SCIL Academic Publication 2024 by SCIL FH UNUD

academic publication

Hello, SCILers!

It is with great pleasure that we present this edition of the SCIL Academic Publication, a compilation of academic writings on the compelling topics of international law and politics. This publication represents the culmination of dedication, intellectual curiosity, and the collaborative spirit of SCIL members.

SCIL Academic Publication was conceived as more than just a collection of writings; it is a medium through which SCIL members can refine their research skills, explore critical global issues, and share their insights with peers who share a passion for advancing knowledge in international law and politics. By engaging in this process, contributors not only deepen their understanding but also build the networks essential for impactful collaboration in today’s interconnected world.

This edition brings together a diverse range of perspectives and analyses, reflecting the dynamic nature of international law and politics. From discussions on global governance and international relations to legal frameworks addressing transnational challenges, the contributions herein highlight the remarkable ability of SCIL members to tackle complex issues with rigor and creativity.

We would like to express our heartfelt gratitude to all the contributors, reviewers, and editors who have dedicated their time and expertise to this publication. Your hard work and passion have made this endeavor a success. While there is still much progress to be made, we believe this marks a significant first step in demonstrating SCIL's commitment to fostering the development of essential skills among its members.

We hope that this compilation will inspire readers, provoke thought, and encourage further exploration of the critical topics that shape our world. As you delve into the pages of this publication, may you find not only knowledge but also the motivation to contribute to the advancement of international law and politics in meaningful ways.

Sincerely,

Farah Nadiyah President of SCIL 2024

ARTICLE I: PENGATURAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA BERDASARKAN HUKUM

Pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) dalam ranah hukum internasional menjadi suatu unsur yang penting untuk menjamin perlindungan atas kebebasan dan martabat setiap individu dari berbagai pelanggaran yang mungkin di terjadi di seluruh dunia. Hukum internasional dapat dikatakan telah melakukan upaya yang besar dalam menjamin terwujudnya hak asasi manusia di seluruh dunia, dimana terdapat instrumeninstrumen hukum internasional yang membentuk sistem internasional mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia, mulai dari Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia, Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak-Hak Sipil dan Politik, Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak-Hak Ekonomi, Sosial, dan Budaya. Selain itu, pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia dalam ranah internasional dapat dilihat dari beberapa hal, mulai dari adanya Komite HAM PBB, Mahkamah Hak Asasi Manusia di tingkat regional, dan pengadilan nasional. Namun, walau memiliki mekanisme dan perkembangan yang pesat, nyatanya Hak Asasi Manusia dalam ranah internasional tidak berjalan dengan lancar, dibuktikan dengan banyaknya kasus terkait pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yangdisebabkan karena beberapa hal, salah satunya adalah dari lemahnya atau kurangnya kepatuhan negara pada pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia dalam hukum internasional, sehingga konflik yang timbul terjadi antar negara selalu berujung pada pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia. Oleh karena itu, penulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis bagaimana penerapan dan perkembangan serta apa saja pengaturan terkait Hak Asasi Manusia dan ranah hukum internasional.

ARTICLE II: ANALISIS PELANGGARAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA PADA KONFLIK BERSENJATA ISRAEL DAN PALESTINA BERDASARKAN

Konflik antara Israel dan Palestina merupakan salah satu konflik bersenjata yang paling kompleks dan berlarut, bermula dari abad ke-20 dengan Deklarasi Balfour pada 1917 yang mendukung pendirian "rumah nasional bangsa Yahudi" di Palestina. Kedatangan imigran Yahudi secara besar-besaran memicu ketegangan dengan penduduk Arab Palestina yang telah lama menetap di wilayah tersebut. Konflik ini mencapai intensitas baru pada Oktober 2023, ketika serangan dari kelompok Hamas ke wilayah Israel menyebabkan banyak korban jiwa, termasuk warga sipil. Situasi ini menarik perhatian komunitas internasional, yang menyerukan solusi damai untuk mencegah krisis kemanusiaan lebih lanjut. Upaya perdamaian telah dilakukan, seperti Perjanjian Oslo 1993, namun isu-isu utama tetap menjadi penghalang resolusi. Di tengah konflik, Hukum Humaniter Internasional (HHI) berperan penting dalam membatasi dampak negatif dari konflik bersenjata, berfokus pada perlindungan hak asasi manusia bagi mereka yang tidak terlibat langsung. Transformasi terminologi dari "hukum perang" menjadi "hukum sengketa bersenjata" mencerminkan pemahaman hukum yang lebih luas, mencakup perlindungan korban konflik dan pembatasan tindakan militer untuk meminimalkan kerusakan.

ARTICLE III: JUXTAPOSITION OF THE PAPUA CONFLICT ACCORDING TO STIMSON DOCTRINE AND INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN

The purpose of this study is to provide a basis for identifying the forms of armed groups that exist in Papua and their relationship with international humanitarian law which will be analyzed and understood based on the principles of the Stimson Doctrine relating to the basis of ex injuria jus non oritur in international law. Then they are faced with their qualifications relating to insurgent or belligerent according to existing conventions and have been ratified or acceded by the state of Indonesia. This research will also focus specifically on the contradictory correlation between Indonesia which adheres to the juris possidentis uti and the self-determination principle that was adhered to by Papua. In addition, the study will look at information developments in general and analyze the implementation, operandi mode, elements and processes as well as their developments, specifically on the violations that have occurred.

This research will also eventually provide aspects that can be used as a potential contemplation point to support the possibility of Papua's independence from Indonesia under international law. This jurisprudential study uses normative research methods with statute approaches, conceptual approaches and case approaches that specifically use sources from international conventions such as the Geneva Convention, the Hague Convention as well as principles and customary law within the broader scope of law. This paper suggests that Papua’s armed conflict instigated by several movements are in fact not valid to be counted as an international armed conflict, even if they use the self determination principles to justify the means, due to the non-fullfillment of the requirements needed in order to be a belligerent movement that has an international capacity as written in Article 8 of the Regulation adopted by the Institute of International law on the year 1990 on the other side, the Indonesian government adopt the injuria jus non oritur principle simply didn’t allow for the commencement of armed movement, which in turns made armed group movement in Papua didnt get the recognition needed to form an equal juxtaposition with the state.

ARTICLE IV: INDONESIA'S SUPERFICIAL HUMANITY: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ITS STANCE ON THE GENOCIDE IN PALESTINE, ROHINGYA, AND PAPUA.... 19

Indonesia has consistently expressed profound concern regarding the genocide in Palestine, often denouncing Israel's actions as "despicable acts of genocide" and positioning itself as a strong advocate for Palestinian rights on the global stage. This firm stance reflects Indonesia’s deep-rooted values and commitment to international solidarity. However, when examined alongside other crises specifically those affecting the Rohingya and Papuan communities a markedly varied pattern emerges in Indonesia’s approach to human rights advocacy. This article provides a detailed comparative analysis of Indonesia’s responses and positions concerning these three distinct humanitarian crises. While Indonesia has been vocal and proactive in its condemnation of the situation in Palestine, its response to the suffering of the Rohingya people in Myanmar and its handling of human rights issues within Papua appear less assertive. These differences may stem from political alliances, domestic considerations, or other influencing factors. The author argues that Indonesia's commitment to humanity and universal human rights should remain consistent, transcending political or cultural biases. By adopting an even-handed approach to human rights advocacy, Indonesia could strengthen its international reputation and better protect vulnerable populations, ensuring that no community faces ongoing neglect or crisis due to shifting political landscapes or circumstances.

WRITERS

Bernie Joshua L. Tobing

Ni Kadek Sri Yulianti

A. A. Istri Ratu Mirah Dhavantari

Laetitia Arista

REVIEWERS

Tjokorda Istri Diah Widantari Pradnya Dewi, S.H., M.H.

I Made Budi Arsika, S.H., LL.M.

Farah Nadiyah

EDITORIAL BOARD

EDITORIAL DIRECTOR

EDITORIAL-IN-CHIEF

EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS

SECRETARY

ADMINISTRATION DIVISION

Laetitia Arista

Ni Made Putrini

Bernie Joshua L. Tobing, Gusti Agung Arya

Wedanta Himawan, Ni Kadek Sri Yulianti,

Gusti Ngurah Arya Danaputra, A. A. Istri Ratu

Mirah Dhavantari

Putu Pridayanti Palasari

I Gusti Ayu Sinta Pradnyadewi Aryaswari

Asafita Benzelina Salhuteru, Ni Nyoman

Intan Saka Putri, Ni Made Sanisca Putri

Dewanti

ART DIRECTOR

ART DIVISION

SOCIAL MEDIA MANAGER

SOCIAL MEDIA DIVISION

Gusti Ayu Anindya Taurisa

Ni Nyoman Dian Andayani, Ni Ketut Yenny

Wulandari

Defa Erlangga Firdaus

Joshua Hot Dame Sinaga

PENGATURAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA BERDASARKAN HUKUM INTERNASIONAL

A. A. Istri Ratu Mirah Dhanvantari

PENDAHULUAN

Hak asasi manusia merupakan suatu konsep yang menegaskan bahwa setiap manusia sebagai seorang individu memiliki hak yang melekat pada dirinya karena ia adalah seorang manusia. Hak asasi manusia memiliki sifat yang universal, artinya hak itu berlaku dimana saja, tanpa memandang waktu dan tempat Pada dasarnya, hak asasi manusia adalah suatu hal yang tidak bisa dicabut dari seseorang, hal tersebut juga tidak bisa dipisahkan satu sama lain karena saling terikat dan saling bergantung

Hak asasi manusia mulai dikenal setelah adanya piagam Magna Charta, dimana piagam ini merupakan piagam pertama yang mengakui adanya hak individu yang melekat pada seseorang, yang ditandatangani oleh Raja Inggris pada 15 Juni 1215 Melalui piagam ini rakyatnya (bangsawan) diberikan jaminan terkait beberapa hak, termasuk hak untuk tidak ditangkap secara semena-mena Setelah munculnya Magna Charta ini, hak individu tersebut terus mengalami perkembangan, hingga pada akhirnya sampai pada Revolusi Prancis Revolusi Prancis pada akhirnya berhasil melahirkan sebuah deklarasi yang disebut sebagai Deklarasi Perancis pada 1789 Deklarasi ini memuat aturan-aturan yang berada di pihak masyarakat dan menguntungkan masyarakat.

Seiring waktu, hak-hak yang melekat pada setiap individu berkembang menjadi kumpulan hak yang diakui sebagai sesuatu yang dimiliki sejak lahir, yang kemudian dikenal sebagai Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) Selanjutnya, dengan adanya kemajuan kerja sama antarnegara, perkembangan teknologi, dan tuntutan akan HAM, konsep ini melampaui batasan negara dan mencapai puncaknya pada Deklarasi Universal HAM yang diresmikan oleh Perserikatan BangsaBangsa (PBB) pada 10 Desember 1948.

Mulai berkembangnya hak asasi manusia di seluruh dunia yang diiringi dengan perkembangan zaman menyebabkan berbagai tantangan serius dalam penegakan hak asasi manusia Berbagai bentuk kejahatan hak asasi manusia, seperti kejahatan perang, genosida, hingga kejahatan terhadap manusia semakin meluas Oleh karena itu, diperlukan penanganan yang serius dalam hukum internasional untuk mengatasi pelanggaran terhadap hak asasi manusia secara global dengan menciptakan pengaturan terkait hak asasi manusia berdasarkan hukum internasional.

ARTICLE I

PEMBAHASAN

Kejahatan Hak Asasi Manusia dari Perspektif Hukum Internasional

Dalam perspektif hukum internasional, hak asasi manusia dipandang sebagai suatu konsep yang universal, dimana artinya konsep ini secara internasional telah diakui sebagai hak-hak setiap individu yang bersifat fundamental, yang harus dilindungi dan dihormati oleh setiap negara Oleh karenanya, perlindungan, promosi, dan penegakkan hak asasi manusia menjadi suatu tanggung jawab global, dimana setiap negara berperan dalam menjamin hak asasi internasional.

Kejahatan terhadap hak asasi manusia adalah kejahatan yang tergolong sebagai kejahatan berat dan paling keji Seiring dengan perkembangan zaman, muncul begitu banyak tantangan atau permasalahan-permasalahan baru yang dapat mengancam hak asasi manusia

Ada begitu banyak kejahatan-kejahatan kemanusiaan yang terus bermunculan, seperti kejahatan perang, genosida, dan agresi. Kejahatankejahatan ini nyatanya sangat mengancam penegakan hak asasi manusia dalam ranah internasional maupun nasional dan memberikan dampak yang berkepanjangan bagi individu, masyarakat dan negara, mulai dari kehilangan nyawa hingga menyebabkan krisis ekonomi dan kesejahteraan suatu negara yang berujung pada ketidaksejahteraan kehidupan warga negaranya Untuk mengatasi kejahatan yang mengancam hak asasi manusia tersebut, diperlukan hukum hak asasi manusia internasional yang akan melindungi setiap hak yang melekat pada individu dan menjamin terpenuhinya hak-hak tersebut Hukum hak asasi manusia internasional merupakan kumpulan beberapa norma atau kaidah yang dibentuk untuk melindungi dan menghormati setiap hak-hak individu, tanpa memandang apapun, baik agama, status kewarganegaraan, ras, etnis, jenis kelamin, hingga latar belakang Hukum hak asasi internasional yang pada umumnya ditetapkan oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) akan memastikan dan menjamin seluruh negaranegara anggotanya melindungi, menghormati dan memenuhi hak-hak asasi manusia

Instrumen Hak Asasi Manusia dalam Hukum Internasional

Penegakan hak asasi manusia dalam ranah internasional saat ini nyatanya semakin kuat di tengah munculnya berbagai kejahatankejahatan kemanusiaan yang muncul di dunia. Hal ini dikarenakan melalui kejahatankejahatan tersebut membuat kesadaran global terkait pentingnya penegakan hak asasi manusia semakin meningkat, sehingga menjadi suatu hal yang sangat diperhatikan Kesadaran global yang meningkat ini pada akhirnya mendorong terciptanya instrumeninstrumen dalam hukum internasional dan mekanisme pengawasan terkait penegakan hak asasi manusia

Instrumen hukum internasional memiliki peran penting dalam penegakan hak asasi manusia dan untuk mencegah terjadinya kejahatan-kejahatan yang melanggar hak asasi manusia internasional Instrumen hukum internasional menjadi dasar hukum yang digunakan untuk melakukan penuntutan terhadap pelaku kejahatan yang melanggar hak asasi manusia. Adapun instrumen-instrumen hukum internasional inti yang terkait hak asasi manusia disebut dengan Piagam Hak Asasi Manusia Internasional atau yaitu International Bill of Human Rights adalah sebagai berikut: 1) Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia (DUHAM)

Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia adalah deklarasi pertama dari masyarakat dan menjadi tonggak sejarah pertama dalam pengakuan universal atas hak asasi manusia. Dengan 30 pasal di dalamnya, deklarasi ini telah menjadi landasan bagi berbagai perjanjian internasional dan hukum domestik yang bertujuan untuk melindungi hak-hak individu. Dimana deklarasi ini diadopsi oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) pada 10 Desember 1948 di Palais de Chaillot, paris, Perancis. Dokumen ini menetapkan standar global mengenai hak-hak yang harus dimiliki oleh manusia tanpa terkecuali.

Pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia Berdasarkan Hukum

ARTICLE I

Pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia Berdasarkan Hukum Internasional

2) Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Sipil dan politik

Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Sipil dan politik atau International Covenant on Civil and Political Right (ICCPR) pada dasarnya mengatur batasan-batasan terhadap tindakan represif negara. Oleh karena itu, hak-hak yang diatur dan tercantum di dalamnya sering dikategorikan sebagai “hak negatif”. Hak-hak ini hanya dapat terjamin apabila negara membatasi intervensinya terhadap individu. Terdapat dua jenis hak dalam ICCPR, yaitu sebagai berikut:

1) Hak Non-Derogable Right, yaitu hak yang bersifat absolute, artinya tidak dapat dikurangi sekalipun oleh negara. Adapun contoh hak jenis ini adalah, hak atas hidup, hak bebas dari perbudakan, hak sebagai subjek hukum, dan hak kebebasan dari penyiksaan

2) Hak Derogable Right, yaitu hak yang bertolak belakang dengan Non-Derogable Right, dimana hak ini dapat dikurangi oleh negara Contohnya adalah Hak kebebasan berkumpul dan berserikat dan hak untuk mengemukakan pendapat

3) Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Ekonomi, Sosial dan Budaya

Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Ekonomi, Sosial dan Budaya atau International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural (ICESCR) mulai diadopsi pada tahun 1966 dan diberlakukan pada tanggal 3 Januari 1976. Sampai saat ini, ada sejumlah 160 negara yang telah meratifikasi ICESCR, dimana negara-negara tersebut memiliki kewajiban untuk melindungi hak ekonomi, sosial dan budaya setiap individu. Adapun hak-hak yang dilindungi oleh ICESCR hak pendidikan, hak jaminan sosial, hak untuk mendapatkan pekerjaan dan perlakuan yang adil di tempat kerja, hak untuk mendapatkan standar kesehatan fisik dan mental tertinggi yang dapat dicapai, serta hak untuk mendapatkan standar hidup yang layak Selain itu, konvensi ini juga menjamin hak setiap individu untuk menentukan nasibnya sendiri, yang mencakup penetapan status politik, serta pencapaian tujuan ekonomi, sosial dan budaya, termasuk pengelolaan dan pemanfaatan sumber daya mereka Konvensi ini mengadopsi prinsip “realisasi progresif” sebagai landasan utama dari seluruh kovenan

Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Ekonomi, Sosial dan Budaya (ICESCR) inilah yang kemudian bersama dengan Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia (UDHR) dan Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Sipil dan politik (ICCPR) yang kemudian membentuk Piagam Internasional tentang Hak Asasi Manusia atau The Bill of Human Rights Internasional.

Pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia Berdasarkan Hukum Internasional

Untuk mengatasi berbagai kejahatan yang termasuk pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan menyebabkan hak asasi manusia tidak dapat ditegakkan, maka terdapat beberapa pengaturan hak asasi manusia internasiona baik berupa lembaga ataupun konvensi yang dibentuk atau dibuat dengan tujuan untuk memastikan setiap individu di seluruh dunia dapat diwujudkan Adapun pengaturanpengaturan tersebut adalah sebagai berikut :

1) Human Right Watch

Human Right Watch merupakan sebuah organisasi internasional yang tergolong ke dalam organisasi non-profit dan nonpemerintahan. Organisasi ini memiliki tujuan yaitu untuk melakukan promosi terkait dengan keadilan mengenai hak asasi manusia di seluruh dunia Human Right Watch memiliki anggota lebih dari 250 staf yang berlokasi di seluruh dunia, yang terdiri dari seorang akademis, pakar negara, jurnalis, hingga pengacara Human Rights Watch (HRW) menekankan prinsip utama dalam melindungi hak asasi manusia tanpa membedakan kelas sosial, agama, etnis, atau perbedaan lainnya Keberadaan HRW di dunia juga bertujuan untuk mendukung para korban dan aktivis dalam mencegah diskriminasi, menegakkan kebebasan politik, serta melindungi individu dari berbagai tindakan yang tidak manusiawi

2) Human Rights Without Frontiers International (HRWF Int'l)

Human Rights Without Frontiers International (HRWF Int'l) adalah organisasi nonpemerintahan yang berlokasi di Brussels, Belgia, yang didirikan pada tahun 2001 oleh Willy Fautré, seorang aktivis hak asasi manusia berpengalaman Organisasi ini bertujuan untuk membentuk kebijakan Eropa dan internasional

dengan cara yang memperkuat demokrasi, menegakkan supremasi hukum, dan melindungi hak asasi manusia di seluruh dunia Fokus utama HRWF Int'l meliputi kebebasan beragama atau berkeyakinan, hak-hak perempuan, kesetaraan gender, serta hak-hak kaum LGBTQI. Selain itu, organisasi ini juga mengawasi pelanggaran hak asasi manusia di negara-negara seperti Tiongkok, Korea Utara, Ukraina, Rusia, dan Iran Dasar advokasi HRWF Int'l adalah kumpulan perjanjian internasional yang mengikat pihak-pihak untuk menghormati hak asasi dan kebebasan fundamental Instrumen-instrumen ini mencakup Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia dan Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Sipil dan Politik 3) United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC)

United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) adalah Dewan Hak Asasi Manusia Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (UNHRC) adalah badan yang bertugas untuk memajukan serta melindungi hak asasi manusia di seluruh dunia UNHRC memiliki 47 negara anggota yang dipilih dengan masa jabatan tiga tahun secara bergiliran, berdasarkan kelompok regional Dewan ini menyelidiki dugaan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia di antara negara-negara anggota PBB dan membahas isu-isu tematik penting terkait hak asasi manusia, seperti kebebasan berserikat dan berkumpul, kebebasan berekspresi, kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan, hak-hak perempuan, hak-hak LGBT, serta hak-hak minoritas ras dan etnis

4) Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB)

Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) adalah suatu organisasi yang berskala internasional yang memiliki tujuan untuk menjaga kedamaian dunia dan melindungi hak asasi manusia tanpa memperhatikan latar belakang dari individu tersebut. PBB dibentuk pada 10 Desember 1948, yang telah banyak berkontribusi dalam perlindungan dan penegakan hak asasi manusia Adapun bentuk kontribusi tersebut berupa pengesahan konvensi-konvensi dan pemberian bantuan pada negara yang tengah terlibat perang

Hak Asasi Manusia Berdasarkan Hukum

5) Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia (DUHAM)

Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia atau DUHAM adalah produk hukum internasional oleh PBB yang menjadi pedoman untuk negaranegara dalam memberikan perlindungan dan penegakan hak asasi manusia. Dalam DUHAM, terdapat berbagai hak asasi yang utama dan wajib dilindungi Salah satu hak yang menjadi perhatian penting dalam DUHAM adalah hak atas kehidupan Setiap individu yang telah lahir secara otomatis memiliki hak asasi ini sebagai anugerah dari Tuhan Untuk menegakkan dan melindungi hak asasi manusia, PBB membentuk sebuah komite khusus yang bertugas mengawasi isu-isu hak asasi manusia secara global, yaitu Komite Hak Asasi Manusia PBB (United Nations Committee of Human Rights), yang kemudian digantikan oleh Dewan Hak Asasi Manusia PBB

6) Pengesahan Konvensi tentang Hak Anak Konvensi tentang Hak Anak adalah salah satu produk dari PBB, yang melihat dari banyak kejahatan-kejahatan yang merampas hak-hak anak di seluruh dunia, sehingga konvensi ini bertujuan untuk melindungi dan menjaga hakhak anak. Setelah adanya pengesahan terhadap konvensi ini, PBB kemudian mendirikan komite hak anak (Committee on the rights of the child), yang merupakan sebuah badan beranggotakan para pakar independen yang memiliki tugas untuk mengawasi penerapan konvensi tentang hak anak bagi negara-negara yang meratifikasi konvensi ini

7) Pengesahan Konvensi Internasional Tentang Penghapusan Segala Bentuk Diskriminasi Rasial

Menyaksikan semakin maraknya kasus diskriminasi rasial di dunia, PBB menetapkan sebuah konvensi internasional tentang penghapusan semua bentuk diskriminasi rasial Konvensi ini menjadi instrumen pertama yang membentuk sebuah lembaga pengawas khusus, yaitu Komite Penghapusan Diskriminasi Rasial (Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination). Pada dasarnya, konvensi ini menetapkan untuk "mengambil langkah-langkah yang diperlukan guna menghapuskan segala bentuk dan wujud diskriminasi rasial, serta untuk

Pengaturan

ARTICLE I

mencegah dan melawan ajaran dan praktik rasis dalam rangka meningkatkan pemahaman antar ras dan menciptakan masyarakat internasional yang bebas dari segala bentuk segregasi dan diskriminasi rasial 8) Pengesahan Konvensi tentang Penghapusan Segala Diskriminasi Terhadap Perempuan

Pengesahan Konvensi tentang Penghapusan Segala Diskriminasi terhadap perempuan adalah konvensi yang dilatarbelakangi oleh diskriminasi yang dialami oleh perempuan, mulai dari kekerasan seksual, perbudakan seksual, perkawinan paksa, hingga perbedaan upah antara perempuan dan laki-laki. Konvensi ini mulai berlaku pada 3 September 1981, dimana terdapat sekitar seratus negara telah menyepakati konvensi ini, yang menjadikan kaum perempuan sebagai fokus utama dalam permasalahan hak asasi manusia Oleh karenanya, dalam dokumen ini terdapat makna mengenai kesetaraan dan cara untuk mencapai kesetaraan itu.

PENUTUP

Pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia menjadi hal yang harus diperhatikan karena merupakan isu yang sensitif dan sangat penting Seiring dengan pesatnya perkembangan zaman, kejahatan dan pelanggaran terhadap hak asasi manusia seseorang semakin meluas, terutama dalam skala internasional. Menjamin terciptanya penegakan hak asasi manusia bukan hanya menjadi kebutuhan lembaga dan organisasi internasional, melainkan juga sebagai kewajiban moral yang harus dipenuhi Adanya International Bill of Human Rights yang terdiri dari Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia, Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak-Hak Sipil dan Politik, serta Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak-Hak Ekonomi Sosial dan Budaya menjadi pedoman yang mengikat negara-negara untuk memperlakukan warga negaranya dengan adil Selain itu, organisasi internasional yang berfokus pada hak asasi manusia, seperti Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB), Human Right Watch (HRW), United Nations Human Right Council (UNHRC) dan lainnya menjadi penting sebagai

upaya yang dapat dilakukan untuk memperjuangkan hak-hak dasar yang dimiliki oleh setiap individu di seluruh dunia Organisasiorganisasi inilah yang akan menjadi senjata untuk melawan segala kejahatan dan pelanggaran yang mengancam hak asasi manusia. Melalui kepatuham dan kerja sama secara global, pengaturan dan lembaga internasional yang berfokus pada hak asasi manusia diharapkan secara efektif akan menciptakan dunia yang lebih adil dan lebih berperikemanusiaan, serta mempertegas bahwa hak asasi manusia adalah milik semua orang di dunia tanpa adanya pengecualian

Pengaturan Hak Asasi Manusia Berdasarkan Hukum

ARTICLE II

PENDAHULUAN

Konflik yang terjadi antara Israel dan Palestina merupakan salah satu konflik yang paling kontroversial dan merupakan konflik berkepanjangan yang terjadi di dunia Berakar dari abad ke-20, setelah kekalahan Kesultanan Ottoman di tangan Inggris dalam Perang Dunia I, dimana wilayah Palestina menjadi wilayah yang dikuasai oleh Inggris berdasarkan Mandat Perserikatan BangsaBangsa (PBB) Pada tahun 1917, pemerintah Inggris mengeluarkan Deklarasi Balfour, yang menyatakan dukungan terhadap pendirian “rumah nasional bangsa Yahudi” di Palestina. Deklarasi Balfour ini menjadi titik balik penting dalam sejarah kawasan tersebut, karena hal ini menjadi pembuka jalan bagi peningkatan imigrasi Yahudi dari berbagai penjuru dunia ke Palestina

Proses migrasi ini dipicu oleh harapan baru untuk kembali ke tanah leluhur yang secara historis dan spiritual dianggap sebagai pusat kebudayaan dan keagamaan bangsa Yahudi

Akan tetapi, kedatangan para imigran Yahudi dalam jumlah besar memicu ketegangan dengan penduduk Arab Palestina yang telah menetap lebih awal di wilayah tersebut. Puncak ketegangan di Timur Tengah ini terjadi pada Sabtu, 7 Oktober 2023, ketika kelompok Hamas (Harakat Al-Muqawwamatul Islamiyah) melancarkan serangan besar-besaran terhadap Israel Serangan dilakukan dengan peluncuran ribuan roket dari Jalur Gaza yang menghantam wilayah selatan Israel, yang menyebabkan kehancuran dan kepanikan massal Benturan kekerasan Israel dan Palestina ini banyak mengakibatkan pertumpahan darah dan korban jiwa. Berdasarkan hasil laporan yang diterima terdapat lebih dari 1 200 orang tewas, dengan sebagian besar korban merupakan warga sipil Israel. Konflik ini menandai suatu peristiwa paling mematikan yang dialami Israel sejak negara tersebut meraih kemerdekaan pada tahun 1948.

Ni Kadek Sri Yulianti

Analisis Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia Pada Konflik Bersenjata

1.1. Latar Belakang

ARTICLE II

Analisis Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia Pada Konflik Bersenjata Israel

Hukum Humaniter

Serangan tersebut tidak hanya menghancurkan infrastruktur dan memakan banyak korban jiwa, tetapi juga memicu respons dari komunitaskomunitas Internasional, yang menyuarakan untuk penghentian kekerasan dan solusi diplomatik dalam menghindari krisis kemanusiaan yang lebih mendalam

Upaya penyelesaian konflik yang terjadi antara Palestina dan Israel ini juga telah berlangsung selama lebih dari setengah abad, yang mencakup berbagai inisiatif diplomatik dan perundingan Salah satu upaya penyelesaian yang dilakukan adalah melalui Perjanjian Oslo yang ditandatangani pada tahun 1993, yang memberikan harapan dengan pembentukan kerangka kerja perdamaian antara Israel dan Organisasi Pembebasan Palestina (PLO) Perjanjian ini menandai pengakuan timbal balik dan pembentukan Otoritas Palestina dengan bertujuan untuk memerintah secara terbatas di wilayah Tepi Barat dan Jalur Gaza. Akan tetapi, meski terdapat kemajuan, Perjanjian Oslo ini tidak sepenuhnya dapat mengatasi isu-isu seperti status Yerusalem. Perbatasan definitif, dan hak pengungsi Palestina untuk kembali. Perundingan Camp David pada tahun 2000, yang dimediasi oleh Presiden AS Bill Clinton, hampir mencapai kesepakatan bersejarah antara Perdana Menteri Israel Ehuk Barak dan Pemimpin PLO Yasser Arafat. Akan tetapi, perbedaan dalam isu-isu utama menyebabkan perundingan tersebut gagal, yang mengakibatkan pecahnya intifada kedua, gelombang kekerasan yang berlangsung hingga beberapa tahun kemudian.

Dalam konflik bersenjata terdapat hukum yang harus dipatuhi dalam setiap peperangannya. Hukum Humaniter Internasional (HHI), atau dikenal sebagai Hukum Perang merupakan seperangkat aturan yang dirancang untuk membatasi dampak dari konflik bersenjata tersebut, dengan tujuan untuk melindungi mereka yang tidak terlibat secara langsung dalam peperangan, seperti penduduk sipil, tenaga medis, dan pekerja kemanusiaan serta mengatur tata cara dan sarana dalam berperang

Hukum Humaniter Internasional atau dikenal dengan istilah International Humanitarian Law (IHL) pada awalnya dikenal dengan istilah laws of war atau hukum perang. Konsep hukum perang ini telah lama menjadi bagian dari peraturan dan norma yang mengatur bagaimana perang seharusnya dijalankan. Namun, seiring dengan perkembangan zaman, penggunaan istilah war (perang) dianggap memiliki konotasi negatif dan menimbulkan banyak ketakutan di lingkungan masyarakat Maka dari itu, istilah tersebut kemudian mulai ditinggalkan dan digantikan dengan terminologi yang lebih netral, yaitu armed conflict (pertikaian bersenjata). Pergantian istilah ini dimaksudkan untuk tidak hanya mencakup konflik bersenjata internasional, tetapi juga konflik bersenjata non-internasional.

Pasca Perang Dunia II, berbagai upaya internasional dilakukan untuk mencegah terjadinya perang dan mempromosikan perdamaian global Upaya ini termasuk penandatanganan berbagai perjanjian dan konvensi, seperti Konvensi Jenewa dan protokol tambahannya, yang mengatur perlindungan terhadap korban perang dan menetapkan batasan-batasan dalam penggunaan kekuatan militer Fokus ini menciptakan pergeseran linguistik dari istilah laws of war menjadi laws of armed conflict (hukum sengketa bersenjata) Istilah yang lebih luas ini mencakup semua jenis konflik bersenjata, bukan hanya perang konvensional antar negara, tetapi juga konflik internal yang sering kali lebih kompleks. Transformasi ini bukan sekadar pergantian istilah, tetapi juga mencerminkan perubahan dalam pemahaman dan penegakan hukum humaniter internasional Dari sekadar mengatur tata cara perang, hukum humaniter internasional berkembang untuk memberikan perlindungan yang lebih luas kepada para korban konflik dan membatasi kerusakan yang disebabkan oleh tindakan militer

ARTICLE II

1.2. Rumusan Masalah

Analisis Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia Pada Konflik Bersenjata

Berdasarkan uraian latar belakang diatas, maka dapat diidentifikasi beberapa permasalahan sebagai berikut:

Apa saja bentuk pelanggaran Hak Asasi

Manusia (HAM) yang terjadi dalam Konflik

Bersenjata antara Palestina dan Israel

dalam perspektif International Humanitarian Law?

2. 1.3. Tujuan

Bagaimana penerapan International Humanitarian Law dalam Konflik Bersenjata antara Palestina dan Israel?

Tujuan yang ingin dicapai dalam artikel berikut adalah:

Untuk menelaah dan mendalami wawasan mengenai apakah dalam konflik bersenjata antara Palestina dan Israel telah terjadi pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia; dan 1 Untuk mendalami lebih dalam mengenai bagaimana penerapan International Humanitarian Law dalam konflik bersenjata yang terjadi pada Palestina dan Israel

PEMBAHASAN

2.1. Bentuk pelanggaran Hak Asasi

Manusia yang Terjadi Dalam Konflik

Bersenjata Antara Palestina dan Israel

Dalam Perspektif International

Humanitarian Law

Berdasarkan Ketetapan Majelis

Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia

Nomor XVII/MPR/1998, Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) merupakan hak dasar yang melekat pada diri manusia yang sifatnya kodrati, universal, dan abadi sebagai karunia Tuhan Yang Maha Esa yang berfungsi untuk menjamin kelangsungan hidup, kemerdekaan, perkembangan manusia dan masyarakat yang tidak boleh diganggu gugat dan diabaikan oleh siapapun Maka dari itu, siapapun tidak diperbolehkan untuk mengambil hak dan/atau menghilangkan hak asasi seseorang, baik dari kalangan elit maupun masyarakat umum.

Pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang dilakukan oleh Israel kepada Palestina telah mencatat berbagai peristiwa yang penuh dengan kekerasan dan banyak pertumpahan darah Salah satunya, pada 23 Juni 2008, pada saat insiden penembakan yang dilakukan oleh seorang militer dari Israel. Penembakan tersebut mengenai warga sipil Palestina yang tengah melakukan kegiatan pengumpulan kayu bakar di dekat perbatasan Beith Lahia, Gaza. Masih pada hari dan insiden yang sama, dua buah mortar mendarat di wilayah Gaza Berlanjut, pada bulan September, Israel kembali melancarkan serangan tambahan berupa dua mortar dan tiga roket yang ditembakkan ke Gaza Meskipun pada serangan ini tidak menimbulkan korban jiwa, akan tetapi situasi tersebut semakin menambah ketegangan yang terus berlanjut antara kedua negara tersebut. Gencatan senjata mulai terlihat pada 19 Juli 2008, yang memberikan secercah titik terang harapan akan adanya jeda di tengah eskalasi penumpahan darah tersebut Akan tetapi, kerusakan yang telah ditinggalkan sebelumnya menciptakan dampak fisik yang signifikan. (Lewiandy, Alessandro Christian Max, 2024).

Statuta Roma yang menjadi landasan hukum bagi International Criminal Court (ICC) memuat pelanggaran hak asasi manusia berat yang dikenal dengan sebutan The most serious crime/gross violation human rights Dalam Article 5, Statuta Roma menyebutkan jenis-jenis pelanggaran HAM berat yang menjadi yurisdiksi ICC, adalah sebagai berikut: “The jurisdiction of the Court shall be limited to the most serious crime of concern to the international community as a whole The Court has jurisdiction in accordance with this statue with this respect to the following crimes: 1) The crime of genocide; 2) Crimes against humanity; 3) War crimes; and 4) The crimes of aggression ”

ARTICLE II

Analisis Pelanggaran

Hak Asasi Manusia Pada Konflik Bersenjata Israel dan Palestina Berdasarkan Hukum Humaniter Internasional

Agresi Israel ke Palestina selama periode 22 hari yang menyebabkan korban jiwa sekitar 1434 penduduk sipil tewas dan lebih dari 5000 orang luka-luka jelas menunjukkan pelanggaran serius terhadap prinsip-prinsip dasar hukum humaniter internasional dan hak asasi manusia (HAM). Dalam hukum humaniter internasional, yang mencakup Konvensi Jenewa dan protokol tambahannya, terdapat kewajiban untuk melindungi penduduk sipil dari kekerasan yang tidak proporsional dan serangan tanpa pandang bulu. Piagam Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) menegaskan pentingnya memelihara perdamaian dan keamanan internasional, serta mencegah aksi-aksi agresi yang mengancam stabilitas kawasan dan melanggar prinsip-prinsip kemanusiaan. Berikut ini adalah beberapa pelanggaran yang dilakukan oleh militer Israel selama konflik bersenjata, dikategorikan berdasarkan prinsip-prinsip hukum humaniter internasional dan hak asasi manusia yang dilanggar:

1. Prinsip kebutuhan militer (military necessity)

Pasal 57 Protokol Tambahan I Konvensi Jenewa menegaskan bahwa dalam suatu konflik bersenjata, hanya obyek militer dan kombatan yang sah untuk diserang. Hal ini dimaksudkan untuk meminimalkan dampak terhadap populasi sipil dan memastikan bahwa tindakan militer mengikuti prinsip-prinsip proporsionalitas dan pembedaan Dalam praktiknya, setiap serangan harus menghindari jatuhnya korban sipil serta melindungi infrastruktur sipil dan obyek vital, seperti sekolah, rumah sakit, dan fasilitas lainnya yang mendukung kehidupan masyarakat Namun, realitas di lapangan seringkali berbeda Dalam konflik tertentu, seperti yang terjadi di Palestina, serangan yang dilakukan oleh Israel tidak hanya menargetkan obyek militer, tetapi juga obyek sipil. Serangan terhadap sekolah, rumah sakit, rumah penduduk, dan jaringan listrik menyebabkan kerusakan yang sangat parah, yang tidak hanya mengancam kelangsungan hidup penduduk sipil, tetapi juga memperburuk situasi kemanusiaan di wilayah tersebut

2. Prinsip kemanusiaan (humanity)

Tindakan militer Israel yang melanggar prinsip-prinsip kemanusiaan telah menarik perhatian dunia, terutama dalam konteks penghadangan bantuan kemanusiaan yang dikirimkan oleh berbagai organisasi internasional Bantuan ini dimaksudkan untuk menunjukkan solidaritas dan rasa simpati kepada warga Palestina di Jalur Gaza, yang mengalami penderitaan akibat konflik yang berkepanjangan dan mengakibatkan krisis kemanusiaan. Penghalangan terhadap akses bantuan tersebut tidak hanya memperburuk situasi yang sudah genting, tetapi juga mengancam nyawa warga sipil yang sangat bergantung pada pasokan makanan, obatobatan, dan kebutuhan pokok lainnya

3. Prinsip proporsionalitas (Proportionality)

Dalam konflik antara Palestina dan Israel, terlihat adanya ketidakseimbangan dalam serangan balasan (reprisal) yang dilakukan oleh militer Israel terhadap Jalur Gaza Sebagai respon terhadap serangan rudal dan roket yang dilancarkan oleh Hamas ke wilayah Israel, militer Israel melancarkan serangan udara yang menargetkan lokasilokasi yang dicurigai sebagai tempat persembunyian Hamas.

Militer Israel kerap dikritik atas tindakan yang dianggap melanggar hak asasi manusia dalam penanganan konflik dengan Hamas, yang kerap melibatkan penggunaan warga sipil sebagai perisai manusia Dalam situasi ini, warga Palestina sering kali menjadi korban, baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung, karena mereka terjebak dalam zona konflik Insiden penyiksaan, serangan dengan sasaran sipil, dan pembatasan kebebasan warga di Gaza mencerminkan situasi penahanan yang berlangsung selama konflik, yang memperburuk kondisi kehidupan mereka. Selain itu, penggunaan fosfor putih, zat kimia yang berbahaya dan mematikan jika terkena tubuh manusia, oleh militer Israel dalam

ARTICLE II

beberapa serangan dilaporkan telah mengakibatkan luka-luka serius pada warga sipil Palestina Fosfor putih menimbulkan luka bakar yang parah dan menyakitkan, serta meninggalkan dampak psikologis mendalam bagi mereka yang terkena dampaknya

2.2. Penerapan International

Humanitarian Law Dalam Konflik Bersenjata Antara Palestina dan Israel

Konflik bersenjata merupakan bentuk sengketa yang melibatkan penggunaan kekuatan militer antara dua negara atau lebih, atau antara pemerintah suatu negara dengan kelompok pemberontak Sengketa semacam ini bisa bersifat internasional, di mana pihak-pihak yang terlibat berasal dari negara-negara berbeda, maupun non-internasional, yang melibatkan pihak-pihak di dalam wilayah suatu negara. Konflik bersenjata diatur dalam International Humanitarian Law, yang bertujuan untuk melindungi mereka yang tidak terlibat secara langsung dalam pertempuran dan membatasi metode serta cara berperang Namun, realitas yang terjadi di lapangan menunjukkan bahwa konflik bersenjata seringkali dipenuhi dengan kekerasan dan permusuhan yang ekstrem di antara pihak-pihak yang bertikai Kekejaman dan kekerasan yang dilakukan kerap melampaui batas-batas kemanusiaan, menyebabkan penderitaan yang tidak terbayangkan bagi para korban, baik dari pihak kombatan maupun warga sipil yang tak berdaya. Pelanggaran berat terhadap International Humanitarian Law, seperti penyiksaan, pembunuhan di luar proses hukum, dan kekerasan seksual, sering kali menjadi gambaran kelam dari konflik tersebut

Serangan Israel terhadap Jalur Gaza dengan alasan bahwa Hamas merupakan suatu organisasi yang dianggap sering mengancam keamanan Israel dapat dianalisis melalui dua perspektif utama dalam hukum internasional. Perspektif pertama adalah legalitas penggunaan kekerasan atau dikenal dengan jus ad bellum, yang membahas apakah tindakan kekerasan tersebut sah menurut hukum internasional, termasuk prinsip-prinsip pembelaan diri

Di dalam konteks ini, pertanyaannya berfokus pada apakah serangan Israel dapat dibenarkan sebagai tindakan bela diri (self-defence) yang diatur dalam Pasal 51 Piagam PBB, yang memberikan negara hak untuk menggunakan kekuatan bersenjata dalam membela diri dari serangan bersenjata, tetapi juga harus memenuhi prinsip kebutuhan (necessity) dan proporsionalitas Perspektif kedua adalah bagaimana serangan tersebut dilaksanakan, dikenal dengan jus in bello atau hukum humaniter internasional. Jus in bello mengatur pelaksanaan tindakan militer, memastikan bahwa kekerasan digunakan secara proporsional, tidak menargetkan warga sipil, dan mematuhi prinsip-prinsip kemanusiaan seperti perlindungan individu non-kombatan.

Operasi Cast Lead merupakan bagian dari bentuk pembelaan diri Israel demi melindungi warga negaranya dari gangguan pihak asing yang mengancam. Hal ini dipertegas dalam UN Charter article 51: “Nothing in the present Charter shall impair th inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations ” Hal ini dipertegas juga oleh pendapat Perdana Menteri Ehud Olmert bahwa demi tujuan melindungi penduduk sipil maka operasi militer dapat diperluas agar memperlemah kekuatan militer Hamas“If there is a need, the military is prepared to expand the operation We will continue to do everything to protect our citizens.”

KESIMPULAN

Konflik bersenjata antara Palestina-Israel menimbulkan pelanggaran serius terhadap Hak Asasi Manusia dan Hukum Humaniter Internasional Banyak insiden kekerasan menunjukkan pelanggaran terhadap prinsipprinsip utama hukum humaniter, termasuk kebutuhan militer, kemanusiaan, dan proporsionalitas. Serangan terhadap infrastruktur dan warga sipil Palestina, penghalangan bantuan kemanusiaan, serta

Analisis Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia Pada Konflik Bersenjata Israel dan Palestina Berdasarkan Hukum Humaniter Internasional

ARTICLE II

Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia Pada Konflik Bersenjata Israel dan Palestina Berdasarkan Hukum Humaniter Internasional

penggunaan senjata berbahaya seperti fosfor putih, menunjukkan eskalasi kekerasan yang tidak hanya mengancam nyawa, tetapi juga memperburuk krisis kemanusiaan di Gaza Penerapan International Humanitarian Law dalam konflik bersenjata antara Israel dan Palestina menjadi penting dalam membatasi penggunaan kekerasan dan melindungi warga sipil serta pihak-pihak yang tidak terlibat langsung dalam konflik Meski Israel mengklaim tindakan militernya sebagai bentuk pembelaan diri sesuai Pasal 51 Piagam PBB, tindakan tersebut harus tetap memperhatikan prinsip kebutuhan dan proporsionalitas Perspektif jus ad bellum menilai keabsahan penggunaan kekerasan sebagai tindakan bela diri, sementara jus in bello menekankan pelaksanaan operasi militer yang menghormati prinsip kemanusiaan Pelanggaran terhadap hukum humaniter internasional berpotensi menyebabkan penderitaan besar bagi korban dan menciptakan eskalasi konflik yang semakin kompleks.

Analisis

ARTICLE III

JUXTAPOSITION OF THE PAPUA CONFLICT ACCORDING TO STIMSON DOCTRINE

AND INTERNATIONAL

HUMANITARIAN LAW

INTRODUCTION

Indonesia, known for its multicultural identity and vast geographic diversity, has faced numerous separatist movements throughout its history, including the Aceh Freedom Movement (GAM), the Islamic State of Indonesia (NII), and Papua’s liberation efforts. Papua, in particular, has struggled with marginalization due to a history of Java-centric development policies despite its rich natural resources This tension underscores a clash between two international principles: selfdetermination and the Stimson Doctrine The Stimson Doctrine, introduced by U S Secretary of State Henry L. Stimson in 1932, asserts the principle of non-recognition of territorial acquisitions achieved by force Rooted in the Kellogg–Briand Pact, which renounces war as a tool of national policy, this doctrine became widely accepted, influencing treaties such as the Montevideo Convention and the UN Charter's prohibition against the use of force (Article 33). The doctrine embodies the principle ex injuria jus non oritur ("illegal acts do not create law"), emphasizing the illegality of annexations or territorial changes through aggression.

Conversely, self-determination is a human right recognized in international law, allowing groups with national consciousness to form their own states and govern themselves.[1] This principle is enshrined in Article 1(2) of the UN Charter, as written “To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace ” which advocates for the right to self-determination as a foundation for universal peace. Papua’s liberation movement often cites selfdetermination to justify its claims, while Indonesia relies on principles like the Stimson Doctrine to uphold its sovereignty, highlighting the complex interplay of international law in separatist conflicts. In discussing the armed conflict of Papua and its development in the era of information and technology, several problems can be formulated as follows:

Bernie Joshua L. Tobing

ARTICLE III

1. How the principles of international law regarding insurgencies and belligerency (in this case the self-determination theory) fares against the viewpoint of the conflict if connected to their relations with Indonesia’s state views (regarding the stimson doctrine and ex injuria jus non oritur principles)

How the international law views the current position of the military/armed groups in Papua regarding their status

2. There are currently no peremptory answer because their armed group movement hasn’t stopped, but this study will try to find a little bit of an answer to clear that questions with an epoxtulate answer without apprehending the concept regarding the current state of the armed conflict in Papua.

THE VIEW OF INTERNATIONAL LAW REGARDING THE CURRENT STATUS AFFAIRS OF ARMED CONFLICT IN PAPUA

According to the international law perspective, the armed conflict in Papua can be seen as a rebel regime Although a rebellion can and will breach the law of the state concerned, there’s no breach in international law that occurs through a mere rebel regime If a rebellion occurs in a swift manner, either quickly put down, or is quickly successful, then there would be no problems regarding the recognition in the international views, but if the rebellion/revolution regime has been circulating for a longer period of time, then there may be consideration for recognition in the eyes of international law As can be seen with Papua’s case, in which the movement have been circulating since 1965 as the highly contentious Act of Free Choice, a referendum in which 1,026 Papuans handpicked by the Indonesian authorities were asked to choose independence or integration with Indonesia, was held on 1 May 1969. The vote was unanimous in support of integration, and West Irian became an Indonesian province, soon renamed Irian Jaya.

Sporadic resistance to Indonesian rule began due to the fact that the Papuan independence was promised by the Dutch in 1961, but then thwarted by Indonesia through fraud and violence, with the tacit approval of the US and other western powers that happened due to Indonesia’s successful war of Independence on 1945-1949 Although a rebel regime in fact didn’t receive any rights or duties as an international subject, it may benefited up to some degrees with the recognition as an international personality. As the rebel regime received an international personality, then it automatically entitled to be recognized as an official national territory under its control The principle of self-determination recently has been emerged as the general value of human rights and freedom have evolved and assert a lot of change especially in terms of dealing with the civil war that often times represent the indigenous group when fares against the more colonial, administration This can also be recognize in the recent armed conflict in Papua where the grasp of ethno-nationalism has dilated in the rebel regime Furthermore, under the pretense of the decolonialism the armed conflict in Papua can be classified further into belligerents and insurgents, depending on the characteristic and the conditions adjacent to be included as one of those group

1 Insurgency: Insurgency is an uprising or rebellion by an organized group against their government or governing authority Frequently, other terms are used to describe situations of insurgency, including uprising, rebellion, and insurrection Essentially, these are all forms of noninternational armed conflict (Armed Conflict, NonInternational); however, authorities are frequently reluctant to accept that an insurgency has risen to the level of armed conflict, and will choose instead to downplay the conflict by referring to it as an internal disturbanceThe insurgent group didn’t have any capacity to present itself in the international community, as the related authority are expected to take responsibility on the internal conflict that happened in their own territory. Insurgency is a seed of belligerency, where the authority tends to suppressed the conflict, which aims to maintain the order

2

Belligerency: Belligerency is the condition of being in fact engaged in war. A nation is deemed a belligerent even when resorting to war in order to withstand or punish an aggressor A declaration of war is not required to create a state of belligerency Through the application of the laws of war to civil wars, the doctrine challenges the State-centric model of international law, which goes back to the US civil war during which it was affirmed by the US Supreme Court in the 1862 Prize Cases and then codified in the 1863 Lieber Code. Although receiving a meager bit of capacity, the belligerent group also have to apply human rights in the occupied territory, as written in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, especially on article 4 which states that “In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the States Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the ground of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin” the inferred meaning behind “the existence of which is officially proclaimed” is referring to the rebel regime itself, in accordance to international law are prohibited from involving discrimination in any way, even through an emergency/exigencies that affect them Of course, this also occurs to the country which the rebel regime occupy. According to the Den Hague Convention 1907 on chapter I article 3, “The armed forces of the belligerent parties may consist of combatants and noncombatants In the case of capture by the enemy, both have a right to be treated as prisoners of war” This confirms that the international community views the belligerent group just like a country at war, even though there were still bigger opportunities that the rebel group would failed. Furthermore, as written in Article 8 of the Regulation adopted by the Institute of International law on the year

1990, there are 4 main aspects that decide whether or not a rebel regime can be count as a belligerency :

There should exist within the state a status of armed conflict

The insurgents must administer and occupy a major portion of national territory

The hostilities must be conducted in accordance with the rules of war and through organized armed forces acting under a responsible authority.

3. There must exist certain circumstances which make it necessary for outside states to define their attitude by means of recognition of belligerency

When an insurgent group got recognized by the international community, at the same point in time that same group would also get a capacity to free themselves from the sovereignity of the previously authorized country of their territory, which would be akin to manifest or grow itself into the international community as a whole capacity, after still not having full capacity before This theory linked to the to the armed conflict in the Papua region, then Papua can only be seen as insurgent group because even though they exist within the state a status of armed conflict, they were lacking the other 3 reasons, which are:

Lack of International Recognition: No external states have felt compelled to recognize OPM as a belligerent entity For instance, the 18-month abduction of pilot Phillip Mark Mehrtens by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) ended with his release on September 21, 2024 This incident harmed OPM's international reputation, while Indonesia's diplomatic and non-repressive resolution methods strengthened ties with New Zealand

Minimal Territorial Control: OPM does not maintain control over significant portions of territory Leadership, such as Lambertus Pekikir, operates from shifting locations between Papua and Papua New Guinea, reflecting a low-intensity insurgency without sustained or impactful territorial administration

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3 Non-Adherence to International Laws of War:

OPM has committed multiple acts contrary to international humanitarian standards, including:

Wamena Riots (February 2023): Violence resulting in 10 deaths, sparked by unverified rumors, leading to significant property damage and civilian casualties

January 2023 Attacks: The TPNPB claimed responsibility for burning a school and threatening non-Papuan residents, marking a shift toward targeting civilians. These acts violate the Fourth Geneva Convention's provisions for the protection of civilians, especially children, and disregard Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibiting incitement to violence that state “to any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law

THE PRINCIPLE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW REGARDING INSURGENCIES AND BELLIGERENCY (SELF-DETERMINATION THEORY) AND THE VIEWPOINT OF THE CONFLICT IF CONNECTED TO THE STIMSON

DOCTRINE

Concerning the principle of Stimson doctrine and its relation to the non-recognition theory, some background behind the concept came from the development of ex injuria jus non oritur (law or rights does not arise from injustice) and in its development, this doctrine became a kind of quasi-general international law after the emergence of international treaties that used this doctrine The Stimson Doctrine formerly made as an instrument to implement the Covenant of the League of Nations on Article 10, which states that “The Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League In case of any such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the Council

shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled ” Even though the League of Nations entity has been dissolved on April 19, 1946, and its powers and functions were transferred to the United Nations, which had been established on October 24, 1945 This quasi-general principle was included in the antiwar treaty on nonaggression and conciliation in 1933 in the territorial area of the American continent, and the antiwar treaty on March 14, 1943 involving the United States and Italy and other countries

The Stimson Doctrine also has been used for the resolution of the conflict in the SinoJapanese dispute After the development and implementation on those principles, Stimson Doctrine, as embodied in the original Latin-American treaty, was no more than a rule of "particular" international law, but, at present, it may well be termed a rule of "quasi-general" international law, since nearly a third of the world's total number of states, including two great powers, the United States and Italy, have become parties to the treaty Further, if we classify international law into "regional law" and "world law" in accordance with the geographical situation of the parties, we may regard the Stimson doctrine as a rule of "quasi-world law," because it constitutes the essential feature of a treaty which includes not only the American States but one of the leading European Powers Thus, the perspective about how Indonesia saw the conflict in Papua can be seen from this doctrine as a whole, due to Indonesia’s policy that followed the uti possidentis juris principle uti possidetis is the international law principle which refers to the transformation of former administrative borders of a colonial empire or state under dissolution into international boundaries of newly independent states Indonesia’s vast territory were born out of this principle, at the time the Dutch gave Indonesia the territory

territory that belongs to the country as per agreement, but after that they began to launch military aggression in order to take the territories back, and one of the territory that has been a dispute was Papua, but the Dutch effort ends in vain due to the effort of Indonesia’s newly formed military forced that managed to seize Papua (formerly known as West Irian) in 1963 but a referendum in which 1,026 Papuans handpicked by the Indonesian authorities were asked to choose independence or integration with Indonesia. The uti possidetis juris was meant for the purposes of protecting the territorial integrity of the constitutional units of former states which have exercised their right to external self-determination It means that in actuality, the uti possidetis juris has been applied not only for maintaining the sovereignty of the territory that a country’s possessed, but also to give opportunity for a new international personality such as belligerent, or a new country Non recognition theory was made to bind and constrain the uti possidetis in order to stabilize and to prevent the country to divide too easily Recognition is only granted if certain interests are at stake, such as protection of national life or property in the area under the de facto control of the belligerents, claiming the rights of that of a neutral state Those opposing the recognition of belligerencies and insurgencies fear that it would lead to legitimizing the terrorism by doing so is wrong because they would actually prevent the same.

Self-determination theory came from the concept that human should be free to carry out his/her life as a part of basic human rights This concept includes the freedom of speech, on political views, and carry out economic activities The self-determination theory also has views that rejecting any type of oppression. The right to self-determination is the right to determine political rights, economic and social rights. The essence of the right to selfdetermination today is more about the freedom to choose political status, regulates, and discusses the freedom to choose political status The right self-determination is one of the

fundamental rights in international law that creates peace and security in international legal community where this right concerns freedom and independence of ethnic groups and communities. Right to self-determination also has been regulated in several international conventions and declarations so that the position of the right to selfdetermination is an important existence In the international regulations, the right to selfdetermination are regulated as such:

Resolution 1514 (XV): Namely at the general assembly of the United Nation, held on December 14, 1960, which is referred to as the Right to SelfDetermination Which is called the Statement Regarding the Obligation to Grant Independence to the State countries and colonized nations With the formation of this resolution states that to end all forms of colonization of a nation making the right to self-determination a fundamental right for colonized nations, this statement is written in the colonized nation, this statement is written in Article 5 of Resolution Number 1514 (XV) which determines that the nation and the indigenous population of the colonized territory are entitled to all powers by being handed over without any special conditions, in accordance with the will of the nation and the will and desire of the nation and the people/indigenous population of the colonized area, with declared free regardless of religion or skin color, national differences in order to obtain absolute and perfect freedom.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: The provisions on selfdetermination are clearly and unequivocally stated in in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in Article 1 paragraph 1 which stipulates that all selfdetermination is Civil Article 1 paragraph 1, also states that all individuals have the

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right to choose their own destiny. The enforceability of this right is the basis for freely choosing their political status and freely achieving their economic, social and cultural development

3 UN Charter: Article 1 paragraph (2) of the UN Charter states that in order to foster friendly relations between nations must be based on the principle of equal rights and self-determination of nations and peoples, in order to take other actions in accordance with the principles of equality and self-determination. and peoples, in order to take other appropriate measures for the purpose of strengthening universal peace

4. International Convenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: According to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) in Article 1, paragraph 1. (3) states that all States parties to the present covenant, including those responsible for the administration of trust territories and non-selfgoverning territories, shall promote the realization of the right to self-government and shall respect that right, based on the express provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.

5 United Nations Declaration on the Indigenous People: The regulation of self-determination is more specifically stated in several Articles of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples such as in article 1 that states “indigenous peoples have the right to the full enjoyment as individuals of the human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of in the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and International Human Rights Law.”

Thus, resolving the conflict between the 2 international principles can actually be akin of some sort of finding silver lining to Papua, because in the empirical views, there are chances in which Papua could manage to receive their own independence, because the principles of selfdetermination and uti possidetis both gave, to some extent, some degrees of possibilities where a new country can sprout if they managed to fulfill the condition and according to the international views, become an international personality

In a way, the armed military rebel regime in Papua must fulfill the condition as written in Article 8 of the Regulation adopted by the Institute of International law on the year 1990 on the main aspects that decide whether or not a rebel regime can be count as a belligerency by doing their activity according to an international rules of war, expanding their diplomatic activities or to create more relations to the other countries, and received some degree of acceptance by the people on their territory by showing a degree of territory occupation on the majority of Papua, which currently are not possible to achieve due to the low insurgency activity

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, from an international law perspective, the conflict in Papua can presently be classified as an insurgency rather than belligerency, as the Papuan separatist groups have not met the necessary criteria to be recognized as a belligerent entity While insurgency involves organized, armed rebellion against a governing authority, it lacks the international recognition and privileges afforded to a belligerency, which carries a level of recognition under international law and the application of the rules of war The armed groups in Papua, such as the Free Papua Movement (OPM), currently fail to fulfill the essential criteria set by Article 8 of the 1990 Regulation by the Institute of International Law, which include occupying a substantial portion of territory, adherence to the rules of war, and necessitating other states to define their stance through recognition Additionally, international incidents, like the abduction of a New Zealand pilot, have further complicated their standing in the global arena, portraying the group in a negative light and strengthening Indonesia’s diplomatic position Furthermore, Indonesia’s stance on Papua aligns with the principles of the Stimson Doctrine, uti possidetis juris, and the nonrecognition theory, all aimed at maintaining territorial integrity and preventing international recognition of separatist regions.

While the principle of self-determination could theoretically support Papuan independence, international legal frameworks like the United Nations Charter, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and various UN resolutions only grant this right under specific conditions, often aimed at decolonization contexts As such, the Papuan movement would need to meet the high threshold of conditions required for international recognition as a belligerent entity, which currently seems unlikely due to limited territorial control, adherence to international law, and lack of substantial international support.

SCIL, We Are Smart and Low Profile!

Indonesia's Superficial Humanity: A Comparative Analysis of Its Stance on the Genocide in Palestine, Rohingya, and Papua

Laetitia Arista

INTRODUCTION

Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Retno Marsudi, gave a bold statement earlier this year–on January 8th, 2024–in response to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)’s repeated failure to pass resolutions regarding the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, Palestine due to the abuse of veto powers that has also been criticized by many legal scholars. She stated that “The UN Security Council has been unable to stop the genocide taking place in Gaza,” and further criticized the ‘double standards’ in the face of crimes against humanity, calling out the silence of Global North countries (such as North America and Western Europe) Indonesia can also be seen to be actively contributing to the adoption of the International Court of Justice (ICJ)’s advisory opinion on the situation in Gaza, by submitting a written statement and a written comment through its proceedings This is undoubtedly a significant step taken by Indonesia in its international relations by vocally promoting the condemnation of crimes against humanity or genocide

However, Retno Marsudi has taken a quite controversial position prior to that regarding the Rohingya refugees in Aceh in late 2023 Her spokesperson, Lalu Muhammad Iqbal, affirmed that Indonesia does not have the obligation or capacity to accept, nor offer a permanent solution for the refugees as Indonesia is not a party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (Refugees Convention). Rohingya refurefugees in Indonesia also faced a vigilant attitude from the Indonesian locals, including attacks on their shelter.

In this regard, Human Rights Watch has addressed this matter, requesting Indonesian authorities to investigate the matter to stop the violence against Rohingya refugees in Indonesia Nevertheless, Retno Marsudi has also conducted a meeting with Filippo Grandi–the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)–and noted the problem of human trafficking and illegal smuggling that Indonesia faced along with the high tide of refugees, further emphasizing the need for the

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Indonesia's Superficial Humanity: A Comparative Analysis of Its Stance on the Genocide in Palestine, Rohingya, and Papua

member states of the Refugees Convention to open their door for the Rohingya refugees so that the burden would not be heavily weighted only for Indonesia

On the other hand, a long unresolved human rights issue in Papua is one to be pointed out too. Racial discrimination in Papua has been crystallized in many forms of injustice for the people, such as physical abuse by the authorities, prosecution for those who demand independence or self-determination, and other forms of discriminatory treatment The seriousness of the varying degrees of human rights violations in Papua has since a long time ago alarmed UN experts, who called for urgent humanitarian access and the Indonesian government’s investigation in 2022 of the critical situations which includes findings on child killings, disappearances, torture, and mass displacement of indigenous Papuans This should be a daunting realization that despite Indonesia’s outspoken attentiveness to the global human rights crises, this internal humanitarian distress in Papua remains unsettled.

There might be some underlying factors causing the stance imbalances in Indonesia Whether it is a political matter, socio-cultural background, or other hypotheses; these stances may be compared along with the relevant circumstances to address the root cause that shall be reconditioned, so that the full attainment of human rights can be achieved

THE GENOCIDE IN GAZA

While the South Africa v. Israel case in the ICJ is still awaiting its conclusive judgment, several court orders have been adopted relating to the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention) in the Gaza Strip These orders adopted provisional measures for Israel to ensure the prevention of the commission of genocidal acts against Palestinians in Gaza and in that matter,

immediately halt its military operations that cause the undeniably existing humanitarian crisis in Gaza Although such provisional measures have been indicated in its Order of 26 January 2024, it took 2 (two) more orders from ICJ on 28 March 2024[4] and 24 May 2024 reaffirming the previous provisional measures to be respected and for Israel to submit reports to the court to ensure the effective implementation of it Still, up until recently, a series of Israeli attacks on Palestinians carry on: attacks on Kamal Adwan Hospital and al-Faruq Mosque, Rafah refugee camp, strikes on Northern Gaza, even human shields and human trapping practices and many other despicable acts.

In showing its utmost empathy for the situation in Gaza, Indonesia has–as been previously iterated–explicitly given its support through judicial proceedings and humanitarian aid. This can be seen to be a very ‘grandiose’ effort given aside from the clear goal to address a humanitarian crisis and despite Indonesia’s acknowledgment of its lack of capacity for other matters; which leads to the question–why so?

The majority of Indonesians are identified as Muslim, forming 87 1% of its population by 2023. Not to mention this without any causal link–the situation between Palestine and Israel has a long historical context that predominantly relates to the religious narratives of extreme religious Zionists and Islamic beliefs on the ownership of the holy territories and religious sites, along with the various circulating religious propaganda. It seems that Indonesia’s cultural and religious background has magnified the endeavors it has taken to address the situation faced by Palestinians. Though, it does not mean to belittle Indonesia’s heroic acts in doing so

THE ROHINGYA GENOCIDE

Advancing to the next situation of Rohingya, started in 2017 when the Myanmar military began ts massacre, rape, and arson in the

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Indonesia's Superficial Humanity: A Comparative Analysis of Its Stance on the Genocide in Palestine, Rohingya, and Papua

Northern Rakhine state against the Rohingya population due to the State's systemic abuse amounting to apartheid, persecution, and deprivation of liberty; leading to the Rohingya population taking asylum mainly in Bangladesh and other countries, including Indonesia The Human Rights Council of the United Nations opened a special session back in 2017, condemning the discrimination faced by the Rohingya minorities after the implementation of the 1982 Citizenship Law of Myanmar which did not consider the Rohingya population as indigenous to the country and hence, gave them no access to basic human rights as they were rendered stateless.

Responding to this alarming situation, Gambia filed to the ICJ a case against Myanmar, named Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide which is still an ongoing proceeding until the present time. The latest judgment decided by the Court was regarding the preliminary objection proceeding, where Gambia successfully invoked the principle of erga omnes partes as a party to the Genocide Convention to establish its standing Gambia's application of the case was to assert Myanmar's violation of the Genocide Convention by its attempt, incitement, complicity, and failure to prevent genocide Many international organizations have also affirmed Myanmar's clear genocidal intent for the erasure of the Rohingya population

Returning to the most contentious matter, this writer has yet to assess Indonesia's approach to the Rohingya refugees residing in its territory, predominantly in Aceh Firstly, while not a party to the Refugees Convention nor the Genocide Convention, the prohibition of genocide remains a widely recognized jus cogens norm, entailing the obligation erga omnes where the whole international community is deemed as having the same collective interest for the judicial protection and legal enforcement for any violations of such peremptory norm.

In this case, non-refoulment–a principle that refugees should not be sent back to a territory where their life would be threatened–has gained the status of a jus cogens norm due to its recognition and affirmation by the international community As such, the option of repatriation of the Rohingya population to their origin country is politically and legally impossible

Nevertheless, Indonesia's political attempt to urge global communities and organizations to pressure Myanmar's government, along with Indonesia's legal measures in accordance with its Presidential Regulation Number 125 of 2016 on the Management of Foreign Refugees can be maintained The Bali Process forum established in 2002, co-chaired by the Australian and Indonesian governments is a brilliant cooperative step taken to fulfill Indonesia's commitment to address irregular migration in the Asia-Pacific region by assisting the Rohingya refugees with work and residency permits Alternatively, Indonesia may continue to endorse active participation from other states in accepting the Rohingya refugees to alleviate its humanitarian burden in facilitating the huge influx of refugees in its territory While keeping a close eye on the situation, Indonesia should maintain its commitment to fulfilling human rights as a part of the international community transcending its national interest.

THE “GENOCIDE” IN PAPUA?

Lastly, despite Indonesia's utmost attention to the humanitarian crises around the world, the Papuans in Indonesia are also currently facing a severe case of human rights violations due to racial discrimination–extending to arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings, displacements, etc; using Indonesian laws of treason for the Papuans campaign of independence as a justification for such horrid violations. While international organizations and human rights NGOs have called out the Indonesian government on the human rights violations in West Papua, Indonesian authorities have consistently denied the allegations of its commission of genocide.

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Indonesia's Superficial Humanity: A Comparative Analysis of Its Stance on the Genocide in Palestine, Rohingya, and Papua

According to Article 2 of the Genocide Convention, genocide means acts of killing, causing serious bodily or mental harm, deliberately inflicting life conditions to bring physical destruction, imposing birth prevention measures, or forcible transfer of children of a group with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group. Presently, West Papua was historically isolated and viewed as primitive by outsiders It became marginal under Dutch colonial rule and later under Indonesia, which annexed the region in 1969 through a controversial referendum widely seen as coerced Indonesian governance has been marked by the exploitation of West Papua's vast natural resources, systemic human rights abuses, environmental destruction, and a transmigration policy that has rendered Papuans a minority in their own land. The region remains heavily militarized, and Papuans face repression, cultural assimilation, and limited political autonomy Resistance movements–such as the Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka/OPM)–advocate for independence, but Indonesian policies continue to undermine their selfdetermination, intensifying conflict and international concern[1] The reference to the situation in Papua as "genocide" is highly discussed and no binding decisions have been adopted to support the determination of the situation itself. However, it is contended by many legal scholars that the humanitarian crisis in West Papua has elements of genocide perpetrated by state authorities as defined in the Genocide Convention

In any event, even if the situation in Papua is yet to be identified as genocide, there are clear indications of human rights violations, wherein one of the Amnesty International and Human Rights Monitor documents have highlighted and summarized the shreds of evidence of human rights abuses happening in Papua and West Papua Some of the findings even include killings that occurred in the context of non-political events that were unrelated to the

issue of independence or a referendum, and a prominent Indonesian political figure, Bambang Soesatyo, a public call for a forceful response against the West Papua separatist group in 2021. As Indonesia has not ratified the Rome Statute nor accepted the jurisdiction of the Human Rights Committee established by the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) human rights allegations can only proceed in Indonesia's Human Rights Court–hindering international efforts to recourse to a judicial settlement on cases such as the present human rights violations in Papua or the series of other human rights violations allegedly committed by Indonesian authorities; while Indonesia never fulfilled its promise to the UN Human Rights Council in May 2017 to finalize the criminal investigation the Papua case The fact that the situation faced by the Papuans in Indonesia remains unresolved and moreover, not recognized by Indonesia's government itself is extremely concerning.

CONCLUSION

It was found that Indonesia has implemented different treatments for several distinctive cases of crimes against humanity or human rights violations, including situations that are beyond Indonesia's territorial jurisdiction, substantially within it, or completely under it

Unequivocally, the closer connection Indonesia has with the violations themselves, the more impunity it receives from the Indonesian government This is contradictory to Indonesia's deep humanitarian commitment to eradicating human rights abuses. Hence, this writer strongly advocates for Indonesia's responsibility to give equal treatment in any situation–regardless of any cultural or political intention–to achieve the maximum standard of human rights enjoyment for every soul and every group of people that are currently in distress of humanitarian crises. Every person should be treated equally; no one deserves to be discriminated against, let alone face grave violations of their rights