENTICITY I, the undersigned, declare the dissertation to be my own original research.

Any statements and conclusions arrived at are mine unless otherwise stated.

Sean Buttigieg

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to my Parents

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the help and encouragement of a number of people. I am truly grateful for their interest and assistance.

First I would like to thank Professor Denis De Lucca for his advice and assistance throughout my course of study. In particular, I would like to thank my tutor, Dr. Paul Gauci who was always available and committed endless hours guiding and reviewing my document meticulously. His help was indispensable and I could not have done it without him.

I would also like thank the academic staff at the Faculty for the Built Environment, in particular, Dr. Edwin Mintoff, Perit Antoine Zammit and Perit Kevin Gatt who have dedicated their time discussing with me various issues of my study.

Special thanks go to those people who accepted to be interviewed in relation to this research, namely, Perit Joe Scalpello and Perit Frans Mallia, from the Malta Environment and Planning Authority (MEPA) who provided me with valuable information regarding the Maltese Planning System. I would also like to thank Perit Joseph Pace, principal of Virtual Reality Studios for his collaboration and insight on visualization techniques and Ms Elisabeth Conrad from the International Environment Institute at the University of Malta for her knowledge on Landscape Assessment methods and principles.

Finally I cannot thank my family enough: my parents Mario and Doreen, and my brother Matthew, my grandfather and grandmothers. It’s almost impossible to express, in words, my sincere gratitude and appreciation for their love, patience, and support. I am also very thankful to my other relatives, friends, and university peers.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................ 13 1.1_ BACKGROUND .................................................................................... 13 1.2_ OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY ..................................................... 15 1.3_ STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION ................................................... 16 1.4_ LIMITATIONS ...................................................................................... 18 CHAPTER 2 SKYLINES ...................................................................................... 19 2.1_ INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 19 2.2_ THE URBAN SKYLINE .......................................................................... 19 2.2.1_ Public and private skylines ............................................... 20 2.3_ SACRED HEIGHTS ............................................................................... 24 2.3.1_ Landmarks of a secular city .............................................. 25 2.4_ THE MODERN SKYLINE ....................................................................... 26 2.4.1_ The Stadtkrone.................................................................. 27 2.4.2_ The skyscraper city ........................................................... 28 2.4.3_ Towers of glass ................................................................. 29 2.5_ CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................... 30 CHAPTER 3 SKYLINE FEATURES........................................................................ 32 3.1_ INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 32 3.2_ SKYLINES AS COLLECTIVE SYMBOLS ................................................... 32 3.2.1_ Case study: The city of London ......................................... 33 3.3_ LAISSEZ-FAIRE SKYLINES ..................................................................... 36 3.4_ IDENTITY-SETTING SKYLINES .............................................................. 38 3.5_ SKYLINE RITUALS ................................................................................ 39 3.5.1_ The skyline portrayed ....................................................... 40 3.5.2_ Skylines as icons................................................................ 42 3.6_ CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................... 44

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CHAPTER 4 SKYLINE MANAGEMENT................................................................ 45 4.1_ INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 45 4.2_ URBAN DESIGN OBJECTIVES .............................................................. 47 4.2.1_ Uniqueness, character and diversity. ............................... 47 4.2.2_ Unity and continuity rather than individuality ................. 48 4.2.3_ Legibility. ........................................................................... 49 4.2.4_ Building heights ................................................................ 50 4.2.5_ Roofscapes. ....................................................................... 52 4.2.6_ Architecture as a public art............................................... 52 4.2.7_ Design Reviews. ................................................................ 53 4.3_ FROM OBJECTIVE TO POLICY ............................................................. 53 4.4_ SKYLINE POLICY .................................................................................. 55 4.4.1_ Perceptual elements ......................................................... 55 4.4.2_ Townscape Policies ........................................................... 56 4.4.3_ Design Strategies .............................................................. 57 4.4.4_ Urban Design Frameworks ............................................... 58 4.4.5_ Urban Policy ...................................................................... 65 4.5_ ARCHITECTURE POLICIES ................................................................... 65 4.5.1_ Building Heights ................................................................ 65 4.5.2_ Density .............................................................................. 68 4.5.3_ Roof Design ....................................................................... 73 4.5.4_ Set backs ........................................................................... 74 4.6_ VIEWS AND SKYLINE PROTECTION..................................................... 74 4.6.1_ VANTAGE POINTS ............................................................. 78 4.6.2_ COLLABORATION .............................................................. 78 4.6.3_ Visualisation ...................................................................... 81 4.6.4_ Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA) ........................ 83 4.6.5_ Assessing the effectiveness of 3d visualisation in EIA ...... 88

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4.7_ CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................... 89 CHAPTER 5 THE MALTESE SKYLINE .................................................................. 92 5.1_ INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 92 5.2_ PROFILE OF CASE STUDY AREA .......................................................... 95 5.2.1_ General ............................................................................. 95 5.2.2_ The Evolution of the Maltese Built Environment Legal Framework..................................................................... 95 5.3_ CURRENT SITUATION ....................................................................... 101 5.3.1_ Urban Settlements .......................................................... 105 5.3.2_ Case Study: Lija ............................................................... 109 5.3.3_ Methodology .................................................................. 112 5.3.4_ Analysis ........................................................................... 113 5.4_ CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................. 120 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................ 122 6.1_ SUMMARY OF OBSERVATIONS ........................................................ 122 6.2_ RECOMMENDATIONS: TOWARDS BETTER URBAN SKYLINES .......... 124 6.3_ SCOPE FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ..................................................... 127

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LIST OF PLATES Plate 1: Skyline of San Gimignano ........................................................................... 20 Plate 2: London’s financial centre, “The square mile” ............................................ 22 Plate 3: The Water Tower in Daytona Beach, Florida, USA ..................................... 22 Plate 4: The Water Tower in Miami Beach, Florida, USA ........................................ 22 Plate 5: The CN Tower in downtown Toronto, Ontario, Canada............................. 23 Plate 6: The Shiva Statue in Bhatkal Taluk of Uttara Kannada district in the state of Karnataka, India. .......................... 25 Plate 7: The main Stupa crowning Borobuder, the largest Buddhist structure in the world, Java, Indonesia ................... 25 Plate 8: Giotto's Campanile, Florence, Italy ................Error! Bookmark not defined.

Plate 9: The Eiffel Tower, Paris, France ................................................................... 27 Plate 10: The Mole Antonelliana, Turin, Italy .......................................................... 27 Plate 11: Taut’s Stadtkrone concept. ...................................................................... 28 Plate 12: The New York CBD skyline ........................................................................ 29 Plate 13: Tower 42, formerly known as the National Westminster Bank Headquarters................................................ 30 Plate 14: Melbourne Skyline from Yarra river, Australia ......................................... 33 Plate 15: The fragility of London’s traditional skyline, view of Palace at Westminster ..................................................... 34 Plate 16: Development occurring in the close vicinity of the Cathedral ................. 35 Plate 18: The Chicago skyline .................................................................................. 37 Plate 19: An image of the Duomo acting as a means of orientation from within the city of Florence, Italy ................................ 38 Plate 20: The duomo in Florence, Italy .................................................................... 39 Plate 21: A landmark viewing platform in Neu-Oerlikon, Zurich - Zurich, Switzerland ................................................ 40 Plate 22: A print of the fortified city of Valletta ...................................................... 41 Plate 23: A postcard with the view of the New York downtown skyline form under Brooklyn bridge ....................................... 41 Plate 24: A print of Florence, Italy, ca. 1500 ........................................................... 42

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Plate 25: A logo of the London skyline .................................................................... 43 Plate 26: The Thames television logo ...................................................................... 43 Plate 27: Views of parish church lost from long distance views ............................. 45 Plate 28: Santorini, Greece ...................................................................................... 48 Plate 29: Siena, Italy ................................................................................................ 49 Plate 30: Abrupt changes in building heights .......................................................... 67 Plate 31: Changes in building heights ...................................................................... 68 Plate 32: Valletta and Sliema skyline, taken from Foot of Fort St. Elmo................. 71 Plate 33: Sliema and Valletta skyline, taken from Manuel island ........................... 71 Plate 34: High rise development in Paola, Malta .................................................... 71 Plate 35: Environmental Simulation Laboratory, Univeristy of California at Berkely ............................................................. 82 Plate 36: Significant differences between traditional townscape features and recent development ......................................... 92 Plate 39: The fortified city of Senglea, Malta .......................................................... 95 Plate 40: The fortified city of Valletta, Malta .......................................................... 96 Plate 41: The skyline of Sliema, Malta ..................................................................... 98 Plate 42: Roof extensions and installations encroaching on long distance views of the Mosta Dome. .......................................... 101 Plate 43: The skyline of the ancient city of BIrgu, Malta ....................................... 102 Plate 44: The skyline of the fortified city of Mdina, Malta .................................... 102 PLATE 45: The Carmelite Parish Church and the Anglican Cathedral belltower in Valletta, Malta...................................... 103 PLATE 46: Views of parish church lost from long distance views.......................... 104 Plate 47: The Portomaso tower, as seen from Valletta, Malta ............................. 104 Plate 48: The contrasts displayed by additional floors , Attard, Malta ................. 105 Plate 49: The cumulative effects of blank party walls, Marsalforn, gozo ............. 106 Plate 50: Service cluttered rear facades, Attard, Malta ........................................ 106 Plate 51: The dominance of water tanks on roofscapes ....................................... 106 Plate 52: The Belveder Tower, Lija, Malta ............................................................. 107 Plate 53: Traditional characteristics of the townscape of Lija, Malta ................... 108 Plate 54: Buildings in the close vicinity of the Belveder tower, Lija, Malta .......... 114

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Plate 55: Different views of development in question.......................................... 117 Plate 56: The skyline of Lija, Malta, showing impact of new development .......... 118 Plate 57: Various views of new development ...................................................... 119 Plate 58: The impact on long distance views of the new development ............... 119

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 4.1: Viewcones .............................................................................................. 51 Figure 4.2: Building heights accentuating topographical features.......................... 51 Figure 4.3: Building heights promoting uniform coastal views ............................... 51 Figure 4.4: Landscape assessment photographic study .......................................... 61 Figure 4.5: Landscape assessment photographic study .......................................... 61 Figure 4.6: Landscape assessment photographic study .......................................... 61 Figure 4.7: Landscape sensitivity map ..................................................................... 63 Figure 4.8: Literal manifestation of design codes.................................................... 74 Figure 4.9: View corridor ......................................................................................... 75 Figure 4.10: Extract from LA 114 ............................................................................. 85 Figure 4.11: Photomontage for Fort Cambridge by Virtual Reality Studios ............ 87 Figure 5.1: The town of Gharghur, Malta still ......................................................... 96 Figure 5.2: The view cone that refers to plate ...................................................... 104 Figure 5.3: Lija Building Height Limitaations Map (LJM3) ..................................... 109 Figure 5.6 : The three areas in Lija to be analyzed ................................................ 112 Figure 5.7: location plan of Area one .................................................................... 113 Figure 5.9: The effects of the proposed building heights...................................... 114 Figure 5.11: Location plan of Area two ................................................................. 116 Figure 5.12: Area two in 3d ................................................................................... 116 Figure 5.13: Location plan of Area three, .............................................................. 118 Figure 5.14: Three dimensional analysis of development in Lija, Malta ............... 120

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Skylines are not just shapes on the landscape, but a vital symbol of any culture, they are the reflections or indexes of social values and cultural beliefs.

(Attoe, 1981, p 10)

If this statement has any value locally, what do Maltese skylines represent?

1.1_Background The Maltese landscape consists of a diversity of pleasurable skylines, some of which are considered important components of Malta’s identity and often endeavor to sell Malta to tourists or appeal to possible foreign investment in different economic activity. However a number of skylines have been threatened by haphazard or insensitive development. Why is it that most traditional skylines are visually appealing and the skylines of contemporary development are generally considered eyesores?

The typical traditional Maltese skyline is distinctive due to the central presence of a single prominent feature, namely that of the parish church, which very often dominates over an elaborate array of lower-lying dwellings. Furthermore, the extensive use of building elements extracted out of local materials, aids to seamlessly tie these skylines to their surrounding landscape. Thus, one can argue that these traditional skylines provide a direct reference to the (real or perceived) cultural foundations of society, whilst appearing visually attractive.

On the other hand, some emerging skylines are found to be of unsatisfactory quality through their introduction of bulky, unarticulated and contrasting features which contrast with the characteristics provided by existing settlements. One of the most disturbing observations made is that development is too often driven by the individualistic interests of large and small-scale developers, rather than by any quality-based considerations designed to enrich urban spaces and townscapes.

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The question of how to achieve desirable local skylines is vital, especially when considering the fundamental importance which the Maltese landscape plays in the sectors of construction and development, a pillar of the national economy.

Consequently, the author underlines the need for proper skyline management policies to be implemented within the Maltese planning system.

An urgent problem which needs to be addressed is that related to the allocations of building heights. The local plans issued in 2006 have shown some potentially harmful building height allocations and this issue is clearly voiced in the Position Paper prepared by the Kamra tal-Periti (KTP – the Architects’ Professional Institute in Malta) in March 2008, entitled: ‘MEPA Reform’, which states:

…The revised building height designations produced development frenzy in our towns and villages leading to the destruction of the very same qualities that made them attractive … (p 26)

The problem with the revised building heights is that they obstruct views both into and out of the Urban Conservation Areas and intrude upon the views of pleasurable skylines. Several theorists, practitioners and professional, architecture bodies acknowledge the need to protect certain characteristic views. Carmona and Punter (1997) emphasize the importance of protected views and important skylines in broader strategic urban design and underline the impact skyline policies have on the overall image of the settlement in question. From this follows the fact that there exists a distinct deficiency within the Maltese planning system in either the location, or methods of designation of these occurring building heights. This dissertation aims to delve into such strategic urban design concepts and methods of implementing them.

Another problem concerning skylines in Malta is that different urban areas seem to be characterized by the same building typologies. There seems to be a lack of legibility and distinction between different urban areas. Lynch (1960) highlights the importance of legible skylines because they ease way-finding and enhance the visual quality of the townscape features. In most cases the lack of

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distinction is a product of the general lack of attention given to the design of roofs, since most Maltese roofscapes are practically identical. The roofline is repeatedly being penalized with under-designed structures ranging from pigeon lofts to lift shafts; air conditioning plants to unscreened water tanks and television reception masts. These features have a huge adverse impact on the urban skyline. The author examines why such ‘less desirable’ structures are continuously ‘popping’ up, so to speak.

In general, the public is critical of new development that pierces the skyline and this sheds concern over the effectiveness of the methods of public participation in Malta. The report titled ‘Design Review’, authored by the (British) Commission of the Built Environment (2006) states that collaborations in the United Kingdom are undertaken in design workshops, sometimes known as ‘charrettes’ or community planning weekend, and these usually involve the collaboration between the local public community and a team of professionals working side by side, rather than the professional being on top. This system contrasts with that employed in Malta, where public participation exercises are generally inefficient and limited due to the methods employed. Malta could certainly learn a lot from such innovative public education exercises, since these will continue to foment an understanding of the importance of a high-quality urban environment.

1.2_Objectives and Methodology Departing from the notion that there is an urgent need to manage urban skylines three research questions have been established in order to guide the study, namely: 1. Why should issues of skyline management be legislated?

2. What are the main policies that could guide the quality of urban skylines?

3. How can such policies be implemented most effectively?

Guided by these three questions, the scope of this dissertation is to:

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1. Establish the importance of urban skylines by referring to episodes that characterized the evolution of urban skylines throughout history; 2. Compile a general set of principles that could formulate a framework for the management and design of urban skylines referring mainly to the British Planning system which the Maltese is an offshoot of, and; 3. Analyse the various ways of implementing such policies by referring to techniques such as Public Participation, visualisation techniques, design reviews and Impact Assessment methods.

Furthermore this study does not seek definite answers but offers more of an ‘ideas bank’ through which skyline management issues could be analysed.

1.3_Structure of the dissertation The author’s endeavour to answer the questions posed above is discussed in the following order of chapters:

CHAPTER 1 is the current chapter and sets out the framework of the dissertation, outlining main concepts without going into the substance.

CHAPTER 2 presents a historical synopsis of skylines through a presentation of the main factors which, in the opinion of the author, have impacted on the history of skylines. The research weighs in heavily on the seminal works ‘Skylines’, by Wayne Attoe (1981), and ‘The City Shaped’, by Spiro Kostof (1991).

These were the only major surveys on the subject of skylines which were available at the time. This initial part of the review seeks to provide a background to the origins of skyline management which have led to the current state of affairs in skyline policy.

CHAPTER 3 continues with the literature review however focuses on the different meanings and connotations people give to skylines and the diversity in skyline-related rituals. For instance the struggles some cities go through in order to conserve traditional elements in their skylines. The contents of this Chapter are brought into context through an analysis of the evolution of skyline management in London. Finally the author delves into the iconographic aspect

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of skylines and the reason why millions of tourists travel each year: to view cities the way postcards display them

CHAPTER 4 makes up the greater part of this dissertation and is divided into two parts. The initial part analyzes the main concepts behind ‘ideal’ skylines, dictated by leading urban designers and planners with the aim of providing the reader with the necessary theoretical background on the subject. The second part then analyzes the translation of these ‘ideal’ concepts to Maltese planning policy, with reference to the British family of planning systems, of which Malta is a part of. The aim of this part of the dissertation is to localise the lack of skyline management issues within the Maltese planning system and to provide a generic guide for which planners could consider or follow in order to manage and design urban skylines.

CHAPTER 5 focus specifically on the Maltese reality. This chapter is divided into two parts: In the first part the author gives a brief description of the islands of Malta and explores the evolution of the built environment as seen from a legislative perspective. This is done with the aim of providing the reader with the required background on the current state-of-affairs with regards to the Maltese built environment.

The second part of the chapter then provides a case study on skyline of the town of Lija, a town located in the centre of the island of Malta. Due to the limitations imposed by the study the author does not address all the concepts outlined in chapter four but only refers to the main skyline issues in Lija. The author analyzes the potential effects of the Lija Local Plan’s Building Height Limitations Map (LJM3) which was approved in August 2006. The author compares images obtained from a three-dimensional model (built according to LJM3) of Lija, with current photographs of different parts of Lija. Through this exercise, the author aims to highlight a major deficiency in the Maltese planning processes, notably the high dependency on two-dimensional planning techniques.

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CHAPTER 6 concludes this study by including a summary of observations. It also provides a set of recommendations which should lead to more appealing, carefully thought-out urban skylines. The scope for further research sets ideas for future studies in this domain because this area of study is relatively undeveloped.

1.4_Limitations In the second and third chapters the author examines the evolution of skylines and a variety of skyline related rituals, features and characteristics in order to give the reader a theoretical background on the topic of skylines. The author does not put forward examples of Maltese events because these have little or no significance when compared to major European or American countries In the fourth chapter the author encapsulates all the possible characteristics and their mutually respective policies in order to compile a set of recommendations for skyline management and design. However the analysis of Lija, in the fifth chapter, only deals with the skyline issues in Lija and not the whole spectrum of concepts analyzed in chapter four.

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CHAPTER 2 SKYLINES Skylines are urban signatures. They are the shorthand of urban identity, and the chance for urban flourish (Kostof, 1991, p296)

2.1_Introduction As soon as construction techniques allowed for buildings to be constructed of a certain height, the issue of which buildings deserve to dominate airspace emerged and the need to regulate urban skylines began to manifest itself. This chapter reveals the origins of skyline management and the reasons behind skyline legislation. It also gives a brief outline of the main episodes that characterized the evolution of urban skylines throughout history. The author describes the main features that epitomized such historic episodes and analyzes the way in which skylines adapt to prevailing social, economic, technological, and political values of their respective communities.

2.2_The urban skyline There is a tendency for urban skylines to comprise of distinctive structures which are specifically designed to celebrate the faith and achievements of their societies and their leaders, particularly the ones who aspire, or perceive themselves to be the most powerful. Certain landmarks in the skyline shape the built environment and highlight iconic city portraits (Kostof, 1991) and are a feature which continues to manifest itself across ages and cultures. As such, the urban skyline is a manifestation of the feelings, aspirations and intentions of the people living within a given urban settlement. Similarly, the radical transformations that occur within the urban environment signify cultural upheavals and when an industrial or commercial establishment pierces the skyline in competition to a cathedral or church, we sense that traditional values are being overtopped.

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The connection between members of society and their skyline is dwelled upon at some length by Spiro Kostof (1991). In his book ‘The City Shaped’ he makes an interesting observation on what could be termed a sort of ‘democratic deficit’ in the sphere of urban planning. He notes that skylines are negotiated symbols and the forms that dominate the urban silhouette should, in an ideal world, be given license to do so only by the majority of the community (Kostof, 1991).

2.2.1_Public and private skylines Different communities and their authorities have always expressed mixed feelings about their skylines being dominated by private structures. In the mid 13th century in Bologna the authorities declared that anyone who erects towers that compete with the height of the Curia of the commune would be fined and their tower demolished (Miller, 1989).

In Rome, specifically in Brancaleone degli Andalo, the senator firmly controlled the height of tower-houses and in the 1250s demolished around 140 of them in the name of communal self-assertion because he thought they were a threat to the central authority. The Village of San Gimignano in the province of Siena, Tuscany, is internationally known for its skyline because it encompasses a variety of towers in different forms and sizes still standing from the 12th century (plate 1) (Kostof, 1991).

Plate 1: Skyline of San Gimignano Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4d/San_Gimignano.JPG

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The need to regulate the urban skyline was a requisite of two underlying reasons. The first related to the need to expose the urban form and thus eliminate jurisdictional pockets that threatened the central authority. And second, since urban form was meant to be visually expressive of the dominant social formation, it was mandatory that no private structures rise higher than those of the commune (Kostof, 1991).

On the other hand in 1342, the locals in Perugia banned any sale or destruction of towers, citing them for their great beauty (Heers, 1979). These lofty towers bore witness to the power of the city that hosted them and therefore deserved a place in the urban skyline. This comes to show that as early as the 13th century skyline management was already present and consisted of both the removal of offending structures and the conservation of those considered beautiful.

Before the Industrial Revolution, the urban skyline displayed buildings of collective importance and institutional landmarks associated with religious and political power. The economic and social change that marked the Industrial Revolution, among other things, led to an increase in privatised skylines. This gave rise to debates, which are still commonplace, regarding the impacts and acceptability of private structures that dwarf collective symbols. Such debate was clearly visible in the United Kingdom when in 1963, in his defence of the historic skyline of Cambridge, Thomas Sharp , a British urban planner stated that, â€œâ€Śthe majority of private interests should not be allowed to dominate the town architecturally any more than it should sociallyâ€? (Sharp, 1963).

Although it is perfectly justifiable for traditionalists to be concerned with the impact of modern development on historical settings and skylines, the ultimate goal of urban design is to transcend time and provide continuity with the past as well as meet the needs of the present and future (Tavernor, 2004). Some historic townscapes are being threatened by modern development and in some cases cities are no longer being viewed as cathedral cities but as commercial or industrial centres, which in turn deserve a skyline representative of their social

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and economic status. An example of this is the City of London (plate 2) which has seen a dramatic change over the past few decades in its skyline.

Plate 2: Above: London in 1746, Below London today Source: Above (Kostof, 1991) Below: http://img.timeinc.net/time/daily/2008/0810/skyline_london.jpg

Before the industrial revolution, lighthouses and fire-watch towers had to dominate the skylines in order to be visible and thus signify their importance.

Water towers, a product of the 19th century, were essential especially in flat countries where the head needed to force water into the upper stories, could only be attained through the storage of water at certain heights. In North America, from 1840 onward, water towers and grain elevators were principal skyline elements (plate 3). These towers were often designed in peculiar forms to be distinguished and iconic in the skyline. (Kostof, 1991)

Plate 3: The Water Tower in Daytona Beach, Florida, USA Source: http://www.eber.se/torn/us/bild/920401-009.jpg

The industrial revolution brought about large changes to a variety of countries across the globe. With the exploitation of the steel frame and other

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mechanisms such as lifts, the ability for structures to penetrate skylines became easier and quicker. As a result, height limitations were relaxed and this saw the increase of private structures in the urban skylines, especially in the United States.

The 20th century brought with it a radical change which saw the dominance of the manufacturing age of the industrial revolution being taken over by the services and communications sector. Consequently, by the mid-1950s transmission towers started being erected in prominent positions across most developing countries. An example of this is the Toronto’s CN Tower (Plate 4) which measures 533m and currently is one of the tallest communication towers in the world (Heinle et al., 1989). A number of such communication towers offer viewing platforms or restaurants at their peak, such as the ‘space needle’ in Seattle, built for the 1962 World’s Fair (EXPO). These peculiar vertical accents sometimes unify city form, especially when the skyline is not memorable. They also bear important witness to the communities’ acceptance of technological progress.

Plate 4: The skyline of Toronto, Ontario, Canada Source: http://www.bde.enseeiht.fr/clubs/guide-inter/images/grands/Cntower.jpg

To summarise, skylines are like any other product of social behaviour change and adapt continuously with the values of the communities with which they are associated. Certain changes in society are not always accepted by the majority and neither are the changes in the city skyline. The most common debate very often is over the degree of conservation of religious monuments.

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2.3_Sacred heights Until recently, the dominant elements in skylines around the world belonged primarily to sacred buildings. Hindu temples in the East and Southeast of Asia were designed as great ornamental mounds to dominate the skyline. An example of this is the famous statue of Shiva in the town of Bhatkal Taluk of Uttura Kannada, a town in the Indian state of Karnataka (Plate 5). Buddhism was expressed architectonically by stupas, dome-shaped grave mounds that rose higher than any other structure in the urban form. Some of these Buddhist stupas date back to the third century BC, like the one found in Java Indonesia, which is the largest Buddhist structure in the world (Plate 6). On the other hand, the Religious Pagoda, a low lying urban mass in China, often dominated the urban skyline there (Kostof, 1991).

Outside of Asia, the most common elements of religious architecture are bell towers and domes. These sky-aspiring elements were visible in urban skylines as early as the 9th century (von Simon, 1964). In the 800s, in Italy it was popular to construct the bell tower as a detached structure (Kostof, 1991). This concept was adopted by Giotto for the Campanile (bell tower) on the Piazza del Duomo in Florence, Italy (Plate 7). The Duomo in Florence also occupies Brunelleschi’s dome which inaugurated the style that focused for all time the skyline of the city. As did Michelangelo’s dome for St. Peter’s in Rome, and Wrens for St. Paul’s in London.

Skyline management, in London, started to manifest itself In the 17th Century after the Great Fire burnt some one hundred churches which were subsequently replaced by red brick houses and office blocks. In the 1860s height limits were elevated and many of Wren’s steeples were obscured by Victorian and Edwardian office blocks. By the early 20th Century height limitations were doubled and this changing urban scale was a universal phenomenon that put pressure on conventional sacred skyline features to seek new heights (Schindler, 1981).

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Plate 5: The Shiva Statue in Bhatkal Taluk of Uttara Kannada district in the state of Karnataka, India.

Source: http://jassjason.blog.co.in/files/2009/01/3jpg.jpg

Plate 6: The largest Buddhist structure in the world, Java, Indonesia

Plate 7: Giotto's Campanile, Florence, Italy

Source:

Source:

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7 /77/Stupa_Borobudur.jpg

http://img689.imageshack.us/i/41806787 857a2d84963bb.jpg/

2.3.1_Landmarks of a secular city Some of the features mentioned above have both religious and secular dimensions. The pagoda, for instance, accents Buddhist temples as well as gates of city walls, whilst the dome is omnipresent and cross-cultural; it marks government buildings, baths and tombs as it does churches. Another feature is the belfry. We normally associate belfries with churches but there are secular belfries that are associated with government. The Flemish skyline is often

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accented with belfries commonly situated in the marketplace. This served both as a rallying point for the townsfolk and a civic landmark in the flat countryside.

The belfry in Bruges measures 100m in height. Such towers appear with special frequency in central Italy and northern Europe (Kostof, 1991) (Plate 8).

Plate 8: The skyline of Bruges Source: http://lh5.ggpht.com/YdvpSkGG3hU/RnP964bq1yI/AAABq4/CsxEUGbCfVU/DSC0050.JP

2.4_The modern skyline The modern skyline can easily be interpreted as a reference to the drastic change in scale of ordinary buildings and an overshadowing of traditional public landmarks. In light of this, a hierarchy among these public symbols has prevailed and we find ourselves immersed in a world of competition for height by the private sector organisations In the 19th century community leaders aspired to create an urban form representative of modern aspirations – one that would stand out as an advertisement and monument to the advances in engineering and steel technology. Initially the idea was to create towers in celebration of popular political or cultural events, like the 1000 foot (305m) columnar tower of gilded cast iron, by the British engineer Richard Trevithick, in honour of the Reform Act in 1832. The 1000 feet figure stood as proof of superiority of the country that created it. In 1876 the editor for the magazine Scientific America stated that:

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…Not only shall we commemorate our birthday by the loftiest structure ever built by man, but by an edifice designed by American engineers, reared by American mechanics, and constructed of material purely the produce of American soil…

(Jay, 1987, p36)

France prevailed in this so-called ‘race’ with the creation of the Eiffel Tower, measuring 300m in height (Plate 9). Its success was partly due to the subsidies provided by the state for its construction and partly a result of ticket sale revenue just a year after its opening. On the other hand it is the ‘Mole Antonelliana’ that stands as the tallest masonry structure in the world in Turin, Italy (Plate 10) (Rosso et al, 1966).

Plate 9: The Eiffel Tower, Paris, France Source:http://ayearofyoga.files.

wordpress.com2009/11/eiffel-tower1.jpg

Plate 10: The Mole Antonelliana, Turin, Italy

Source:http://lh5.ggpht.com/YdvpSkGG3hU/Rn P964bq1yI/AAABq4/CsxEUGbCfVU/DSC0050.JP G

2.4.1_The Stadtkrone In Germany, the Stadtkrone or ‘crown of the modern city’ was a very important concept and throughout the 20th century the search for a Zukunftkathedrale or ‘cathedral of the future‘ was a top priority for many architects. This vision was primarily socialist in aim, and was intended to act as a symbol of communal life.

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Promoted by Bruno Taut and other expressionists, the idea was to rescue the city centre from the chaotic metropolis and devise an environment free of conflict. In his book, Die Stadtkrone, Taut argues that one of the most damaging consequences of the modern metropolis was the ‘loss of centre’. He goes on to explain how the centre has been overshadowed by factories and shops while urban sprawl has left cities without definition or end. He contrasted this chaotic environment with the traditional city where civic buildings formed a coherent mass culminating in the temple or cathedral in the centrefold (Sharp, 1966) (Plate 11).

Plate 11: Taut’s Stadtkrone concept.

Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/de/1/10/Taut_stadtkrone_kl.jpg

2.4.2_The skyscraper city A little over a century ago, specifically the 1870s the first skyscrapers were being erected in Chicago and New York. Initially out of masonry and later in steel, these forms were exciting and unconventional and elicited a variety of reactions: The American skyscraper was an unacceptable urban symbol, a monument to self-interest, and the aggressive competitiveness of capitalism of laissez faire and was therefore wholly inappropriate.

(Kostof, 1991, p323)

Although the steel frame was a product of the functional industrial process, there was an element of complexity in the building of skyscrapers which carried a certain amount of pride when contrasted to the hardware seen previously at such heights, notably chimneys and water towers. The skyscraper was not only a requisite of the industrial process but also a tool to try and maximise land profit in the city centre or Central Business District (CBD) (plate 12) were land

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values were high and the supply of land could not be increased. The economic rationale underpinning the development of such skyscrapers, namely the issues related to supply and demand of building land within a city’s CBD cannot, however, be taken as the sole motivator for such development. The UK House of Commons for example, in its 2002 report on Urban Development plainly stated that “tall buildings are more often about power, prestige, status and aesthetics rather than efficient development” and the element of prestige often outweigh the financial feasibility of their construction and management.

In general the American skyscraper could be interpreted as the celebration of one man’s accomplishment or enterprise, and in the continuous crop of towers one always struggles to keep up with the largest one, in a bid to become the city’s most noticeable landmark.

Plate 12: The New York CBD skyline Source: http://tomreeder.files.wordpress.com/2009/03/new-york-skyline.jpg

2.4.3_Towers of glass In the 1950s, the invention of thick float glass by British companies fulfilled the modernist predictions of a transparent architecture and advances in construction methods made even taller buildings possible. Since European cities are much older, the sudden post-war contrast of high rise buildings came as a larger shock than that in America, especially when comparing the American grid to the complicated city patterns of traditional European cities (Kostof, 1991).

One of the first episodes was that of the National Westminster Bank headquarters (Plate 13) which completely overshadowed St. Paul’s in London in 1981. Today the tower, known as “Tower 42”, is currently the second largest

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tower in the City of London. As a result of this countries like Denmark and Holland rushed to control the over-erection of tall buildings. In countries like West Germany, where the historic skyline was being threatened, urban image plans were developed and design criteria were set for architects to follow, either as suggestions or as legal guidelines (Kostof, 1991).

Plate 13: Tower 42, formerly known as the National Westminster Bank Headquarters Source: http://www.worldtravelimages.net/London_Thamespanorama_Center.JPG

2.5_Conclusions Even though the aesthetic visions of settlements will probably always be controlled by developers, planning authorities and designers alike, it is imperative that urban form becomes an outcome of the collective efforts of citizens. This scenario is almost unattainable because nowadays political leaders are very much dependent on business leaders and therefore authorities do not have total control on the townscape. In September 1985 in Los Angeles, the new plan for the city centre sought to take matters away from the hands of developers and politicians. This plan prohibited the replacement of many landmarks which included examples of older-generation high rises, shifted office blocks away from the Central Business District (CBD) and “… added a ceiling to the amount of construction that could take place in any one year – the so called ‘growth cap’” (Kostof, 1991, p334). It is for this reason that today’s Los Angeles contrasts heavily with the other major US cities such as New York and Chicago.

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Skylines may be interpreted differently by different members of the community and therefore in the next chapter the author will analyze and discuss, by referring to case studies, the different meanings people give to their skylines.

This is done in order to give the reader a sense of the importance and complexities of urban skylines. All of this will be supplemented by theoretical information on the concept of skylines.

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CHAPTER 3 SKYLINE FEATURES 3.1_Introduction The skylines of New York, London and Rome have taken significantly different formations over time and one cannot simply choose one over the other. As discussed in Chapter two, these skylines have evolved according to variations of values in society, mainly driven by tradition and change. Therefore this chapter seeks to analyze the human dimension of skylines and the different connotations that the public associates with these artefacts. In many cases the struggle lies within maintaining a skyline that is representative of communal values, as is the case with the city of London. When the city evolved from a ‘cathedral city’ to a ‘thriving financial centre’, numerous concerns emerged over what type of building should be allowed to dominate the skyline.

In the latter part of the chapter the author delves into the iconographic aspect of skylines and analyzes the way certain cities imbue their skylines to form transportable, internationally acknowledged symbols representative of their world status. The author also explores the reason why millions of tourists travel each year, to view things like the postcards display them.

3.2_Skylines as collective symbols Asserting one’s presence and identity in the skyline is familiar practice. Both individuals and groups erect towers, raise flags and construct monuments as a testimonial of their existence. In 1979, the city of Melbourne, Australia, held an international competition for the design of a new landmark for the city; something that would give Melbourne a new skyline, international attention and worldwide recognition (Plate 14) We have studied the cities that are acknowledged as great, where the landmarks have evolved over centuries and it became clear to us that Melbourne needed a big idea – something unique, something remarkable, something to give us more pride in ourselves and a far more significant place in

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the global itinerary. We are looking for something exhilarating, and original, something to put Melbourne on the world map (Melbourne Landmark Ideas Competition Committee, 1978, p5)

Plate 14: Melbourne Skyline from Yarra river, Australia

Source: http://www.theodora.com/wfb/photos/australia/melbourne romyarrariver.jpg

On the other hand, many cities across the world find themselves struggling to preserve already existing skylines that are seen as being threatened by contemporary development, rather than creating new ones. An example of this would be the City of London.

3.2.1_Case study: The city of London Due to fire-conscious building regulations that restrict building heights, the image of the city of London and its skyline remained intact for centuries. The Building Act of 1888 limited building height to 80 feet or to the width of the street (Cormack, 1977), however church steeples and similar attachments were exempted. Even after the invention of the steel frame that made high rise construction easier, these limits were retained and London, like any other cathedral city in Britain and Europe, still retained the visual image of a churchdominated community (Tavernor, 2004)(plate 15).

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Plate 15: The fragility of London’s traditional skyline, view of Palace at Westminster Source: http://www.studyabroad.ku.edu/images/pictures/london05_skyline.jpg

However soon after the First World War, for the first time in two centuries, changes started occurring in the London skyline. These were largely due the changing nature of the city and its business that exerted pressures to build in new ways. By 1934, the Royal Fine Arts Commission was already sighting high rise development as ‘seriously detrimental’ (Kostof, 1991).

It was not until after the Second World War those most distinct changes took place. Wartime bombing eliminated most of the filigree of the church steeples in the area of St Paul’s Cathedral that although contrasted, enhanced the roundness of the dome. In the 1950s height limits were relaxed and the construction of new office buildings overshadowed the presence of St. Paul’s and Attoe finds its authority to have been diminished as a consequence (Attoe, 1981, p 10). Robert Tavernor, a British architectural historian, describes the Cathedral and its surroundings at the time as a battlefield for traditionalists and modernists (Tavernor, 2004) (plate 16).

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Plate 16: Development occurring in the close vicinity of the Cathedral Source: http://blogs.guardian.co.uk/art/london46022.jpg

Until the 1990s the concept of ‘preservation of buildings’ related to protection of the building itself and not the protection of views to such buildings (English Heritage Strategy, 2005). The protection of views is a relatively recent policy development which is still rarely implemented in most parts of the world. In the 1980s, the importance of long and short distance views, led to the development of the Strategic Guidance for the London Planning authorities (RPG31, 1991). This policy formulated a list of ten strategic views across the London Boroughs, eight of which focused on St. Paul’s (Plate 17) and two on the Palace of Westminster in an effort to conserve the main traditional features of the London skyline.

Plate 17: the sightlines towards St. Paul’s cathedral

Source: (Department of Planning and Transportation, 2007)

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In the transition from a medieval cathedral town to the 20th century commercial centre, the city of London also witnessed an ever increasing cosmopolitan population, in which people from different cultural backgrounds did not realize the importance of preserving what was the existing skyline at the time. This meant that fewer voices could be heard complaining and decisionmaking was influenced primarily by businessmen rather than residents. The former tend to be less sentimental about the city. Resignation also plays a big part in the process, because citizens too often tend to learn what is happing only when it is too late.

It is therefore social, economic, technological and political factors which all combine to put pressure on the urban form to change and transform, resulting in a newly configured skyline. An important question to be posed therefore would relate to the extent that distinctive and traditional skyline symbols ought to be preserved and protected? Conversely, given that it is often considered important for communities to keep in touch with and show respect to ‘the past’, to what extent should new structures be permitted to dominate the cityscape, replace existing landmarks, and become the new symbols of society?

The area around St. Paul’s has become a thriving financial centre, with London becoming a leading player in international financial markets. Together with world class cities like New York and Tokyo, it has in fact become a truly globalised phenomenon. It is therefore justifiable for one to suggest that the image of London should enshrine, reflect, and/or celebrate the global authority and power that it possesses now rather than the idealised past that it is imagined to have had. In an ideal scenario a balance is reached between traditional aspirations and modern ideals.

3.3_Laissez-faire skylines While certain cities choose to control their skylines, there are others that opt for a non-interference policy. In such circumstances, a ‘laissez faire’, ‘let be’ approach is preferred and these cities are proud of the fact that their skylines

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are not frozen artefacts but continuously changing living entities. Cities like New York, and Chicago (plate 18) take particular pride in their apparently haphazard skylines, and find their aesthetic beauty in the competition between neighbouring buildings competing for height and attention in some cases through original architecture. Although the laissez-faire approach accentuates these skylines’ ‘rush to the top’, the liberal philosophy ultimately allows the aspirations, power and the risk of taking chances by the most powerful enterprises in the city to be symbolised by the skyline. The laissez-faire policy also gives fantastic opportunities for leading architects to produce great works.

Plate 18: The Chicago skyline

Source: http://www.richard-seaman.com/USA/Cities/Chicago /ChicagoSkyline.jpg

There is less admiration on the part of Constantinos A. Doxiadis, a Greek architect and urban planner, who argues that exploding cities such as New York and Chicago are symbols of human greed based on private initiatives. How else can the practice be interpreted of someone buying a piece of land that is designated for say five-storey developments, and succeeding in altering or bypassing the regulations so as to obtain consent for say a twenty-storey development consequently making four times the profit? Greed appears to be becoming the one symbol of exploding cities. (Doxiadis, 1975) Other laissez-faire skylines, like the ones in the Italian town of San Gimignano, reflect social dynamics of the city. Here noble and merchant families had

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competed between each other by erecting towers in the name of social-politics as a symbol of assertion, identity, wealth and protection. Today, the city is a UNESCO World Heritage city.

3.4_Identity-setting skylines The author has more than once put forth the argument that skylines may be presumed to represent collective symbols that are indicative of social values and concerns. However, apart from these perceptual connotations, skylines also occupy a more tangible, down-to-earth utilitarian value especially when viewed from within the city (plate 19). A skyline may aid orientation and distinguish certain areas from others, they help us recognize where we are and direct us to where we want to go. This element of legibility is emphasized by the introduction of landmark structures, conspicuous buildings that mark and identify a specific territory.

Plate 19: The Duomo, Florence, Italy, acting as a means of orientation from within the urban fabric Source: http://cache.virtualtourist.com/3470276-The_Duomo_Florence-Italy.jpg

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Furthermore, skyline features aid the anticipation and arouse a sense of interest and provoke foresight to approaching urban areas. This is especially true in complex urban fabrics such as those of medieval Europe where there is no helpful grid structure of streets to depend on. Lynch (1960) for instance, emphasized the importance of the Duomo in Florence (plate 20) as an orientation device. The Duomo is a prime example of a landmark since it is visible from both within the city and afar, by both night and day. It is closely related to the city’s tradition, and coincident with its religious centre. He continues to say that it would be difficult to visualize the image of Florence without this great structure in mind.

Plate 20: The Duomo in Florence, Italy

Source: http://www.paradoxplace.com/Perspectives/FlorenceSkylines/Florence-Duomo.jpg

Landmarks such as the Duomo, that are tall and in an unusual shape can be part of an urban design or urban orientation exercise.

3.5_Skyline rituals The instinct to climb high places and look down and appreciate the world beneath is a somewhat fundamental human intuition (Kostof, 1991). High

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places provide two significantly pleasurable activities: they provide a place to climb up and provide a viewing platform giving people the opportunity to view their surroundings and orient themselves Whilst on high ground, whether on a hill, an observation deck (plate 21), or on the roof of a skyscraper, one can easily understand the complex urban relationships that a city or town possesses (Geddes, 1949). These are usually intangible whilst walking through the streets however, and it is only whilst at height [that] we are able to combine fragments of ground-level familiarities into a whole.� (Attoe, 1981, p78)

Plate 21: A landmark viewing platform in Neu-Oerlikon, Zurich - Zurich, Switzerland

Source: http://www.cabe.org.uk/files/imagecache/csL arge/case-studies/neu-oerlikon-zurich-009.jpg

3.5.1_The skyline portrayed The shape of the urban skyline is an icon to the area that it belongs to, an urban advertisement to the rest of the world and an expression to present to its visitors (Attoe, 1981). In the medieval era, the purpose of commissioning city views was purely military. Maps and town views were used to study defence systems and plan attacks (plate 22). In the Renaissance period the city form

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appeared on coins, medals and paintings and today this phenomenon of depiction has progressed to the more common standard of postcards (plate 23), T-shirts (Kostof, 1991) and other souvenirs like fridge-magnets.

Plate 22: A print of the fortified city of Valletta

Source: http://www.maltavista.net/img/photo/maps/3_oldmap.jpg

Plate 23: A postcard with the view of the New York downtown skyline form under Brooklyn bridge

Source: http://www.wildpostcards.com/looking-at-downtownskylinefromunderbrooklyn-bridge.jpg

During the Renaissance skyline imagery of early modern Europe became very popular. In general, main buildings were drawn in silhouette against a black sky,

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a style fairly common in today’s world and most probably the technique that conceptualized ‘skyline’ (Kostof, 1991). Importance was given to the drawing of houses, especially in profile views, in order to emphasize that without these standard structures the dignity and scale of authoritative monuments would not be apparent (plate 24). In the 16th century perspective was not unified and in most cases the scale of the churches was exaggerated to underline their Catholic beliefs (Kostof, 1991).

Plate 24: A print of Florence Italy, ca. 1500 Source: (Kostof, 1991, p298)

In modern times, photography helped intensify the American urban image and in New York people purposely took the Staten Island ferry to George Washington Bridge in order to appreciate the New York City skyline just the way postcards displayed it. Identifying tall buildings became common practice for tourists as had been identifying the domes of Baroque Rome.

3.5.2_Skylines as icons Even though they graphically represent reality, icons are also unreal because they are stripped of mundane, trivial details. Icons are representative of another world, a more perfect one than ours and this is attained through the

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sense of detachment and dissociation from the everyday figure they represent (Attoe, 1981). Once abstracted, simplified, and distilled, the skyline becomes a transportable object that represents only the best qualities of the original (plate 25).

Plate 25: A logo of the London skyline

Source: http://www.issimi.com/wp-content/uploads/london-skyline.png

The most common exploitation of this phenomenon is the transformation of city skylines to corporate logos or emblems. Thames television and the Evening London news are examples of this practice (plate 26). In situations like these the illustrations of the skyline invokes a sense of patronage and pride, and lends authority to the product or service. This is probably the reason why so many news station backdrops are depicted with the most popular skyline of the city they represent.

Plate 26: The Thames television logo Source: http://blog.osirra.com/ gallery/1-148.jpg

Some companies take advantage of iconography and design emblematic architecture, which in turn acts as a constant advert of the company’s status and power. This is what the Transamerica and AT&T building tried to achieve by

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distinctively making their mark on their respective skylines. When corporations develop such buildings they gain a corporate symbol and in the process acquire free advertising. If a building stands out among others in the skyline, it will be noticed whenever the skyline is seen or illustrated.

Another basic exploitation of skylines is found within the straightforward use of the word itself, for example Skyline Motel, or Skyline Restaurant.

3.6_Conclusions As deduced from the above, skylines convey a variety of meanings, and different people interpret skylines in their own unique way. Skylines may set grounds for controversial arguments (which building should rise highest?), and they offer unique environments for dining and recreational facilities. They promote tourism and advertise international companies. They are also be imbued into a single-like object that represents a whole city. Whatever their interpretation, skylines are vital to a community and their importance is omnipresent.

In general skylines are complicated entities and evolve according to differing interpretations from different members of society. Malta can be taken as an example of a place where complexities are apparent and where poor skyline management prevails. In the next chapter the author will present a list of objectives and their mutually respective policies that, in his opinion, have a durable or permanent effect on the urban skyline.

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CHAPTER 4 SKYLINE MANAGEMENT Skylines evoke a sense of place and provide an identifiable image more powerfully than perhaps any other townscape element, and yet, surprisingly, they are not given specific protection under planning legislations (Tibbalds, 1992, p25)

4.1_Introduction In many cases the traditional characteristics of Maltese skylines are being threatened by lack of sensitivity displayed by modern development (plate 27).

After elaborating on the evolution of some of the best-known skylines, and the ways and means that planning authorities have adopted to preserve their identity, the author comes to the conclusion that skyline management is tangible. The aim of this chapter is hence to set out some guidelines on how the effectiveness of Maltese skyline-related policy can be measured and hopefully provide planners with some solutions in managing and designing those same urban skylines.

Plate 27: views of parish church lost from long distance views Source: adopted from a photograph taken by the author

Skyline management is elaborate due to the number of factors that it is comprised of. In this context, the author has devised a list of four main issues which, in his opinion, represent a more viable and systematic may of managing a skyline and mitigating any potential a durable or permanent effect on the urban skyline. In sum, all of these four issues would need to be dealt with through both qualitative and quantitative legislation and urban policy.

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Skylines can be managed in four ways as follows: 1. Through regional urban design policies; 2. Through architectural policies; 3. Through landscape assessment models; and 4. Through impact assessment studies which form part of modern planning systems, that would need to rely heavily on visualisation and public participation.

This chapter is divided into two main parts. The first part titled, ‘Objectives’ explores the concept of an ‘ideal skyline’. By looking at some of the work undertaken by leading architects and planners, including Kevin Lynch (1960), Francis Tibbalds (1992), and more recent work by Matthew Carmona and John Punter (1997) together with publications issued by ‘the Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment’ (CABE, 2006), the author defines recurring fundamental urban design concepts that, in his opinion, could be applied by prevailing architects and planners in order to achieve better urban skylines in Malta. Through this exploration of the possible characteristics of the ‘ideal skyline’ one is able to perceive what skyline management’s ultimate goal ought to be. The second part of the chapter moves on to discuss skyline management in more detail.

Between the first and second part of this chapter the author seeks to elaborate on the importance of qualitative controls over quantitative ones, noting that a majority of the ‘design’ guidelines in Malta are quantitative based.

Furthermore, the author notes that such guidelines can often have significant design implications on the skyline, since very often, architecture is a manifestation of the prevalent design policies (Francalanza, 2009).

In the second part of the chapter the author undertakes a comparative study between the Maltese and UK Planning systems in order to verify prevalent skyline policy within the Maltese system. A series of skyline-related policies were identified and extracted from prevailing policies in the UK and then crossreferenced these with the ones found within the Maltese planning framework.

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This analysis resulted in an apparent lack of a skyline policy in the Maltese Planning system.

In this chapter the author pays special attention to recent developments in the British family of planning system. These policies may be of interest to Maltese urban planners and designers, especially since the Maltese Planning System is largely based on the English “Pre-1991 Planning Laws”, later updated to slightly resemble the “1991 Planning Law in England and Wales” (Gauci, 2010).

Currently Malta is developing its own planning system.

4.2_Urban design objectives Architecture affects everyone, every hour of every day. The appearance of our built environment is important, and it’s about uplifting communities and transforming how people feel and behave. In short, good design improves the quality of life for everyone (CABE, 2006, p5)

4.2.1_Uniqueness, character and diversity.

Character is important because it contributes to the unique sense of identity of that particular place. Character is achieved through the analysis of those unique characteristics that an area provides. The most successful places are easily memorable with character that is easily appreciated (CABE, 2006).

It should be emphasized that places rather than individual buildings, matter more. Architects and planners should aim at exploiting the individuality and uniqueness of different places thus encouraging diversity, since no two places are alike (Tibbalds, 1992).

Character in a particular place can be obtained and managed in a variety of ways: 



Setting up of urban design frameworks (agreeing at planning stage which land uses are appropriate in certain areas and not in others); Landscape Assessment strategies, (considering all the characteristics of a given location and devising ways of maintaining and enhancing the positive features, whilst removing and mitigating the negative ones)

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

Architecture policies (relating construction to its surroundings in terms of mass, scale, materials, roofline, and the sort).

Topographical features are probably the most unique characteristics of a particular place. Therefore for the built environment to reflect this uniqueness buildings should be designed to emphasize those features rather than to hide them. In other words, the landform of an area should determine the basis of development (CABE, 2006). This concept is perfectly executed in the development of the built environment of Santorini in Greece, where the transition between the natural landform and the built environment is almost transparent (Plate 28).

Plate 28: Santorini, Greece

Source: http://blogs.nationalgeographic.com/blogs/intelligenttravel/Santorini%20Sunet%202.jpg

4.2.2_Unity and continuity rather than individuality New developments should be considered as guests in an existing townscape and need to respect their hosts. However this does not mean that there shall be no room for the occasional prima donna structure. What architects and clients need to accept is that, “… the greatest contribution that they can make to the

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built environment of the town or city is to construct good, backcloth buildings�

(Tibbalds, 1992, p14). This concept is very well exemplified in the built environment of the historic city of Siena, Italy. The coherent use of materials, rooflines and building alignments provide a perfect backdrop for the majestic landmarks (Plate 29).

Plate 29: Siena, Italy

Source: http://famouswonders.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/04/siena-rooftops.jpg

If every building had to scream for individual attention, the result would certainly be a chaotic one and this would lead to a confusing skyline with buildings of different shapes and sizes scattered haphazardly. This should not be allowed and planners need to regulate construction and pre-empt eyesores and visual intrusions (Carmona & Punter, 1997). Architects and planners are familiar with addressing town issues on plan -- all they need to do now is do the same in section and elevation, and if necessary use three dimensional techniques to visualise development beforehand.

4.2.3_Legibility.

As discussed earlier, the element of legibility in a skyline helps people find their way around and reinforces a sense of place. Development should be sited in

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order to enhance existing landmarks rather than obscure them. Ideally community buildings should be sighted around public spaces in order to reinforce the community’s identity. Development on corner sites should be higher than surrounding buildings to emphasize orientation and legibility (CABE, 2006).

Lynch’s (1960) principles for legibility are still being considered by many urban planners and these include:     

Gateways and points of transition; Nodes (important junctions and points of intersection); Landmarks and features (important public buildings and public art); Views and Vistas (seen from within and outside the area); Edges, seams and barriers (the distinction between different areas and zones).

Elements of legibility may be obtained through extensive site character appraisals, public participation and the elaborate use of three-dimensional visibility analysis. All these options will be discussed in further detail later on in this chapter.

4.2.4_Building heights Building heights generally have the largest bearing on skylines and luckily are not difficult to regulate. The problem with building heights arises when there are changes in building height policy. This is why building height regimes should be backed up by strategic concepts. Such concepts are enshrined mostly in urban design polices and these include legislations on: 





View sheds or view cones (fig 4.1) (the development of view sheds promotes building hierarchy based on the accentuation of landmarks, important views and vistas); Hill-and-bowl effect for hills and valleys (fig 4.2) (the hill and bowl effect controls building heights in a way to enhance topographical features); Stepping for coastal areas (fig 4.3) (Stepping of building heights provides sea views to be appreciated by more than just the residents living directly at the coast).

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Figure 4.1: View cones

Source: edited by author

Figure 4.2: building heights accentuating topographical features Source: edi ted by author

Figure 4.3: building heights promoting uniform coastal views Source: edited by author

If all of these theoretical principles are enacted in policy then there would be little scope for debate over issues such as building heights.

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4.2.5_Roofscapes.

Roofscapes are vital in the composition of skylines for they provide a link between building and sky and in fact be considered as the fifth elevation. In Malta, the treatment of roofs should be the full responsibility of the architect and not left to the whims of the builder and the contractors entrusted with the installation of water storage facilities, solar panels and air conditioning units.

The impact of such installations on the skyline is substantial and in Malta this has often been, and still is, adverse. In areas where topography provides high vantage points roofscape must be properly designed and planning authorities should insist upon this (Tibbalds, 1992; Carmona & Punter, 1997).

The legislative framework regarding roofscapes and roof structures will be analysed in the second section of this chapter.

4.2.6_Architecture as a public art Architects, planners, designers, builders, and the public at large should realise that architecture and town planning is among the most public of arts and communities should not put up with unimaginative development. It is time that cities are given back to the public (CABE, 2006).

This brings us to the important role of public participation and consultation in the managing of urban skylines and the entire built environment. In Malta, the role of public participation is currently legislated with reference to the Ă…rhus Convention. Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) also include an element of public participation as do Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEA). These legislative frameworks will be discussed in detail in the second section of this chapter giving special attention to the innovative methods of public participation developed by the Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (CABE).

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4.2.7_Design Reviews.

Before any development is given the green light for construction to commence its plans are reviewed by an authoritative board. In general, it is the review board that dictates what significantly pronounces urban silhouettes. The level of scrutiny applied by the design review board is a fundamental. Instead of adopting a laissez-faire attitude, planning applications should be refused over and over again until a result that provides a positive contribution to the environment is secured (CABE, 2006). During reviews, the board has to take decisions according to the information it is being submitted. Therefore visualisation is imperative in conveying building proposals. When a development is of a certain size an EIA has to be presented and this in turn requires the submission of photorealistic graphical representations of the development in question.

In the next section the translation of the above-mentioned objectives into different Maltese planning policy will be looked at. In the case of certain concepts not being available in Maltese policy, reference is made to the English Planning system.

4.3_From Objective to Policy The design policies in an urban plan â€œâ€Ś should concentrate on guiding the overall scale, density, massing, height, location, use and landscape of new development in relation to neighbouring buildings and the local area more generallyâ€?

(Department for Communities and Local Government, 1995)

In most cases legislation provides an almost specific outline within which the buildings are allowed to develop. Policies are usually devised to either constrain or encourage development in specific areas.

There are various types of design policies. These include; area-specific policies, site-specific policies and topic-based policies. Area-specific policies are mainly concerned with the townscape of a particular place and are intended to guide development in relation to existing characteristics. Examples of such areas are 53

conservation areas or town centres where a minimal intervention might have a drastic effect on the environment. Preparing such policies will only be possible after a thorough site appraisal (CABE, 2006).

In general policies should avoid unnecessary detail, be clearly expressed and concise. But in some situations additional information is required. In Malta the Development Control Policy and Design Guidance 2007 (DC2007) offers such supplementary information. It contains policy statements and performance standards for development and aims to promote the creation of high quality development that is visually attractive and appropriate. The document consists of mainly two types of policies, quantitative and qualitative. Quantitative policies are often expressed as minimum standards where as qualitative policies contain non quantitative guidance or requirements (MEPA, 2007).

In Britain, Supplementary Planning Guidance (SPG) is issued by the authorities.

These help provide helpful additional material for planning applicants and should be issued separately. SPGs should be prepared in collaboration with public, business and other interested party officials, and their views should be taken into account before being issued (CABE, 2006).

A common problem which is encountered is that often, the readers of such guidelines as issued by the Maltese Planning Authority or the UK SPGs would be unfamiliar with the terminology adopted. Therefore, the concepts could be explained clearly in the text or glossary, where appropriate. Indeed, some local authorities in the UK are reported to make the effort of using clear language in all their publications. In Birmingham City a plain English unit helps all the authorities convey their policies, letters and other document in easily understandable English (CABE, 2006).

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4.4_ Skyline Policy 4.4.1_Perceptual elements Perceptual elements cannot be easily expressed in policy statements because they embrace highly subjective images and experiences that people attach to their surroundings. These elements are hard to assess because generally they only evolve after development is complete. However, achieving a highly legible environment and a strong sense of place and identity are crucial and therefore it should be the aim of regulation to try as best it can to obtain this sense of place.

Lynch (1960) describes a city as a “… commonplace experience perceived in the context of everyday events and associations, past and present, where people were not merely observers but part of the spectacle,” (p 76). He also believes that the ‘subjective’ perceptions and meanings that people attach to places might be different to the ‘objective’ conditions defined by the professionals. In Malta identity issues are mentioned in the DC2007 under section 1.3 which states: New development should respect its context, including the character, appearance, scale, massing, height and density of the particular area in which it is situated. (p 19)

This statement is however perhaps too vague and promotes varying interpretations which could translate in disharmony in adjacent buildings.

A concept adopted in Bristol to create a positive image and identity of the city included the reinforcing of attractive qualities of this city’s built environment through the systematic identification of a wide range of townscape, public realm and ecological characteristics that could guide development accordingly (Carmona & Punter, 1997). Similarly, in Purbeck, UK, a key design policy was to create a ‘uniqueness of identity or place’ was achieved by analyzing the genius loci of the traditional Dorset villages and identifying a range of townscape oriented criteria to provide a basis for their legislative framework for design.

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These concepts included the creation of a sense of enclosure around a central square, a hierarchy of public buildings, glimpses of landmarks to aid orientation and the definition of symbolic gateways at the entrances to villages (Purbeck District council). This is similar to the ‘Landscape assessment study’ carried out

by MEPA on the Maltese Islands.

However perceptual elements in design policies are probably best accomplished through public consultation and region-wide appraisals. Only then can visions be made about what characteristics are important to the public. (Carmona & Punter, 1997).

4.4.2_ Townscape Policies The townscape tradition is often regarded as the quintessentially English approach to urban design and design control.

This statement is quoted from a seminar paper by Bob Jarvis published in Town Planning Review in 1980. In the paper Jarvis stresses Britain’s emphasis on external visual appearance and ‘artistic tradition’. He also closely compares these ideologies to the ones of Camillo Sitte and his City Planning According to Artistic Principles (Sitte, 1889).

On the other hand, Jane Jacobs (1961), an American-born Canadian urban planner, argues that a city’s policies can never be determined upon artistic qualities because of a city’s diversity, complexity and vitality, and thus completely dismisses the role of aesthetics as basis for urban design.

In general, one could argue that there is no ‘single’, widely accepted and sufficiently detailed concept of design to provide framework for policy development” but at least policy should be based on logic and the principles behind them should be easily understandable. As such, they must be well expressed, concise and should recognise that policies’ importance vary according to the area or site being dealt with (Carmona & Punter, 1997).

In their ‘Urban Design Study for Birmingham’, urban designers Francis Tibbalds and Andy Karski address such issues by asking pertinent questions like:

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 How will the proposed development be conceived?  Will it act as a landmark or as a background building?  How closely should it relate to its surrounding buildings?

These are all very important questions that, in the author’s opinion, should also make part of Maltese policy formation.

In general, these policies aim at maintaining the overall visual relationship of buildings to their surroundings. They emerge from a careful analysis of their context and therefore are mainly site-specific policies. The question is not merely defining building forms but appraising their role with the global urban experience. It is important that townscape principles are not determined by picturesque motifs but are fully integrated with urban form and the public realm (Carmona & Punter, 1997).

4.4.3_Design Strategies The Maltese Planning System often fails to recognise design as an activity operating beyond the level of mere planning of building sites. There is also a dominance of two-dimensional land use planning over considerations of threedimensional urban form, whilst the over-involvement of lawyers in planning processes tends to trivialise important design considerations (Gauci, personal communication). Although the Structure Plan includes a policy which seeks to protect the urban landscape (Policy BEN 2), and the DC2007 provides more detailed guidelines and a certain degree of elbow room, the MEPA seems to be either helpless or unconcerned by the manner in which the skyline has been damaged by irresponsible architects supported by philistine lawyers (Gauci, personal communication). Furthermore, the requirement that rooftop structures such as washrooms be applied for under the Development

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Notification Order (DNO)1 appears to have provided a loophole through which one has the licence to further undermine the quality of the Maltese skyline.

Region-wide development plans need to revive the art of design simply because there is the need of having a strategic overview of where development should go. This will encourage efficient urban growth with minimum negative externalities and make full use of existing or planned infrastructure (Carmona & Punter, 1997). Unplanned growth can be critical to the character and identity of an area and therefore town-countryside relationships need to be handled properly on a strategic level to ensure that important landscapes and habitats are conserved.

4.4.4_Urban Design Frameworks Another method of controlling the development of skylines in a specific area is through the introduction of urban design frameworks (UDFs). In Britain and elsewhere these provide guidance for areas that are undergoing development or where development needs to be promoted. The framework should specify which plan policies are to be applied in the area, provide guidance for development control and set out comprehensive design principles for the area.

Urban design frameworks should convey planning concepts and proposals in a two or three-dimensional forms through drawings, models and other techniques. The UDF is closely related to a Master Plan with the difference that not all areas within the plan are intended for development. The aim is to ensure development will comply rather than compete. This is a relatively new design tool but is gaining popularity especially in promoting dialogue between developers and other interested parties (CABE, 2006).

The City of Portland in the USA has been recognized as a design leader for several decades. It has developed UDFs for most of its downtown and extended

Under the DNO, a considerable number of small-scale interventions and development types (referred to as "permitted development") do not require a formal application for development permission, as long as specific conditions stipulated in the DNO are satisfied.

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them to its inner city, suburbs all the way to the urban fringe (Punter, 1996).

These frameworks have the advantage of providing a vision for the public to debate, modify and relate to. They also provide a link between detailed concepts of urban form and townscape to the more perceptual elements of legibility and public perception. Another advantage is that they provide tangible means of linking public investments and enhancements schemes to the formation of guidance policies (Carmona & Punter, 1992).

In Malta, a similar initiative by MEPA resulted in a document entitled ‘Landscape Assessment Study of the Maltese Islands’. This document was published as part of the Structure Plan Review and its main intention is to be used as a supportive document to direct development on a character based analysis (MEPA, 2004). A short summary of the 200 page document follows.

A. Landscape Assessment Study of the Maltese Islands Although it notes that different people interpret the term landscape in different ways, the Study cites the European Landscape Convention defining the term landscape as “… an area, as perceived by people, whose character is the result of the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors” (Council of Europe, 2000).

For the purpose of the Maltese Assessment, the term “landscape” was taken to refer to the visual aesthetic component of the surrounding environment – that is, views as appreciated and interpreted through the sense of sight. (MEPA, 2004). These can be both natural and man-made but in our day-to-day lives, the built-environment happens to be the most occurring landscape.

The Study then goes on to describe how Malta’s primary natural resource is its landscape and there are several elements that should evolve from its particular character. One would be that of giving a sense of place and identity thus rendering an area distinguishable from its neighbours and making it worth caring for. Another factor would be that of inspiring relaxation as a release from the daily tensions hence contributing to a healthy body and mind.

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B. The European Landscape Convention.

The Council of Europe has announced through the European Landscape Convention (ELC) that man and his interventions are an integral part of the European Landscape and it accepts that in certain instances man has played a vital role in shaping enjoyable landscapes. The aims of The ELC (signed by Malta on 20th October 2000) are to promote landscape protection, management and planning, and to organize European co-operation on landscape issues. The ELC recognizes the fact that urban man spends a considerable amount of time within a man-made landscape and therefore it proposes that cultures should have the freedom to develop a vision for how the surrounding landscape should evolve. The ELC also states that signatory countries should seek “to identify and evaluate landscapes in order to lay down a sound basis for long term action aimed at protecting them and improving them. Such action must be based on detailed knowledge of the characteristics of each landscape, the evolutionary processes affecting it and the value which the population concerned attached to it�. It is noteworthy that the ELC underlines the importance of all landscapes, those considered as outstanding as well as degraded landscapes (Council of Europe, 2000).

C. Assessment of the Maltese Islands Although the Structure Plan underlines the need to protect various aspects of the Maltese landscape and calls for the urgent need for landscape awareness, it falls short from providing any guiding development visions that aim to achieve a desired character for the Maltese Islands. This oversight is however supposedly addressed in the Structure Plan Review with the formation of the landscape assessment study which includes an obligation to undertake an extensive public participation exercise (MEPA, 2004).

The landscape study essentially has three main objectives. The first is to identify the main characteristic features of the different localities within the Maltese Islands with the aid of a photographic study (Figures 4.5, 4.6 and 4.7), explore the changes on the landscape that have taken place in the last two decades and

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ultimately develop a model to direct policy formation in the revised plan (MEPA, 2004). Eventually these will summon a list of detracting and enhancing features that would be the basis of landscape policy formation setting out the framework for future interventions.

Figure 4.4: Landscape assessment photographic study.

Xewkija, Gozo

Source: http://www.ambjentahja r.org/library/landscape.p df

Figure 4.5: Landscape assessment photographic study, Birzebbugia, Malta

Source: http://www.ambjentahja r.org/library/landscape.p df

Figure 4.6: Landscape assessment photographic study, Mellieha, Malta

Source: http://www.ambjentahja r.org/library/landscape.p df

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D. The Landscape Assessment Model The Landscape assessment model for the Maltese Islands was developed in accordance with a brief approved by the Planning Authority in 1998 and is heavily dependent on the sense of sight (MEPA, 2004). The model is a geographical information systems (GIS) based model and is based on sensitivity, meaning that it highlights the sensitivity of a particular area to change from its current state by proposed urban development. The visibility between the site and its surrounding physical environment is the main function of sensitivity.

Topography plays a very important role in visibility because landmasses and their distribution are the main determinants of visual range. Viewsheds are very important and ideally a three dimensional viewshed of each and every point on the Maltese Islands would be calculated and plotted. Several anthropogenic structures tend to disrupt lines of sight through physical obstructions such as badly situated high-rise developments.

The Maltese Islands were divided into a 50m by 50m grid and the quantifiable landscape components within the cells were identified. These components vary from bastions, church spires, terraced fields, quarries, fortified structure to rubble walls. Features that are seen to enhance the landscape were given a positive value, whilst the detracting features were given a negative value.

Human intervention is more often than not seen as a detracting feature in the Environment, and therefore areas in isolation have a higher landscape value (MEPA, 2004).

Five categories of landscapes were extracted from the study in order to detract sensitivity. The fifth value related to landscapes merits intervention in order to mitigate against considerable human impact (Figure 4.7).

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Figure 4.7: Landscape sensitivity map

Source: http://www.ambjentahjar.org/library/landscape.pdf

Category 1 – Area of Very High Landscape Sensitivity Category 2 – Area of High Landscape Sensitivity Category 3 – Area of significant Landscape sensitivity Category 4 – Area of Moderate Landscape Sensitivity Category 5 – Areas Required Landscape Upgrading

E. Interpretation of the Model The model gives a good indication of the sensitivity and location of different areas throughout the Maltese Islands. Apart from being a useful tool in guiding strategic planning the model may also be used to quantify the impact of individual developments on the quality of the surrounding landscape (MEPA, 2004).

F. Implications of the Model on Strategic Policy The Landscape Assessment Model assigns in general terms the value of different landscapes in order of importance. The results should guide policies in

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ensuring that development is compatible with its surrounding landscape. The Study proposes that ultimately policies should revolve around three main objectives:  The removal of offending features from the landscape with a priority

given to the Areas of Very High Landscape Sensitivity;  The introduction of visual mitigation measures within and around

detracting features; and  The positive interventions, which include retaining or enhancing of

positive features, especially in the more sensitive areas.

Areas of high landscape sensitivity should only allow interventions which maintain existing qualities and the removal of existing, inappropriate elements should be employed. Factors such as height, scale and massing are very important in these areas and even the slightest intervention might have an incongruous effect on the landscape. Mitigation techniques to screen adverse impacts might be applied in some areas such that long distance views may be stabilized. In Urban areas, the implementation of a complementary focal point may assist in creating a pleasant skyline in the otherwise unarticulated urban silhouette (MEPA, 2004).

For a Planning authority the size of MEPA to have accurate and total control over the building development across the Maltese Islands is very hard because of the limited resources and tools at its disposal. In most European Union member states, the adaptation, formulation and realisation of regional and local plans is carried out by the regional and local administrations themselves.

This facilitates planning and produces better results. The area under the planners’ jurisdiction is thus smaller and easier to deal with and hence gives the policy makers a chance to analyse their strategies better, giving them time to pre-empt policy outcomes on a much smaller scale. It is therefore the author’s opinion that Maltese Local Councils should be pro-active in the formulation of the respective local plans.

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4.4.5_Urban Policy The development of rights transfer also relates to skyline configuration. Under these conditions, the right to develop a property can be transferred to another location. This is usually done to preserve an existing landmark or promote a variegated skyline (Attoe, 1981).

In some cases incentives are used to promote development in areas whilst discouraging them in another. Incentives take the form of tax reduction, tax credits or delayed payments (Attoe. 1981).

4.5_Architecture Policies Control over the skyline may be obtained in various ways when dealing with architecture policies. These usually include guiding elements of visual appropriateness such as;  Height,  Density,  Detail,  Texture,  Orientation.

Planning authorities should determine the above criteria through explicit area appraisals and public consultation exercises, and clearly express these issues in policy form (Carmona & Punter, 1997).

4.5.1_Building Heights Decisions regarding building heights need to respond to different criteria. In some cases the aim is to respond to a general building pattern or to the potential of high density development. In other cases, building height might need to respond to the creation of a landmark, to enhance or protect views, or to avoid overshadowing (Attoe, 1981).

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In most cases, heights policy is termed ambiguously, for example, ‘new buildings should not significantly exceed the height of surrounding buildings’ (Carmona and Punter, 1997, p. 164). Statements like these do not really help maintain character but actually promote over-development. In Malta, this statement could be closely compared to the one found in Structure Plan Policy UCO 8 which states that, “development should be sympathetic with adjoining buildings in terms of building line and height” (Government of Malta, 1990).

In the Structure Plan, the Maltese authorities identified Urban Conservation Areas. Such areas include zones (mainly the traditional town cores) of high architectural and historical value. The Structure Plan advises that any architectural intervention that changes or degrades such areas (UCAs) will not be allowed.

The designations of building heights in Malta are carried out on twodimensional maps. These maps can be found in the Local Plans and are called ‘Building Height Limitation Maps’. A map of this sort is provided for every Local Council area. These maps provide colour-coded zones for which a specific building height is to be satisfied. These maps usually include:  The boundary of the development zone (outside which development is

not allowed);  The boundary of the Urban Conservation Area (UCA) (inside which

building heights have to be retained).

The distinction, on two-dimensional plans, between the UCA and the rest of the villages is merely a line which in some instances represents a road. Therefore if the building heights of a village differ between the ones in the UCA and the ones outside, one would find that within the same street there is a variation of building patterns. Since building heights in UCA’s are generally to be conserved one can only assume that the higher building heights are allocated outside of the UCA, then where these two building height zones meet an abrupt change in height occurs, which has an impact on long distance views. In some cases the

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periphery of the UCA lies within a compound of plots. Therefore within the same ‘block’ both UCA and non UCA development can co-exist (Plate 30).

Plate 30: abrupt changes in building heights

Source: photograph taken by the author

The lack of a buffer area between UCA and the rest of the villages has caused significant effects in certain parts of the Maltese Islands. The problem here is that views to and from UCA’s are being blocked due to trends of higher construction. In an effort to minimise such problems MEPA launched the Design Priority Areas.

Building height reviews have been occurring with intensity in the local plans, mainly due to the pressures exerted by the construction industry. These changes in building heights have been one of the main driving forces that degraded a number of urban skylines (Plate 31). Prior to 2006 building heights were altered depending on necessity and these usually meant altering building heights ‘block-by-block. The fact that alterations to building heights have continuously occurred is evident that Malta exerts no effort in managing its urban skylines.

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Plate 31: changes in building heights

Source: photograph taken by the author

Building height policy should be flexible and preferably defined on a characterbased analysis. The allocations of different building heights should be clearly justified and identified in the Local plans. In other words a strategy should be adopted in order to allocate building heights strategically to relate to the skyline keeping in consideration important views, breezeways, landmark buildings and areas of different land uses.

This brings us to Haringey’s plan, in Britain, for building height designations. The policy states that buildings over twenty metres may only be accepted if they: 

Do not intrude on strategic or local skyline views;



Are of an outstanding architectural quality;



Relate layout and Massing;



Emphasize a point of visual significance;



Avoid problems of excessive overshadowing and microclimate (Carmona & Punter, 1997)

4.5.2_Density Density issues play a big role in producing an image for our townscape and must be taken into consideration when dealing with skylines.

The most common density control measures are plot ratios. A plot ratio is the ratio of total floor area to the amount of land occupied. Therefore, if the ratio is kept constant, buildings may be higher if they occupy less land. The aim of plot

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ratios is to prevent a bulky townscape and promote wider public spaces between buildings (Attoe, 1981). Initially plot ratios established a maximum quantity but in time became a minimum negotiating point for applicants which made the control self-defeating (Carmona & Punter, 1997).

A. Tall Buildings and the Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Tall buildings should contribute positively to the urban townscape and city life because of the affect they have on the image and identity of a city. They should be designed as excellent architectural works and should serve as beacons of regeneration and stimulate further investment (CABE, 2007).

In Malta the trend of high-rise construction is a relatively new concept. The Portomaso Tower was completed in 2000 without there being a legislative framework regarding tall buildings. Soon after, MEPA was receiving several applications for high-rise developments. This sudden interest in high-rise construction saw the approval of the Floor Area Ratio (FAR) as a detailed policy in the Policy and Design Guidance of 2000. In 2003 the Urban Conservation and Built Environment Topic paper was issued and underlined the negative effects of tall buildings on the Maltese built environment such as high development densities and impact on strategic views. The Topic paper also suggested that tall building strategies should be based on a broader spatial analysis rather than the individual Local Plans. The topic paper also recognised the environmental, cultural and economic context within which the development of tall buildings is likely to occur (MEPA, 2003).

We should design for the totality of our urban space- not just react to ad hoc pressures...on individual sites or buildings.

(Murray, 2000, p32)

In October 2006 MEPA approved a document with the title ‘A planning Policy on the Use and Applicability of the Floor Area Ratio (FAR)’. The main purpose and objective of the Paper was to provide a clear, positive guide on the use and design of tall buildings in appropriate strategic locations. The document was

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nonetheless published without the necessary detailed urban design or character appraisals of the locations selected to be appropriate for high rise construction.

The paper therefore did not set out policies but merely a vague framework within which comprehensive evaluation of proposals could be made (MEPA, 2006).

The 2006 document recognises that strategically positioned and well-designed tall buildings can contribute positively to the built environment: 



 

They can act as landmark buildings and ease orientation and legibility within the urban areas; If closely constructed in a clustered manner, they can act as gateways and signal hubs of different activities; They can provide adequate public floor space in desired locations; When designed as state of the art architectural pieces, they can serve as catalysts for regeneration and stimulate investment, even for international companies.

The last chapter of the MEPA FAR document describes the appropriate and inappropriate locations for tall building developments. The development of tall buildings is inappropriate if development lies: 

In areas outside the development zone (ODZ);



In settlements on elevated ground and on ridges;



In settlements on steeply or sloping terrain;



In Settlements outside the main conurbation;



In conservation areas and historic centres; and



Settlements within or in close proximity to views and protected areas (Such as Areas of Conservation (SACs), Special Protected Areas (SPAs), Areas of High Landscape Value (AHLVs) (MEPA, 2006).

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Plate 32: Valletta and Sliema skyline, taken from Foot of Fort St. Elmo Source: photograph taken by the author

Plate 33: Sliema and Valletta skyline, taken from Manuel island Source: photograph taken by the author

Plate 34: high rise development in Paola, Malta Source: photograph taken by the author

In theory the above-mentioned restrictions would secure the visual enmity of many characteristic landscapes, but closer inspection is warranted to establish whether these guidelines are being followed? In particular, the site at Tigne’ (plates 32 and 33) lies very close to the Valletta peninsula, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, whilst the Three Towers in Paula (plate 34) have been issued a permit for high-rise development in the immediate vicinity of the Tal-Adolorata

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cemetery, a listed site. Views from inside the cemetery have, up till the construction of the towers, been made up of trees and other vegetation and the construction of the towers has made a significant impact on these natural views After considering the above criteria, areas deemed appropriate for locating tall buildings were contemplated. These areas varied from Pembroke in the north, to Birkirkara and Qormi in the centre to Żabbar in the south, alongside Buġibba, Qawra and Ricasoli (excluding UCAs) and the historical core of the Grand Harbour area and the parts of Fgura and Paola closest to Cottonera.

However the cluster concept indicates that the development of tall buildings should be located in areas that commitments to tall buildings already exist.

Does this mean that the above mentioned character appraisal considerations will be thrown out of the window? In an interview with the author, Perit Joe Scalpello of MEPA acknowledges certain problems in this concept and states that if he were to re-write the document he would certainly make certain adjustments. He states that in order to maintain the cluster concept MEPA has to concentrate tall buildings in areas that already contain high rise development (Scalpello, 2010).

Finally MEPA proposed the appropriate locations for tall buildings as:  

Pembroke area (for mixed use development); Marsa Park and Gżira (as an employment node predominantly for office use);



Qawra, Sliema Town Centre and Tigné (as tourism and leisure zones);



Paceville (for commercial and entertainment activities);



Luqa international airport (for commercial uses and subject to Obstacle Limitation Surface).

As mentioned previously, exact boundaries for these tall building clusters with distinctive locations have not yet been identified. Neither have appropriate heights or number of floors. The boundaries stipulated in the Local Plans serve as an indication of the locations where tall buildings may be located but this does not prejudice MEPA’s right to reject high rise development on any site

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within the perimeter. In its document, MEPA also acknowledges that the specific sites where tall buildings may be allocated need to be studied further.

4.5.3_Roof Design A large number of roofs in Malta are characterized by lift motor rooms, mechanical plant rooms and large flat areas covered in bituminous material.

These views have often spoiled the roofscapes of both newly designed and refurbished buildings. In Malta this could be partly due to the perception of some architects and designers that what is on the roof will go unnoticed. The major concern for the quality of the Maltese skyline however stems from the fact that applications for development of rooftop structures such as washrooms are submitted as a Development Notification Order (DNO), a laxer regime than regular development applications. This appears to have provided a loophole to further undermine the quality of the Maltese skyline.

Under the DNO, a considerable number of small-scale interventions and development types, referred to as "permitted development", do not require a formal application for development permission as long as specific conditions stipulated in the DNO are satisfied (Department of Information, 2007). In particular, this states that persons intended to carry out certain installations should notify the planning authority before commencing with the following works: 

Roof structures on terraced houses and maisonettes;



Washrooms on the roofs of villas, flats and maisonettes;



Satellite dish antennas (notification needed only in scheduled areas);





Air-conditioning units on the exterior (notification needed only in UCAs, ODZ, designated areas); Extensions to residential and non-residential buildings.

These features happen to be some of the most degrading features of a number of Maltese Skylines. While these structures are not visible from street level, they become rather imposing once one finds himself situated on high ground and facing these structures. The view of such structures in unity might appear

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acceptable, but when viewed in groups and in silhouette profile these views become an irritable eyesore. The approval of the DNO is, in the opinion of the author, one of the most threatening policies to the Maltese Skylines.

4.5.4_Set backs Quantitative policies relating to set back requirements are often being used by architects as design guidelines rather than minimum standards. (Fig 4.8) shows the almost literal manifestation of the policy 2.5 of part two, building heights, of the DC 2007.

Figure 4.8: literal manifestation of design codes

Source: extracted from: photograph taken by the author and DC 2007

4.6_Views and Skyline Protection The protection of natural and monumental views is essential in managing skylines and some governments are making a feeble effort to implement such policies.

Policies that aim at protecting views and important skylines are central in broader strategic urban design. These policies tend to have a large impact on the global image of the settlement in question, ease way finding and enhance the visual quality of the townscape features (Carmona & Punter, 1997). In the Maltese Planning System concepts of views and skyline protection are frequently addressed but a simple look at the urban environment justifies the need for these concepts to be implemented more rigorously Such policies are found in the penthouses section of the Structure Plan: “penthouses may be

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permitted provided they comply with policy 11.6 and provided they are not visible from long distance views” (Government of Malta, 1990).

Important views and skylines should be listed under specific legislation. In order to safeguard skylines view cones should be identified and legislated. View cones are lines connecting a landmark building or important vista to a specific area or location in order to conserve the said view from the said location. Two lines a drawn, on plan, from the same location, one line links the location to one extent of the listed view and the other line links the other extent. The result is ‘V’ shape with the listed view on open ended side of the ‘V’ and the location in which the said view should be listed from at the intersection of the two lines (Fig 4.9).

Figure 4.9: View corridor Source: the mayor of London, 2007

The building heights of the buildings that fall withing the viewshed should be maintained and controlled more rigorously than the ones falling outside. It is not enough to state in policy that buildings ‘should not intrude into important long range or short range views’ if these same views are not listed or elaborated upon. Admittedly, the Landscape Assessment Model prepared by MEPA in 2004 does go further in explaining the rationale behind the efforts of sparing certain

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vista points from development. The Model should be followed more diligently in order to safeguard important views and skylines.

In Britain, the London Borough Development Plan has been following a unique policy known as the ‘St Pauls Heights’ to protect and enhance important local views of the cathedral from several areas across the London Borough. Height policy in London has enabled protected views to be preserved over the last century. This system of sightlines has established a rigid height restriction for ten important view corridors to both St. Paul’s Cathedral and the Palace of Westminster. Eight of the view corridors lead to strategic views of the Cathedral and the backdrops that frame the views, whilst the other two other protect that of the Palace and its towers. The following is an extract from the unitary development Plan of the City of London published in 2002, showing how the sightlines to the Cathedral are constructed and how they are translated into building height policies: …The sightlines from the south of the Cathedral are generally to the main entablature to retain a sense of the entire length of the building. The sightlines from the north are higher, relating to the dome, and western towers. The relationship between the different sightlines is extremely complex and needed to be simplified. The method chosen by Godfrey Allen in the 1930s was to convert the sightlines into a series of maximum building spot heights forming a grid. This method has been retained ever since because consistent application of the Heights limitations is crucial to the long term success of the polic….

(Department of Planning and Transportation, 2002)

Complimenting the London Borough Plan is the Westminster Plan which identifies four strategic views across the city: two directed towards St. Paul’s Cathedral and two to the Palace of Westminster; again the most famous landmarks are chosen to underpin the logic of the planning system. In this case the Westminister plan also pronounces itself on the building materials in context since these are commonly seen as impacting on long distance views.

Most importantly, the plan carefully controls building height policy.

Interestingly enough, the London city plans take a very forward-looking role, hardly discouraged by existing structures. For example, a number of ‘set back’ limitations from certain city streets were put in place by the city planners in

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order to protect important slot views along the street axes. Although there are already existing structures that exceed the proposed height limitations and thereby obstruct the said views, the city will wait and still impose its height regulations upon these said structures once redevelopment occurs.

The historic city of Cambridge adopts a similar approach in its view policy but goes into further detail by promoting new additions of spires or towers in the skyline that would add to the dramatic historic milieu. The Cambridge plan also prevents the loss of traditional features such as chimneys and spires, which would otherwise detract from the spikiness of the current skyline (Cambridge Local Council, 2006).

In general, view-management policies help protect the town and countryside relationships, the panoramic aspects of the skyline and the main character of the town of city at large. It is important to specify which landmarks or buildings are to be protected and the vantage points from which they are to be viewed. In addition to the viewing point and the viewing corridor, policies must address the wider setting and backdrop views in order to achieve the desired effects (Carmona & Punter, 1997). Local views are just as important as strategic views and a distinction has to be made between landmark and background sites.

Another aspect of view-management policy involves eyesores and intrusions.

Local authorities should identify eyesores and provide means of mitigating them by encouraging redevelopment where necessary.

Most policies related to skylines are directing towards safeguarding certain characteristics that are unique to that city or town. In some US cities, specific legislation controls the views of natural features such as those of the Rocky Mountains in Denver. Again, this is obtained through the implementation of ‘view corridors’ or view sheds. According to the legislation, the protection of these views is required in order to: 

maintain prosperity and foster civic pride within the locals;



strengthen and preserve the municipality’s unique heritage;



enhance the municipality’s attraction to tourists and visitors;

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

and promote good urban design.

Hence, the city argues that specific areas that complement panoramic views should be established and protected against encroachment and physical obstruction (Denver, Colorado, 1975). And with good reason.

4.6.1_VANTAGE POINTS Buildings will be viewed from a range of perspectives and locations and it is therefore important for architects to consider the variety of vantage points in their design (Carmona & Punter, 1997).

Due to Malta’s small scale various accesses to panoramic view points are restricted by man–made developments. These areas need to be given important consideration because they are vital for promoting our landscapes.

Nevertheless there are many areas at the edge of ridges that command vistas extending tens of kilometres and these deserve protection in order to safeguard these long-distance views. Similarly coastal areas demand substantial protection measures to safeguard unrestricted views toward the horizon. These views should not be enjoyed by development along the coast only, but should be there for the majority of development in the area (MEPA, 2004).

The Bristol city (UK) plan emphasizes the importance of viewing distance and suggests that buildings’ surfaces and details should be given priority in both large and small scale developments. Small scale detail is important at lower levels to create interest for pedestrians, whereas large scale details are important when considering long distance views. In this respect, of characteristics which impinge on the skyline are very important to consider (Bristol City Council, 1998).

4.6.2_COLLABORATION Urban design is the art of making places more appealing and suitable for people and therefore effective collaboration with the public is essential in developing concise, site specific design frameworks. In the UK, the government encourages

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public participation and consultation through legislation and involves the public in the majority of policy formation schemes (Cabe, 2006). Whether the public then genuinely interests itself in development is another issue, and the level of participation normally fluctuates according to the locality and the size of the project.

Effective collaboration between the authorities and the general public on those issues which directly affect the plan in question can be designed in such a way in order to help its effectiveness. The spillo-over effect which one development has on neighbouring areas within the town or city must also be appreciated and it for this reason that it the planning authority needs to summon the people involved and present to them a coherent set of planning proposals. Public consultation notwithstanding, there is a limit to the amount of public collaboration that can take place and the UK’s ‘Planning Policy Statement’ One emphasizes that public involvement should in no way replace the decisionmaking responsibilities of the local planning authorities (Cullingworth et al 2006).

According the CABE’s BY DESIGN the success of these collaborations will depend on making sure everyone involved understands his role. The participants should be able to share their opinion with skilled personnel and all information should be readily available to all the members. In most situations in Britain, these collaborations are undertaken in design workshops, sometimes known as ‘charrettes’, or community planning weekends. They usually involve the collaboration between the local public community and a team of professionals working side by side, rather than the professional being on top. The main aim is to explore design solutions for the area in question and identify common interests, share information and experiences. The public is usually organized in working groups and each group focuses on a specific issue.

The collaboration between the public and professionals is not an easy one. The techniques used must be doctored to extract the most out of the public, whilst making sure that the public never tries to take a professional stance. There are

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various ways in which this collaboration could be made possible. Some examples are mentioned below:



  



Brainstorming sessions. (these usually include a SWOT analysis or the good/bad/ugly analysis); Key word selection; Interactive models; Exhibitions (showing sketches, drawings or photomontages of the proposed development); Slide shows and presentations.

One of the most important factors regarding public participation is that it should be sincere; otherwise the public will not trust those who are conducting it. The public must believe that there is a real chance that their opinions will be voiced and some goodwill from the developers side will certainly help (Keeble, 1983).

Practitioners think that extensive participation exercises produce limited gains due to the lack of public education in the field of urban planning (Cullingworth et al, 2006). Walter Bor in his “The Making of Cities” shares his views on public education and states that an effort should me made throughout the curricula of elementary and secondary schools and universities to concentrate attention on urban issues (Keeble, 1983). Indeed, public education has been thought by some to be a tool for better quality design since the early 1900’s, however others have considered this proposition as the “… imposition of professional or upper-middle class precepts of design on an uninformed public” (Carmona & Punter, 1997). The fact that the public might have something interesting to say to the professional, or that the professional might actually learn something from the public is an uncommon and unfortunate trend (McEwen, 1974; DoE Environmental Board, 1977).

An interesting idea to explore for Malta in order to involve the public would be to try and set up architecture and planning centres. The aim of such centres would be to promote high standards of design, provide a point for

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communication and collaboration between people and organizations in the locality, and preferably worldwide. Such centres would be open to the general public and explain certain general architectural principles related to urban planning.

4.6.3_Visualisation How can one measure ahead of time what impacts new developments will have on our skyline?

There are various ways of predetermining impacts on the skyline. A common procedure, in residential neighbourhoods in the United States is to put up a pole indicating the proposed height of the development (Kostof, 1992).

Evidently, this does not apply for high rise developments. In England it was common practice to set the height of tall buildings by using the 30m length of the fireman’s ladder, whilst in Cambridge, when the University proposed to build three high towers on the New Museums site, “a number of balloons were sent up to the heights to which it was proposed to build, so that some probable effects of the building could be judged” (Sharp, 1963, p63). This speculation was scary enough to convince the planning authority to reject the proposal.

The photomontage is a more sophisticated device and in this procedure proposed developments are illustrated within a familiar context. A photomontage is created by superimposing a rendered image of a proposed development onto a photograph of the site on which the development is to be erected. These images should me doctored in order to produce an honest representation. In the case of the Milbank Tower in London a series of photomontages were taken “… from numerous points within a mile radius of the site and an accurately calculated montage superimposed on each” (Attoe, 1981).

Architecture sometimes lacks the analysis of visual and environmental effects and this may result in buildings that are out of scale and that have a disastrous impact on the environment (Yang, P J, Putra S Y, Li W, 2007). This is usually the

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result of high dependency on two-dimensional planning techniques and can easily be avoided with the use of computer generated three-dimensional visualisation (Eran Ben-Joseph, 2005). With today’s advancement in technology, computers and simulation techniques can easily prepare sound data that will guide developments to sustainable development (Kostof, 1991). Threedimensional visualisation delivers information that is direct, concise and easy to understand by both professionals and laypersons.

In the early 1960s in the United States the public was speaking out against large-scale urban regeneration projects that were being constructed with little or no public consultation. As a result, planners and urban designers thought of developing new techniques for visualising development (plate 35) to better present and understand proposed changes. These techniques were able to visualise urban-design consequences such as building height, bulk and changes in the skyline before the actual construction of the development. They allowed the viewer to ‘walk’, ‘drive’ or ‘fly’ through models of existing, modified or brand new urban environments (Eran Ben-Joseph, 2005). This in turn enhanced both the design process, and the communication with the public. It also made it easier for policy writers to pre-empt policy outcomes.

Plate 35: Environmental Simulation Laboratory, University of California at Berkeley Source: (Kostof, 1992, p312)

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This change in technique was due to the crucial need to shift from a twodimensional analysis to a three-dimensional one in other words, start seeing the city as a landscape rather than ‘top-down’(Yang et al, 2007).

These techniques revolutionized planning reviews and public consultation meetings. Typically, suggestions and input were only dealt with, graphically after the meeting was over. However with the aid of these tools, ideas, changes, and suggestions and their resulting impacts could be explored and viewed real time which enabled the public to be more involved.

Urban planning is also about a communicative process and educating the public.

Research shows that not only is communication central to planning, but that as researchers and practitioners we must give far more explicit and systematic attention to this basic dimension of practice. Planners are deeply engaged in a web of communicative and highly interactive activities which influence public and private actions in direct and indirect ways that only recently begun to be recognized in planning (Innes, 1996).

These innovative techniques in three-dimensional visualization are only the beginning of an ongoing progressive evolution in urban-design tools. Currently three-dimensional visibility analysis of urban space is considered paramount in urban form impact analysis both in small scale and large scale. This is because for the first time the public’s subjective perceptions of urban form could be discussed and analyzed (Yang et al, 2007). These techniques have been proven to be more effective than two-dimensional visualisation techniques (Yang et al, 2007).

4.6.4_Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA) Environmental Impact Assessment is a formal procedure for ensuring that environmental, social and economic factors are taken into account before a decision on a project development application is taken (Department of Information, 2007).

The EIA directive was introduced as European Union legislation in 1985 and amended in 1997. The European legislation outlines the types of developments

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that would require an EIA, the procedure that should be followed (in order to carry out the assessment) and the content of the study (MEPA website). The EIA can be described as a highly systematic qualitative and quantitative review of development proposals and includes the production of an environmental statement (Cullingworth et al, 2006).

The EIA directive was introduced into Maltese National legislation through Legal Notice 114 of 2007 under the title: Environmental Impact Assessment Regulation, 2007, Arrangement of Regulations.

An EIA is a process used to predict, analyze and interpret impacts that a proposed development might have on its surrounding environment. It is a tool used to ensure sustainable and environmentally sound development. The exercise should identify, describe and asses the direct and indirect effects of development on the surrounding environment including visual impact, noise, water, waste, culture, heritage and ecology (Mak et al, 2010). Public participation plays a very important role in the preparation of an EIA. An EIA can take the form of a full EIA or limited EIA, depending on the type of development. Developments that require a full EIA are listed under ‘Category 1 of Schedule 1A’ and those requiring a limited EIA are listed under ‘category 2 of Schedule 1A’. Below (Fig 4.10) is an extract from the LA 114 showing the differences between Category 1 and Category 2 projects:

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Land Use and Built Environment Projects Urban Development Projects including Tourist and Recreation Developments but excluding developments on operational land within the perimeter of an established airport.

Category 1 Projects Category 2 Projects Developments with an area of 10 ha or Developments with a site area of more more than 3 ha Developments with a site are of 5 ha Developments where more than 300 or more not being a project defined in dwellings, or a site designated for an approved development plan or more than 300 dwellings, are within 200m of the site boundary and: development brief.

The site area is more than 2 ha Has a gross floor area of more than 30,000 metres squared Developments to provide 10,000 metres squared gross floor space or more of shops, including shopping centres, offices or other commercial uses, and not being a project defined in an approved plan or development brief Business Parks where floor space is predominantly devoted to office uses which may cater for research and development, and may include ancillary/ supporting uses which complement the main use) Category 1 Projects Category 2 Projects Development of Business Parks where Development of a Business Park with a the site is 5 ha or more. site area of more than 1 ha Other Tourist Development Category 1 Projects Category 2 Projects Construction of an extension to hotel, Construction of an extension of hotel, holiday village, hostel or tourist facility holiday village, hostel or tourist facility being outside development zone with: with a capacity or more than 500 beds.

A capacity of more than 250 beds; or To provide a gross floor area of more than 10,000 metres squared; or A total site area of 2.5 ha or more.

Construction of an extension to hotel, holiday village, hostel or tourist facility being outside development zone with: A capacity of more than 60 beds; or To provide gross floor area of more than 2,000 metres squared Figure 4.10: extract from LA 114 showing the differences between Category 1 and Category 2 projects Source: (Department of Information, 2007)

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One may notice that the above mentioned Category 1 Projects are of a relatively large scale and it is therefore justifiable that such developments require a mandatory EIA. On the other hand the developments classified under Category 2 Projects are also significantly large and one may question if these should also require a full EIA. The analysis carried out in chapter four reveals that it is the incremental growth of urban neighbourhoods that is exerting the most pressures on the urban skyline (plate) and these developments or alterations are being approved without any impact assessments being carried out.

One of the fundamental problems in Malta regarding the EIA process is that architects working on specific projects are not permitted by the Maltese EIA regulation to do an EIA concerning those same projects (Legal Notice 114 of 2007).

In Malta, the procedures carried out in an EIA are considered as an official postmortem of the design process. Ideally the assessment is integrated within the design process to allow decision makers and the general public to contemplate ways of minimizing impacts and mould projects to better suit the environment (Mak et al, 2010).

According to the legal notice, it is the applicant’s responsibility to commission an EIA, however in the event of any reasonable doubt about the quality or honestly of the EIA, the authority may commission an independent assessment at the expense of the applicant.

Since the aim of this dissertation is to discuss skyline issues that are so problematic in Malta, the author interviewed Perit Joseph Pace, the owner of Virtual Reality Studios. Virtual Reality Studios is a Maltese based company that provides visualization and simulation services to architects and planners. The company has been providing visual impact studies for projects in both Malta and the United Kingdom for the last ten years. Perit Pace stated that he is generally hired as a consultant by MEPA to verify that photomontages

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presented by third parties as part of the EIA are correct. Perit Pace stated that some architects present loyal photomontages but others do not. He explained the difficulty in the procedure of acquiring truly representative photomontages of proposed developments and explains how his work is scientifically based (Fig 4.11) and requires a lot of sophisticated and expensive equipment. He said that in most cases it is the precision of the montages that is questionable, which in the end is where the problem lies because photomontages are usually the only visual representation that the authorities have on the development in question.

Pace expresses the need for a legislation regarding the honesty of photomontages in an EIA and that they should be reviewed after construction has ended to verify their honesty.

Figure 4.11: photomontage for Fort Cambridge by Virtual Reality Studios Source: http://www.vrsmalta.com/verified.shtml

The authorities in the United Kingdom will take legal action where photomontages vary from the final construction.

Architect Joseph Pace goes on to express his feelings regarding the need for Maltese architects to shift from two-dimensional graphical representations. “One cannot design on plan anymore.� Pace also mentions the need for the Maltese Planning Authority to start using three-dimensional software to better visualise impact assessments. However he also recognizes the limited budget

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and insufficient funding that the authority has at its disposal to run such computer programs.

Malta is lacking information about the built environment and this is a serious problem.

(Pace, personal communication)

Since the analysis carried out in Chapter four involved the use of computer aided three-dimensional software to pre-empt policy outcomes the author has assessed the effectiveness of such methods.

4.6.5_Assessing the effectiveness of 3d visualisation in EIA Three-dimensional visualization provides a sense of immersion in the environment and allows the users to be in a better position to judge and assess impacts of a certain development (Mak et al, 2010). Three of the main stages required for an EIA have been proven to benefit with the use of threedimensional techniques. These stages are scoping; environmental impact study; and public participation (Fonseca et al, 1994).

The element of public participation in EIA is essential, and although it has already been proven that three-dimensional visualisation is a better tool to convey information to the public, it should be stressed that participation should be a continuous two-way communication process between the public and the decision makers. Therefore it has been argued that in order for the communication process to be more effective, three-dimensional models should be equipped with feedback mechanisms (Davies et al, 1996). Recent studies have confirmed that although three-dimensional programs arouse a larger interest between the public in discussing contents of an EIA, there is some information that is deciphered easier when presented in two-dimensional images such as maps, plans, charts, and tables (Kwong, 2006).

In general, visual assessments in EIAs are based on photomontages. A photomontage, if prepared correctly requires a lot of time, effort and equipment and usually only one montage is generated for an EIA. In contrast, a three-dimensional geographical information system (GIS) model will allow the

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users to view the proposal from an infinite number of views, altitudes and angles (Moore, 1999). In Hong Kong the use of a three-dimensional GIS model helped the planning authority to construct, and analyse the city skyline on the basis of their urban design guidelines. This helped to identify potential solutions to the problem the city was facing, that is, the uncontrolled high-rise development along the Harbour Front (Chin Lai et al, 2005). Due to the increased dependency and usage of three-dimensional visualisation in EIA it has come to the attention of some professionals that guidelines should be developed to regulate the use of the technology (CASA, 2005; EPD, 2005b).

Firstly, three dimensional virtual models of a development project should be easily recognizable by stakeholders and the population likely to be involved.

Secondly, the virtual models, while looking real, should be quick to load. Thirdly, the user interface should be easy and intuitive to a layperson, without the need for intensive training. Studies have suggested that a system that is difficult to use is likely to be avoided by potential users (Mak et al, 2010).

4.7_Conclusions The content analysis of this chapter revealed a series of fundamental concerns.

One of the main issues relates to the ambiguities present in Maltese policies, both at the planning and implementation stages, One possible way forward would be to take a look at certain policies which are commonly used in the UK planning system which seem to be more ’user friendly’ and see whether any of those, could be tailored to the Maltese realities. The opinion of the author is that certain changes could be affected in the Maltese legislation which in turn have the effect of making Malta’s planning laws more logical and most importantly, simpler to explain and justify with the public. In sum, it is fundamental that the policies extracted from the Maltese system are not seen as ambiguous and confusing, but rather as inspiring. The author refers mainly to policies regarding scale and contextuality.

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As a general comment the author believes that MEPA should start operating beyond the level of planning of individual sites and start developing concise urban design frameworks. The author strongly believes that ‘The Landscape Assessment Study of the Maltese Islands’ (2004) is a good starting point which should lay the grounds for future policy formation. It is also maintained that such a study should be undertaken in close collaboration with the respective Local Councils and developed further according to their localities. The content analysis of this chapter strongly promotes detailed site appraisals prior to the formulation of both architectural and urban design policies.

Another recommendation relates to enforcement procedures. Having carefully thought-out urban design plans is of no use if these are not followed by developers. For this reason, the Maltese authorities need to ensure that the MEPA has the right tools to fight development which goes contrary to those policies directed at protecting the landscapes. For example, architects who do not present honest photomontages for EIA’s should be reprimanded accordingly, with deterrent penalties and fines put in place. Such misrepresentations should not be taken lightly especially when considering that only visual analysis of such developments would be based on these graphical representations. When it comes to skyline issues and intrusions, this certainly qualifies as a significant problem in Malta.

The analysis of the Floor Area Ratio (FAR) and the interview with Perit Joe Scalpello revealed a number of weaknesses in the preparation of the document, ‘A planning Policy on the Use and Applicability of the Floor Area Ratio (FAR)’ approved by MEPA in October 2006. If high rise construction is going to progress in Malta, the author recommends that the document be revised, especially the methods in which the specific locations for development were identified.

Another issue raised indicated the lack of effective public participation exercises in Malta. These conclusions were reached after analyzing the methods adopted in the UK and comparing them to the ones in Malta. Educating the public on

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issues relating to good urban design should be a fundamental aspect in schools at an early stage and the public should have a general idea of what make up good-urban spaces. These principles can easily be integrated with the curriculum of Environmental Studies which is commonly taught at an early age in Maltese schools.

Finally, it is technological advancement which needs to be stressed and recommended. The strides made by technology in the past decade needs to be taken full advantage of; the fact that the public lacks the capability of threedimensional visual analysis is a shame. What is even more worrying is that the Planning Authority itself does not test land-use and building height policies through three-dimensional visualisation techniques. One cannot expect the average person to understand coloured two-dimensional maps and decisionmakers may also lack such abilities. In the next chapter, the high dependency on two-dimensional planning techniques in Malta will be explored. In doing so, the author will analyse the effects of one of the local plans’ building height limitations map in three-dimensions. The aim of this analysis is to localise any deficiencies in the way building heights are allocated under the present system.

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CHAPTER 5 THE MALTESE SKYLINE 5.1_Introduction The situation of the built environment in Malta is developing at an alarming rate, with the prevailing architecture of many of the village cores exhibiting a clear contrast to the architecture emerging in the outer zones. This problem is clearly manifested in the Urban Position Paper published by the Kamra tal-Periti (KTP – the Architects’ Professional Institute in Malta) in 2008, titled “MEPA Reform”, which states: Situations where the edge of development adjacent to a UCA or an ODZ is characterized by three floor development (often with penthouses and semibasements) is physically and visually intrusive and does not reflect the character of the adjacent area (plate 36), or the requirements of good urban design.

Plate 36: significant differences between traditional townscape features and recent development Source: Photograph taken by the author

The author believes that this problem results from the lack of three dimensional visibility analysis techniques. The author argues the assertion that if eye-sores could be foreseen then they should be dealt with prior to issuing building height limitation maps.

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The recent polemic in Lija (plate 37) regarding the construction of a fourteenmetre high building immediate to an area characterized by seven-metre high buildings, motivated the author to analyse the area in three-dimensions. The recent polemic in Lija regarding the construction of a fourteen-metre high building immediate to an area characterised by seven-metre high buildings, motivated the author to analyse the area in three-dimensions. The Lija Building Height Limitations Map (LJM3) was issued in accordance with the local plans in 2006 and the author believes that these established heights were not tested prior to the approval of the plan. The analysis will involve the construction of a three-dimensional model (plate 38) and through a comparison with the photos, seek to foresee the worst case scenario, that is, the hypothetical situation that would arise if all the buildings in Lija were to be rebuilt according to their potential maximum heights. The aim of this analysis is to identify certain deficiencies in the way the building height allocations had been arrived at.

Prior to this analysis however, it is important for some light to be shed on the evolution of the Maltese Built environment during the post Second World War period, allowing the reader to better acquaint himself with the current state of affairs in Maltese urban form.

Plate 37: The town of Lija, Malta

Source: http://maps.google.com/maps

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5.2_Profile of Case Study Area 5.2.1_General Malta with a surface area of 316 square kilometres has a high average population density of 1,309 persons per square kilometre and the highest population densities occur around the two major harbours (plate 39) have a density of 19, 234 persons. Since the 1950s the built up area on the Maltese Islands has increased from 4.5 % to 6% in the mid-1960s and 22.3% by 2008.

According to the 2009 UNDP Human Development Report, Malta is ranked 38th out of 155 countries in the Human Development Index (HDI) 2and is included in the category of countries characterized by ‘Very High Human Development’ (Borg et al, 2010, p258) Malta’s climate is typically Mediterranean, with hot dry summers with a mean temperature of 35 degrees and mild winters with a mean lowest temperature of 11 degrees. Malta enjoys a mean of eight sunshine hours every day (National Statistics Office, 2002).

Plate 39: the fortified city of Senglea, Malta Source: Photograph taken by author

5.2.2_The Evolution of the Maltese Built Environment

Legal Framework The Maltese Landscape is dominated by anthropogenic interventions, which took place largely to the detriment of the natural environment with 2

The Human Development Index (HDI) is a compound statistic used to rank countries by level of human development. The index is calculated according to the Life Expectancy, Education and the GDP of the country in question.

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development essentially “influenced by tradition and change” (DeLucca, 1990).

This has produced a landscape characterized by different mixes of natural and cultural, as it were, sub-landscapes which give the islands their identity.

In earlier times, the make-up of the Maltese Landscape could be divided into three types: 

Fortified towns and cities, which consisted of groups of systematically planned and organized structures enclosed by fortifications which offered refuge and security during invasions. Examples of these would be the three cities, Mdina and Valletta (plate 40);



Scattered clusters of dwellings of different shapes and sizes known as hamlets. (An example of such an area that still retains a continuous green belt is Gharghur (Fig 5.1);



Isolated structures within the countryside which were normally constructed by farmers. Specific locations were also characterized by the country retreats of members of the higher echelons of society.

Plate 40: the fortified city of Valletta Source: photograph taken by author

Figure 5.1: The town of Gharghur, Malta still retaining a continuous green belt Source: adapted from: http://maps.google.com /maps

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As time progressed the changes that occurred to the Maltese landscape were minimal. In general, population increase translated in an unplanned radial expansion of the ‘hamlets’ but this horizontal spread was minimal.

It was not until the Second World War that major changes started occurring.

Not only did the war-time bombing destroy many urban areas and historical monuments but post-war reconstruction required the urgent formulation and regulation of emergency laws which have, till today, left a lasting impact on the Maltese Landscape (Borg et al, 2010).

The war also forced a substantial proportion of the population of the heavilybombed harbour areas to migrate to the north for safety thus initiating Urban Sprawl. Migration led to the increase in construction development which in time impaired the natural landscape (MEPA, 2004). Post-war development saw a large increase in residential and tourism related infrastructure development which translated to around 25% of the national territory being developed (MEPA, 2004). The balance between the urban and the rural was “irreversibly disturbed by mass housing, tourist buildings and industrial concerns” (DeLucca, 1990). In the 1960s ‘Ribbon’ development (which consisted of the development of land abutting on major roads between settlements) led to the blurring of the boundaries between different towns and villages. This type of development led to the accelerated expansion of most towns and to the establishment of the modern Maltese suburbs. All of this development has had a lasting effect on the Maltese urban skyline (Borg et al, 2010).

In an effort to control ribbon development the Government of Malta adopted a ‘new town’ approach to planning and in the late 1950s, ‘Neighbourhood 1’ of the new town of Santa Luċija was constructed followed by another by the name of San Ġwann.

In the mid-1960s, the ‘new town’ approach was replaced by a new policy of ‘Housing Estates’ which consisted of the erection of several apartment blocks and terraced houses on virgin land just outside established towns and villages.

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The housing policy was intended to contribute towards the provision of sufficient affordable dwelling units for the population (it was calculated that 10,000 new dwellings were needed at the time) and to upgrade the quality of the existing stock due to the fact that many dwellings did not have proper sanitary facilities.

(Borg et al, 2010, p225)

The development of the housing estates in Malta has, in the opinion of the author, contributed to some of the most appalling skylines in Malta. The size, shape and height of these structures are not sensitive to their surroundings and their style is homogenous in almost all the localities.

In the early 1960s Malta experienced the construction of a new wave of architectonic typologies, such as schools, hotels, and factories which gave areas such as Sliema and Bugibba new and interesting skylines. Although perhaps more novel and palatable at the time, today, these mentioned areas host some of the most appalling skylines in Malta (plate 41). The period also bore witness to new architectural styles, influenced by developments in the more developed countries. These styles were viewed as “symbols of progress and liberty� (Gauci, 1990) at the time, but little did the Maltese population know that these same styles were a threat to the Maltese identity.

Plate 41: the skyline of Sliema, Malta Source: photograph taken by author

In 1969, a Town and Country Planning Act was enacted in Parliament in order to legislate planning policies, but this was not set in motion because it might have hindered or possibly affected the flourishing property development sector which at the time was creating some employment and wealth. As a result there was no legal framework available within which development could be regulated. Meanwhile property development had to be controlled within the

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framework of interim legislation enacted in the early 1960s. Under this legislation Malta was declared a ‘Planning Area’ and a Planning Area Permits Board was in charge of issuing building permits until the Town and Country Planning act came into force (Borg et al, 2010).

During the immediate post-Independence days the country faced a series of economic difficulties. This provided the space for increased investment in property development which appeared for many to be the only sector which had the potential to create employment. These developments combined with the absence of a rigorous planning framework in the 1960’s led to a construction boom which saw the rise of investment in luxury development and up-market housing for the upper class sector of the Maltese population. During this period the proportion of land taken up by urban development increased from a recorded 4.5% in 1957 to a 6% in 1967 (National Statistics Office, 2009).

In the late-1970s, the development of housing estates was followed by the relaunching of the Home Ownership Scheme (HOS) after the setting up of the Housing Authority in 1976: Through this scheme beneficiaries, who were drawn by lots, would be given free-of-charge a largish plot of land and encouraged to enter in a relatively cheap mortgage agreement with a lending institution backed up by one of Malta’s public sector banks (Borg et al, 2010, p226).

The land distributed to these beneficiaries was located outside the established urban zones and as a result of this the urban suburbs kept growing and skylines continued to be dotted with poorly designed houses.

On their part, private property owners did not refrain from taking advantage of the rise in the demand for housing and lobbied for large scheme extensions.

These extensions were granted from time to time and as a result the horizontal spread of the built environment continued to take place.

At this point in time the Government had to take action or appear to be taking action, and in order to minimise the flood of speculative private sector

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development promoted a Building Development Areas (BDA) Act. The BDA Act enacted in 1983 was another effort to provide relatively cheap building plots for potential property owners. This “… exerted considerable pressure on the Maltese countryside and accelerated the population losses of the historic cities” (Chapman, 1999,p23). In principle the BDA Act was intended to limit urban sprawl: However its implementation changed the manner in which the suburbs continued to grow. Under this act, the government could and did expropriate land outside the boundaries of established urban areas, divided the land into plots and sold these plots to buyers selected by lots (Borg et al, 2010, p226).

This undoubtedly continued to accelerate urban sprawl which led to protests by a newly emergent environmental movement. Following the 1987 elections, the state of affairs described above led to the enactment of the Building Permits (Temporary Provision) Act in 1988. Through this Act a new version of the 1960’s schemes was formulated. These schemes were referred to as Temporary Provision Schemes (TPS). These schemes were to be reformulated (if required)

by Local Plans which were to be formulated within the strategic framework provided b a national land use plan, which was to be called ‘Structure Plan’.

In 1992, the Building Permits (Temporary Provisions) Act was repealed upon the coming into force of the Development Planning Act. This act was based on a pre 1991 version of the English Town and Country Planning Act (Gauci, 1996, 2002).

The Development Planning Act also provided for the setting up of the first national Planning Authority the main responsibility of which was the formulation and realisation of development plans and policies.

In 2002 the Environment Protection Department and the Planning Authority merged into what is today known as the Malta Environment and Planning Authority (MEPA).

Since its creation, the Planning Authority (and, later the MEPA) appears to have limited to some extent the rate of horizontal spread of the suburbs. However urban sprawl was compensated by extensive changes in the building height

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policies. The Maltese skyline went through a substantial change due to the expansion of the high limitation policies, especially at the edges of development schemes and in tourism related areas. This has incurred a large loss of long distant views, especially from urban conservation areas. Furthermore, the urban skyline continued to degrade due to the accretions such as antennae’s, the so-called wash rooms, air-conditioning units, lift rooms, pigeon lofts, water tanks, other small-scale structures (plate 42).

Plate 42: roof extensions and installations encroaching on long distance views of the Mosta Dome.

Source: photograph taken by author

5.3_Current Situation Main characteristics of Maltese skylines The distinctiveness of the Maltese skyline can be characterized by a variety of natural and manmade interventions. Since Malta is an island the first picturesque skylines that should be mentioned are waterfront views. Plate 43 shows a view of the Birgu church as seen from the mouth of the Grand Harbour.

The sailing boat masts add a distinctive character to this particular view.

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Plate 43: the skyline of the ancient city of BIrgu, Malta Source: Photograph taken by author

An example of both a manmade and natural skyline is that of the terraced fields. Rubble walled terraced fields found within the Maltese landscape have helped to give Malta a unique and distinctive character and often provide for some of the most picturesque skylines or rather the foreground for others. An example would be the skyline of the fortified city of Mdina with moulding terraced green fields at its feet (plate 44).

Plate 44: The skyline of the fortified city of Mdina, Malta Source: photograph taken by author

It is interesting to note that in the skylines illustrated above the Parish Church is omnipresent. This is because most of the urban skylines around the Maltese Islands are dominated by a Parish Church. Without these structures, the

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Maltese townscape would look totally different and these monuments create some of the few, if not only, focal points that aid to give a distinctive character and provide orientation. The Rotunda of Mosta is among the largest in the world and provides orientation to a variety of neighbouring towns and villages.

And it goes without saying that the skyline view of the City of Valletta taken from Marsamxett Harbour (plate 45) has become an icon for the Maltese Islands. Interestingly enough the two main features that accentuate the Valletta skyline were built after the Second World War. The reason for the uniqueness of this view of Valletta is due to three factors: 

the presence of sea at the foreground,



the presence of the monolithic fortified bastion walls,



The vertical accents provided by the dome of the Carmelite Parish Church and the Anglican Cathedral bell tower

In the newer settlements the Parish Church seems to have lost its dominance and is sometimes absent from long distant views (plate 46).

One of the most admirable and recent additions to the Maltese skyline, in the opinion of the author, is the Portomaso tower. This tower acts as an identifiable landmark and aids orientation within several of the Maltese Localities. Plate 47 illustrates a view of the tower from Valletta.

Plate 45: the Carmelite Parish Church and the Anglican Cathedral belltower in Valletta, Malta Source: photograph taken by the author

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Plate 46: views of parish church lost from long distance views Source: adopted from a photograph taken by the author

Figure 5.2: the view cone that refers to plate Source: adapted from: http://maps.google.com/maps

Plate 47: the Portomaso tower, as seen from Valletta, Malta Source: photograph taken by the author

As briefly illustrated above Malta offers a variety of picturesque skyline views but in general the skyline views of most day-to-day environments are unsightly and full of clutter. One of the most common factors that degrade visual townscape features in our urban fabric is the lack of attention to detail, the use of inappropriate materials, poor design, poor workmanship and the absence of maintenance.

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5.3.1_Urban Settlements A majority of the built-up areas in Malta areas are comprised of residential-like settlements. These areas are categorized into new residential areas and urban conservation areas, however land use within these areas is not properly defined. In areas earmarked for terraced housing development anything from showrooms, small industry warehouses, offices and retail outlets can be found.

Thus, even though there is evidence of mixed uses, the characteristic townscape is one of a residential nature with the lack of focal reference points or landmarks that signify the different uses which could become a symbol for their town.

In newer residential developments, the areas are characterized by two to three storey buildings, often with a garage and a small front garden. These areas have recently been given the choice of adding another storey and a receded washroom also known as a penthouse (Plate 48). This ‘trend’ has significantly changed the appearance of our townscapes and they are now dominated by out-of-scale blank party walls (plate 49), service-cluttered rooftops (plate 50) and rear facades.

The roofline is repeatedly being penalized with structures ranging from pigeon lofts to lift shafts and air conditioning plants and at a higher level one finds the pervasive unscreened water tanks (plate 51). And television reception masts

Plate 48: the contrasts displayed by additional floors , Attard, Malta Source: photograph taken by the author

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Plate 49: the cumulative effects of blank party walls, Marsalforn, Gozo Source: photograph taken by the author

Plate 50: service cluttered rear facades, Attard, Malta Source: photograph taken by the author

Plate 51: the dominance of water tanks on roofscapes Source: photograph taken by the author

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In general most of the reasons behind the deprivation of the Maltese landscape an inadequate level of co-ordination between agencies responsible for planning, implementation and operation of development. There is also a lack of national awareness related to the tangible benefits of having, maintaining and improving the surrounding landscapes.

This brings us to a recent polemic that arose between the residents of the Maltese Locality ‘Lija’ and the Malta Environment and Planning Authority (MEPA). MEPA issued permits for a three-storey building plus semi-basement, located in the immediate vicinity of a very historically prominent landmark in the said town of Lija, the Belvedere tower (plate 52). As construction works commenced the residents of Lija showed disapproval of the proposed building and protested. The protests were successful and construction works stopped.

The Belvedere tower is located in an area that is predominantly made up of two story dwellings and the sudden change in building heights was going to have damaging effects on the Lija Skyline, particularly views to and from the Lija UCA. This led to the formulation of a document that takes into consideration the views of the Lija residents and proposes changes to the Central Malta Local Plan.

Plate 52: The Belvedere Tower, Lija, Malta Source: photograph taken by the author

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Plate 53: traditional characteristics of the townscape of Lija, Malta Source: photograph taken by the author

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5.3.2_Case Study: Lija Lija is one of the oldest towns on the Maltese Islands, It is described as “one of the most attractive settlements in Malta, by virtue of the presence of a number of villas, townhouses, and gardens of high architectural and cultural heritage value.” (Lija Local Council, 2009, p5). Lija’s Urban Conservation Area (UCA) is recognised as one of the most beautiful and has been described as a “significant element in the morphology and character of the village” (ibid, p11) and it recognised as one of the “better-kept” UCA’s in Malta (plate53).

Recent developments in the outer lying zones located outside the UCA of Lija have been described as “more-or-less free of adverse impacts of the type of haphazard development which has taken place in different parts of the Maltese Islands” (CMLP; Proposed Revisions, 2009, p5). However the Lija Building Height Limitations Map (LJM3) (Fig 5.3) issued in July 2006 shows, in the opinion of the author, some potentially dangerous building height allocations that if realised could seriously endanger the Lija skyline.

Figure 5.3: Lija Building Height Limitations Map (LJM3) Source: http://www.mepa.org.mt/cmlp-docs

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Prior to the issue of the 2006 Lija Local Plan, according to the Height Limitation guidance (1997) Lija was designated as a two-storey area. According to the Policy and Design Guidance 2007 (DC 2007) two stories including parapet wall amount to a maximum allowable height of 8.5m (MEPA, 2007). The new 2006 Lija Building height Limitations Map (LJM3) has approved development of three stories with semi basement in certain areas in the immediate vicinity (and sometimes abut) of the UCA. According to the DC 2007 three stories and a semi basement can amount to a maximum height of 15.75m. It goes without saying that the changes in height between 8.5m to 15.75m will definitely have an impact on the Lija Skyline (Fig 5.4). In addition to the heights indicated in Map LJM3, it is possible for a number of the higher dwellings to accommodate a penthouse. This possibility is specified in Part ten of the DC 2007 and section nine of the Development Control within Urban Conservation Areas design guidance 1995. The erection of such additional floors would further undermine the integrity of the lija skyline.

The author strongly believes that the building heights proposed by LJM3 were not derived through a strategic town appraisal and that the building heights were merely allocated on two-dimensional maps with little or no regard to the urban skyline. The author analysed and compared the proposed building heights on the Map LJM3 with the existing situation in Lija. Since the change in the built environment of Lija did not vary significantly since 2006 this exercise would aid in pre-empting Lija’s potential building heights. The analysis identified a series of detracting features thus proving that such a visibility analysis would benefit planners and the public at large.

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5.3.3_Methodology The analysis carried out consisted of a comparative analysis between the current situation of the built environment in Lija obtained from photos and the potential/hypothetical situation in Lija if it were to be fully built up according to LJM3. In order to visualise the potential building heights indicated in LJM3 the author constructed a three dimensional model (Fig 5.5) using computer aided design tools. Due to limitations imposed by this study the colour coded building heights (shown in LJM3) were extruded to their maximum potential. Therefore if a plot is currently vacant; in the Model that same plot was extruded to its maximum permissible height in order to portray the worst case scenario. Areas such as “Limit to Development”, “urban Conservation Area” and Local Council Boundaries were also marked on the model.

Choice of locations In order to acquire successful results, the analysis was carried out on four areas, which in the authors opinion, are potentially critical to the Lija skyline if the buildings in the area were to be built to the allowable heights issued by the LJM3 Map.

Figure 5.6 : the three areas in Lija to be analyzed

Source: adapted from: http://www.mepa.org.mt/cmlp-docs

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Area one: The sites in this area are located in the main road ‘Vjal itTransfigurazzjoni’ in the immediate vicinity of the Belvedere Tower and on the boundary of the Urban Conservation area. The building heights issued by MEPA for this area have already been reconsidered. However the author will show, through three-dimensional visibility analysis, that the negative effects of such building heights could be foreseen and thought for prior to issuing the Building Height policies.

Area two: The site is located on ‘Triq Ramiro Barbara’ and lies on the boundary of the Urban Conservation Area. The author believes that the abrupt change in building heights would contrast the prevailing characteristics, and hence, the identity of the area.

Area three: The site in this area has also been recently developed and the impact of which is considered unacceptable by the author. The analysis proves that with a simple visibility analysis the negative implications of such building height allocations could have been pre empted and avoided.

5.3.4_Analysis

Area one:

Figure 5.7: location plan of Area one

Source: adapted from: http://www.mepa.org.mt/cmlpdocs

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Plate 54: buildings in the close vicinity of the Belveder tower, Lija, Malta Source: photograph taken by author

The area is characterized by two storey houses (plate 54) and therefore the addition of an extra storey and semi-basement would have significant effects on the identity of this location. The three-dimensional visibility analysis reveals that the dominance of the Belvedere tower on the surrounding buildings would diminish if the sites were constructed to the heights issued by MEPA (Fig5.8).

Since the tower is such a prominent feature in the Lija townscape formation the consideration of an increase in building heights, in this area should not have been regarded (Fig 5.9).

The author strongly believes that the areas in the immediate vicinity of the Belvedere Tower and the tower itself should be included within the UCA boundary. This would safeguard the dominance of the tower and maintain the identity of ‘Vjal it-Transfigurazzjoni’ (Fig 5.10).

Figure 5.9: the effects of the proposed building heights on the dominance of the Belveder Tower, Lija, Malta Source: adapted from photographs taken by the author

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Area two:

Figure 5.11: location plan of Area two

Source: adapted from: http://www.mepa.org.mt/cmlp -docs

Figure 5.12: area two in 3d

Source: extracted from 3d model constructed by the author

The views obtained from the three-dimensional model (Fig 5.12) show the potential damage exerted by the abrupt change in building heights. In this case, these hypothetical assumptions have come to life (plate 55). The photographic

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analysis reveals that development of this permissible height does not fit well into the traditional setting of the surrounding environment – quite to the contrary – the results are very contrasting. The omnipresent views of traditional roofscapes, generally incorporating vegetation and the widespread use of vernacular materials, have been replaced by views of the added ‘third storey’.

At a higher level, the reseeded penthouse prevails and at yet another higher level the lift shaft and array of water storage facilities dominate the skyline (plate 55).

Plate 55: different views of development in question Source: photographs taken by the author

The author is of the opinion that, in situations where the perimeter of the UCA falls within building plots, specific design policy guidance should be given. After an interview with Perit Joe Scalpello of MEPA, the author was informed that such areas are termed as ‘design priority areas’. However these are, to date, not given enough attention and the design requirements for such areas do not vary from the general design guidelines.

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Area three:

Figure 5.13: location plan of Area three, large tracts of undeveloped land highlighted in green

Source: adapted from: http://www.mepa.org.mt/cmlpdocs

Plate 56: the skyline of Lija, Malta, showing impact of new development Source: photograph taken by the author

Recent development on the site in question detracts significantly from the skyline of Lija (Plate 56).

Due to the large tracts of undeveloped land (40,300m²) and the variant topographical features of the site in question, development according to the 2006 building height provisions, on this site, would significantly detract from the visual amenity of the locality. In fact recent development on this site has dominated both the immediate streetscape (plate 57) and the skyline of the area (plate 58).

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Plate 57: various views of new development SOURCE: photograph taken by the author

The plots adjacent to the development are currently undeveloped and therefore the height of the building is accentuated. The dominance of the apartment block is further emphasized by the large, exposed white finished, party walls that can be visible from both long and short range (plate). When viewed from the heights of Naxxar, the rear elevation dominates the surrounding landscape (plate) especially since the development occupies a recessed floor. Since the topographical features vary within the building plot, the ‘semi-basement’ is only evident in the area were the highest pavement level occurs. Therefore at the lowest point on the site, the building reads as a four storey building with penthouse. Another factor, relating to the building, that degrades the amenity of the skyline is the lack of detail given to the design of the roof (plate 58). There has been no effort in mitigating the water storage facilities they are undoubtedly an afterthought.

Plate 58: The impact on long distance views of the new development Source: photograph taken by the author

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The author strongly believes that in such characteristic environments the allocation of a ‘three storey development zone’, with permission for semibasement and recessed floor should not have been accepted. And the repercussions of such building height allocations could have easily been foreseen with the aid of three-dimensional visualization techniques. If development applications require the submission of a three-dimensional model, and MEPA inputs this in their three-dimensional landscape database, eye-sore buildings such as the one in question could be refused or their negative effects mitigated in some way or another.

Figure 5.14: three dimensional analysis of development in Lija, Malta Source: extracted from 3d model, constructed by the author

5.4_Conclusions Research by (Yang et al, 2007) has shown that innovative methods of three dimensional visualization techniques are considered paramount in urban form impact analysis and the process of policy formation. Therefore it goes without saying that with today’s advancements in technology these concepts are not that hard to apply.

The analysis carried out on the site of Lija has exposed the lack of character appraisals carried out by MEPA officials prior to the issuing of the building height allocation maps, the analysis also verified that building height regimes can easily be understood and their effects mitigated if visualized in threedimensions.

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However as a general side note, the analysis carried out in the first section of this chapter revealed that the majority of development in Malta is driven by the profit-making determination of both large and small-scale developers rather than the amenity of the built environment. Therefore as long as these values prevail, the Built Environment faces a challenging future.

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CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS 6.1_Summary of observations This dissertation is intended to present a framework for the management and design of urban skylines in Malta. The need for such a framework is brought about by the apparent lack of attention to urban skylines by the Malta Environment and Planning Authority (MEPA).

The first chapter discusses the lack of attention given to the aesthetics of Maltese skylines. The lack of harmony in the skyline underlines the urgent need for the Maltese Government to put into force regulations designed to guide the development of skyline, in other words, set out a clear skyline policy.

The visible signs of neglect are a byproduct of the lack of understanding and appreciation of the importance of urban skylines. In this context, the first part of Chapter Two addresses the evolution of skylines through history, underlining their political, cultural and economical significance in a bid to emphasize the importance of skylines.

The ‘Historical Synopsis’ which appears in the first part of the literature review of chapter two analysis the main factors that are thought to have contributed to the evolution of skylines, illustrating how skylines have adapted to continuous political/economic/cultural change and are generally representative of the prevailing state of affairs between competing interests. The research reveals that changes in social, economic, technological, and political values within communities have had a permanent effect on skyline configuration. This chapter also exposes the origins of skyline management, showing how governing authorities often strived to keep the ‘airspace’ free of private structures that would visually undermine the power of the commune.

Chapter Three discusses the human dimension and the perceptions of skylines and the different rituals that the public associates with these artefacts. It

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reveals how certain members of society struggle to conserve traditional skyline features while others seek to assert their achievements by erecting primadonna structures designed to dominate the skyline. The conclusion of this part is however that most members of the general public see those forms in the sky as landmarks providing specific settlements with an identity and to which they refer in their day-to-day lives as orientation devices.

The second part of Chapter Three then delves into the iconographic aspect of skylines: the transportable image that is representative of a city and its culture.

This section describes the diversity of skyline-related rituals. People for instance visit countries in order to see things the way postcards display them, a very strong ‘pull’ factor in tourism through a powerful use of imagery. Tourists are known to queue up for hours at the foot of the Eiffel Tower, the Empire State Building or the London Eye so that they may climb these landmark buildings and enjoy skylines, eat in highly set restaurants and buy skyline memorabilia. This shows how skylines can be riveting and form truly fascinating urban sculptures.

The intention of the author in Chapter Four was to compile a generic guide for planners in managing and designing urban skylines. The main issues that are discussed in this Chapter reveal the importance of region-wide character appraisals for the acquirement of good design codes, which as this study showed, are significantly enhanced through effective public participation. This in turn underlines the importance of visualization techniques, both twodimensional and three-dimensional, and the apparent lack of the latter in the Maltese planning system. Finally, this part underlines how the lack of urban vision exercises in Malta is problematic, and how these need to be undertaken as soon as possible so that the basis for future policy formation is laid.

Chapter Five then delves into one of these specific deficiencies, that related to the high dependency on two-dimensional planning techniques, especially in foreseeing the effects of building height allocations. The town of Lija was chosen due to the recent polemics that arose after MEPA issued development permission for the construction of a fourteen-metre high building in an area

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characterized by seven-metre high buildings. It is important to note that the permit was issued in accordance with the Lija local plan however, meaning it was a shortcoming from the planners which was responsible for the debacle.

The author notes that the height limitations established in the plan were not tested before the approval of the plan. By constructing a three dimensional model based on the approved heights, and comparing it to photographs of the current situation in Lija, the author was able to foresee the worst case scenario, that is, the hypothetical situation that would arise if all buildings were to be rebuilt according to their potential maximum heights. This analysis identifies certain deficiencies in the way the building allocations were carried out.

In order to provide a fuller picture of the Maltese built environment, a brief history thereof was provided detailing the current state of Maltese urban form.

This brief analysis reveals that the lack of rigorous policy making and implementation which has been a recurring theme in Malta and development has often been driven by the capricious determination of both large and smallscale developers, rather than by any quality-based considerations aimed at enriching townscapes.

All in all, this dissertation considers that there is an urgent need for a skyline policy within the Maltese planning system and provides a systematic framework encompassing the main urban and architectural policies that have a durable or permanent effect on urban skylines.

6.2_Recommendations: Towards better urban skylines The Maltese landscape is characterised by a number of traditional skylines, which appear to have played a relatively dominant role in the identity of the Islands. These views should be identified and listed, and proper action should be taken immediately to maintain them. The author recommends that views of specific traditional features should be conserved because they are important references to the past on the basis of which the present has developed. These views also give identity to the areas where they are located. Modern

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development must therefore not be permitted to overcome the elements of the landscape that recall the past – particularly the ones which are of a high quality and have high historical value. Vantage points from which such skylines could be admired should also be located and made accessible. In this case development in the vicinity should be aided by good architectural policies that encourage the design of good quality backcloth buildings.

In assessing what should be characterise Maltese skylines, planners should shy away from allowing pigeon lofts, air conditioning plants, unscreened water tanks television masts, blank party walls and service cluttered rear façades to dominate. Allowing such structures to determine the Maltese skyline exposes the lack of roofscape design, a fundamental part of any skyline policy. Architects must endeavour to find innovative ways of incorporating water storage facilities, airconditiong systems and passive design mechanisms into their design briefs, rather than leave them as an afterthought to the design process.

MEPA, on the other hand, should implement rigorous controls and might also need to re-consider the application through the laxer Development Notification Orders (DNOs) scheme for such roof-top structures, since this way of application is commonly perceived as one of the reasons for Malta’s degraded skylines.

Design standards should consist more of qualitative type, rather than simple quantitative policy. Quantitative criteria are essential in providing certainty and efficiency, but ideally should be character based, applied with flexibility, and should be of secondary importance to qualitative principles. This further underlines the importance of detailed area appraisals as grounds for policy formation. Design policies should be illustrated with images and ideas rather than limitations. Expression of policy through limitation has already damaged a considerable amount of Maltese skylines, especially the literal translation of set-back requirements into building forms.

Different areas should be viewed differently because they each provide something different and unique. Urban visions should become the basis of

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policy formation and the concept behind the document on the ‘Landscape Assessment of the Maltese Islands‘ prepared by MEPA in 2004 should be adopted to formulate more specific, clear urban visions based on core values that merge social, cultural, visual and functional necessities. Without these visions, development is likely to contrast, rather than enhance the quality of the built environment.

In order for such site appraisals to be effective Local Councils should become more pro-active in the formulation of urban visions. Research has shown that public participation is vital for effective character appraisals and it is hard to foresee how a country with a population of 410,000 is unable to get in contact with its people on these important issues. In so doing, it is also vital that the right techniques are used so as to extract the most out of the public. Therefore the importance of visualisation techniques should prevail, as it has been proven that three-dimensional visualisation is a better tool to convey information to the public.

However three-dimensional visualization techniques must not only aid in public participation but also be used by planners as a tool to pre-empt policy outcomes before they are issued. The recent polemic in the town of Lija has shown that building height designations carried out on two-dimensional maps are misleading. MEPA should therefore seek to gather more information about the built environment, so as to be able to update site plans and possibly launch a three dimensional database.

Furthermore, a ‘Design Review Commission’ should be set up to monitor the standards in the quality of the built environment. This Commission should collaborate closely with architects and the public at large to raise awareness on the benefits of enhancing the quality of Maltese architecture. The Faculty for the Built Environment at the University of Malta, MEPA, and the Kamra tal-Periti should develop closer relationships and share skills, ideas and information brought to the fore by professionals, academic staff and students.

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In general MEPA should start operating beyond the level of planning of individual sites and start developing concise urban design frameworks that would formulate policies with the aim of creating places for people. Thus, a democratisation of sorts needs to occur within the planning authority.

6.3_Scope for further research This dissertation analyses current legislation, in both Malta and the UK, with respect to the development of the skyline. A recurrent issue throughout this study relates to the way the author emphasises the need for an overall framework, including development guidelines, to be formulated in line with the specificities of the Maltese setting. In this context, any studies that would focus on enhancing the methodology of site-specific appraisals would be a logical step for further research. It would be on this basis that the formulation of a strategic plan on which site appraisals can be based.

Furthermore, the dissertation’s aim is to outline ways to mitigate problematic skyline issues in Malta. It was not the aim of the author to delve into specific detail on skyline aesthetics and design. Design issues would have to be looked at from an aesthetics point of view, meaning that the elements of rhythm, symmetry, repetition, approach, and layering and how these emerge in the skyline would be looked at. Although not considered in this study, aesthetics could easily be another off-shoot to this study, once a idea framework for urban skylines is set up. Thus, any further research, especially on a Maltese level, into such skyline aesthetics would certainly continue to contribute to the attainment of better urban skyline.

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