Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History Volume 5 issue 2

ISSN 2206-2572 (Online)

Issue 2

Edition

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is published by The Salvation Army, Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society.

2016

Volume 5

September 2016 The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 1

storical Symposium

Issue 2

September 2020

Call for Papers The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online) The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is a multi-national journal that fosters a dialogue on all aspects of the history and development of The Salvation Army. Articles are encouraged to be glocal, that is, both local and global in consideration. All articles in this journal have undergone editorial screening and peer review by at least two reviewers. The aim of the journal is to publish timely, useful, informative, original and honest historical research which will be of value to both a general audience and those interested in Salvation Army history.

The journal is published by Cross and Crown Publications and seeks to promote the interest of Salvation Army history by increasing the knowledge and understanding of the Army’s formation and development.

The journal publishes research papers and historical papers in any areas relating to the history and development of The Salvation Army, including, but not limited to: Aged Care, Biographies of individual Salvationists and employees, Buildings and Architecture, The Booth family, Brass Banding, Corps history, Education of Salvationists, Education organised by Salvationists, Emergency relief and management, Fashion of uniform - design and meaning, Gender and Cultural Diversity, Genealogical studies, Health work and ministry, Holiness Movement, Human Rights, Hymnology, Internationalism, Leadership styles, Methodist and Salvationist theological development, Orders and Regulations and policy development, Religion Studies, Literature Studies, Signs and Symbols meaning, Social justice and The Salvation Army, Social Work, Social Welfare, Social Impact, Urban ministry, Unemployed and Vulnerable people, Welfare State, Young Peoples’ Ministry.

Papers presented at Salvation Army heritage meetings will be welcome. Where possible, primary sources should be used and presumptive statements avoided. Images and graphics will be accepted if the contributor or The Salvation Army holds the copyright and they are visually clear for reproduction. All articles contributed must be original, the contributor's own work and referenced throughout. Articles previously published in either Army or non-Army publications will be considered on a case-by-case basis.

Interested contributors are highly encouraged to submit their manuscripts/papers to the executive editor via e-mail at AJSAHistory@gmail.com. Please indicate the name of the journal (The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History) in the cover letter or simply put ‘Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History’ in the subject box if submitting by e-mail.

AJSAH is inviting papers for Vol. 6, Iss. 1. The online publication date is March 2021.

Submission deadline: 30 January 2021.

For any additional information, please contact the executive editor at AJSAHistory@gmail.com

Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel Executive Editor - The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History

© The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History 2020 Cross & Crown Publications Cross & Crown Publications PO Box 998 Mt Gravatt Qld 4122 Australia web address: https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/historicalsociety/ ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online) The views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of The Salvation Army, the AJSAH, executive editor or members of the editorial team. Every effort has been made to obtain and publish reliable information.

The journal however, accepts no responsibility for incorrect information or advertising content.

Cover: The Salvation Army tricolour ribbon on a black background. An historical crest of The Salvation Army. The picture was created by Garth R. Hentzschel from the line drawing in The war cry, (London, Wednesday 24 January 1883), 1. The image is of the title glass slide from the lantern and kinematorgraph lecture by Herbert Booth, Soldiers of the cross.

Executive Team Executive Editor Mr Garth R. Hentzschel Associate Editor Dr David Malcolm Bennett Associate Editor Major Kingsley Sampson Peer Review and Editorial Team Dr. Glenn Horridge Professor R. G. Moyles Major David Woodbury

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History was formed in 2016 and is prepared by a group of historians as well as others who are interested in researching, writing and displaying Salvation Army history. Contributors are Salvationists and non-Salvationists from Australia, New Zealand and other countries. It is published by Cross & Crown Publications and peer reviewers represent Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 2

THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY VOLUME 5 ISSUE 2 2020 Editorial Note.

Since the last issue of The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history (AJSAH), the world has changed dramatically with the advent of the COVID-19 pandemic. We think of the people who have been negatively impacted by the virus with the loss of employment and even life. We too pause to think of those who have been on the front line, the health care professionals, transport workers, shop assistance and the like. We give thanks to God for their service and sacrifice. As we go to print there are many still impacted by the illness and we pray for their situation.

COVID-19 has also impacted the AJSAH; this issue should have been the proceedings of The Salvation Army History Symposium 2020. There was to be a dinner to celebrate five years of publication of the journal and other events associated with the celebration and commemoration of Salvation Army history. Considering the cancellation of the Symposium there has been a need to source papers from other areas. We thank those who have stepped up with additional research to bring to us the papers here presented. Due to ongoing uncertainty the next symposium will not occur until 2022 To commence the collection of papers, Dr. David Malcolm Bennett uses secondary sources and General William Booth’s own accounts to grapple with the different narratives linked with Booth’s conversion. The paper presented clears up some of the ambiguity connected with this important event in Booth’s life.

In the second paper, Garth R. Hentzschel evaluates one ministry of the Murwillumbah Corps during the 1918 - 1920 influenza epidemic. Through newspapers of the time Hentzschel investigates the development of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital and links it to the historical and local context.

The Salvation Army’s film making activities always creates interest. In the third paper Lindsay Cox gives an overview of the Army’s Limelight Department in Melbourne; outlining the people involved and the productions the department developed.

The paper gives a specific focus to the Army’s creation of glass slides in these productions.

Bennett has become a world expert in the life and ministry of Catherine and William Booth, but he is not a Salvationist. How then did Bennett come to research and write so much on these people? In the fourth paper, he outlines his journey of writing and researching the co-founders of The Salvation Army.

As with previous issues of the AJSAH, the middle section of the journal houses information that will be of interest to

researchers or readers of Salvation Army history and the development of the movement. Firstly, we are introduced to Major Barbara Sampson, a New Zealand author, who has contributed to Salvation Army literature with devotional writing, poetry and women’s history. Secondly, Hentzschel continues the list and description of Salvation Army books published in English since 1988. Thirdly, two book reviews are presented, one a recently published book; John Larsson’s Thirteen astonishing years that shaped The Salvation Army 1878 – 1890, the other, a study on revivals in Australia, Rev Robert Evans’s Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 1880 – 1914. Fourthly, advertisements for resources, books, and events, all relating to Salvation Army history. We hope these will assist you in your understanding and research of the Army.

To commence the final section of papers, Major Kingsley Sampson uses archives and personal recounts to investigate the Army’s exploratory trek to Fiji. As will be shown, the trek was the catalyst for the commencement of The Salvation Army in that country.

The next paper, by Major Dr Harold Hill is a biography of New Zealand Salvationist Graham Millar. Here Hill investigates Millar’s ecumenical activities and ministry of social justice. I would also like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the encouragement Hill gave to the AJSAH and his support in writing papers, he will be greatly missed.

With Hill’s promotion to Glory on 3 August 2020, by way of tribute, Major Sampson gives an article on Hill’s life and works.

The final paper in this section outlines the establishment and ministry of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Sampson uses archives and reminiscences of former members of the groups to unpack each of the fellowships across that country. The follow-up paper will appear in a later issue of AJSAH. As in other issues, there are a number of requests for assistance with research into specific areas of Army history; please let us know if there are any subjects you are researching or other comments via a letter to the editor.

I would like to thank the authors of each paper, the people who wrote letters to the journal and the peer review and editorial group who work hard to ensure accuracy and clarity in all the papers published. We know you will enjoy this issue.

Stay safe in the strange COVID-19 times. Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 3

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History Title/Author

CONTENTS Volume 5 Issue 2 2020 Page

Editorial note Garth R. Hentzschel

3

Contents

4

Contributors

5

William Booth’s conversion David Malcolm Bennett

6

A-tishoo! A-tishoo!, we all fall down: Murwillumbah’s Salvation Army Emergency Hospital; A response to the 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza pandemic Garth R. Hentzschel 19 The Salvation Army and the magic lantern in Australia Lindsay Cox 48 Writing about the Booths David Malcom Bennett

62

Meet the author. Words Barbara Sampson

69

A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English 1980 – present. Books discovered or published since the previous issues of AJSAH Garth R. Hentzschel 73 Book review, Thirteen astonishing years Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel

Title/Author

Page

Book review, The Army as a revival movement Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel 80 Advertisements of resources, books, and events 85 Spying out the land: The Salvation Army’s exploratory trek to Fiji in 1972 Kingsley Sampson

93

Graham Millar: Ecumenical Salvationist and social activist Harold Hill 111 Tribute – Harold Ivor Winston Hill BA (Hons), BTh, PhD – 1942 – 2020

Kingsley Sampson

123

‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationist students’: The story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part one: From the mid-1950s to the late 1960s Kingsley Sampson 129 Request for information to assist with research 150 Feedback and letters to the editor on the AJSAH on Volume 5, Issue 1 151

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Contributors - Vol. 5 Iss. 2 Dr. David Malcolm Bennett is a Christian researcher and writer based in Brisbane who has the gift of doing quality historical research and presenting it in a readable form. He has written t wo biographies of Willi am Booth: William Booth and his Salvation Army (Even Before Publishing) and The General: William Booth (2 vols. Xulon Press). He is also the editor of The letters of William and Catherine Booth and of The diary and reminiscences of Catherine Booth . His other books include The altar call: Its origins and present usage (his MTh thesis, awarded with merit) in 2000 and The origins of left behind eschatology (his PhD thesis) in 2010. He is currently writing a biography of Catheri ne Booth, the first volume of which, Catherine Booth: From Timidity to Boldness , should be published by the end of 2020. He is contributor and Associate Editor for The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history .

Lindsay Cox is the Museum Manager for The Salvation Arm y Australia Museum, Australia Territory. His original interest in history was in the field of imperial German militaria and colonial military. In 1995, Cox led a group of people in interviewing returned services personal about their experience with The Salvation Army during WWII. He helped designed the current Army museum in Mel b ourne and conducts many visits to groups for displaying and talking about Arm y history.

Cox’s publications include: Brave and True – from Blue to Khaki and illustrator for Fire a folly, Fire another folly and Banned for life. His current publication is Cuppa tea digger?

Salvos serving in Worl d War Two. Garth R. Hentzschel is currently conducting research f or a PhD in history.

He has been a lecturer and held leadership roles in the areas of Social Sciences, Education and Humani ties in a private tertiary education provider. He has degrees in education, leadership and counselling (BEd, BAdminLead, MEd [SGC]).

Hentzschel is the director of Cross & Crown Publications, president of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chap ter

and series editor of They took up their cross. He has published works and presented papers on school chaplaincy, education, and Salvation Army history.

Publications include; With a smile and a cuppa (2007), The bag hut tabernacle (2012), contributions to the magazine, Others, the Bulletin of The Methodist Historical Society of I reland and AJSAH. Major Dr. Harold Hill was a retired Salvation Army officer who served in Zimbabwe and New Zealand in educational, pastoral and administrative appointments. He published The twelve steps workshop (written jointly with Ferrell Irvine, 2001, 2011), Leadership in the Salvation Army: A case study in clericalisation (2007) and Saved to save and saved to serve: Perspectives on Salvation Army history (2017). He edited Te Ope Whakaora: A collection of documents on the Salvation Army and Maori 1884-2007 (2007) and edited Norman Murdoch’s Christian warfare in RhodesiaZimbabwe: The Salvation Army and African liberation 1891 – 1991 for publication (2015). Harold also contributed chapters to a number of other books, most recently to Under two flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army's response to the First World War, edited by Kingsley Sampson (2019). Hill was promoted to Glory on 3 August 2020, just prior the publication of this issue of the journal.

Major Kingsley Sampson is a retired Salvation Army officer living in Christchurch, New Zealand. As well as Salvation Army history, his retirement interests include travel, gardening, reading, cycling in summer and researching the history of his forebears. He has qualifications in history, theology and education. Apart from two corps appointments in New Zealand in the 1980s, most of his officer service was in education and education administration roles in New Zealand and Zambia. This included sixteen years on the staff of Booth College of Mission, Upper Hutt. Sampson was a writer and sub-editor of the Hallelujah Magazine and currently a contributor and Associate Editor for The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history. Sampson’s most recent publication was editor and writer for Under two flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army's response to the First World War (2019).

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The church connected to William Booth’s conversion Wesley Chapel, Broad Street Nottingham, UK1

1

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

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WILLIAM BOOTH’S CONVERSION David Malcolm Bennett Introduction William Booth left diverse accounts of and references to his conversion and the process leading to it, and they come in different sizes. They are also difficult to piece together. Harold Begbie said, “he made more than one attempt at autobiography”,2 though it may be more accurate to say that he made many attempts at writing and speaking about some of his life’s experiences, including his conversion.

Then there is a claim about Booth’s conversion from another source that does not quite fit the picture that Booth paints. The references to his conversion and the path to it have, what seem to be, irreconcilable differences. However, his conversion appears to have occurred in 1843 or 1844, so probably when he was 14 or 15, though 1845 is also possible. Each of these years has been suggested both other researchers. This paper is an attempt to reconcile the irreconcilable.

The main sources we will use to investigate Booth’s conversion are George Scott Railton’s biography of General Booth, which was published in 1912 the year Booth died, and Booth’s own recollections that appeared in The war cry and other Salvation Army publications. Before investigating the main sources, later biographies about Booth were examined. The later accounts included (with relevant page numbers), Begbie, Life of William Booth (1:51 ‒ 54), Ervine, God’s soldier: General William Booth (1:34 ‒ 35), Collier, The general next to God (28 ‒ 29); Bennett, The general: William Booth, (1:36 ‒ 39), Hattersley, Blood and fire: William and Catherine Booth (20 ‒ 21), Green, The life and ministry of William Booth (12), and Taylor, William Booth: The man and his mission, (1:24 ‒ 26). It was found these later biographies used one or more of the main accounts, apart for a phrase or two, therefore, for the most part, do not need to be included in this paper.

“How we began” In 1886, William Booth wrote Twenty-One years’ Salvation Army. The first chapter is entitled “How we began” and opens with Booth’s early life and conversion. It must be remembered, as with all these accounts, that this was written more than 40 years after the event. How much allowance should be made for tricks of memory, in this and the other records, is uncertain, but one’s own conversion is the type of event that one would expect an evangelist to remember, and so he claims. In that account he first mentioned a little about his own religious background and childhood in Nottingham and the surrounding area. His family belonged to the Church of England, though how much influence that church had upon Booth is debatable. William’s father seems to have been at best a nominal Christian, and though William later wrote about his mother’s vibrant Christian faith, this probably developed later.3 In other words, Booth does not appear to have been surrounded by strong Christian influences in his childhood home.

Then, he said, that at the age of thirteen (so presumably in 1842),

Reference citation of this paper; David Malcolm Bennett, “William Booth’s conversion”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 6 – 18.

2 Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth, (London, UK: Macmillan, 1920), 1:53.

3 William Booth, “My mother”, All the world, (London, August 1893), 81 ‒ 85.

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The current plaque in the foyer of the building which was the former Wesleyan Chapel4 Inscription: “In this building formerly the Broad Street Wesley Chapel William Booth Founder and first general of The Salvation Army gave his heart and life to God in his fifteenth year 1844�

4

Photographs courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

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I exchanged [the Church of England] of my own choice for what were to me the more interesting meetings of the Wesleyan Methodists. There was nothing very remarkable about the measures that led up to my conversion. I had the advantage of hearing some faithful preaching, and came, in my new associations, under the influence of some godly friends, while as far back as I can remember the Holy Spirit had continually shown me that my real welfare for time and eternity depended upon the surrender of myself to the service of God. After a long controversy I made this submission, cast myself on His mercy, received an assurance of His pardon, and gave myself up to His service with all my heart. The hour, the place and many other particulars of this glorious transaction are recorded indelibly on my memory.”5

Unfortunately, he did not then elaborate on the details “indelibly” recorded in his memory.

For a few years the Booth family lived in the village of Bleasby, not far from William’s birthplace, and he seems to have begun his schooling in the vestry of St Mary’s Church of England in that village. If that is correct, it is likely he came under some Christian influence, though this is unlikely to have been from an evangelical perspective. The Booth family returned to Nottingham late in 1835, and William was sent to Biddulph’s Academy as a day boy. Sampson Biddulph, the principal, was a Methodist local preacher (that is, a lay preacher) and class leader.6 However, while Biddulph gave Booth a reasonable education, which must have included some Christian teaching, Booth claimed that it had little impact upon him spiritually.7 There are, however, a few comments in the quoted section of “How we began” which need further consideration. Booth said, “as far back as I can remember the Holy Spirit had continually shown me that my real welfare for time and eternity depended upon the surrender of myself to the service of God.” If one takes the phrase “as far back as I can remember” with anything approaching literalness, then this would, presumably, precede his joining the Methodists at the age of 13. Perhaps that is not what he meant, but perhaps it does. If it does refer to his earlier childhood, then it is probable that his education at Biddulph’s Academy, and even his association with the Church of England, had a greater spiritual impact than he was prepared to admit.

Booth also said that he heard “some faithful preaching” during his time with the Wesleyan Methodists, which would have been mainly at Wesley Chapel, Nottingham. The minister at Wesley Chapel, in 1842 ‒ 1845 was Samuel Simpson. Rev Simpson was said to have had “excellent gifts” and was known as “the weeping prophet”.8 In 1845, after a rearrangement of the Nottingham circuits, the three ministers in the Nottingham North circuit, which included Wesley Chapel, were Barnard Slater (the superintendent), John Vine (who was in Nottingham from 1844 ‒ 1846) and Daniel Strickland Tatham, who were supported by more than 30 local preachers, including Sampson Biddulph, Booth’s school teacher. Slater has been referred to as “a diligent pastor and faithful preacher.” Vine was a long-serving Wesleyan minister who seems to have entered the ministry in 1836, but no information has been found about his preaching skills.9 Daniel Tatham, who entered the Wesleyan ministry in 1821, was the son of a highly-regarded, long-serving local preacher, but at this stage Tatham junior was semi-retired because of poor health.10 Tatham was described in his obituary William Booth, Twenty-One years’ Salvation Army, (London, UK: Salvation Army, 1886), 7.

Gordon Taylor, William Booth: The man and his mission, (2 vols. London, UK: Salvation Army, 2019), 1:7 ‒ 8, 14 ‒ 15; Denise Amos, “General William Booth”, in The Nottingham Heritage Gateway, https://www.nottsheritagegateway.org.uk/people/generalbooth/structural.htm accessed 5 June 2020.

7 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:40, 46; David Malcolm Bennett, The general: William Booth, (2 vols), (FL, USA: Xulon Press, 2003), 1:27.

8 George H. Harwood, History of Wesleyan Methodism in Nottingham, (Nottingham, UK: John Ellis, 1872), 173 ‒ 75, 177.

9 Harwood, History of Wesleyan, 178 ‒ 80.

10 Harwood, History of Wesleyan, 173.

5 6

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as “a diligent student of the word of God” and “his pulpit labours were [called] acceptable and useful.”11 Rev Samuel Dunn, with whom Booth had some conflict, does not appear to have arrived in Nottingham until 1846, seemingly, after Booth was converted. But Dunn was an able evangelist.12 Booth also regarded travelling evangelists Isaac Marsden and James Caughey as faithful preachers, though by 1844 he had heard Marsden, but he did not hear Caughey until May 1846.

Though Booth’s account in “How we began” is rather brief, it does tell us a few things about his conversion. First, it does suggest that there was a lengthy period leading up to it, a process that appears to have been going on for several years. Indeed, it was “a long controversy”; and the word controversy suggests a degree of uncertainty and even some rebellion. It almost sounds as though he had an argument with God. But after that Booth “made this submission” and cast himself on God’s mercy. Booth made the submission, but he seems to be saying that then God impacted in his life in a merciful, a saving way. That experience appears to have happened at a particular “hour”, in a particular “place” and was sufficiently dramatic to burn itself “indelibly on [his] memory.”

“A Day in my Native Town” In 1896, after a visit to Nottingham, his hometown, William Booth recorded some of his recollections in The war cry. This was about 52 years after his conversion, yet it does give a more detailed account of it. The relevant part of the report, with headings, ran: MY CONVERSION Between that Meeting and the evening it was necessary for me to take another drive through the Town, and then a few more recollections came. For instance, I had to pass the end of [a street named] Goose Gate, a few yards up, which is the spot where I realised for the first time that God, for Christ’s sake, had forgiven all my sins. This event, so important to me, and which has proved directly and indirectly to be of no little consequence to tens and hundreds of thousands more since that day, was preceded by a long struggle. All at once I was possessed with a strong ambition to be reconciled to God and to live a useful life. It appeared to me increasingly desirable. But young as I was, and imperfectly taught as I had been, THE INWARD LIGHT revealed to me clearly that I must not only renounce everything that I knew to be sinful, but make restitution, so far as I had the ability, for the wrong I had done to others. I had injured a Companion, and I saw I must confess the wrong done and make reparation. I tried hard to effect a compromise with the Almighty on the subject, as many older people do to-day, but got no peace to my conscience by the attempt.

Among other things I joined the Methodist Society, and went through a round of religious observances, but that did not bring me peace. At last I came to a decision. I remember as though it were only last night deciding the matter — resolving that, cost what it might, I would do my duty. I was sitting in a Class Meeting at the time. I rushed out — with some difficulty found the young fellow I had wronged — made the acknowledgement — offered the recompense — and then hastened home. On that spot, in that street, peace came to my conscience.

‘From my weary heart my burden rolled away,’ and I went forwards to live a new, a heavenly life.”13

11

Minutes of the Methodist Conferences, (vol. xviii), (London, UK: Wesleyan Conference Office, 1874), 252.

For more information on Dunn, see David Malcolm Bennett, “Samuel Dunn and Wesley Chapel Nottingham”, https://www.williamandcatherinebooth.com/methodist-church/samuel-dunn-and-wesley-chapel-nottingham-2/ accessed 5 June 2020.

13 William Booth, “A day in my native town”, The war cry, (London, 21 November 1896), 7. This is also quoted in Taylor, William Booth, 1:25.

12

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The main heading to this section of the article is “My Conversion”, and while he does not otherwise use that term in the article, it is clear that that is what he is talking about, or, at least, a sequence of events that included his conversion. He also says, as in “How we began”, that this happened in Nottingham after having met with the Methodists for some time.

In that previous article he also said that his conversion was preceded by “a long controversy”, while in this it “was preceded by a long struggle.” It would be pedantic to try to create a difference between those two terms.

It is common in evangelical circles to see a conversion to Christ as an instantaneous experience or at least something that happened on a particular day. But I wonder if that is always the right way of seeing it. Are conversions, some of them at least, a process rather than an event? For example, the conversion of the Apostle Paul is usually regarded as the classic example of an instantaneous conversion. But was it instantaneous? When was Paul converted? Was it on the road to Damascus or three days later when Ananias arrived and God gave back Paul’s sight? That Paul received his sight, besides being a literal event, seems to be symbolic of his seeing Jesus in a new light, as Saviour and Lord, instead of as blasphemer and enemy. Or was it an even longer process, “a long controversy”, that began with the death of Stephen that Paul witnessed? I appreciate that this is speculative, but I think these questions need to be asked, not just about Paul, but also about William Booth.

While Booth said, “All at once I was possessed with a strong ambition to be reconciled to God and to live a useful life”, that cannot be considered a conversion. Rather it was an “All at once” awakening to what God was calling him to. He then added, “It appeared to me increasingly desirable.”

In other words, presumably, that “ambition to be reconciled to God” increased in intensity. This suggests that he was not reconciled to God immediately after his desire to be so. Indeed, according to Begbie, Booth did say, “Although the change that came over me was sudden … it was nevertheless reached by stages.”14 He then said, “But young as I was, and imperfectly taught as I had been…” By whom had he been “imperfectly taught”? That would presumably refer to how he perceived the teaching he had received through the Church of England and Biddulph’s Academy in his younger childhood, yet his comment seems to include part of the time that he had been attending the Methodist Church. Did he believe that the Methodists had taught him “imperfectly”? This would seem unlikely because he had clearly learned a lot from them and he strongly approved their teaching. As has been seen, in “How we began” he said that he had heard “some faithful preaching” in his early days with the Methodists.

He then said, “The inward light revealed to me clearly that I must not only renounce everything that I knew to be sinful, but make restitution, so far as I had the ability, for the wrong I had done to others.” In The war cry, “The Inward Light” is a heading, but it is also an essential part of the text.

Isaac Marsden William Booth had a high regard for Isaac Marsden, a lay Methodist evangelist. Catherine Booth did not approve of him.15 Donald Reasbeck says that Marsden’s “methods were at times somewhat direct and not a little eccentric”,16 and so they were. He was intelligent and well read, but his manner was

14

Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:46.

Letter CM29, 20 Mar. 1853, David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The letters of William and Catherine Booth, (Brisbane: Camp Hill, Publication, 2003), 87; Booth letters CD, (Brisbane: Camp Hill, Publication, 2011), 90.

16 Donald Reasbeck, Isaac Marsden: A nineteenth century evangelist, (Doncaster, UK: Hexpress Publications, 2007), vi; see pages 21 ‒ 22, 29 ‒ 31, 36 ‒ 40, 45 for him in action.

15

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rough. In the 1880s John Taylor wrote a book about Marsden, which included a letter from William Booth to Taylor, written in June 1882. In it Booth said, I shall never forget the words I first heard from Mr Isaac Marsden. I was walking out one evening with two Wesleyan friends at Nottingham, when I was 14 years of age. Mr Marsden was conducting special [i.e. evangelistic] services at a Wesleyan Chapel, and at that time no one could hear him who had any belief in the great truths of the Bible without being deeply impressed and stimulated by him.

We entered the chapel late—in the dusk. I could hardly see the speaker; but just at that moment he was saying “A soul dies every minute”. The thought made me cringe, and I have little doubt that, but for my two friends, I should have stayed that very night and given God my heart.

It was not until sometime after this that I decided for Christ.17

Clearly those few words from Marsden in, presumably, 1843 or early 1844 had made a big impact on Booth, for he remembered them nearly 40 years later. Yet he was not converted immediately after hearing them, for he was converted “sometime after this”.

We have not yet been able to discover whether Marsden visited Nottingham in 1843 or 1844, though it is possible that he did preach there during those years. He does seem to have preached there in 1842,18 and, according to one newspaper report, “Rev. I. Marsden” preached at Stapleford Wesleyan Chapel, 10 kilometres from Nottingham, on 30 July 1843. That was almost certainly the unordained Isaac Marsden, with the title “Rev.” being assumed by the reporter.19 The year 1842 may be too early and it is, perhaps, more likely that Booth heard him during an unrecorded trip to Nottingham in 1843 or 1844. It is possible, but unlikely, that Booth would have heard him in the Stapleford Chapel. Booth says that he heard Marsden “at Nottingham”, not near it.

Whatever the date, those words uttered by Marsden seem to have been a step towards Booth becoming a Christian. Indeed, Marsden did refer to Booth as “A spiritual child of mine.” (The two men also had contact in later years and Marsden did support Booth’s work.)20 Booth said that it was “sometime after” first hearing Marsden that he was converted, though we do not know how long the word “sometime” represents. It may not have been long, for William B. Carter, another Marsden biographer, said that Booth was “brought to Christ, and set upon a new course of life” during an early Marsden campaign in Nottingham, possibly his first there.21 Indeed, Carter quotes Marsden as saying in 1869 that on his visit to Nottingham in 1842 “A young person, the name of Booth, was that night convicted and decided for God; he became a local preacher.”22 If that “young person” called Booth was William Booth, it presents a different picture from what Booth has painted, and a different year.

Booth said that he was converted after leaving a class meeting and rushing to a friend to make restitution. Marsden seems to imply that Booth (if it was William Booth) was converted directly after hearing Marsden preach. However, it is possible that Booth’s conversion happened a few weeks after hearing Marsden. “A soul dies every minute” may have triggered Booth’s concern about deceiving his friends.

17

John Taylor, Reminiscences of Isaac Marsden of Doncaster, (London, UK: Woolmer, 1886), 152.

Reasbeck, Isaac Marsden, 45.

19 Nottingham review and general advertiser, (UK, 4 August 1843), 5.

20 Taylor, Reminiscences of Isaac Marsden, 151 ‒ 152.

21 Taylor, William Booth, 1:20, quoting William B. Carter, Isaac Marsden of Doncaster, (London, UK: Woolmer, c.1885), 7.

22 Reasbeck, Isaac Marsden, 82 - 83, quoting Carter, Isaac Marsden, 237.

18

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“Reflections” Early in November 1898 William Booth returned to Nottingham again, and recorded some thoughts in The war cry. While in Nottingham he preached at a “Saturday Night Soldiers’ Meeting” in the school room of Wesley Chapel, where his “religious career [had] commenced.” It may seem strange that a Salvation Army meeting was held in a Wesleyan building, but perhaps the Salvation Army hall was not large enough or was symbolic to Booth and thus needed to be used for this occasion.

Afterwards, he published some “Reflections” about the period surrounding his conversion in The war cry. In these he said, as I looked once more upon the place, my mind was carried back, through the Fifty-Four years that had elapsed, to some of the scenes and circumstances which made so indelible an impression upon my heart at the time, and which had so much to do with shaping my future. In imagination I again testified in the Love Feasts, responded in the Prayer Meetings, listened to the Sermons, united in the Songs, and knelt in spirit at the Penitent-Form, where I made the first full surrender of my soul and all that was within me to the service of God. Little did I think when I rose that night, walked across the room and bent my knee in that consecration, what was going to happen.”23

William Booth originally left Nottingham for London in 1849, so in 1898 he was recalling in his “imagination” these events that occurred in the mid- and late 1840s in Nottingham, particularly, it would seem, in 1844, “Fifty-Four years” before. In 1898 he “knelt in spirit at the Penitent-Form” remembering a time when he had physically done that.

However, we need to ask what does he mean here by the phrase “where I made the first full surrender of my soul”? (Bear in mind that this occurred in Wesley Chapel, not in the open air, as had the other experience previously referred to.) The term “first full surrender” suggests that he may have already had an earlier spiritual experience, which may or may not have been his conversion. However, we need to ask, was this “first full surrender” his actual conversion? Probably not, at least that is not the way he seems to have seen it. If the events he mentions are in chronological order (which may not be the case), such events as his testifying in the love feasts and responding “in the Prayer Meetings” preceded his “first full surrender”, which would, presumably, make that surrender a postconversion experience. Was this “surrender” a confirmation of his conversion experience? It possibly was that, but it seems to have been more than that. Or does it refer to a holiness experience? Or was it a post-conversion commitment to dedicate himself to the service of God? The context does suggest that it related to a dedication of himself to God’s service. This presumably would mean that that “surrender” would be a post-conversion experience, probably soon after his act of repentance concerning the wrong done to a friend. The phrase “first full surrender” also implies that it was not his last.

In his “Reflections”, Booth then went on to mention the visit to Nottingham of James Caughey, an American Methodist evangelist, who made a great impact upon him. Booth says that Caughey arrived “soon after” his own conversion.24 Caughey seems to have first preached in Wesley Chapel, Nottingham on Sunday 15 May 1846.25 In “Reflections” Booth also refers to one of Caughey’s

William Booth, “Reflections”, The war cry, (London, 12 November 1898), 8.

Booth, “Reflections”, 8.

25 Nottingham review and general advertiser, (UK, 15 May 1846), 4.

23 24

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sermons in which the American, in Booth’s understanding, seems to have related surrender to conversion itself or, possibly, to assurance of salvation.26

Plaque commemorating the building where William Booth was converted. Note the date 1845.27

The plaque that originally was placed on the floor of the downstairs room in the Broad Street Wesleyan Chapel. This is the spot where legend says William Booth knelt and was converted. Note the year 1844.28

Booth, “Reflections”, 8.

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London. The plaque was housed in the Broad Street Wesleyan Chapel and is now housed at the William Booth Birthplace Museum, Nottingham, UK. 28 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

26 27

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“God shall have all there is of William Booth” There is also a comment that William Booth made, probably on more than one occasion, and with variations, that needs to be considered. That is, that he said that he had decided, “God shall have all there is of William Booth.” This has at times been associated with his conversion,29 but it may refer to a slightly later experience. Indeed, the official history of The Salvation Army links it to James Caughey’s visit, which may have been two years after his conversion.30 Bramwell Booth quoted a variation of these words in his preface to Railton’s biography of General Booth. Bramwell’s record was his father’s answer to an interview “a few months before [the General’s] death.” He said, “I made up my mind that God Almighty should have all there was of William Booth.” And Bramwell seems to regard this as his father’s thought “in the beginning” of his Christian experience. 31 The phrase “in the beginning” does not necessarily refer to his conversion, but it must have happened then or soon after. Perhaps William Booth first said or thought that in what he called his “first full surrender” at Wesley Chapel that was considered above. Those words sound like a “full surrender”.

George Scott Railton’s version.

George Scott Railton’s biography of William Booth was published in 1912, and it contained a lengthy account of Booth’s conversion. Commissioner Railton said that this account originated when Booth was “Speaking some time ago”. When that was and on what occasion has not been discovered.

However, we immediately hit a discrepancy. The account begins, “When as a giddy youth of fifteen I was led to attend Wesley Chapel, Nottingham…” Yet in “How we began” he said that he first began to attend Wesley Chapel when he was 13, which seems more likely, if, as we have seen, he had a long struggle before his conversion when he was about 15. But a “giddy youth” he may well have been.

He also was apprenticed to a pawnbroker, probably when he was 13, whom he mentions in this account.

Booth continued, I cannot recollect that any individual pressed me in the direction of personal surrender to God. I was wrought upon quite independently of human effort by the Holy Ghost, who created within me a great thirst for a new life.

I felt that I wanted, in place of the life of self-indulgence, to which I was yielding myself, a happy, conscious sense that I was pleasing God, living right, and spending all my powers to get others into such a life. I saw that all this ought to be, and I decided that it should be. It is wonderful that I should have reached this decision in view of all the influences then around me. My professedly Christian master never uttered a word to indicate that he believed in anything he could not see, and many of my companions were worldly and sensual, some of them even vicious.

Yet I had that instinctive belief in God which, in common with my fellow-creatures, I had brought into the world with me. I had no disposition to deny my instincts, which told me that if there was a God His laws ought to have my obedience and His interests my service.

I felt that it was better to live right than to live wrong, and as to caring for the interests of others instead of my own, the condition of the suffering people around me, people with whom I had been so long familiar, and whose agony seemed to reach its climax about this time, undoubtedly affected me very deeply.

For example, Janet and Geoff Benge, William Booth: Soup, soap and salvation, (Seattle, UK: YWAM, 2002), 25 ‒ 26.

30 Robert Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army: Volume 1, 1865 – 1878, (New York, USA: Salvation Army, 1947), 3 ‒ 4.

31 George S. Railton, General Booth, (London, UK: Salvation Army, 1912), iv ‒ v.

29

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There were children crying for bread to parents whose own distress was little less terrible to witness.

One feeling specially forced itself upon me, and I can recollect it as distinctly as though it had transpired only yesterday, and that was the sense of the folly of spending my life in doing things for which I knew I must either repent or be punished in the days to come.

In my anxiety to get into the right way, I joined the Methodist Church, and attended the Class Meetings, to sing and pray and speak with the rest.

The close and questioning nature of a Methodist class meeting would have caused Booth to examine his spiritual condition, though he appears to have already been doing that. The account continues, But all the time the inward Light revealed to me that I must not only renounce everything I knew to be sinful, but make restitution, so far as I had the ability, for any wrong I had done to others before I could find peace with God. The entrance to the Heavenly Kingdom was closed against me by an evil act of the past which required restitution. In a boyish trading affair I had managed to make a profit out of my companions, whilst giving them to suppose that what I did was all in the way of a generous fellowship. As a testimonial of their gratitude they had given me a silver pencil-case. Merely to return their gift would have been comparatively easy, but to confess the deception I had practised upon them was a humiliation to which for some days I could not bring myself.

I remember, as if it were but yesterday, the spot in the corner of a room under the chapel, the hour, the resolution to end the matter, the rising up and rushing forth, the finding of the young fellow I had chiefly wronged, the acknowledgment of my sin, the return of the pencil-case ‒ the instant rolling away from my heart of the guilty burden, the peace that came in its place, and the going forth to serve my God and my generation from that hour.

It was in the open street that this great change passed over me, and if I could only have possessed the flagstone on which I stood at that happy moment, the sight of it occasionally might have been as useful to me as the stones carried up long ago from the bed of the Jordan were to the Israelites who had passed over them dry-shod.

Since that night, for it was near upon eleven o’clock when the happy change was realised, the business of my life has been not only to make a holy character but to live a life of loving activity in the service of God and man.32

This is clearly the incident that happened in Goose Gate, as it bears the same crucial characteristics as in the “Day in my native town” account. But here we have more details about the problem that was troubling Booth, when he had “injured a Companion”. It concerned “a boyish trading affair”, in which his companions had given him a “silver pencil-case” in thanks. He believed that he had acted dishonestly in the deed, and now needed, not only to confess it, but to make restitution, which he did. In other words, he repented.

We also need to note Booth’s comment, “It was in the open street that this great change passed over me.” It was a “great change”, so great that he almost desired to have a physical memorial to remind him of it. It does sound like a conversion experience or at least part of it. And this was in a street, not a church building.

Synthesis William Booth began life in a family that seems to have been nominally Church of England, but he claimed to have had an “instinctive belief in God … in common with [his] fellow-creatures.” He also said that he began to attend a Methodist Chapel at the age of thirteen and was converted about two years later.

32

Railton, General Booth, 9 ‒ 11.

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One main area of confusion concerning Booth’s conversion is the influence of others upon him.

He gave contradictory comments about this. He said in “How we began”, “There was nothing very remarkable about the measures that led up to my conversion. I had the advantage of hearing some faithful preaching, and came, in my new associations [among the Methodists], under the influence of some godly friends”. Yet, according to “A day in my native town”, at the time of his conversion he said that he had been “imperfectly taught”. That phrase does not sit well with “hearing some faithful preaching” and being influenced by “some godly friends”. While it could be fairly argued that human teaching may be true and helpful, yet in some respects imperfect, Booth’s phrase seems to say more than that. He sounds as though he was saying that there was an important factor missing in the teaching he had received. While it is not certain what that missing factor was, going by what William Booth said and what he became, it may have been that, in his opinion, the Methodist preaching he heard lacked an emphasis upon evangelism, individual conversion or repentance. In Railton’s record, Booth said, “I cannot recollect that any individual pressed me in the direction of personal surrender to God.” There is little to guide us to confirm or deny that lack. The membership of Wesleyan Methodism in Nottingham in the early 1840s remained rather static, with small increases in some years and small decreases in others. It was not until the year 1846 ‒ 1847 that the membership showed a large increase, with nearly 400 added,33 but that rise followed the arrival of the American evangelist James Caughey.

However, it would be unfair to deduce from these figures that the Nottingham Wesleyans lacked an emphasis upon evangelism, conversion and repentance.

Booth also said, “I was wrought upon quite independently of human effort by the Holy Ghost, who created within me a great thirst for a new life”, and it was “the inward light” that led him to repent. But inward light tends to reflect outside influence, and there can be little doubt that the “faithful preaching” of the Methodist ministers and local preachers were the source of that. It sounds as though the teaching Booth received was not so imperfect. Then the Holy Spirit applied the lessons of that faithful preaching.

In his memory, forty years later, Booth narrowed the culmination of his long spiritual struggle down to dealing with an act of deceit that he had played on some friends. However, that struggle may have been about more than that originally. In this crucial issue he had deceived these friends sufficiently to gain their thanks and a gift of a pencil-case. It was this, he thought, that barred his way to “the Heavenly Kingdom”. It was “an evil act … which required restitution.” He seems to have come to that conclusion while sitting in a class meeting in a room under Wesley Chapel, and it was, perhaps, triggered by some comments from his fellow class members, though it may also have been influenced by the memory of Isaac Marsden’s comment, “A soul dies every minute”. He rose, rushed forth, found “the young fellow [he] had chiefly wronged”, and confessed his sin and returned the pencil case. Then the “guilty burden” rolled away and, he said, that he went “forth to serve my God and my generation from that hour.”

Then later he “made the first full surrender of” his soul. It is unclear how that experience is to be understood, but it does seem distinct from his conversion, and may have included the thought that “God should have all there was” of him.

I do speculate in my book The general, that Booth’s wording in these accounts, which emphasise human decision in Christian conversion, may reflect Booth’s later thinking, rather than his

33

Harwood, History of Wesleyan, 173, 177 ‒ 178, 180, 189, 194.

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thinking at the time of his conversion. These accounts were all spoken or written long after the event, and may have owed much to his later thinking, perhaps influenced by Charles Finney.34 In the end much is left unsaid because much is unknown. But the important thing to note is that the world would be a much poorer place if William Booth had not become a Christian. Thank God that William Booth was converted.

William Booth in later years as General of The Salvation Army35 34 35

Bennett, The general, 1:39 ‒ 40.

Courtesy of the New Zealand Salvation Army Archives, Upper Hutt.

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A-TISHOO! A-TISHOO!, WE ALL FALL DOWN: MURWILLUMBAH’S SALVATION ARMY EMERGENCY HOSPITAL A RESPONSE TO THE 1918 – 1920 PNEUMONIC INFLUENZA PANDEMIC1 Garth R. Hentzschel Around December 2019, a coronavirus appeared in the Hubei Province, China. The novel coronavirus soon became known as COVID-19 and was to spread to 213 countries.2 As early as Thursday 12 March 2020, with infections increasing, the Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison made a rare live televised ‘address to the nation’ which set out goals for his country’s response to the virus.3 On the six-month anniversary of the announcement of the infection, the World Health Organization (WHO) “recorded 10,021,401 ‘official’ cases of COVID-19, with 499,913 deaths globally.”4 Through the initial six months of the COVID-19 pandemic, The Salvation Army in Australia too had been impacted; corps meetings ceased or went online, publications such as Warcry ceased paper print runs, and social services changed formats. The economic impact saw an increased need for the Army’s work in “delivering financial relief and support for Australians coping with the consequences of poverty.”5 The success of the Prime Minister’s goals, the changes made by The Salvation Army, and work the Army conducted during this pandemic will be evaluated by future historians.

The Australian media at first used the word ‘unprecedented’ to describe the unfolding COVID19 crises, reaching its peak in usage at the commencement of March 2020. The use of the word began to decline after historians pointed out that a century earlier the world was hit by the 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza epidemic.6 COVID-19 then became described as a “one in a hundred-year event.”7 Like the 2020 pandemic, although often forgotten, the earlier epidemic impacted Australia Reference citation of this paper; Garth R. Hentzschel, “A-tishoo! A-tishoo!, we all fall down: Murwillumbah’s Salvation Army Emergency Hospital; a response to the 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza pandemic”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 19 – 47.

1 The first line of the heading is borrowed from one version of the rhyme “Ring-a-ring-a-roses”, once attributed to the great plague, but now this assertion has been questioned by Winick. Also, the years of the epidemic are disputed, for example, Hoppe had 1918 – 1920, while Trilla, Trilla, and Dear had 1918 – 1919; this paper has used the wider parameter to signify the length of the epidemic internationally. Trevor Hoppe, “‘Spanish flu’: When infectious disease names blur origins and stigmatize those infected,” AJPH, 108, 11, (November 2018), 1462-1464.; Antoni Trilla, Guillem Trilla, and Carolyn Daer, “The 1918 ‘Spanish flu’ in Spain,” Clinical Infectious Diseases, 47, 5, (1 September 2008), 668-673.; Stephen Winick, “Ring around the rosie: Metafolklore, rhyme and reason,” (Library of Congress, 24 July 2014), https://blogs.loc.gov/folklife/2014/07/ring-around-the-rosie-metafolklore-rhyme-and-reason/ accessed 26 July 2020.

2 “COVID-19 Coronavirus pandemic,” (Worldometer, 16 July 2020), https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/ accessed 16 July 2020.

3 Cited in Rob Harris, “Australia ‘well-prepared and well-equipped’ to cope with coronavirus, Scott Morrison says,” The Sydney morning herald, (Australia, Thursday 12 March 2020), ¶ 5, https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/australia-well-prepared-and-well-equipped-to-cope-with-coronavirus-scottmorrison-says-20200312-p549kn.html accessed 15 March 2020.

4 Peter Doherty, “Lessons learned from the first six months of COVID-19 – part one,” (Doherty Institute, 6 July 2020), ¶1, https://www.doherty.edu.au/news-events/setting-it-straight/lessons-learned-from-the-first-six-months-of-covid-19part-1 accessed 25 July 2020.

5 “Coronavirus response: March 24, 2020,” (The Salvation Army Australia, 2020), ¶ 5, https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/about-us/news-and-stories/media-newsroom/coronavirus-response-march-242020/?utm_source=Facebook&utm_medium=organic-social&utm_campaign=covid-19&utm_content=media+release accessed 28 June 2020.

6 Chris Pash, “Flattening the unprecedented pandemic buzzword pivot,” (adnews, 15 July 2020), https://www.adnews.com.au/news/flattening-the-unprecedented-pandemic-buzzword-pivot accessed 26 July 2020.

7 See for example, Josh Frydenberg, “Josh Frydenberg warns of economic shock ‘Australia’s never seen before’”, (2GB, 20 July 2020), https://www.2gb.com/josh-frydenberg-warns-of-economic-shock-australias-never-seen-before/ accessed 26 July 2020.

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The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital operated for four weeks in 1919 at the former Primary School Murwillumbah, New South Wales, Australia8

8

Two views of the Murwillumbah Primary School, Bent Street. The students are gathered on the grass bank in front of the school buildings. (Top image) Photograph taken in 1905. Image courtesy of the State Library of Queensland, negative number 63675. (Bottom image) Image courtesy the Tweed Regional Museum.

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as both a medical and financial emergency, then as now, The Salvation Army attempted to assist the wider population. This paper investigates the earlier epidemic and a ministry of one Australian Salvation Army corps: the Murwillumbah Corps. From newspaper reports of the time, the difficulties in establishing The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital will be discussed. The paper will also outline the work of Salvationists in the hospital and evaluate the corps’ efforts to support some victims of the pneumonic influenza during 1919. Although listed in some local history research, no previous indepth study has been located on this ministry.9 Operating for a noticeably short time, it will be shown that The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital attracted both criticism and praise; praise that would turn into support and assisted the Army in the locality.

The 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza epidemic To society’s detriment, much in history is forgotten and therefore not able to be used to evaluate behaviour to assist in future action. In 1980, Greenwell in the conclusion to her paper on the pneumonic influenza epidemic in New South Wales lamented, … today it is a virtually forgotten incident in our history. Perhaps this is because of the almost science-fictional speed with which the disease came and went. Except for those who had lost family members, life quickly returned to normal. There were no significant after-effects, no maimed or injured people left as a reminder of the horrors which had passed. The restrictions and dislocations were coupled in memory with the wartime prohibitions, until many came to think of the epidemic as merely an appendage of World War I. But although as an historical and even as a medical phenomenon the influenza epidemic tends to be ignored, the fact remains … in 1919 a devastating illness swept the country, causing a greater loss in life and in economic and personal liberty than any single event in the history of our nation.10

Like other events in history, the true commencement of the pneumonic influenza epidemic is shrouded by time and overlapping historical events. Spain reported the first cases in mid-1918, by the end of June London reported cases, in July thousands in Germany were infected, and by August the ’flu was lapping at the shores of America.11 Internationally, the final death toll of the 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza epidemic has been estimated to be between 20 to 50 million. Yet researchers like Bruzgulis reported the death toll could have been as high as 100 million.12 As Spain was the first to openly report on the epidemic, the illness became commonly known as ‘Spanish Flu’ or sometimes ‘Spanish Lady’.13 Trilla, Trilla, and Daer, argued that as the allied and axis countries were engaged in World War One, news was censored. Censorship hid much of the information about the commencement and growth of the influenza. The introduction of the influenza strain into humans is still contested. Contemporary researches have tracked the infections from British

9

Longhurst and Bruzgulis stated Murwillumbah had an emergency hospital but did not state it was run by The Salvation Army. Robert Longhurst, The Influenza Epidemic 1919, Tweed Heads Historical Society’s Log Book Issue No.77 (Tweed Heads, Australia: Tweed Heads Historical Society, 2006), 9.; Maris Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” Timelines, 7, 4 (April 2019), 1.

10 Jennifer Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919 in New South Wales with special reference to Newcastle, (Newcastle, Australia: University of Newcastle, 1980), 20.

11 “Mysterious malady,” The Australasian, (Melbourne, Saturday 1 June 1918), 24.; “Mysterious disease in Spain,” The Hamilton spectator, (Victoria, Thursday 6 June 1918), 6.; “Spanish influenza,” The age, (Melbourne, Wednesday 26 June 1918), 7.; “The ‘Spanish Influenza,’” The Ballarat star, (Victoria, Monday 15 July 1918), 1.; “Fatal ‘Flu’,” The journal, (Adelaide, Thursday 15 August 1918), 1.

12 Hoppe, “‘Spanish flu’”.; Trilla, Trilla, and Daer, “The 1918 ‘Spanish flu’ in Spain”.; Maris Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” Timelines, 8, 1 (July 2019), 1.

13 See discussions on the matter of naming pandemics. Hoppe, “‘Spanish flu’”.

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Military Camps in 1916 and even from the United States of America.14 There were some hints of the pandemic on the Western Front impacting Australian soldiers as early as May 1918; reports to Australia stated soldiers were, “admitted to hospital suffering from trench fever and influenza”.15 The war therefore hid the actual place and time patient zero became infected.

The pneumonic influenza epidemic in New South Wales In Australia, the ‘Spanish Flu’ was also known as the pneumonic influenza epidemic; although it got off to a false start, the influenza was to impact the continent as it had done in other countries.

One of the first reported large scale outbreaks of ’flu in Australia occurred in August 1918. It was reported the A.I.F. training camp at Broadmeadows, New South Wales (NSW), hospitalised 200 soldiers. In the camp, to stop the spread of the influenza, the huts of The Salvation Army and other philanthropic agencies were closed and soldiers were removed from base every afternoon so the barracks could be cleaned.16 In September 1918, it was said, “[t]he inflenza [sic] epidemic … is sweeping over Sydney just now.”17 This however appeared not to be the ‘real thing’. One observer noted, That the ’flu is knocking out many old residents – and not a few young ones, too.

That if this is the common variety of influenza, we don’t want a visitation of the Spanish brand of the disease.

That the Spanish ’flu is deadly in its effects, and no respector [sic] of persons.18

The illnesses subsided in Australia; however, the pneumonic influenza epidemic was still on its deadly march throughout the world.

As Australia is isolated, it was one of the last countries to receive the epidemic, but the news from other countries had Australian governments concerned.19 From September 1918, reports reached Australia of the epidemic’s outbreak in South Africa.20 The illness also made headway in New Zealand where from 1 October to 31 December 1918 a total of 5,959 people had died from its sting.21 Such outcomes of the epidemic saw parliamentarians begin to take “every precaution by examining all incoming passengers, and in other ways, to try to prevent Spanish influenza from coming into Australia.”22 In November 1918, the NSW State Government decided to take preventative action and ships were checked and passengers suffering from pneumonic influenza were quarantined to a station at North Head, Sydney. Governments decided that local boards and committees should be established and a vigorous program of inoculations commenced, in the belief it would immunise the population

Trilla, Trilla, and Daer, “The 1918 ‘Spanish flu’ in Spain”.

“News of soldiers,” The Bendigonian, (Bendigo, Thursday 2 May 1918), 25.

16 “Influenza epidemic,” The North Western advocate and the Emu Bay times, (Tasmania, Saturday 24 August 1918), 7.

17 “Influenza epidemic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 21 September 1918), 6.

18 “What people say,” The Shoalhaven news, (NSW, Saturday 19 October 1918), 1.

19 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 14.; “Combating influenza,” The Newcastle morning herald and miners’ advocate, (NSW, Wednesday 23 October 1918), 4.

20 “Influenza epidemic,” The argus, (Melbourne, Monday 30 September 1918), 6.; “ Spanish flu,” The evening news, (Sydney, Saturday 12 October 1918), 3.; “Spanish influenza,” The Hamilton spectator, (Victoria, Thursday 17 October 1918), 6.

21 The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 12 March 1919), 3. This number, as with many death rates linked with the epidemic are contested, see for example “The 1918 influenza pandemic” (NZ History, n.d.), https://nzhistory.govt.nz/culture/1918-influenza-pandemic/death-rates accessed 5 August 2020.

22 “Spanish influenza,” The argus, (Melbourne, Thursday 10 October 1918), 5.

14 15

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against the influenza.23 The New Year passed and it was hoped Australia had avoided the suffering faced by other countries.

As occurred in 2020, Australia was keeping the influenza out of the country through strict quarantine measures, but Victoria became the weak point of entry. On 25 January 1919, it was confirmed that an outbreak of pneumonic influenza had occurred in Melbourne. It was clear that the NSW Government blamed the actions, or lack of actions, of authorities in Melbourne for the spread of the illness. One report stated, “[t]here appears to be indisputable evidence that the State infection is directly due to a laxness in Melbourne.” The Victorian authorities were accused of telling the public there was no need of concern, that they were unaware of the influenza in Melbourne as they had not “been officially notified”.24 From Melbourne the influenza spread. Greenwell wrote, Medical examinations of Victorian train passengers travelling to N.S.W. were conducted at Albury, while a host of holiday-makers rushed home from the stricken state, bringing with them the very illness from which they were fleeing… By January 28th., four cases of pheumonic [sic] influenza were reported in Sydney, each having been contracted in Melbourne.25

Unlike Victoria, the NSW Government acted swiftly and imposed preventative restrictions in Sydney. The state borders were closed and “New South Wales was accused of causing serious trade and commercial dislocation and aggravating severe shortages of food and fuel.” 26 Businesses, schools, public entertainment, cinemas, and churches were all closed; in some areas the wearing of masks became compulsory, wharf workers refused to unload ships that had been infected and unemployment numbers rose. Greenwell claimed some churches argued that they should not be part of the closures, they were not a business nor public entertainment.27 The social distancing restrictions appeared to have worked. On 10 February 1919, only 105 influenza cases had been recorded in NSW, with one death from the disease. The restrictions began to lift at the beginning of March. Unfortunately, with the lifting of restrictions, Sydney and Newcastle experienced a rapid rise in cases of influenza. By 27 March, the hospitals were becoming overcrowded, the Royal Easter Show was abandoned, the restrictions of gatherings were again implemented, and emergency hospitals were established in major centres. The epidemic raged through June and the state of NSW only started to show signs of abatement in late July. Greenwell stated, by the end of the epidemic, In New South Wales a total of six thousand, three hundred and five deaths had occurred, although it is thought that large numbers died of related causes, but whose deaths were not recorded as being directly attributed to the influenza. …

The influenza epidemic … caused massive financial losses and disrupted everyday life of the individual to an extent unprecedented.28

The preparation for the pneumonic influenza epidemic in Murwillumbah Murwillumbah is located on the Tweed River, on NSW’s far North Coast in the Tweed/border region.

It is nestled near the base of the North Coast’s tallest mountain, Mt Warning and is 848 kms north23

Greenwell, The Pneumonic influenza epidemic of 1919, 14.

The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 February 1919), 4.

25 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 14.

26 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 15.

27 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 15-16.

28 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 20. Bruzgulis had number of deaths in New South Wales from 5,783 to 6,387. Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.

24

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east of Sydney, 13 kms south of the Queensland border and 132 kms south of Brisbane. Although the town’s name is of aboriginal heritage, the compounding of words has made the original meaning of the name confused, so it either means ‘camping place’ or ‘big opossum’.

Map of Tweed district and border region, showing Murwillumbah

International news of the pneumonic influenza epidemic created some panic. When the annual ’flu season hit the Tweed region in 1918, The Tweed daily reported the first influenza case “appears to be part of a worldwide invasion.”29 Although the region had avoided a large scale infection in 1918, the local authorities began to prepare. Greenwell evaluated local responses to the epidemic and noted that, local committees, instead of giving clear and accurate advice from regional information, caused confusion and suffered from mismanagement.30 However, Murwillumbah’s local response suffered more from petty jealousy, power play and professional rivalry than from mismanagement.

The NSW Government requested local authorities to commence and operate their own “Joint Local Influenza Committee” to guide responses to the epidemic. In Murwillumbah this became known as the “Murwillumbah Pneumonic Influenza Administrative Committee” or some shorter version of the name. This new committee needed to communicate and work with or navigate its way around pre-existing committees including the “… District Hospital Committee”31 and “Municipal Council Committees”. It was not clear who had the overall authority, which caused issues.

On Wednesday 11 December 1918, the District Hospital Committee received a letter from the NSW Government’s Public Health Department. The letter requested the committee cooperate with the Municipal Council in relation to the influenza epidemic, if it were to reach the area.32 On Thursday 12 December, the health committee of the council met to make plans. This committee appears to have been the embryonic version of the Murwillumbah Pneumonic Influenza Administrative Committee.

Two people who attended the Council’s meeting, Dr Joseph Albert Goldsmid, and Dr John Joseph Stuart McEvoy were to play major roles in the coming events that created the emergency hospital.

“Influenza epidemic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 21 September 1918), 6.

Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919.

31 What is now the Murwillumbah District Hospital was “[o]riginally called the Tweed Cottage Hospital when the first patient was admitted in June 1904 and renamed Tweed District Hospital in March 1910, it became Murwillumbah District Hospital after opening of Tweed Heads District Hospital in 1972.” To not confuse the reader, the hospital will be referred to only at the District Hospital. Di Millar, “Changing role of Mur-Bah Hospital,” The Tweed daily news, (3 November 2009), ¶2, https://www.questia.com/newspaper/1G1-210973429/changing-role-of-mur-bahhospital#:~:text=Originally%20called%20the%20Tweed%20Cottage,Heads%20District%20Hospital%20in%201972 accessed 3 August 2020.

32 “Tweed District Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 12 December 1918), 2.

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Goldsmid was described as a pioneer and one of the stabilising influences in many of the organisations in the Tweed region.33 When he first arrived in Murwillumbah, he was the only doctor; later he would help establish the District Hospital.34 During World War One, Goldsmid was senior medical officer to a troopship, then served as Captain in the Medical Corps.35 At the time of the influenza epidemic, Goldsmid was the NSW Government Medical Officer for the region and Murwillumbah’s Municipal Medical Officer. During the epidemic he would also chair the Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee.36

Dr Joseph Albert Goldsmid37

Dr John Joseph Stuart McEvoy was intelligent, well-connected, but appeared to be less community minded than Goldsmid. McEvoy was described as a “prince of banter and raconteur”.38 He entered university at 16 and was a doctor by age 21. He served as a general practitioner in rural Queensland and before arriving in Murwillumbah was the Assistant Superintendent of the Woogaroo Lunatic Asylum, Goodna, Queensland. During his time at the asylum there was an inquiry that found deficiencies in the institution. One of the major problems was that the medical staff were more interested in their private practices than in the roles they were paid to do at the asylum. McEvoy was specifically mentioned by the inquest for being “a general practitioner, who ‘struggled with alcoholic difficulties’.”39 The newspapers at the time painted him has being somewhat smug, as although he was embroiled in a scandal, McEvoy was always seen with a grin on his face. He was only in Murwillumbah a short time when the epidemic struck but had a great deal to say. Ironically, McEvoy later died in December 1929 from pneumonia.40 “Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 May 1927), 2.

“Town council,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 28 May 1914), 2.

35 “Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 October 1916), 4.

36 The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 March 1940), 4.

37 Courtesy of the New South Wales State Archives and Records. Digital ID: NRS9873_2_719_242.

38 “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 December 1929), 2.

39 Johnathan Richards, Going up the line to Goodna: A history of Woogaroo Lunatics Asylum, Goodna Mental Hospital and Wolston Park Hospital, 1865-2015, (Brisbane, Australia: West Moreton Hospital and Health Service (5 October 2017), n.p.

40 “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 December 1929), 2.

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A caricature of Dr John Joseph Stuart McEvoy Drawn in the middle of controversy at Goodna41

A hint of an emergency hospital The meeting of the council’s health committee on 12 December 1918 made seven recommendations.

The recommendations covered the inoculation program, recruitment for volunteers, processes for deep cleaning of infected properties, and to seek respirators and additional information on procedures for contact with victims. The third recommendation was to become the most contested and therefore the most dishevelled of the recommendations. This point covered the housing of patients; it was recommended the first cases would be isolated at the District Hospital, however upon greater numbers the public school and show pavilion would be used, and beds were to be acquired from the local hotels.42 As this point led to the establishment of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, it needs to be followed in an attempt to unravel what Bruzgulis described as “differences of opinion”.43 None of the recommendations were acted upon immediately; an air of complacency appeared to settle on the region. As the process of quarantine was working and no cases of community transmission were recorded in Australia at the time, hope rose and The Tweed daily announced the pneumonic influenza epidemic “will disappear before long.”44 As a result of this feeling, few citizens of the area attended the council meeting convened by the Mayor, Alderman Connor on Thursday 30 January 1919, which was specifically called to discuss the potential outbreak of the epidemic. The

“Dr McEvoy,” The truth, (Brisbane, Sunday 3 October 1915), 4.

“Precautions in Murwillumbah,” Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 13 December 1918), 3.

43 The impact the pneumonic influenza epidemic had on the social, cultural, economic and health of the Tweed region have been investigated by other historians. See for example, Longhurst, The Influenza Epidemic 1919, Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic”.; Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 4.

44 “News summary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 30 December 1918), 2.

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lack of attendance infuriated the Mayor and the newspaper reported, “the people of Murwillumbah are serenely apathetic as to their own welfare.”45 Despite the lack of public interest, the 30 January council meeting went ahead. Although it appears this was the first meeting since 12 December, there had been changes to recommendation three, concerning the housing of patients. The initial recommendation was that the District Hospital would house the influenza patients before they were moved to another location. However, in this meeting Goldsmid presented a vastly different recommendation. Goldsmid recommended, in case of an influenza outbreak, the District Hospital would be moved to the public school and the hospital would be used purely for the influenza cases. If patients exceeded the bed capacity of the District Hospital, tents would be erected in the grounds to house the additional cases. Mr Wray, manager of Condong Mill, said the mill could supply 50 tents to be erected on the hospital grounds if needed. To this changed recommendation, Mr Gill, the President of the District Hospital Committee, pointed out the change; but it was accepted without further question. This meeting also discussed inoculations, the production and distribution of information pamphlets, the purchasing of face masks, and a call for volunteers.46 Why Goldsmid made such a change to the recommendation was not indicated, nor at first obvious. It was later seen that Goldsmid had surveyed the resources at the District Hospital and read information on cases from the southern capital cities to make up his mind.47 He however had not made this information available to others in the meetings; if he had done so, he may have avoided problems that would later occur and plague (no pun intended) the emergency hospital. At the end of the 30 January meeting the new recommendation for the housing of patients had been settled, at least in Goldsmid’s mind. It would soon be obvious however not all were in favour of his plan. While there were still ideas not yet fully formed, or completely organised, the program of inoculation had been decided upon as the advertisement for this process appeared in the newspapers two days later.48 After all, at least in the understanding of the time, the inoculations were of paramount importance.

Notice for the inoculations in Murwillumbah49

The instigation and organisation of the inoculation program ran smoothly in Murwillumbah.

This program, although run from the local committee, was part of an extensive campaign across

“Yesterday’s meeting, plague threatens, but people apathetic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 31 January 1919), 3. A similar report appeared “Local arrangements,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 February 1919), 5.

46 “Yesterday’s meeting,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 31 January 1919), 3.

47 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 11 February 1919), 2.

48 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 February 1919), 1.

49 A similar advertisement appeared for Saturday 22 February. “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 February 1919), 1.; “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 21 February 1919), 3.

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Australia and had been used overseas.50 It was later noted that the people of Murwillumbah rushed to be inoculated, on 3 February, a total of 244 persons received their injections from Dr Goldsmid and Nurse Meany.51 At the time, there was controversy over its effectiveness and later medical opinion of the 1970s suggested the vaccine had no “immunological value whatsoever”, although there were some psychological benefits.52 As Greenwell would later show, the fact was that “the so called experts really knew next to-nothing about the epidemic and certainly they devised no means of effectively combating it.”53 This is true of any new disease, ‘experts’ can only advise from the information that is currently available; as more research is conducted advice needs to change. Such actions are now often referred to as evidenced-based practice. Without a successful vaccine, the stage was set for the outbreak of an epidemic.

People held several differing views about the inoculation program and the reason the pneumonic influenza epidemic struck. Some people believed a direct side effect of the inoculation was an increased attendance at church; others believed it caused recipients to repay debt.54 If true, both could be positive side effects. Greenwell also claimed some ministers pushed the idea that the influenza was sent upon the world as a punishment from God for the years of war, but humans had punished themselves enough.55 The Salvation Army took a different approach. One of the local Murwillumbah Salvationists, Walter R. Waters wrote about the different responses when the citizens heard the epidemic had reached Sydney, The townspeople met to form themselves into committees, etc., and The Salvation Army began to pray, and bring before God the needs of the people, in the hope that we might be spared the terrible ravages of the epidemic. For a month before the outbreak we held knee-drill every morning, at seven, and God, in a truly marvellous manner, answered our prayers.56

At the first council meeting of February, the matter of the housing of patients again appeared in the discussions. A letter from the District Hospital Committee was tabled and reiterated the opinion Mr Gill expressed in the council’s public meeting of 30 January. In part, it stated the District Hospital Committee believed it was “undesirable” to move the hospital and suggested the showground pavilion would be best suited for an emergency hospital. The mayor agreed with the proposal, yet Alderman Eyles went further and stated the idea of making the hospital move, “was the most absurd thing ever put before the public.” Eyles showed some regional biases as he also wanted to protest infected people from Tweed Heads being transferred to Murwillumbah; some of these people may have come in through the port, or even had been Queenslanders stuck at the border once it had been closed.57 There was also some conflict of interest and political allegiances, Gill was not only a member of the District Hospital Committee, he was also an alderman and would have links with Eyles and the Mayor. As with many small matters of opinion in the government realm, the location of a potential emergency hospital became political and personal.

See for example, “The value of vaccines,” The register, (Adelaide, Tuesday 22 October 1918), 5.

“Looking back: Killer flu halts all business,” Tweed daily news, (13 November 2013), https://www.tweeddailynews.com.au/news/killer-flu-halts-all-business/2078154/ accessed 5 July 2020.

52 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 14.

53 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919, 18.

54 “News summary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 10 February 1919), 2.

55 Greenwell, The Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic of 1919.

56 W. R. W. [Walter R. Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 6 September 1919), 8.

57 “Municipal council,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 6 February 1919), 2.

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Monday 10 February 1919 became the official date the pneumonic influenza appeared in Murwillumbah.58 On the same day the first meeting of the “Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic Committee” was held. The meeting consisted of “Local Medical Practitioners, Members of the [District] Hospital Committee, and Members of the Council”. The meeting was called to make “definite arrangements as to hospital accommodation concerning the threatened Influenza epidemic.”59 Despite the public concern of Gill and the letter to the council from the District Hospital Committee, it appeared the matter of the hospital accommodation had not been resolved. Could the new Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic Committee reach an agreeable outcome for all parties on where to house patients? In this meeting, Goldsmid again attempted to argue for the use of the District Hospital to house the potential influenza patients. He argued that other locations lacked sleeping, eating, and bathing accommodation for the nurses. In Goldsmid’s opinion the accessibility of other locations were also problematic. He had done a survey of the hospital and spoken with the nurses and other medical professionals. There were few patients in the District Hospital, and all could be nursed with little treatment, whereas influenza patients, if a severe strain appeared, could need as much medical treatment and equipment as the hospital could provide. Gill however, still argued against Goldsmid’s proposal. Gill claimed the showground would be the most suitable location for the emergency hospital and stated that other health officials supported the idea of the pavilion. When pushed however, Gill stated that he would only listen to the Matron of the hospital, not medical men.

The committee decided in favour of Goldsmid’s point of view, the pavilion was ruled out and the District Hospital was to house the first cases of influenza.60 Soon after the 10 February gathering of the Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic Committee, the District Hospital Committee held their meeting. Among others who attended were Gill, Eyles, McEvoy and Goldsmid. The first three named were clearly ready to attack Goldsmid and others. Eyles claimed the Mayor had overstepped his authority in calling medical meetings. McEvoy “objected to the use of the District Hospital for pneumonic influenza cases at all.” This is the strangest stand. Why would a doctor deny the use of a hospital to sick patients? McEvoy however also did not side with the others on the District Hospital Committee as “He would not dream of utilising the show ground for anything at all, either influenza or ordinary cases.” McEvoy then put forward his plan, he “would suggest the [new] school.” Why McEvoy became fixated on the school is never made clear, but he would never let it go; he denied all other plans but his. Goldsmid then went on the attack; and questioned whether the hospital had the power to refuse cases of influenza. Then, Goldsmid explained the government may not pay for the expenses of patients away from the hospital and common sense would show it would be better to have patients needing less attention housed away from the hospital.

None of the others responded to Goldsmid’s points. Goldsmid then, unlike Gill, Eyles and McEvoy showed he was open to compromise. Goldsmid stated, …he objected to the use of the show ground pavilion, but he was not opposed to anything but the hospital. He did not see any reason for not having true influenza cases in the hospital, but at the same time he was willing to fall in with any other satisfactory arrangement.

“Pneumonic Influenza (Spanish Flu), 1919,” (NSW Government, State Archived & Records, n.d.), https://www.records.nsw.gov.au/archives/collections-and-research/guides-and-indexes/stories/pneumonic-influenza1919 accessed 29 July 2020.

59 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 10 February 1919), 4. See information about difficulties at the border in Longhurst, The Influenza Epidemic 1919.

60 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 11 February 1919), 2.

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Many of the doctors had their own opinion as to where the influenza patients should be housed. It was finally agreed that initially the District Hospital’s isolation block would house the patients and then tents in the grounds would cater for the overflow. However, The question as to which would be the most convenient, the hospital or the school, for the treatment of cases should the isolation block be filled was allowed to remain over until the first case occurs.61

Despite the objections from a number on the committee, the District Hospital Committee had ratified the decision of the Pneumonic Influenza Epidemic Committee. However, they still could not decide where the emergency hospital would be located if a major outbreak occurred. The newspaper summed up the indecisive stance of the meeting; in part it stated, For the meantime the disagreement as to where pneumonic influenza patients are to be treated in Murwillumbah had been settled by the Hospital Committee granting the use of the isolation block… In the event of the epidemic being of any size in Murwillumbah, which it is to be hoped it will not be, the local authorities will have to consider what other accommodation can be procured. Thus the main question had been shelved until the first few cases occur.62

In April, another local general practitioner, Dr Dick diagnosed cases of pneumonic influenza in Murwillumbah. An inquiry however found his diagnoses as inconclusive, but the people were treated as infected just in case.63 Despite the earlier arrangements, in May the District Hospital Committee refused to take patients who were diagnosed with having influenza.64 Yet at the May meeting of the Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee a different story appeared. The Mayor, Ald Connor was away, and Mr F. E. Nicholl, president of the District Hospital Committee occupied the chair. The committee sent information to the NSW Government’s Country Influenza Committee stating, “the hospital is overtaxed with influenza patients [and] cannot use tents on account of weather conditions.” Eyles seconded the motion. In addition to this, McEvoy’s desire to see all influenza patients placed in the new school was coming to fruition as the Department of Education was approached, requesting the use of the new Public School for an emergency hospital.65 Why Goldsmid did not speak at this meeting was not made clear; however there is a possibility that he was away with the Mayor.

On Friday 6 June 1919, it was reported, It is now very evident that influenza is epidemic in Murwillumbah and the surrounding district.

During the last few days there have been quite a number of people down with the illness.

Fortunately, it seems to be of a mild nature, and no one has been very greatly alarmed. The miracle is that the district has so far escaped when the infection was present on every hand in the districts adjoining.66

Goldsmid must have still been away from the area as McEvoy, as the acting Municipal Health Officer reported that 40 cases of influenza had been diagnosed in Murwillumbah between 4 – 5 June.67 As the cases declined in other regions, nurses were transferred into the town in preparation for more “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 13 February 1919), 2.

“Current topics,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 14 February 1919), 2.

63 “The Murwillumbah suspects,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 April 1919), 5.

64 “District Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 8 May 1919), 3.

65 “Influenza committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 17 May 1919), 5.

66 “Epidemic in progress,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 6 June 1919), 3.

67 “Epidemic in progress,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 6 June 1919), 3.

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illness; nurses O’Keefe and Dickinson were at the Tyalgum Emergency Hospital and as it had closed, they were posted to Murwillumbah.68 The cases in Murwillumbah gradually increased, then a spike hit; in the 24 hour period to Friday 13 June, there were 52 new cases of influenza recorded.69 The need for an emergency hospital in Murwillumbah Bruzgulis, declared, “[t]he closing of the New South Wales and Queensland border to facilitate quarantine has been described extensively. While not as notable, the preparations for an emergency hospital in Murwillumbah … became matters that fostered differences of opinion.”70 Although Bruzgulis outlined some of the “differences of opinion”, the matter of the emergency hospital however became more like personal and professional attacks.71 On the afternoon of Friday 13 June 1919, a special meeting of the Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee was called. With the rapid increase of influenza cases in Murwillumbah, Goldsmid declared, … he thought the stage had now been reached when they should apply for the use of the old school as an emergency hospital. Captain Hamilton, of the Salvation Army, had approached him and offered the services of the Army to run this hospital as a separate unit, and he thought it an excellent offer.72

When or by what means Ensign James Hamilton approached Goldsmid is not identified, however Salvationist Waters wrote later about the motivation of the officer to make such an offer.

Waters wrote, Our Officer in charge, who never loses a chance to bring The Army into operation in helping the needy and blessing the people, informed the local authorities that we would do our best to assist them when the need should arise, which offer they gladly accepted.73

In another report it was clear that Hamilton was “anxious to do whatever was possible in the direction of relief, [and] offered to staff a hospital with comrades of the local corps.”74 In the Influenza Committee meeting, it was suggested that the old school buildings would accommodate 20 patients and could be “fitted up with beds and put in operation within 36 hours.”75 McEvoy, Ald. Davidson and Rev Lomas however wished for the new school to be used for the emergency hospital because it was larger, cleaner and the teachers could be redeployed as VAD (Voluntary Aid Detachment) nurses. However, Goldsmid was concerned that the government would not fund the treatment of the influenza patients away from the District Hospital, the closure of the school would bring more restrictions, and the new school was too large for the staff available to them.

Some of these concerns were already being realised with the government, not seeing Murwillumbah at a high level of risk would only subsidise half the costs of an emergency hospital.76 Goldsmid moved and Eyles seconded the motion that

“The Tyalgum epidemic,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 7 June 1919), 5.

“Deaths from influenza,” The daily telegraph, (Sydney, Saturday 14 June 1919), 12.

70 Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 3.

71 Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 4.

72 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.

73 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

74 “The epidemic at Murwillumbah, N.S.W.,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 August 1919), 2.

75 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.

76 “Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.

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Dr. Goldsmid, as Municipal Health Officer, be authoised [sic] to establish an emergency hospital at the old school and to equip same; also that he be authorised to accept the offer of the Salvation Army to run same. – Carried.

There were however still areas of discontent. McEvoy wanted all the influenza cases away from the District Hospital. He claimed, “one nurse alone was looking after 12 patients and the general ward”; the inclusion of influenza patients in the District Hospital caused friction, so they all needed to be moved.77 Goldsmid reminded McEvoy that a VAD had been placed in the hospital to assist, that the government was not going to finance the full cost of patients taken from the hospital, and “[i]f there was friction at the institution the [District Hospital] committee knew how to deal with it.”

McEvoy would not be swayed; he wanted all cases out of the hospital. A heated discussion continued between him and Goldsmid about the workloads of nurses. To appease McEvoy, a second motion was carried; to approach the new school and place it on notice if need arose for a second emergency hospital.78 The war between Goldsmid and McEvoy was not over and The Salvation Army would soon be caught in the middle.

The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, Murwillumbah When the influenza hit Australia, it was no respecter of rich or poor, yet The Salvation Army continued to carry out its ministry. It must be remembered when the disease began to show effect, The Salvation Army was still stretched, conducting welfare work with soldiers on both the battle and home fronts.79 As the influenza first hit Melbourne, Salvation Army institutions such as the maternity home at Brunswick reported to have “numerous cases” of influenza.80 This did not stop the Army from taking on yet more responsibility. It was noted that Lieut.-Colonel McKenzie, who had recently received fame due to his work as a war Chaplain, was reportedly now “fighting the ‘flu” and preparing The Salvation Army to go into battle against the invisible enemy. He organised Salvationists as “First Aid assistants and Patrols among the sick.” One female Salvation Army officer rode in a side car and visited 30 sick people in a day.81 Murwillumbah was not the only place in NSW to establish emergency hospitals.82 One was at Murrumburrah, where “the lady Salvation Army Captain”, who assisted the patients, became unwell.83 Local Murwillumbah Salvationists, both officers and soldiers, conducted indoor and outdoor evangelical meetings, practices, and cottage meetings, but in 1919 they had not yet built for themselves a citadel.84 The corps had a League of Mercy team who visited the sick and elderly both in their homes and at hospital, so were not unfamiliar with the basic health care needs of the wider population. In addition to this, with influenza cases increasing, the Murwillumbah Corps commenced

“Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.

“Administrative Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 14 June 1919), 4.

79 See for example, C. M. M., “Comforts, etc.,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 11 January 1919), 3.

80 “Influenza,” The telegraph, (Brisbane, Thursday 6 February 1919), 5.

81 “Fighting Mac in a new role,” The Armidale chronicle, (NSW, Wednesday 14 May 1919), 2.

82 For example, large places like Melbourne and small like Uki had emergency hospitals established. “Victoria’s minister for health reviews the position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 6 February 1919), 3.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 20 June 1919), 3.

83 “The ‘flu at Murrumburrah,” The young witness, (NSW, 27 June 1919), 2.

84 See for example, “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 11 January 1919), 3.; “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 23 April 1919), 2.; “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 14 May 1919), 2.

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a free Sunday breakfast in June in response to increased needs in the town.85 The local Salvation Army informed Goldsmid that they were ready and willing to assist if needed during the epidemic.

There is a firsthand account of The Salvation Army’s notification and preparation to establish the emergency hospital. Salvationist Waters wrote to The war cry, On a memorable Sunday morning the S.O.S. call was heard, and the time for action had arrived.

During the previous twenty-four hours the deadly peril had laid its grip on our town, and the mayor and Government medical officer enquired of Ensign Hamilton whether we could staff and run an emergency hospital. It appeared a tremendous undertaking to commence, but the Ensign consulted with his local officers, and it was decided that we would do it. So on that Sunday, while our Salvation Sisters were carrying on an open-air and holiness meeting, a dozen or more male Salvationists could be seen, armed with brooms, scrubbers and fire hoses, wending their way to the old Public School, which had been chosen as the scene of operations.

What a task was the cleaning of these neglected and discarded buildings; but the comrades did their work wholeheartedly, and they were pronounced by the doctor as clean and fit for hospital wards.

Soon motor lorries began arriving with great stacks of mattresses, bedding, blankets and pillows, and business commenced in earnest.

Everything was now ready, and the stricken persons commenced to arrive, and with them The Salvation Army League of Mercy Sisters, who were in constant attendance with the suffering.86

It would appear the “memorable Sunday” was Sunday 15 June. The information also appears to suggest that Hamilton gave only a general offer of assistance, not an offer to run an emergency hospital. Therefore, it was not until the Influenza Administrative Committee met on Friday 13 June that it was agreed for Goldsmid to approach The Salvation Army about running the emergency hospital. If this was the case, it is a surprise to see how quickly the emergency hospital was in operation. It was good to see the Army officer first met with the local leadership of the corps before deciding to accept the “tremendous undertaking”. Of interest is that evangelical work of the Army was not impacted by this social service which they were about to engage as the open-air and indoor meetings continued.

Some of the Murwillumbah Salvationists who would have assisted with the Emergency Hospital Bandsman Mapp, Corps-Cadet Mapp and Corps-Cadet Gladys Waters87 “Armidale and Army deeds,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 21 June 1919), 7.

[Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

87 A. Hamilton, “A trio from Murwillumbah,” The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 January 1919), 8.

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Former school buildings that became The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital88

Bruzgulis stated that the building used was “the ‘Cooking School’”; however, no documents cited for this paper suggested this name. All sources called the building the “Old School” or “Old Primary School”.89 There is also no indication it had been used as anything after the school left; Waters described the scene as, “these neglected and discarded buildings”, others inferred they were near derelict and had broken windows and a draft blowing through the structures.

The cleaning must have been a task as the school was erected in 1885, but by 1911 when enrolment numbers swelled to 285 students it became overcrowded. The school had been replaced by the ‘new public school’ in 1912 and remained empty until Salvationists arrived in 1919 to clean the building in preparation for The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital.

On the weekend The Salvation Army prepared the old school to become the emergency hospital, the effect of the influenza was increasing. Murwillumbah saw an average of fifty to sixty new daily cases of influenza.90 Individuals who contracted ’flu quickly succumbed to its symptoms.

Waters, the Salvationist who reported on the emergency hospital stated, “[a] brother who helped in the cleaning of the building was himself a patient next afternoon, while several other comrades followed him later.”91 The establishment of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital was formally announced in The Tweed daily on Monday 16 June 1919 and opened the same day.92 The Army had cleaned and prepared the old school for use as a hospital within 24 hours from being first requested. The Tweed district now had about 70 active cases of pneumonic influenza and so the Emergency Hospital was

88

Image courtesy the Tweed Regional Museum.

Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.

90 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 June 1919), 2.

91 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

92 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 June 1919), 2.

89

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quickly occupied. The report in The Tweed daily announcing the opening of the hospital included the following information, …Nine beds have been established in the main ward for men, and five of these were filled a few hours after the opening. In the ward for women one patient was admitted within the same time, and three beds had been set up. Nurse Markey, of the District Hospital, at present in charge of the emergency hospital, reports that there is still space available for a considerable number of beds, and that 50 stretchers received from the C.S.R., Condong, will be all used up in fitting the new wards in another section of the school building. Nurse Reid will be in charge during the day and the Salvation Army has undertaken to provide V.A.D.’s [League of Mercy workers] for the general work. Mrs. Hamilton, wife of Capt. Hamilton, of the Salvation Army, has volunteered her services as cook if the executive decide to establish a kitchen in connection with the hospital, and this is probable, as the stove and suitable out-house are already on the premises.93

The Tweed daily noted that the hospital was to be staffed by “Salvation Army V.A.D.’s. under the supervision of a trained nurse.”94 The stated “Salvation Army V.A.D.’s” is not completely accurate. At first it was staffed only by Salvationists working under the authorisation of the Government Medical Officer (G.M.O.), Goldsmid. A War cry reported, “[t]he Murwillumbah ‘Bethesda’95 is working with … twenty-eight patients, under the direction of the G.M.O., and manned by the League of Mercy, and other Salvation sisters.”96 The Salvation Army’s League of Mercy, …is a volunteer service made up of Salvation Army members of all ages who reach out to comfort the needy, patients in hospitals, seniors who are alone and people in shelters. The service also offers practical help in the daily lives of those who require support for physical and mental problems.97

Therefore, the League of Mercy was well designed for roles within the emergency hospital. However, Hamilton later reported that “the V.A.Ds. … came to our assistance when our own staff was stricken down, and helped to carry on until they were well enough for duty again.”98 The VAD offered their services in hospitals, especially through World War One. The VADs assisted in “menial but essential tasks - scrubbing floors, sweeping, dusting and cleaning bathrooms and other areas, dealing with bedpans, and washing patients” and therefore had a similar but higher profile than the League of Mercy.99 It was easy for non-Salvationists to get the two confused.

Salvationists were prepared to cater for all the needs of the patients except the medical, which was seen to by Nurse Markey and other visiting doctors and nurses. Yet the patients had barely rested their heads on their pillow before criticism had been laid upon the hospital, and The Salvation Army was dragged into the political storm raging about the location of the emergency hospital.

“Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 17 June 1919), 3.

“Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 16 June 1919), 2.

95 Bethesda was a name used by The Salvation Army for several of its hospitals. The name is biblical, from the Pool of Bethesda in Jerusalem known for miraculously healing as seen in John 5.

96 “The epidemic at Murwillumbah, N.S.W.,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 August 1919), 2.

97 “The League of Mercy/Community Care Ministries,” The new frontier chronicle, (America, 11 October 2006), ¶1, https://www.newfrontierchronicle.org/the-league-of-mercycommunity-care-ministries/ accessed 28 July 2020.

98 A. Hamil[t]on, “Open column,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 July 1919), 2.

99 Anon, “Voluntary Aid Detachments,” (Australian War Memorial, 2 December 2019), ¶1, https://www.awm.gov.au/articles/encyclopedia/vad accessed 28 July 2020.

93 94

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The pen is mightier than the sword McEvoy put ink to paper and wrote a scathing letter against The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital to the editor of The Tweed daily. The letter made it clear that McEvoy was still angry that his idea of using the new school as the emergency hospital was not carried through. As with many letters written in anger, it failed to note the author’s biases and failings. The letter failed to show it was his action of removing influenza cases from the grounds of the District Hospital that partly necessitated the need for an emergency hospital; it failed to list the unnecessary disruptions closing the new school would cause; it failed to discuss the additional costs to the community his decisions were having; and it failed to highlight where he was incorrect.

McEvoy’s letter was incorrect in a few areas. The letter gave the wrong commencement date of the Influenza Administrative Committee; he missed the date by about three months. McEvoy inferred that no plans had been put in place to house the influenza cases, so the general ward of the District Hospital needed to take infectious patients; yet this was the plan, after which additional patients would be housed elsewhere. He also claimed that at the meeting where it was decided to open the emergency hospital in the old school, “[a]t the same time it was decided to open the new school”;100 yet this was clearly not decided upon.

McEvoy then attacked The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital and the volunteers, he wrote, The old school is at present occupied by about 11 males in one room, sleeping neck to neck in a vile atmosphere, but at the same time pervaded by draught and lighted by one hurricane lamp. To staff the [emergency] hospital it is necessary to use the services of Nurses Markey and Reid, of the General [District] Hospital. In spite of the fact that these nurses are used, the isolation [emergency] hospital (to-night, Tuesday), is staffed by girls who are all V.A.D.s [League of Mercy], who are unable to take a temperature or make a poultice. The taking away from [District] hospital of Nurses Markey and Reid means that to-night (Tuesday), the general ward of the General [District] hospital, with about thirteen patients, is without a nurse in charge…101

McEvoy concluded his letter by again reiterating that his idea to house the emergency hospital at the new school would have been superior and would not have created the staffing issues. He called the current arrangement, “a public scandal” that “a public meeting should deal with without delay.”102 Goldsmid had already pointed out that using the larger new school would have led to the need of more staff than the old school. McEvoy believed the smaller old school did not have enough staff, however claimed his idea would have seen “staff of at least eleven” and the district hospital “would also be adequately staffed for normal work”.103 From where the additional staff would materialise he did not say; either he made a deal with District Hospital staff, or perhaps he was delusional with anger.

McEvoy’s letter led to a public meeting, but not the outcome for which he hoped. A meeting of the Influenza Administrative Committee was called, specifically to deal with McEvoy’s letter “dealing with the Salvation Army emergency hospital.” Goldsmid declared, “[h]e considered it was a slur on himself and the Salvation Army.” Goldsmid went through McEvoy’s letter to outline each statement that was incorrect. Goldsmid continued,

J.J.S. McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 18 June 1919), 2.

McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” 2.

102 McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” 2.

103 McEvoy, “Is it a scandal,” 2.

100 101

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He had gone to the emergency hospital that morning and asked each patient for complaints and in each case they had said no. This pulling to pieces of the work done by the Army, and throwing dirt at the workers was scandalous. … The wards in the school Dr. Goldsmid continued were in excellent rooms and he recommended that the committee go up there and make an examination….

He thought that the Army was deserving of every thanks of the committee for their assistance.104

McEvoy tried to defend his letter and continued to attack Goldsmid, who it appeared was the centre of McEvoy and other’s persecution. McEvoy did not wish to tackle The Salvation Army, even attempting to use his alleged support for the Army against Goldsmid. McEvoy stated, … he in no way wished to cast any slur on the Army. He gave the Army every credit for the work already done, and to substantiate his opinion of their work he had made them a donation of £5 for its furtherance, an example which he hoped Dr. Goldsmid would follow.

It was clear that while McEvoy wished to criticise, he was not prepared to do the work associated with the epidemic. It was revealed that while Goldsmid was away from Murwillumbah, McEvoy acted in his position and failed to do any of the necessary preparations for the coming pneumonic influenza epidemic. To this McEvoy stated, “he was not after that kind of advertisement”; yet, it was likely McEvoy acted as he had done in Goodna and focused on his own practice. Rev Lomas, the minister of the Church of England and member of the District Hospital Committee, joined McEvoy’s attack on Goldsmid and stated that Goldsmid had caused the disgraceful conditions of a patient in the District Hospital. Goldsmid rightly pointed out that this was the responsibility of the District Hospital Committee. Lomas and McEvoy continued to attack Goldsmid, so Goldsmid called for an “expression of confidence from the committee.” At this, McEvoy left the meeting. Lomas displayed some inter-faith jealousy and demanded that the committee scrutinise The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital and attempted to make a motion. Mr Trevitt and Mr Proudfoot moved a different motion, “That in connection with the emergency hospital Dr. Goldsmid had done his best in the circumstances” and this was carried. After other business, Lomas again attempted to get a motion passed that three men be appointed to examine The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital; although the motion was seconded, there were not three persons present willing to form the committee. The motion was again dropped. There appeared to be more people for Goldsmid and The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital than against them.

There was another who raced to write a letter to criticise The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital. Unlike McEvoy this author hid behind the false name “X”. “X” questioned who and what made up the Murwillumbah Influenza Administration Committee. Then argued that the committee had “handicapped” the District Hospital. “X” let it be known that the Matron was on holiday and as other nurses attended to “the alleged emergency hospital”, it had stripped the District Hospital of the expertise needed. The poor state of the building was also explored in the letter. “X” wrote, …the emergency hospital! Good Lord; have you visited it, sir. I understand that fresh air is a necessary adjunct to the treatment of influenza, but here, at the treatment of influenza sanatorium on the hill, the wind whistles through broken windows to an extent that is (From a layman’s point of view) most alarming. Are we influenza-stricken of Murwillumbah and district having arrangements carried out to our best advantage? Will someone tell me whether I am unduly scared or not?105

104 105

“Local administration Committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 19 June 1919), 3.

X, “Emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 18 June 1919), 3.

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It could have been surmised that the opponents of Goldsmid were at play here. One of the first questions “X” should have asked was why the District Hospital Committee allowed the matron to go on holiday during an epidemic. This question was however not asked in any of the correspondence nor in the following meetings.

First to respond to “X” was in a letter to the editor of The Tweed daily by Salvationist Waters.

Waters dealt with the letters from both “X” and McEvoy. Clearly, £5 could not pay off the Salvationists. Waters called the two letters “very facetious, if not sarcastic.”106 Then Waters set to put the public right, I simply wish firstly, to place before the public the position of the Salvation Army in regard to the emergency hospital. We are there, simply to do as we are told, from instructions of the Government Medical Officer, or the nurse in charge… Secondly, from a citizens point of view, when any public body take up work for community good, they, or their work, must be prepared for misrepresentation at the hands of someone. In this case misrepresentations are considerable.107

Waters outlined and then corrected each of the misrepresentations made by both McEvoy and “X”. Waters noted that The Salvation Army had also sent for another qualified nurse who would be arriving in Murwillumbah soon after the letter was written. Finally, he made the observation, “Seeing Dr. McEvoy has sent patients to the emergency hospital, surely he is not consistent to his views as expressed, or why did he send his patients to a place unsuitable.”108 Another letter written by “Digger”, also set out to correct the assumptions made by “X”. The letter not only put forward facts about the building, to show it was fit for service, but also attacked “X”. Digger wrote, “[n]o doubt Mr. ‘X’ is one of the far too numerous so-called citizens who are always only too ready to burst forth and criticise the work of others, and in this particular case, the noble work of the Salvation Army.”109 It was clear that The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital’s premises were fit for purpose and even if they were not, the service the Army gave to Murwillumbah meant the citizens were better catered for than other locations. In Tweed Heads those affected with the influenza needed to remain at home and school boys were organised to patrol the town, and emergency kitchens organised food for entire households that were effected.110 Boy Scouts were used in places to deliver food to homes and Tyalgum could not secure enough V.A.D.s to run an emergency hospital.111 Running of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital By 21 June 1919, it was claimed that 50% of the population of Murwillumbah had become victims of the ‘flu and “several deaths have occurred there in the past few days.” 112 Two days later it was reported The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital had 23 patients and ironically, the minister of All Saints Church, Rev Lomas had to cancel his services as he had come down with influenza. Some more superstitious may have thought it was something of a recompense for the way he had treated Goldsmid and The Salvation Army’s efforts at the emergency hospital.113 Walter R. Waters, “To the editor,” (Murwillumbah, Thursday 19 June 1919), 3.

Waters, “To the editor,” 3.

108 Waters, “To the editor,” 3.

109 Digger, “To the editor,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 20 June 1919), 3.

110 “The ‘influenza’ position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 18 June 1919), 2.

111 “The Tyalgum position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 23 May 1919), 3.

112 The Grafton argus and Clarence River general advertiser, (NSW, Wednesday 25 June 1919), 3.

113 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 June 1919), 3.

106 107

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Although illness and death were around The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, there were times of good humour. It was recorded that a youth presented themselves to the Emergency Hospital and the story continued, “The nurse asked him, “Have you got pyjamas?”

“No, doctor,” said he, “I’ve got the ‘flu’!” 114 But it was stated, “This youth has reason to bless God, and the willing staff, for the care and attention that pulled him through.”115

On Tuesday 24 June, Goldsmid announced that no more influenza cases were to enter The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital. It appeared the emergency hospital had reached its limit with 28 patients. The influenza was still spreading in Murwillumbah and several shops and the bank were still closed on account of staff being unwell.116

Notice of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital no longer receiving patients117

The arrangements announced on Tuesday 24 June remained in place until Friday 27 June when Goldsmid changed the process of receiving influenza cases. There must have been some strong political wrangling, or the NSW Government pulled rank on the local situation; Goldsmid had “been given control of both hospitals.” He hoped to “relieve the strain on the respective nursing staffs by alternately diverting the stream of ’flu patients from one hospital to the other.”118 Goldsmid’s control over both The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital as well as the District Hospital must have infuriated the District Hospital Committee and McEvoy. On 27 June Goldsmid reopened The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital to influenza patients, with the surprising development; it was given the title of “the No. 1 Emergency Hospital”.119 Why it became “No. 1” is not clear. Could it have been as a recognition for service and willingness to assist in the town’s hour of need? The District Hospital would have been left with the No. 2 spot, although this was not cited in the newspapers. There had clearly been resistance at the District Hospital to receive any influenza patients and later it was discovered that if tents had have been erected in the grounds, to house additional patients, the doctors planned to refuse to work in them.120 To add insult to injury Goldsmid, now in [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

[Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8. A similar account appeared in “News summary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 20 June 1919), 7.

116 “In the district,” The northern star, (Lismore, Friday 27 June 1919), 5.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 25 June 1919), 3.

117 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 24 June 1919), 3.

118 “The hospitals,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.

119 “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 3.

120 “District hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday20 June 1919), 2.

114 115

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charge of both hospitals, had doctors from the District Hospital work at The Salvation Army No.1 Emergency Hospital; the doctors included none other than McEvoy.121

Advertisement notifying influenza cases to go to The Salvation Army No. 1 Emergency Hospital122

On Tuesday 1 July, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital admitted one influenza patient and discharged two with the total of 30 patients in the ward.123 It is clear the pneumonic influenza was still impacting the town and even the emergency hospital. The emergency hospital was full and the Nurse, “Miss Argue (who, with Miss White, had charge of the hospital last week) is herself now laid up with influenza.”124 On Friday 4 July, five patients were discharged and with no new admissions the hospital had 25 patients. The same day however Murwillumbah recorded 55 new cases of infection.125 A special meeting of the Murwillumbah Pneumonic Influenza Administrative Committee was also called on Friday 4 July. However, the lack of attendance due to the number of people unwell in the town meant the meeting could not be held ‘officially’, as there was no quorum. The meeting was to discuss the finances of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital. As explained by Goldsmid on several occasions, the government would not fully fund the hospital and therefore it was now running almost exclusively on donations. To this The Tweed daily lamented the lack of funds was “an embarrassing situation”. Hamilton described some of the issues informally with the few people who were able to attend and a solution was discussed.126 As the discussions were informal, no information was recorded and therefore we cannot know what the solution was to the situation. Something must have been agreed to as the emergency hospital continued to function, and bills were paid.

On Tuesday 8 July, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital admitted one new patient and discharged two with 26 remaining.127 The following day, Wednesday 9 July, six were discharged with 20 remaining, but 32 new cases were announced in the town.128 It is clear that the emergency hospital was a real medical facility and not just a ‘lying in hospital’ for people slightly unwell. Not all patients who contracted the influenza were admitted to hospital. On Thursday 10 July, two more patients were discharged leaving 18 people in the emergency hospital.129

“Return thanks,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July 1919), 2.

“Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 3.

123 “Emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July 1919), 3.

124 “The ’flu,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 3 July 1919), 2.

125 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 7.

126 “Administrative committee,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 7.

127 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 9 July 1919), 3.

128 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 10 July 1919), 3.

129 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 11 July 1919), 3.

121 122

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Supporting The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital did not exist in a vacuum and as the government did not fully subsidise the hospital, The Salvation Army needed to partner with others to fulfil its ministry.

Such support was not a given, as already stated, other towns could not muster up enough volunteers to sustain an emergency hospital; “the appeal for help from V.A.D. members and others willing to assist fell on deaf ears”130 In Murwillumbah, the Army was supported by a variety of groups from the community. Under the direction of Goldsmid, medical staff of both doctors and nurses visited and organised the clinical side of the emergency hospital. As Salvationists became unwell, members of the VAD filled the roles of the League of Mercy and Boy Scouts acted as orderlies.131 The general public too assisted; when the Army requested that oranges and lemons and old linen be donated to the hospital, individuals answered the call.132 Name

Items donated

Mrs Young, Mrs McDonohue, Mrs Norton, Mr J. Eggs Flannery, Mrs V. M. Boxsell Mrs Harris, Mr Grant

Poultry

Mr John Brown, Mr Bryant, Mr Gill, A McGregor, Mrs Norton, Red Cross, Mr J. Flannery, Mr Quirk, A. J. Carter, Mrs Buttenshow, Mrs McDiarmid, Oranges and lemons Franks Bros., Mrs Wright, A. Willis. Mrs V. Gibson, J. Mills, Mrs V. M. Boxsell, Mrs G. Mann, Mrs White, Mrs O’Neill Mrs Eglington, Miss Jay, Mrs Johnson, Mrs J. Linen Storman, ‘A friend’, Mrs Owens, Mrs White Mrs F. O’Shea, Mrs Holston, Mrs O’Shea, Mr O. Groceries Ore, Mr P.S. Harry G. C. Keppie, X.Y.Z., Mrs C., Mr H. Sherwood, Mrs Cash Raphael, F.C. Wulff, Soldier Friend Red Cross

Collect old linen if needed

Miss Johns

Towels

Mrs D. Campbell, Mrs Burch, H. E. Hartmann

Jelly

Red Cross

Pyjamas

Mrs Went

Flowers

F. Nobbs

Tin kerosene

Mrs Plummer

Soap and soda

Mr J. A. Jay, Mr Jay, Mr Higgins. Mrs Benson, Mrs Fish & meat Murray, P. C. Smith, L. Griffin, J. Went, L/ White Mr Eglinton

Milk

“The Tyalgum position,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 23 May 1919), 3.

“To close,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 8 July 1919), 2.

132 “Oranges and lemons,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 17 June 1919), 3.; “Old linen urgently needed,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 30 June 1919), 2.

130 131

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Mrs Jeffries, Mrs G. Mann

Jam and Junket

Mr and Mrs Waters

Fruit cake

Mr. England

Wood Table: List of gifts to The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital133

Of the donations from the community, Salvationist Waters wrote, The public appreciated The Army’s effort greatly, and many cheques up to £5 were received to carry on the work. Bags of oranges and lemons, dressed poultry, cases of groceries, and all kinds of dainties were sent along in plenteous supplies.134

The events of 4 July clearly indicated that without the help and donations from medical professionals, community organisations and the public, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital could not have continued.

The ending of “four long, dark weeks” 135 A meeting of the Murwillumbah Influenza Administrative Committee was held on Friday afternoon 11 July. As the epidemic was wearing itself out, Goldsmid believed the District Hospital could now carry the patient load and recommended that The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital be closed, “after the cases at present being treated have recovered. No fresh cases will now be admitted.”136 Despite the downturn in cases The daily examiner from Grafton incorrectly reported the pneumonic influenza was “still holding sway at Murwillumbah” and there was talk of opening a second emergency hospital in the School of Arts. To curb the number of infected people going to The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital several hotels and several private homes were quarantined to keep patients indoors.137 The story was picked up and carried in other regional newspapers, much to the amusement of The Tweed daily which stated, “The paragraph evidently refers to another town as it does not apply in one particular to Murwillumbah, where the ’flu is now practically non-existent.”138 The article was clearly about the events in Mullumbimby not Murwillumbah and showed a lack of fact checking.

On Saturday 12 July, due to the decline in severe cases, The Tweed daily announced that no future influenza cases would be admitted to The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital.

Information from “Red Cross,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 3 February 1919), 2.; “Red Cross kitchen,” Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, 19 June 1919), 3.; “The Red Cross kitchen,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 21 June 1919), 4.; “Red Cross Emergency Kitchen,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 25 June 1919), 3.; “Salvation Army Emergency Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.; “Epidemic in Australia,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.; “Donations to emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 1 July 1919), 2.; “Emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July 1919), 3.; “Salvation Army Emergency Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 7.

134 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

135 The description of the time by one of the Salvationists. [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

136 “Closing the emergency hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 12 July 1919), 4.

137 “Murwillumbah,” The daily examiner, (Grafton, Monday, 14 July 1919), 2.

138 “Miscellaneous,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 15 July 1919), 2.

133

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The notification effectively announcing the closure of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital139

On the last Sunday of operation, Sunday 13 July, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital opened to the local corps who focused on the spiritual health of the remaining patients. Waters wrote about this Sunday, On the final Sunday afternoon the Band and comrades (to the number of thirty-five) held a short open-air meeting at the Tweed District Hospital, and then, proceeding to The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, held another rousing outdoor meeting. Three sisters came from the wards and sang, “I Must Have the Saviour With Me,” and “Life’s Morn Will Soon Be Waning,” and so the salvation message, in all its beauty, rang out clearly. 140

Ensign and Mrs Hamilton, Doctors, Nurses and Salvation Army comrades who assisted in the Murwillumbah Emergency Hospital141

Throughout the weekend, several patients had left the emergency hospital, and on Monday 14 July, two more were discharged. Only six infected patients were still recuperating in the hospital.142 Tuesday 15 July saw two additional patients discharged; one was transferred to the District Hospital and the three remaining patients were discharged on Wednesday 16 July, thus ending the need for The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital.143 The Salvation Army officer, Hamilton wrote to the editor of The Tweed daily, “Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 12 July 1919), 5.

[Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

141 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

142 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 15 July 1919), 5.

143 “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 16 July 1919), 3.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 July 1919), 2.

139 140

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Sir, - Now that the influenza epidemic has passed over and the emergency hospital closed to-day, would you kindly grant me a little of your valuable space to thank all friends who unceasingly sent along from time to time such valuable gifts which were very much appreciated by the inmates, also our sincere gratitude to the V.A.Ds., who came to our assistance when our own staff was stricken down, and helped to carry on until they were well enough for duty again. Also the doctors and Nurses Markey, Furby, McEwan, Pass and Reid, who rendered unceasing attention to over 80 patients who passed through the insitution [sic]. – Yours, etc., A. HAMILON [sic], Ensign Salvation Army144

The Murwillumbah Influenza Administration Committee also prepared to fold and the secretary, John D. Kay requested that all who needed to claim finances or settle accounts needed to do so before 2 August 1919.145 The head nurse of the emergency hospital, Nurse Markey left Murwillumbah in November after assisting at both The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital and Mullumbimby Emergency Hospital. She was to go to West Australia for a holiday before going to Queensland. “The value of Nurse Markey’s assistance during the recent influenza epidemic cannot be overestimated. With no thought of self, she worked untiringly to relieve pain and give comfort to those who were distressed. Her work will long be remembered by the people of Murwillumbah and Mullumbimby.”146 Evaluation of the work Soon after the event, both hospitals in Murwillumbah had some reviews written about the work undertaken during the pneumonic influenza epidemic.

While initially aggressively opposed to taking influenza patients, the District Hospital gave some evaluation of the nurses and assistance given through the epidemic. The report on the District Hospital stated, The strain upon the Nursing Staff during the past year has been exceptionally severe; in fact, in no previous period of the Hospital has there been such an experience. The Nurses themselves have not only had a full year of work, but during the period of the influenza epidemic they carried on under most difficult conditions. They met the demand with an unflinching sense of duty, however, and carried out cheerfully the work which was allotted to them, with our any regard to their own risk and hardship. The whole of the Nursing Staff was detailed for special services in connection with the epidemic, and all, with one exception, were in this manner infected with the disease. The Committee highly appreciates the loyalty and the sense of duty of the staff throughout …

We also wish to record the high appreciation felt at the encouraging response made by V.A.D.’s during the epidemic. The full list of the names of those who responded would be too great for publication in the report, and it is hoped that this general statement will be accepted by each V.A.D. as a personal reference to herself.147

While the report stated that the workload saw two nurses resign: Miss A. F. See, the Matron and Miss Kennedy, the head nurse; it failed to investigate several relationships and weaknesses of the District Hospital or its committee. The report contained no information about The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital and its relationship to the District Hospital; such an evaluation could have A. Hamil[t]on, “Open column,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 17 July 1919), 2.

“Advertising,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Tuesday 29 August 1919), 3.

146 “Farewell service,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 1 November 1919), 4.

147 “Tweed District Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 7 February 1920), 7.

144 145

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assisted the District Hospital to better understand connections with outside agencies and developed relationships with allied health organisations. There were no discussions on the committee’s approval of the Matron’s holiday during an epidemic, which could have investigated the mismanagement of staff by the committee. There was no discussion on why the District Hospital refused to take influenza patients and its doctors refused to work in tents during the epidemic;148 such an investigation may have shown biases and low levels of apathy of the hospital staff and committee members. The report praised the efforts of the staff for working through the epidemic but failed to state that much of this needed to be forced on them by the Government’s Medical Officer, Goldsmid. A fuller investigation may have shown individual biases of committee members such as Eyles against people outside of Murwillumbah; and self-protective behaviours of doctors such as McEvoy who previously put his private practice above his civic responsibility.

The Salvation Army’s report too was somewhat self-promoting. Starting from its title, “The Army’s Noble Enterprise”, there is little evidence of deeper evaluation of methods of practice.149 The report in part stated, What a lot could be said about the way these [Salvation Army] sisters tackled the problem of ministering to the stricken souls, and with what brave hearts they fulfilled their duties, unpleasant though some of them were.

Wonderful were the opportunities that presented themselves, in comforting the sick, and tending the dying, and great was the influence shed abroad by our comrades…

And so through four long, dark weeks this work was carried on, every comrade of the Corps assisting in some way or another. When the night of gloom had passed we could look back upon the glorious achievement of eighty persons nursed and cared for, and only four deaths. Those who succumbed were practically hopeless cases when admitted to the institution.150

The evaluation of The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital by the Army itself was not full of facts, but full of faith and of course glowing. Some faith actions were listed such as, “Shall we wear masks?” asked one sister. “No!” replied another. “Have faith in God!” One sister wavering, donned a mask, and fell a victim to the epidemic.151

What the report did not state was that influenza impacted the Salvationists to such an extent that the V.A.D.s and Boy Scouts were needed to replace Salvationists who became unwell. The report also failed to discuss the opposition to the emergency hospital faced from Lomas or McEvoy. This is unusual as The Salvation Army was familiar with such persecution and usually highlighted such adversity. It also failed to evaluate the service delivered or feedback from the patients.

One area that was included that has not been discussed by other historians were the number of deaths in The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital. It must be stated however that there were difficulties in recording deaths. In the North Coast Health Division of NSW, of which Murwillumbah is a part, there were together 225 or 229 deaths.152 Also, although Waters wrote of 80 persons nursed and four deaths; Bruzgulis claimed The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital had 84 nursed and no deaths, although Bruzgulis’s paper did state that Gertrude Gottle died “at the emergency hospital”.153 Bruzgulis found that as elsewhere the official records of number of deaths are under-reported.154 “District hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday20 June 1919), 2.

[Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

150 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

151 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

152 Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.; Bruzgulis, “The 1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.

153 Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 1.

154 Bruzgulis, “1919 Influenza Pandemic,” 3, 5.

148 149

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Waters could have been more correct than Bruzgulis as Waters was at the emergency hospital and also The Tweed daily contained five obituaries that listed the person who died in an “emergency hospital”; Mr T. Denison, Mr J. F. Kachler, Mr J. F. Kaehler, Miss Gertrude Gottle, and Mr Denson.

However they failed to state which emergency hospital; one or more could have died in Uki’s emergency hospital for example.155 Another supported statement was that The Salvation Army benefited from the work of its emergency hospital. Brigadier Orames, the Divisional Commander of The Salvation Army Armidale Division wrote, The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital “has been a god-send to many. The medical men made good use of it, and, while it meant a big strain on Mrs Hamilton and the women-workers of the Corps, it has raised The Army in the prestige of all.”156 During the first week of running the emergency hospital the officers collected about £500 for the new citadel that was planned to be built in Murwillumbah. In the open-air meeting on the final Sunday another £2 was collected for the new building. In addition to this, Hamilton had secured the support of the returned soldiers who promised to run a “Salvation Army Day” to raise more funds for the new hall.157 The brick citadel and young peoples’ hall was opened in 1920 from the support of the local people. The Mayoress of the town opened the citadel in the presence of Salvation Army officers from Divisional Headquarters Brigadier Orames, Adjutant Atkins, Corps officers’ Ensigns and Mrs Hamilton and local Salvationists.158 Although no longer belonging to The Salvation Army, the hall still stands today.

The former Salvation Army Citadel in Murwillumbah, 2016159

The epidemic and the community’s response also impacted individuals. The additional work of running The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital placed strain on Hamilton. Throughout October and November 1919 there were notices that Hamilton became unwell.160 The relationship between Goldsmid and McEvoy was reconciled, in 1927 when Goldsmid left Murwillumbah, McEvoy was one of many who “expressed admiration for the doctor and appreciation of the part he had played in public affairs.”161 To this Goldsmid admitted, “in his long sojourn on the Tweed he has taken part in “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 June 1919), 2.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 25 June 1919), 3.; “Return thanks,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 2 July 1919), 2.; “Pneumonic influenza,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 4 July 1919), 2.; “Return thanks,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Saturday 5 July 1919), 4.

156 “The epidemic at Murwillumbah, N.S.W.,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 August 1919), 2.

157 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

158 W. R. W. [Waters], “New hall at Murwillumbah,” The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 29 May 1919), 6.

159 Photograph courtesy of Google maps https://www.google.com.au/maps/@28.3262056,153.3993033,3a,75y,1.44h,101.13t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1sD58kQZ1RYDr4Oamx3VpGcw!2e0!7i13312!8 i6656 accessed 4 August 2020.

160 “The commissioner at Lismore,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 18 October 1919), 4.; “Murwillumbah and Lismore visited,” The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 November 1919), 5.

161 “Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 May 1927), 2.

155

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many public functions and controversies. In all such he had never exhibited any personal bitterness, but had always attacked principles, not individuals.” 162 Of the remaining narrative of the 1918 – 1920 pneumonic influenza epidemic, by 10 July 1919 Murwillumbah and others centres such as Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, Grafton, and Lismore were reporting a decrease in cases. All areas acted independently as the numbers of cases in Casino and Mullumbimby did increase for a time.163 It wasn’t until almost the end of 1919 that the epidemic ran itself out and Australia became free of the scourge that claimed many lives.164 There were concerns in 1920 of another epidemic as pneumonic influenza cases reoccurred.165 The Tweed region still had deaths from the strain into 1929, but thankfully these did not have the impact of the 1919 season.166 The Salvation Army report concluded with a good statement for Salvationists, even relevant for the current COVID-19 international crises, “Comrades, when the need arises, do something for God and The Army that will help dying souls for time and eternity.”167 This was the aim of Salvationists who worked in The Murwillumbah Salvation Army Emergency Hospital, a work which received appreciation from the people of the town.

An advertisement to acknowledge donations received for The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital168

“Dr. Goldsmid,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Monday 23 May 1927), 2.

“Pneumonic Influenza,” The Mullumbimby star, (NSW, Thursday 10 July 1919), 2.

164 “Looking back: Killer flu halts all business,” Tweed daily news, (13 November 2013).

165 “Statement by Minister for Health,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Wednesday 11 February 1920), 3.

166 See for example the passing of Samuel Ernest Shambrook. “Obituary,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Thursday 29 July 1914), 4.

167 [Waters], “The influenza epidemic at Murwillumbah,” 8.

168 “The Salvation Army Emergency Hospital,” The Tweed daily, (Murwillumbah, Friday 27 June 1919), 2.

162 163

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Lindsay Cox with a bi-unial projector1

1

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 48

THE SALVATION ARMY AND THE MAGIC LANTERN IN AUSTRALIA Lindsay Cox Dr. Elizabeth Hartrick, of the School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, The University of Melbourne evaluated The Salvation Army’s Limelight Department in the following manner, The Limelight Department reached and influenced a wider audience, geographically and socially than any other contemporary lantern practice in the Australasian colonies could.2

In 1891 The Salvation Army mounted an advertising campaign using a magic lantern to project images on glass slides promoting General William Booth’s first visit to Australia. This promotion was conceived after Major Alfred Barritt’s inspection of the Ballarat Prison-Gate Brigade Home earlier in 1891 where he witnessed Captain Joseph Perry’s successful use of lantern shows in fundraising, using commercially available slides supplemented by Perry’s own productions.

William Booth on a glass slide to promote his first visit to Australia3

The success of the lantern promotion of Booth’s tour led to the establishment of the Limelight Brigade in Melbourne. Barritt was in charge and Perry was lanternist and photographer, with StaffCaptain John Hendy assisting. The Brigade’s name was derived from the light source for the lantern, ie, limelight. Lantern and glass slide technology was at its zenith at that time, having been widely used since the 1840s in entertainment and education, and continuing in use, albeit decreasingly so, into the 1950s.

Reference citation of this paper; Lindsay Cox, “The Salvation Army and the magic lantern in Australia”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 48 – 61.

2 Elizabeth Hartrick, “Consuming illusions: The magic lantern in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand 1850-1910,” (PhD Thesis, The University of Melbourne, 2003), 15.

3 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

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The Limelight Brigade’s first public exhibition was on Boxing Night 1891 at South Melbourne with Commissioner Thomas Coombs introducing a series of slide-portraits of well-known officers, including slides produced locally by Perry. Imported slides from the Darkest England lecture set followed, and then a song accompanied by the Guards Band as lantern-slides displayed the words across the screen. The tone became more sombre when slides of the late Catherine Booth lit up the screen. The final sequence was a sermon whilst the screen was lit by “a beautiful representative of the thorn-crowned head of our Redeemer.”4

“The thorn-crown head of our Redeemer”5

The Limelight Brigade’s successful launch was immediately followed by the Brigade travelling to Sydney to present a Darkest England limelight demonstration on New Year’s night. Following on from tours to Queensland, Victoria and South Australia, Barritt reported that he and Perry had given 43 exhibitions, and said, The limelight exhibition is fully justifying its inauguration, and the Commissioner’s prophecy, that it should be made a means of not only educating and instructing the people, but also of getting souls converted, is being fulfilled.6

The Limelight Brigade used imported slide sets illustrating moral and sentimental melodramas.

Although portrayed in typically English settings, these heart-tugging melodramas were popularly received by Australasian audiences and worked well in promoting The Salvation Army’s social cause.

An occasional slide produced by Perry augmented the narrative.

A substantial collection of commercially available hymn and song slides ensured that an important criterion of every Salvation Army gathering was met, and every Limelight presentation included singing and always concluded with a song. The services of local Salvation Army music sections were harnessed at each tour destination, and Limelight Brigade performances often bettered the best contemporary commercial operators. Hartrick noted, 4

The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 January 1892), 6.

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

6 The war cry, (Melbourne, 13 February 1892), 13.

5

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Their repertoire not only matched contemporary popular exhibitors of the early 1890s in content and technology, they also rivaled them in the level of supporting acts and orchestration.7

The Limelight Brigade’s inventory in 1892 included a bi-unial lantern projector and the associated limelight generating plant, a 22-feet square canvas screen and 400 glass slides. These included the Darkest England scheme, scenes from Pilgrim’s progress, and the Life of Christ, portraits of leading Salvation Army officers, and simple melodramas such as The road to heaven and Neddy’s care. A report in All the world showed Perry’s versatility and creativity, Captain Perry’s practical acquaintance with the photographic art enables him to add to these slides from time to time, and occasionally, in the towns visited, local views are taken and reproduced, as circumstances permit, on the canvas at night.8

Barritt received marching orders for England in July 1893, and as Staff-Captain Hendy had previously returned to headquarters duties, Perry became head of limelight operations, where he remained until the Limelight Department’s closure 16 years later.

For the next three years the Limelight Brigade consisted of Perry and his wife, plus some 300 kilos of lantern projector, slides and associated equipment, …journeyed something like 29,057 miles. Of these 21,839 had been negotiated by rail, 6,074 by water and 1,144 by coach, cart or horseback. Including junior meetings, 522 exhibitions have been held, at which some 469 souls have been saved, and the nett proceeds to the war have been something like 1,784 Pounds.9

In April 1894, The Limelight Brigade previewed its first production of a narrative slide set, entitled A daughter of Ishmael. It was the story of Maggie O’Donoghue, a young Irish woman jilted by her fiancé, who followed him to Australia to be again rejected, which led her to drunkenness and prostitution, and finally to murder. After 14 years in prison Maggie was released into The Salvation Army’s care and spent her remaining years at the Brunswick Rescue Home giving assistance to young women in moral dilemma.

O’Donoghue’s testimony was published in Melbourne under the title of A daughter of Ishmael.

It became an Army best seller, reaching 15 reprints, and Perry’s astute choice of this subject for his first narrative lantern slide set all but guaranteed success. Of the staged settings, Full salvation reported, The necessary groups and surroundings were arranged by Captain Perry in person, the scenery was painted by one of our own artists, and the Captain himself photographed the live models...10

Hartrick, “Consuming illusions”, 203.

All the world, (1 June 1892), 189-192.

9 Full salvation, (1 September 1894), 290-295.

10 Full salvation, (1 April 1894), 36.

7 8

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The cover of the book A daughter of Ishmael11

A facsimile of a glass slide from A daughter of Ishmael12 Following the earlier preview, the official premier of A daughter of Ishmael was at the Prahran Barracks in June 1897. It was preceded on the night by another new, but shorter production entitled Are the colours safe?, based on a well-known poem by H. Beavan. The war cry reported on the event,

11 12

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

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The Barracks was crowded to the doors, and very genuine enthusiasm was displayed as the lifelike scenes from A Daughter of Ishmael were reproduced with such admirable fidelity on the great canvas stretching across the Barracks. … The colouring of the pictures is good, their arrangement admirable, and the grouping of the life models as perfect as they could be desired.13

Commandant Herbert Booth arrived in Australia as Territorial Commander in September 1896.

Booth was immediately impressed by the work of the Limelight Brigade and upgraded it to Department status. Booth also increased the number of Perry’s staff and acquired £1000 worth of new equipment, including three bi-unial lanterns, three kinematographs, six phonographs and three gramophones. A life-model studio was erected at the rear of the Bourke Street premises. “Life-model” is the term used where photographic images of real people staged on sets are used to illustrate the narrative.

The Limelight Department’s first major production was of 100 lantern slides to accompany Mrs Commandant Cornelie Booth’s illustrated lecture entitled The slums of the great cities, promoting the Army’s social work in Australasia. The success of Cornelie’s lecture led to her husband, Herbert Booth expanding the presentation to become The Commandant’s social lecture consisting of “200 limelight slides and 2,000 feet of kinematograph film.” 14 This mixed-media presentation was expanded into a two-and-a-half hour documentary lecture, renamed Social salvation, illustrating social premises and programmes at work and depicted by on-site actualities and staged studio vignettes. Cornelie, however, continued to present her original lecture until at least late 1901.

A glass slide from Social salvation15

13

The war cry, (Melbourne, 16 June 1894), 238.

The victory, (1 September 1901), 444.

15 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

14

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Two glass slides from Social salvation16

Towards the end of 1899, the Limelight Department produced the first of a series of narrative Biblical slide sets. Again The war cry outlined the description of the work produced, One of the latest is the story of the Prodigal, a new and up-to-date rendering of the old story of the prodigal son. The slides, forty in number, all from life models, were made under the Commandant’s personal directions, and the connective readings are also the fruits of the Commandant’s genius.17

Booth seized upon the success and popularity of the Army’s lantern and kinematograph lectures, conceiving and writing Soldiers of the cross.

Billed as “The Commandant’s soul-thrilling lecture,” Booth was asked how many slides would be in his forthcoming lecture, his response was reported in The war cry, Close to 200, and my pictures will be a work of art. My slides are not produced by artists other than the merest detail in the back-ground - they are all life-models. Everyone knows that no artist, even of the first type, can compete for a moment with the lens of the camera. I should say that not fewer than 150 characters have cheerfully lent their services for the production of these pictures.

In some of them there are as many as fifty characters at once. I have not been able to discover any such slides in the world.18

Premiering at the Melbourne Town Hall on 13 September 1900 to a paying audience of more than 2,000 people, Soldiers of the cross has become the best known of the Limelight Department’s productions. Some historians have made the extravagant claim that it is the world’s first feature film.19 By most definitions Soldiers of the cross is not a feature film, but an ingenious mix of motion picture, lantern slide, music from the Masses of Mozart, and oratory by Booth. Although usually touted as a film, in fact the film segments of Soldiers of the cross form less than one quarter of the whole twoand-a-half-hour presentation. The lengthy religious epic was an extraordinary achievement for its

Photographs courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

The war cry, (Melbourne, 27 January 1900), 7.

18 The war cry, (Melbourne, 18 August 1900), 9.

19 Eric Read, Australian silent films, (Melbourne, Australia: Lansdown Press, 1970), 15.

16 17

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time. It was a startling, stirring, and often brutal portrayal of the sufferings of the early Christian martyrs, with costumed actors photographed and filmed on elaborate sets.

The well known glass slide from Soldiers of the cross20

The following page shows six glass slides from Soldiers of the cross21

20 21

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

Photographs courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

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Soldiers of the cross commenced with an opening song and a prayer. Coloured lantern slides depicting the arrest and trial of Stephen filled the screen and were followed by depictions of ancient Rome, incidents in the life of Peter, the later life of Paul, and the massacre of Christians in the Catacombs. Next were the stories of three martyrs, Polycarp of Smyrna, Calepodius, and an anonymous martyr beaten to death after the mob broke down the door to his room. The lecture climaxed with Christians martyred in the Colosseum, followed by the tragic story of Perpetua, condemned to a violent death for refusing to deny Jesus. The finale left the audience with a vividly coloured image of Christ and the caption, “Will you also follow Christ”.

The final slide of Soldiers of the cross22

The following day the Herald newspaper reported: “The effects of the films and life-model pictures is greater than anything Dore ever produced, and the kinematograph portrayal of the martyrdom of St. Polycarp quite beggars Rubens’ marvellous picture.”23 Nearly four month’s after Soldiers of the cross premiered, on 1 January 1901, the Limelight Department documented on film, The inauguration of the Commonwealth. This commission from the New South Wales government was entirely film, more than 30 minutes long and five times the length of any earlier Australian film. It was the only major production of the Limelight Department not to feature slides.

The production arm of the Limelight Department was registered as the ‘Australasian Kinematographic Company’ on 26 January 1901 with the statement, “The Business of the Firm is all Articles of Kinematography, Photography, Optical Lantern Work and Slide making.”24 The successful gaining of Government film contracts, and the filming of popular actualities, has caused lantern slide production by the Limelight to be largely overlooked, and perhaps it was the less glamorous activity. However, whilst the Limelight Department was establishing itself as an important motion-picture pioneer, it was also producing lantern slides of the highest quality, and The

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

The victory, (1 June 1901), 228.

24 26 January 1901. Registration Of Firms Act 1892. Form B. 228 (9539).

22 23

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Salvation Army became “the only Australian organization to produce life-model slides on a scale approaching that of English manufacturers”.25

The registration document of the ‘Australasian Kinematographic Company’ signed by Herbert Booth26

Following Herbert Booth’s resignation from The Salvation Army in 1901, Commissioner Thomas McKie took charge and developed the Limelight Department as a successful business.

In July 1902 The war cry announced the release of narrative slide sets, Another Limelight Department Triumph - The slides, which have all been made and coloured by our own Limelight Department, from life models, represent a large number of Bible stories, such as the Widow of Nain, The Syrophenician Woman, The Deliverance of Peter from Prison, and many others. The slides are far ahead of anything we have ever seen in this line...27

Two glass slides from The Syrophenician Woman28 Hartrick, “Consuming illusions,” 205.

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum - Australia 27 The war cry, (Melbourne, 12 July 1902), 9.

28 Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

25 26

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In the same mixed-media format as Social salvation and Soldiers of the cross, on Monday 11 August 1902 the Limelight Department’s third extravaganza premiered at the Prahran Barracks; as reported in The war cry: Under Southern Skies is distinctly suggestive of Australia, and, indeed, the whole lecture is tinctured with a whiff of the wattle-blossom. It consists of a profusely-illustrated account of the history and progress of Australia, from the time when Tasman sailed his vessel close in to the unknown shore, and then passed on, deeming it too barren and forbidding to land, to the founding of the Commonwealth on January 1, 1901.29

Under southern skies entranced audiences for two hours with 35 motion picture segments and 200 slides. Some of the film footage was from The inauguration of the Commonwealth, and a number of the slides were from local actualities and travelogues.

A glass slide from Under southern skies, showing the moment after the signing of the documents for the declaration of the Australian Commonwealth30

Six years after Under southern skies the next Limelight Department epic hit the public screen.

Not that the Limelight Department had been idle, for many Government film contracts were serviced and also about 300 actualities, travelogues and documentaries were filmed during that time.

The narrative Biblical sets produced between 1899 and 1908 were usually between 12 and 24 slides, and about 20 sets are known to have been produced.31 On Tuesday 11 May 1909, Heroes of the cross premiered at the Melbourne Town Hall. The war cry reported: “The lecture which has just been completed at the Army’s Biograph Studios, vividly portrays scenes in the lives of heroes of the early Christian era.” 32 The war cry also included a description of the production,

29

The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 August 1902), 16.

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

31 1907 catalogue held in The Salvation Army Australia Museum, Melbourne.

32 The war cry, (Melbourne, 27 March 1909), 8.

30

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There are stirring scenes in Jerusalem, the stoning of Stephen, and other Scriptural scenes. Then we will show the thrilling tragedies of the arena in Rome, the arrest of the Apostle Peter, murder of Senator Julian, fights with gladiators, confronted by wild beasts.The drowning of Calapodus, the murder of the venerable Bishop Polycarp, and many others, such as the burning in Rome by Nero, and the Christians being thrown into the lime kilns, Hiding in the Catacombs, On the Rack, The Dice-throwers, Early Youth and Old age, The story of the Twins, etc., etc.33

A glass slide from Heroes of the cross34

Heroes of the cross was a remake of Soldiers of the cross, but with additional scenes and its own original musical score by Captain Robert MacAnally. It consisted of nearly 5,000 feet of motion picture film 35 (doubling that of Soldiers of the cross) and 230 lantern slides (similar inumber to Soldiers of the Cross, with approximately a quarter of the latter’s slides reused in the new production).

While Heroes of the cross was being filmed and photographed on elaborate sets in the Limelight Department’s new Biograph studios in the Melbourne suburb of Caulfield, another costumed epic was being produced mainly “on location” at Wildwood, near Clarkefield in the open Victorian countryside some 40 kilometres to the north-west of Melbourne.

The Limelight Department’s fifth, and final epic production was Scottish covenanters, the story of the brutal religious suppression of the Presbyterians by King James during the 17th century. Scottish covenanters previewed in Melbourne to an audience of Salvation Army officers in late May 1909. It was launched officially in New Zealand, but was never exhibited to the public in Australia, for soon after his arrival in September 1909, Commissioner James Hay ordered the Limelight Department to close.36

33

The war cry, (Melbourne, 10 April 1909), 10.

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

35 The war cry, (Melbourne, 10 April 1909), 8.

36 The war cry, (Melbourne, 20 April 1991), 3.

34

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Two glass slides from the Scottish covenanters37

Eighteen years after its launch the light in the Limelight Department suddenly went out, and by 1910 Australia’s first film studio had ceased production and the equipment of Australia’s first permanent and most prolific film production unit was sold off. The film productions were destroyed, seemingly in an attempt to eradicate all trace of the Limelight Department’s existence. Commissioner Hay wrote, “It should be noted that the cinema, as conducted by the Army, had led to a weakness and a lightness incompatible with true Salvationism, and was completely ended by me.”

However, magic-lantern slide production and use was continued by the Army in Australia, but not of the brilliantly hand-coloured narrative story-telling genre.

Thus ended a never-to-be-repeated chapter in Salvation Army history that recorded historical events, provided entertainment, raised funds and presented the gospel to thousands of people in Australia and New Zealand.

37

Photographs courtesy of The Salvation Army Museum – Australia.

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A line drawing of General William Booth from an Australian issue of The war cry

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WRITING ABOUT THE BOOTHS David Malcolm Bennett I have spent years of my adult life, reading and transcribing letters and other documents written by William and Catherine Booth, and writing books and articles about them and The Salvation Army.

Why would I, David Malcolm Bennett (a Methodist/Baptist/Presbyterian), do that? The answer is in a long sequence of events that I had only partial control over. In those events I can see the hand of God, and, as I relate them, I hope you can too.

The Methodist Bennetts I was born into a Methodist family, in London in the middle of World War Two. Our church was Prince of Wales Road Methodist, situated a kilometre or a little more from the Chalk Farm Salvation Army hall in north-west London. I think we even shared some Sunday School scholars. The Army’s band marching through the streets, usually with boys and girls following on, was a common sight on Sundays and it impressed me. My working-class parents had a high regard for the Army and spoke well of it. Indeed, George Wilkie, an uncle of my father’s, had served with The Salvation Army late in the nineteenth century and, as “Scribe Wilkie”, had several articles printed in The war cry.1 In my mid-teens I became heavily involved in youth activities at the Methodist church, and, after a lengthy spiritual struggle, was converted at the age of 19. I remember Chalk Farm’s Songsters paying us a visit on one occasion, which was much appreciated. In about 1960, our youth group went to the Chalk Farm Citadel to hear Commissioner Herbert Lord, who had been imprisoned by the Communists in Korea. We were deeply impressed.

Much of the Methodist Church at that time, at least in the south of England, had become theologically liberal, so I decided to leave that denomination and go to an evangelical church. The choice was between the Baptists and The Salvation Army. I chose the Baptists, though I did attend a service at The Salvation Army late in January 1965.

Bookselling and books I have always lived in a world of books. We had a lot at home and dad was a big reader. He encouraged us to borrow books from the nearby Keats’ Grove Library (named after the poet who had lived next door to where the library was housed). Mum also read Bible stories to me and my brother at breakfast.

In July 1958 I left school, but I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life. I saw an advertisement for a job at a W.H. Smith bookstall on London’s King’s Cross Railway Station, applied for it and got it. That large and busy bookstall was on platform 10. (I will leave you to work out the magic.) That job increased my love of books and reading.

Early in 1961 I resigned from Smith’s and went to work in the export department of the Epworth Press (the Methodist Publishing House) in London’s City Road. Apart from publishing, Epworth ran a bookshop selling new books and another selling secondhand books. One day I was browsing Reference citation of this paper; David Malcolm Bennett, “Writing about the Booths”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 62 – 68.

1 These items include “Mrs Bramwell conducts a rescued lass’s memorial service”, The war cry, (London, 24 November 1888).

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through some books stacked on a table in the secondhand shop and I saw a large book, with a blue cover, and I picked it up. It was the first volume of St. John Ervine’s God’s soldier: General William Booth.2 Pencilled inside was the price, “10/6” (ten shillings and sixpence) for two volumes. But where was the other volume? I asked my friend in the shop if he had the other. He found it. I paid my 10/6 and took the precious volumes home. It was probably the best 10/6 that I ever spent. That day, that moment, that purchase had a major impact upon my life. It almost certainly can be said that if I had not bought that wonderful book, the Booths and I would have remained strangers or, at least, not close. But I not only bought it, I read it, all 1,100 pages, though that did take a while. It is a brilliant book and the best biography of William Booth. It opened my eyes to the drama and the wonder of the ways in which God used William and Catherine Booth to preach Christ and to bring into being The Salvation Army. One of the things that I especially loved about it was the host of delightful and odd characters that Booth gathered around him, such as Railton, Dowdle and Cadman. A little later I also bought and read Richard Collier’s fine book, The general next to God,3 which increased my interest in The Salvation Army.

It was in the early 1970s that I first had the urge to write a book. The subject seemed obvious: William Booth. At that time, I made one important contact, Cyril Barnes. He kindly gave me a set of Harold Begbie’s Life of William Booth,4 a useful book, but rather dry. My Booth collection was growing. But, as yet, I did not have the time, the knowledge and the ability to write a book.

In January 1965, a young Australian lady from the Queensland Book Depot in Brisbane had come to join us at Epworth. She was on a working holiday. Her name was Claire Wilkie, a Methodist and sister to Brigadier Clyde Wilkie of The Salvation Army. We fell in love, eventually married, and after a few years in England moved to Australia in 1973, making Brisbane our home (note that the surname Wilkie appears on both sides of our family).

A venture into writing I worked for the Queensland Book Depot from 1973 to 1985, at which point I had itchy feet and the desire to write arose again. So, with a little money in the bank, I resigned and began to write, a move that my loving and tolerant wife accepted. The subject inevitably was William Booth. I realised that at that time writing a modern God’s soldier was beyond me, so what I decided to do was write a shortish biography of the Army’s Founder, highlighting the dramatic points in his life. Drama and excitement were to be the essential ingredients, and Booth’s life had plenty of it. I wrote what became William Booth and The Salvation Army, published in the “Heroes of the cross” series in England in 1987. This became William Booth, published in the “Men of faith” series in America in 1997, and William Booth and his Salvation Army, published in Australia in 2012.5 It has been well received, has sold over 25,000 copies in the three editions, and the Australian edition (available around the world) is still in print. Clyde Wilkie loved it.

St. John Ervine, God’s soldier: General William Booth, (2 vols), (London, UK: Heinemann, 1934).

Richard Collier, The general next to God, (London, UK: Collins, 1965).

4 Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth, (2 vols), (London, UK: MacMillan, 1920).

5 David Bennett, William Booth and The Salvation Army, (Basingstoke, UK: Marshall Pickering, 1986).; David Bennett, William Booth, (Minneapolis, USA: Bethany House, 1997).; David Bennett, William Booth and his Salvation Army, (Capalaba, Australia: Even Before Publishing, 2012).

2 3

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Theological study I wrote two more books and then studied at the Bible College of Queensland (now the Brisbane School of Theology) for three years (1988 – 1990), emerging with a B.Th. During my time at college I did part time work in the Bible Society Bookshop, which helped put food on the table. After leaving college I increased my hours at the Bible Society (but I was still only working part-time) and began writing again. I had a couple more books published. I also jumped ship and became a Presbyterian.

Then in the late 1990s I did a M.Th. through the Australian College of Theology, examining the origins of the practice of inviting people forward to what, in Salvation Army circles, is called the mercy seat or penitent form. This was published in 2000 as The altar call: Its origins and present usage6 and has been rather influential.

Carrying out that research at an academic level improved my research and writing skills considerably and lifted my confidence. At about that time an unexpected, almost miraculous, situation arose, that meant I did not have to work any longer so I could write fulltime. God moves in surprising ways.

The general and the letters A year or so before Roy Hattersley’s book on William and Catherine Booth was published (so at that stage it was unknown), a friend of mine who worked at Koorong Books said that he believed that a new in-depth biography of William Booth was needed. He added that he believed that I should do it.

I thought and prayed about it and decided that he was right. So, I began to write The general: William Booth. It was not long before I decided that to do a good job of it, I needed access to the letters of William and Catherine Booth. The letters they wrote to each other and the letters that Catherine wrote to her parents are housed in the British Library. I purchased them all on five long rolls of microfilm.

I began on the letters that William and Catherine wrote to each other. When reading them I immediately ran into a problem. The first letter was supposedly dated 1852, but, after reading it, it soon became clear that that date was wrong. I found out later, much later, that it should be dated early 1854. There were other problems with the letters too. There were more incorrect dates, some pages had been shuffled, and other pages were written in cross writing (ask Jane Austen). It soon became evident that what I needed was a sorted and transcribed version of these letters, so I made a few enquiries to see if anyone else had done it or was working on it. The answers were all “No!” So, in the words of one or more American Presidents, I decided that “The buck stops here”, and began to transcribe them myself, dating them where that was necessary and possible. It took three years, though I was also working part time, so I estimate that the actual work of transcription took nearly 18 months of 40-hour weeks. I then published the letters in book form in 2003.7 Though that book is now out of print, the transcribed letters can still be obtained from me on a PDF.8 I then returned to writing The general, using these transcriptions, the microfilm of some of the letters Catherine wrote to her parents, her diary and reminiscences, the main biographies, and items

6

David Bennett, The altar call: Its origins and present usage, (Lanham, USA: University Press of America, 2000).

David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The letters of William and Catherine Booth, (Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2003).

8 David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The Booth letters CD, (Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2012).

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supplied by such places as the International Heritage Centre. It was published in two volumes in America by Xulon Press in 2003,9 and is still available.

In 2005 I also published transcriptions of Catherine Booth’s diary and reminiscences in book 10 form. That book is also now out of print, but the transcriptions are available on PDFs on the same disk as the letters of William and Catherine Booth.

I left the Booths alone for a while, wrote three more books and did a PhD through the University of Queensland. That was published in America in 2010 as The origins of left behind eschatology.11 I then wrote a few more books, mainly biographies.

More on the Booths and the Army It was probably in 2015 that Garth Hentzschel approached me about becoming an assistant editor and peer reviewer for a journal that he was planning. I agreed to assist with it, and in 2016 the first edition of the Australasian journal of Salvation Army history was published. This online journal is issued twice a year and I have had articles in most issues.

In 2017 I completed a book on Hudson Taylor, and while that was going through the publishing process, I decided that that would be my last book. So, still breathing and faced with what to do with the remainder of my life, I decided to transcribe the letters that Catherine Booth wrote to her parents, which I did that year and into the following year. This is now available on a separate PDF. 12 I then said to Garth Hentzschel, that as the major sources were all now easily accessible, “It’s time that someone wrote a good biography of Catherine Booth.” He said, “You should do it.” So, after more thought and prayer, I decided to write a book about the first half of Catherine’s life, up to about 1865, which would then be my last book. This has been completed and is being published by Morning Star Publishing in 2020 as Catherine Booth: From timidity to boldness.13 But while I am still breathing, thinking and able to write, the idea of any book being “my last book” tends to fade away, so I decided to write a second volume called Catherine Booth: From boldness to Glory. This is nearing completion, and hopefully will be published in 2021. That really might be my last book.

A Confession As many Salvationists will suspect, I do not agree with everything that the Booths believed and did.

Nor do I agree with all the beliefs and practices of The Salvation Army. But that does not present a problem to me. I am perfectly happy to admire and write about people and institutions, with which I have minor disagreements. You will find some criticisms of the Booths’ ideas and beliefs in my writings, but they are not plentiful (some have been noticed by the eagle-eyed over the years, but that is fine with me, and I hope it is fine with the reader). Nor do I believe in writing books that present my heroes as perfect. Rather, I believe in writing “warts and all” biographies. That is, I tell their stories in a way that clearly shows their greatness, but I also make it clear that they had some faults.

9

David Malcolm Bennett, The general: William Booth, (2 vols), (Florida, USA: Xulon Press, 2003).

David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The diary and reminiscences of Catherine Booth, (Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2005).

11 David Malcolm Bennett, The origins of left behind eschatology, (Florida, USA: Xulon Press, 2010).

12 David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents PDF, (Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2018).

13 David Malcolm Bennett, Catherine Booth: From timidity to boldness, (Melbourne, Australia: Morning Star Publishing, 2020).

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I have long found it interesting that this is how the Bible treats its heroes. Abraham and David in the Old Testament, Peter, James and John in the New, are all great biblical heroes, godly men, but the scriptures make it clear that they had faults, some of which shock us. We do our heroes (and our readers) no good service by painting people as perfect, when they clearly were not. I also think that there is some advantage in me, a non-Salvationist, writing about the Booths and having my books published by non-Salvationist publishers. That way I am free to say what I think.

Postscript William and Catherine Booth continue to amaze me. The work they did to win men and women into the Kingdom of God (to “save” people), many from out of the gutter, was outstanding. Their care and concern for the social needs of the poor and abused, which manifested itself mainly towards the end of their lives, was also admirable. As I read the New Testament, I see those two facets clearly portrayed as part of the church’s mission. That William and Catherine Booth and The Salvation Army were committed to doing not one or the other but both, has long attracted me to them.

It has been a delight, it has been a pleasure, to research and write about the lives of William and Catherine Booth. It has also been a lot of hard work. But it has been worth it. They have left a deep imprint upon my life.

Some of David Malcolm Bennett’s publications relating to Catherine and William Booth

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Some of David Malcolm Bennett’s publications relating to Catherine and William Booth

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MEET THE AUTHOR Publications about The Salvation Army and by Salvationists are often referenced, cited, critiqued and evaluated without the reviewer knowing anything about the author. In an attempt to introduce the authors of Salvation Army works to their readership The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History will, from time to time, ask authors to contribute to this section of the journal, “Meet the Author”. This issue introduces readers to a New Zealand Salvation Army officer, author and inspirational speaker, who has written a number of items on Salvation Army history and has contributed to Salvation Army devotional works.

WORDS1 Barbara Sampson I love words. I don’t know when words first came to me or where they came from. Did my mother read to me right from the start? Was I an early talker? When did I first love pencils and pens and paper? While my older sister still played with her dolls, dressing them in nurses’ outfits, I swapped mine early on for writing pads and coloured pencils. I loved the feel of books, the smell of paper. My primary school stationery cupboard was enticing in its fragrance and I loved its neat piles of new exercise books and boxes of pencils and erasers. I treated my own new exercise books at the start of a year with a kind of reverence. Using soft clear printing I made sure I made no mistakes so there was no need for the teacher’s jarring red pen.

On a Friday afternoon trip into Invercargill, New Zealand, I would wander through Craig’s Stationers, noticing, breathing in, savouring the vast assortment of stationery designed to meet every need. I believe heaven will have a huge stationery warehouse where people can wander freely. That and a massive garden.

Even now I still love the time early in the year when the school stationery is set out in neat piles in the shops. I loiter, touching, sniffing the exercise books, buying a dozen or so at 19cents each and wishing, in a wistful kind of way, that I was going back to school again.

As a child I wrote letters to my Uncle Don, the steely-blue-eyed policeman at Bluff. I would hunt out some of the longest words in the dictionary and string them together with ‘and’ or ‘but’ and send pages of it to him. He would reply in good humour, ‘Roger (my cousin) says, If you had another brain it would be lonely.’ Or, ‘Roger says, If you had twice as many brains you would be a half-wit.’

The kind of thing you would never say to a child today.

From as early as I can remember I wrote stories. Usually once upon a time, happily ever after stories with a maiden, a villain and always a lovely ending. Such writing was probably a reflection of my life growing up on a farm – safe, secure, abundant, where I always felt my mother’s encouragement and my father’s great delight. No wonder I flourished and grew strong in such rich soil.

When I was 12 my Dad bought me my first typewriter. I would sit up in bed on a Saturday morning with the little machine perched on my knees and try to teach myself how to touch-type. My efforts were obviously in vain as I still hunt-and-peck but can do so now at speed!

Reference citation of this paper; Barbara Sampson, “Meet the author. Words”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 69 – 72.

1

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Major Barbara Sampson2

2

Photograph courtesy of the author.

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With my Dad’s death when I was 15 the words changed. The endings were no longer happy ever after. In fact the words stopped for quite a while. The rawness of loss was like a terrible awakening to a real world. I somehow grew up all of a sudden on that night between Christmas Day and Boxing Day 1964.

At high school and university words were crafted and shaped into essays and assignments then lesson plans during the year I taught at a country High School before our first baby was born. A second blow of grief knocked me over when Mum died just 18 days after his birth. Wonderful new life and sorrowful death on either side of Easter gave me a new perspective on what life is really all about - not always happily ever after and not only sorrow and loss, but most often a mix of the two – joy mingled with sadness, light and shadow shafting together, good and bad in a thought-provoking dance.

With a two-year-old toddler and a six month old baby we trekked off to our first appointment as Salvation Army officers to Zambia in the heart of Africa. It was to be for a lifetime, but it turned out to be for only three and a half years – a mere 5 minutes in the grand scheme of things. We came home, me to hospital for surgery for melanoma and our daughter a week later for heart surgery.

They were deep dark days beyond the reach of words. I couldn’t pray but all around the country and dotted around the world there were people praying for us. Post-surgery we returned to Island Bay, Wellington from where we had left to go to Africa. I walked the hills and tried to get within sight of the sea every day. The exercise was good for me, as was the time to think, to pray and to heal.

Out of all those individual experiences of suffering and loss and the searing sound of dreams shattering, words flowed in poems, in songs (Joy because of you, In Jesus’ hands), in human interest stories, (often published in the New Zealand War Cry), in creative celebrations and speaking engagements, all testimony to God’s grace and blessing at work in my life.

When I wrote a poem or a song, I would take it next door to my neighbour, an encouraging creative spirit, fellow mystic and muso. Slowly, steadily loss turned to gain, sorrow to a new depth of joy, emptiness was filled, life that was threatened flourished in a rich new soil and I was able to grow and become, and to offer something fresh and engaging to others.

In Suffrage Year 1993, the centenary of women getting the vote in this country, I wrote Women of Spirit, telling the story of 28 Salvation Army women in New Zealand. In the main they were ordinary women, but all were made extraordinary by the work of God in and through their dedicated lives.

Cover of Women of spirit by Barbara Sampson

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The crowning delight of my Salvation Army officership was the appointment as author of Words of life. For six years words flowed under the inspiration of God, anchored in the promise that he gave me from Isaiah 50:4: “The Sovereign Lord has given me an instructed tongue to know the word that sustains the weary. He wakens me morning by morning, wakens my ear to listen like one being taught.”

Two examples of covers from Words of life from when Barbara Sampson was the author

People from different parts of the world wrote, “That word was just right for me today. How did you know?” An Anglican nun wrote from a retreat centre in Wales telling me how amazed she was that on the day of the Queen Mother’s funeral the reading in Words of life was about “Blessed are those who mourn”. She said she copied the reading and sent it to Prince Charles. I’m still waiting for my invitation to a royal garden party!

Six years and around seven hundred thousand words later I finished the role with a deep gladness and thankfulness to God for every opportunity of those years of writing and the bonus of several overseas speaking engagements that opened up for me during that time.

Words did not dry up then, they just reshaped themselves into poems, articles and the proofreading of manuscripts. We thought about setting up a proof-reading business and calling it Wounded Bull – “She charges like a wounded bull”. Then came the privilege of listening to other people’s words and stories in the practice of spiritual direction. Everyone has a story to tell, a burden to share, a vocation from God to respond to.

Now, in a grand sweep of effort and discipline, I have set about the task of gathering the words together, telling the amazing stories of my 70plus years and leaving them as a record and testimony to God’s faithfulness and grace at work all through my life. Thanks be to God.

Biographical paragraph from the back cover of Words of life

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SALVATION ARMY LITERATURE IN ENGLISH 1988 – PRESENT BOOKS DISCOVERED OR PUBLISHED SINCE THE PREVIOUS ISSUES OF AJSAH Garth R. Hentzschel Following on from R. G. Moyles, A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English 1865-1987,1 some editions of the Australasian journal of Salvation Army history will have information of literature

by Salvationists or containing information on The Salvation Army to assist researchers and those interested in more information on The Salvation Army. Both bibliographical information and a brief outline of the work will be included. Please note that categories and referencing style will be that used

by Moyles to be consistent with his work.

Allen, Rod. CAPTAIN KINDNESS AND KIND KID. IT ALL BEGINS WITH GRACE. Australia: The Salvation Army, 2017, 20 pp.

The cartoon strip introduced young readers to the act of kindness in the face of adversity.

Coe, John J. NOT A PENNY OF DEBT. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF HENRY REED: MERCANTILIST, EVANGELIST & PHILANTHROPIST. Ingham, Australia: John J. Coe, 2011, 407 pp.

The in-depth study into the life and times of Henry Reed includes his connection with William Booth and the East London Christian Mission.

Cover: Not a penny of debt

Davies, Tracey and Powell, Kelly. KIDZONE CURRICULUM. Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2014, 52 pp.

The book, based on The Salvation Army’s Australian magazine for children, Kidzone, included three series of themed lessons and activities for children’s clubs or Sunday schools run by churches.

Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English, 1988 - present, Anon or under authority of ‘the general’”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 5, 2, 2020, 73 – 77.

1 R.G. Moyles, A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English (1865-1987), (Lewiston, USA: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1988).

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Cover: Captain kindness and kind kid

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Evans, Robert. EARLY EVANGELICAL REVIVALS IN NEW SOUTH WALES & QUEENSLAND. Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2015, 222 pp.

The compilation of primary and secondary sources covered evangelical and revival work in the colonies of New South Wales and Queensland, from a Wesleyan Methodist perspective. A revival in Ipswich, Queensland included information on Hester Robinson, later Robinson-McNaught and the impact of her ministry in that town. Robinson-McNaught was to assist in the commencement of The Salvation Army in Queensland, Australia.

Evans, Robert. EARLY EVANGELICAL REVIVALS IN VICTORIA 1836-1886. Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2016, 262 pp.

While the book included information on revivals in Victoria, with a focus on the Methodist churches, it included information on the evangelist Matthew Burnett, who held meetings in Adelaide that were to become the catalyst for the commencement of The Salvation Army in South Australia.

Evans, Robert. EARLY REVIVALS & EVANGELISM IN TASMANIA, 1820 TO 1890.

Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2017, 174 pp.

Henry Reed, the evangelist who supported William Booth’s work was listed throughout the book. At the end of the book, in a short biography was given of Reed and his Christian Mission Church he founded in Tasmania.

Cover: Early revivals & evangelism in Tasmania, 1820 to 1890

Evans, Robert. EVANGELISM AND REVIVALS IN AUSTRALIA 1880 – 1914. Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2005, revised 2012, 477 pp.

Although the book focused on the role of Methodism in Australian revivals, it gave one chapter on The Salvation Army. The chapter argued the early Army was a revival movement but due to leadership issues failed to continue in that role from about 1890 onwards. The book also included information on Matthew Burnett, the evangelist who was the catalyst for the commencement of The Salvation Army in Adelaide, South Australia.

Evans, Robert ed. GEMS FROM ENGLISH REVIVALS, 1860 – 1862. Hazelbrook, Australia: Rev. Robert Evans, 2018, 290 pp.

This compilation of works was collected from previously published biographies, memoirs or reports from The revival. One of the sections included information and reports on the work of Rev. William Booth.

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Gregory, Helen. MAKING MAROOCHY. A HISTORY OF THE LAND, THE PEOPLE AND THE SHIRE. Nambour, Australia: Boolarong Publications, 1991, 196 pp.

The general history, using a thematical approach, focused on the Maroochy Shire, Queensland, Australia. The Salvation Army Christmas encampment was listed with a photograph and information on the Nambour Corps was also included.

Cover: Making Maroochy

Huth, Alison (ed.) and Smyth, Frank. IN GOD’S HANDS, THE LIFE AND WORK OF DR FRANK SMYTH OAM OL. Maleny, Australia: Dorothy Smyth, 2012, 97 pp.

The book was written from notes made by Dr Frank Smyth OAM OL. It told of his pioneering medical work in Papua New Guinea and life as a Salvationist. The book also contained tributes to Smyth from former patients, medical specialist colleagues, family members as well as reference to his writing in other publications.

Perry, Scott. 101 CELEBRATING THE OPENING OF 101 QUEEN VICTORIA STREET. THE INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS OF THE SALVATION ARMY. London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 2004, 100 pp.

The book was published for the opening of the International Headquarters of The Salvation Army and contained a history of the property, concepts used for the development of the structure, and images of the former and present buildings.

Short, Wilsie. A MIGRANT WITH A MISSION: BENJAMIN SHORT, 1833 – 1912. Sydney, Australia: University of New South Wales Press, 1994, 138 pp.

With the use of primary sources such as personal diaries, letters as well as newspaper articles, the story of Benjamin Short was told by one of his granddaughters, Wilsie Short. William Booth and The Salvation Army is listed as the family had connections to the Booth family in the East End of London.

Cover: A migrant with a mission: Benjamin Short, 1833-1912

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Street, Robert. HEAD, HANDS AND FEET. WHAT PETER AND JESUS DID NEXT. London, UK: Salvation Books, The Salvation Army International Headquarter, 2020, 48 pp.

The bible study focused on the events leading up to the first Easter. Under the headings of head, hands and feet, the actions and sayings of Peter and Jesus are analysed. Each chapter gave scripture references, questions on which to meditate and a verse of a song. Three ‘reflections in verse’ are included at the end of the book.

Cover: Head, hands and feet

Thomson, Adam. ONE TABLE: A COLLECTION OF OUR FAMILY FAVOURITES. THE SALVATION ARMY PROJECT 614 COOKBOOK. Melbourne, Australia: Wilkinson Publishing, 2019, 144 pp.

The collection of recipes cover entrées, mains and desserts. The book was sold to raise funds for and raise awareness of The Salvation Army’s Project 614 in Melbourne, Australia. It included photographs of the food and people connected to the project.

Salvation Army History Snapshot – UK

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BOOK REVIEW THIRTEEN ASTONISHING YEARS Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel John Larsson, Thirteen astonishing years that shaped The Salvation Army 1878 - 1890, (London, UK: Salvation Books, The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 2019), 160 pp. ISBN. 978 1 911149 87 3,1 ebook 978 1 911149 88 02

Cover of John Larsson’s Thirteen astonishing years

From the big bang, through the development of DNA to death and re-creation within The Salvation Army was all covered in this new book by retired General John Larsson. Thirteen astonishing years that shaped The Salvation Army faithfully fulfilled one of its stated aims; to “salute the courage of the early Salvationists.”3 Both its strength and weakness is that it is a celebratory kaleidoscope of popular short story histories of the Army between 1878 and 1890.

The 36 stories, of three typed pages and one page of an image each, cover various topics and move quickly from one idea to another. Each of these items were originally written for the UK Salvationists magazine and therefore published for the audience of general Salvationists and others who work for or work with The Salvation Army. The stories included, the change of name to The Salvation Army, notable Salvationists of the time, the rise of Army belief and practices, early Army revivals and evangelical practices, commencement of the Army in countries outside of the UK, persecution against the Army, the promotion to Glory of Catherine Booth and the rise of the Army’s social work.

Reference citation of this review: Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book review, Thirteen astonishing years”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 5, 2, 2020, 78 – 79.

1 At the time of publication of the AJSAH, the book was available from Salvationists Publishing and Supplies, London at https://www.sps-shop.com/thirteen-astonishing-years---john-larsson-20771-p.asp.

2 At the time of publication of the AJSAH, the ebook was available as a Kindle edition from Amazon at https://www.amazon.com.au/Thirteen-Astonishing-Years-Shaped-Salvationebook/dp/B082YF4878/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=thirteen+Astonishing+Years++John+Larsson&qid=1596801020&sr=8-1 3 John Larsson, Thirteen astonishing years that shaped The Salvation Army 1878 - 1890, (London, UK: Salvation Books, The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 2019), vii.

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There must be praise given to Larsson for his use of referencing, which is something unique within the library of Salvation Army popular histories. Although the references were included for the reader’s deeper investigation, as Larsson wrote, “if you want to dig deeper into this fascinating period, the source notes will provide the key,” such an action also assists with evaluation of the writing and consistency of facts. While Larsson again brought to light the stories within now out of print sources, many of these were not questioned and only four recent academic publications of historical research were used; Glenn Horridge, The Salvation Army, Origins and early days, Gordon Moyles, Come join our Army, and Roger J. Green, Catherine Booth and War on two fronts.

While Larsson did dig deeper on several matters, much of the new insights into Army history has been ignored. Often overlooked is that William Booth was more conservative than authors often portray; Larsson did however show this on two occasions. He stated at the time of the name change, Booth “hesitated about dropping the old name entirely” and when the rank of general was bestowed upon Booth, Larsson included that Booth wrote, “Can’t this form be altered? It looks pretentious.” 4 However the celebratory genre Larsson used failed to question either the old hagiography narratives or the newer conflict theory revisionists. The very title, Thirteen astonishing years that shaped The Salvation Army promoted growth and therefore does not engage the claims of Norman H. Murdoch and Glenn Horridge that the Army was not successful in the locations it was designed to work during the 1880s, the urban slums. On the topic of female ministry, there is no engagement with Andrew M. Eason’s work on gender inequality in the Army. On the topic of young people’s work, the failure of earlier children’s ministry and Booth’s regulation not to commence work with orphans were also not discussed. A common failure of the genre is that founding people who left the Army, for example Herbert Booth and Henry Edmonds, were just listed or neglected. Earlier commencements of The Christian Mission in the USA and Australia and arguments against leaders of the Army were ignored.

Yet to cover these issues in a three-page overview is near impossible.

Many of the stories included in Thirteen astonishing years have been told and told again, I was first introduced to them in junior soldier lessons and my parents would use them as object lessons in sermons. With such stories told and retold, and the many gaps appearing, should they again be published? I believe a resounding YES! These stories need to be read and re-read not only as an introduction to Salvation Army history, but as a reminder of our DNA! They should be repeated to our children, read to new converts, we should talk about them when we sit in our house and when we travel along the road, with our devotions when we lie down and when we get up. We should promote them on Facebook and Twitter and place them in our head and in our heart until we again catch the fire of the spirit of the Army. Therefore, all Salvationists and people working with The Salvation Army should read the book to understand the movement. Larsson presents these stories in a clear and simple manner, devoid of complications and easy to read. The illustrations presented gave a clear link with the narrative and only on one occasion did Larsson stray from the years under review. The book is a welcome addition to the genre of Salvation Army popular history. However, this should be the beginning of understanding the movement. The faults and weaknesses of the Army and Salvationists also need to be investigated, which will show how God used the weak and foolish things to shame the strong and wise.5

4 5

Larsson, Thirteen astonishing years that shaped The Salvation Army, 6, 22.

1 Corinthians 1:27

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BOOK REVIEW THE ARMY AS A REVIVAL MOVEMENT Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel Robert Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 1880 – 1914, (Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2005, revised 2012), 477 pp. ISBN. 0-9756733-1-91

Cover of Robert Evans book, Evangelism and revivals in Australia

Rev Robert Evans in his book, Evangelism and revivals in Australia claimed The Salvation Army ceased to be a revival movement in the 1890s due to “the Salvation Army’s leadership.” He continued, “[p]erhaps it is not a surprise that the revival came to an end when it did.”2 Many Salvationists would be surprised and disappointed at this statement while others may agree the Army ceased to be a revival movement but for different reasons and at a different time than surmised by Evans. While this book contains only one chapter on The Salvation Army, Evangelism and revivals in Australia and Evans’s collection of works gives some deeper insight into Christian revivals in the Australasian context, albeit usually from a Methodist perspective.

Evans is well-known in Australasia for his studies of Christian revival. He established a library that holds a large collection of publications relating to revivals.3 Evans also developed and is the site manager for the website “Research in evangelical revivals” which houses information on the topic including that of his own books.4 He has written widely on revivals and evangelists in Australia and New Zealand.5 Of interest is that Evans is also a well-known author in the area of Astronomy. Before retiring in 1998 he was an ordained minister of the Uniting Church.

It first must be acknowledged; Evans has done what Salvation Army historians have failed to do; he has identified and researched people who were to impact the establishment of the Army in Australia. For example, in her 2014 thesis, Jennifer Hein called for research into evangelist Matthew Reference citation of this paper: Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book review, The Army as a revival movement”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 5, 2, 2020, 80 – 84.

1 At the time of publication of the AJSAH, the 2005 issue of the book was available online at https://revivalsresearch.net/docs/EvangelicalismAndRevivalsInAustralia1800-1914.pdf.

2 Robert Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 1880 – 1914, (Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2012), 204.

3 See the index of library books at http://revivalsresearch.net/docs/REVLIBR.pdf accessed 6 August 2020.

4 See http://revivalsresearch.net/ accessed 6 August 2020.

5 For a list of some of his books and PDF copies see http://revivalsresearch.net/books.php accessed 6 August 2020.

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Burnett; it was after attending one of his services that John Gore and Edward Saunders met and later commenced The Salvation Army in Adelaide. Evans had however researched Burnett and included links to the Army in his biography of Burnett in 2010.6 Evangelism and revivals in Australia also covered some of Burnett’s ministry and explained that his style was similar to the early Salvation Army.7 In other works, Evans highlighted the ministry of Henry Reed, who financed and worked with William Booth in Christian Mission days.8 Then in Early evangelical revivals in New South Wales & Queensland, Evans briefly discussed one of the revivals led by Mrs Robinson, the person who helped commence The Salvation Army in Queensland, although he did not make this link.9 For each of these, Evans should be praised by Salvation Army historians, and his research into these evangelists should be used as a foundation from which to build a new understanding of the formation of the Army in Australia.

While it is clear in Evangelism and revivals in Australia that Evans knows his subject matter in the wider revival context, his years of working on the topic have given him strong underpinning assumptions that are not always challenged in this book. Firstly, Evans believed that in the 1860s William Booth along with the Palmers, Finney, Rev Robert Young, Brownlow North, and Reginald Radcliffe were well-known revivalists throughout Scotland, Wales and England.10 This is not disputed; however in the chapter on the Army, in Evangelism and revivals in Australia, Evans centred more on Catherine and William Booth’s ministry in the UK than on the Army’s work in Australia to build his argument that the Army was a revival movement within the colonies. There has however been no investigation on the specific impact Catherine and William had on the southern colonies.

Evans did however later give examples of growth in the Army from different colonies, which he also attributed to revival.

Second, Evans placed a watershed moment between the mystical revival and humanistic revivalism squarely at the feet of Finney; post-Finney revivals he claimed were a planned and organised evangelistic mission.11 The questions arise on the level of humanity’s involvement; how much is God-inspired and how much can human intervention bring on a revival? Evans believed the only methods from humanity that could encourage revival was to be diligent in prayer and for Christians to practice a deeper level of humility, holiness and obedience to God.12 Evans was critical of Finney’s definitions and process of revivals. His concerns against Finney in part may cloud his judgment, even in his evaluation of The Salvation Army’s lack of ‘success’ post 1895, yet his theory does drive the entire structure of Evangelism and revivals in Australia. Evans clearly puts to the forefront the historical importance of prayer and the teaching of holiness, not only including these as the first four chapters of the book but making it clearly visible throughout.

Thirdly, the author’s knowledge of primary and secondary sources relating especially to the revivals in the Methodist church is extensive. This alone gave a great deal of insight into revival Jennifer Hein, “‘Abominable yahoos’: Exploring the historical memory of the beginning of the Salvation Army in South Australia”, (PhD diss., Flinders University, 2014), 71.; Robert Evans, Matthew Burnett. The Yorkshire evangelist, Australia’s greatest evangelist & social reformer, (Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2010).

7 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 221 – 266.

8 See for example Robert Evans, Early revivals & evangelism in Tasmania, 1820 to 1890, (Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2017), 150.

9 Robert Evans, Early evangelical revivals in New South Wales & Queensland, (Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2015).

10 It should be noted that in Evans’s introductory biography to William Booth there are some factual errors. Robert Evans ed., Gems from English revivals, 1860 – 1862, (Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, n.d.).; Evans, Early evangelical revivals in New South Wales & Queensland, 41.

11 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, v.

12 Evans therefore focused on the prayer unions. Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 2 – 21.

6

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movements and uncovered information that has not been recorded by other historians. It also clearly showed the Christian landscape in which The Salvation Army operated during the time. The information is a clear reminder that the Army was not the only group of Christians actively seeking to reach people with the gospel of Jesus Christ. Sadly, in Evangelism and revivals in Australia, when it came to other organisations or denominations such as the Christian Endeavour Movement, The Salvation Army and the YMCA, primary sources are lacking. The use of merely secondary sources limited the ability to uncover new knowledge on these groups. This however may lead to questions of accessibility, as the author is clearly able and willing to use primary sources not previously uncovered by others, specifically from Methodism. Evans therefore may have been unable to access with ease primary sources from these groups. The use of The war cry, for example may have given deeper insight into the Army’s role in the revival movement in Australia; however until recently the Army’s newspaper has only been accessible by sitting for hours on end looking into the screen of a microfilm machine.

Fourthly, it has become common practice within research on revival to evaluate its success or otherwise entirely on the numerical increase in church membership. Evans used this variable throughout Evangelism and revivals in Australia despite some of his works clearly showing there are other identifiers to measure revivals.13 In his other works the identification of revivals included the numbers of people attending meetings, the impact of the revival on the wider community, change of life in the individual person, increased finances given to churches, and a fuller consecration in individuals.14 In fact, if Evans only relied on the variable of numbers, many of the revivals he identified would not have been found.15 Evans again, in a book chapter asserted that while the Australian colonies did not experience full-blown revivals as seen in other countries, the colonies experienced revivals of individualistic morality which led to activism in the areas of social morality and temperance.16 Therefore, variables other than the numerical identifier could have been used to investigate the history of revivals in Australia.

Evangelism and revivals in Australia was divided into three sections; “spiritual foundations for future spiritual growth”; “allied and contributing movements” in which appeared the chapter on The Salvation Army; and “revivals and evangelism, 1880 to 1914”. The history of the prayer unions was discussed and was interspersed with the importance of female ministry. In evaluation of the efforts of female evangelists in the colonies, Evans stated, These ladies enjoyed an excellent degree of success in winning souls for Christ, in promoting Christian holiness, and in raising the level of prayer in the life of the churches. The fact that they were females, working in an area which was normally dominated by men, did not seem to lessen their effectiveness in any way, and may even have had a positive effect.17

Of the female evangelists, Evans covered some of the ministry of Mrs Margaret Hampson, Miss Serena Thorne, who later married Rev Octavius Lake, Mrs Emilia Baeyertz and Miss Isabella

Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia,132 – 133.

See sources in Evans, Gems from English revivals.; Evans, Early evangelical revivals in New South Wales & Queensland, 73, 74, 85.; Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 132 – 133.; Evans, Early revivals & evangelism in Tasmania.

15 Evans, Early evangelical revivals in New South Wales & Queensland, 110 – 111.

16 Robert Evans, “‘Collecting for revival: Library resources relating to the subject of revival,” 58 – 74 in Mark Hutchinson and Stuart Piggin ed, Reviving Australia. Essays on the history and experience of revival and revivalism in Australian Christianity, Studies in Australian Christianity Volume 3 Mark Hutchinson and Edmund Campton Series Editors (Sydney, Australia: Centre for the Study of Australian Christianity, 1994), 72.

17 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 22.

13 14

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Leonard.18 Many of these have been ignored by historians, including those historians who have written on Australian Christian history.

From prayer unions, Evans moved on to holiness conventions. He outlined the historiography, definition, aims and history of the movement in Australia, including the Keswick tradition. The history of revivals, usually from the Methodist tradition were then explored in Victoria and South Australia from 1881 to 1884, including the Bible Christians who did not usually use evangelists for their services. Evans stated the Bible Christians could not afford the services of evangelists and believed each local minister was to be an effective evangelist.19 The second section in Evangelism and revivals in Australia investigated groups, who Evans stated allied themselves to the revival movement. Of the first group, the Christian Endeavour Movement, Evans corrected the myth of its commencement in Australia from Brisbane to Geelong.20 He followed its growth and connections to different denominations. The second group was of greater interest to readers of this journal, The Salvation Army.

Evans first outlined the life of William Booth and expressed some difficulties with the Army’s revival and mission work. Evans showed attracting a person to Christianity was one thing but keeping them was another. He wrote, But the problem of keeping the converts, building them up to a life of dedication and holiness, and putting them to work for God, presented a major obstacle, which had defeated many others who had begun a similar kind of work.21

Evans believed Booth had found a process that was “reasonably successful”. One-way Booth kept new converts, Evans argued, was how the new convert was initially counselled.22 Evans next used two characteristics of revival, the change in the lives of individuals and the numerical growth of corps and officer numbers to prove the Army was a revival movement. Yet, the information and statistics came from the UK not Australia.23 He then went on to give some examples of numbers of attendance or increased number of corps in different colonies to show revival in the Australian context.

Evans however claimed The Salvation Army ceased being a revival movement. At one point he claimed that 1895 was the high point of the Army in Australia and from then on suffered decline.

However, he also argued that leadership problems in the Army was an issue from 1890 and from this point the Army saw decline. Evans believed the Booth family problems grieved the Holy Spirit and led to the death of revival in the Army.24 There are however a number of problems in this chapter.

Firstly, as outlined above, it is difficult to assume Booth’s revival work in the UK automatically meant he caused revival in the Australian context. Secondly there are errors in calling corps, “corp” on several occasions.25 Thirdly, the claims of leadership problems from the 1890s denies the earlier issues of leadership in Australia that caused division in the Army. Fourthly, it is a questionable assumption to make that one family’s trouble in a church causes the Holy Spirit to remove his favour

18

Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 11-16, 22-63, 75-77, 98-123.; Evans, Early revivals & evangelism in Tasmania, 83 – 93.; Robert Evans, Emilia Baeyertz – Evangelist, (Hazelbrook, Australia: Robert Evans, 2007).

19 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 140.

20 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 172.

21 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 192.

22 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 192.

23 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 190 – 204.

24 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 201 – 204.

25 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 199.

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from the entire church. Fifthly, there are major issues with the claim of growth and decline in his methodology of using statistics. Even Evans himself stated, The Salvation Army did not appear on the scene as a separate activity in Australia until after the 1881 Census, and in many states the members of the Army were not listed separately until the 1930s.26

As many records were not available until the 1930s, these sources cannot support the claim that the Army grew in Australia until 1890 or 1895 and then declined. Sixthly, although Evans claimed William and Bramwell Booth caused division with other family members, he like many who used secondary sources missed underlying matters in the Booth family. These issues are too numerous to go into detail here, but it was not a simple case that the leaders of the Army were bad and those who left were faultless victims.

Finally, while Evans gave a chapter on higher criticism in Evangelism and revivals in Australia, he did not investigate any internal theological, practical nor external societal changes to explain the alleged decline in Salvation Army numbers. Of the external factors, in Australia in the 1890s there were many, for example, Glynn and Crowley showed a decline in immigration and birth rates as a result of economic depression,27 and Clark showed the rise of the labor political ideologies caused “the collapse of religious belief.”28 The final chapter in this second section of Evangelism and revivals in Australia was on the YMCA. Again, there is more information on the movement about the YMCA internationally than within Australia; ten out of the 15 pages in the chapter were devoted to the movement’s work overseas.29 The third section included chapters on evangelists and revivals. Firstly, the work of Matthew Burnett in South Australia, New South Wales and New Zealand was evaluated.30 Secondly, David O’Donnell’s Wesleyan revivals were examined. Thirdly, Methodist revivals in NSW and Queensland were surveyed.

Fourthly, other evangelical revivalists, Rev Reuben Archer Torrey, Mr Charles M. Alexander and Dr J. Wilbur Chapman were studied. The German higher criticism, prophetic signs of decline, and statistics of church growth were each outlined before Evans had an evaluation of the finding of his work. In conclusion he wrote in somewhat of a depressed outcome, …it is certainly the case that the hey-day of evangelicalism in Australia did not achieve as much as many people would have liked to see. There were not enough conversions to achieve a situation where a much higher proportion of the population professed to be “born again,” and went to church regularly. This task still faces us today, and is yet to be achieved.31

Evangelism and revivals in Australia, is a suitable book to understand the context of Australian evangelical Christianity from 1880 to 1914. It could serve to scaffold understanding of the time in which The Salvation Army saw its establishment and expansionism in the Australian colonies. While Evans made some sobering claims about the decline of revivals in The Salvation Army, deeper investigations are needed.

Therefore his work could be a firm foundation to develop new knowledge of the Army as a revival movement in the Australian context.

Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 423 – 429. In fact, only New South Wales statistics showed The Salvation Army separately in 1896 and then 1921 which showed growth, all other states only had separate statistics for The Salvation Army after 1900; Queensland in 1921, and Victoria, South Australia, Tasmania, and Western Australia not until 1931.

27 Sean Glynn, Urbanisation in Australian History, 1788-1900, 2nd ed. (Melbourne: Thomas Nelson, 1976), 37.; Raymond Evans, A history of Queensland, (Port Melbourne: Cambridge University, 2007), 124.; Frank K. Crowley ed., A new history of Australia, (Melbourne: William Heinemann, 1977), 227.

28 Manning Clark, A short history of Australia, (Camberwell, Australia: Penguin Books, 2006), 206 – 207.

29 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 205 – 219.

30 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 221 – 266.

31 Evans, Evangelism and revivals in Australia, 439.

26

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֍ NEW BOOK ֍

THIRTEEN ASTONISHING YEARS that shaped The Salvation Army 1878 – 1890 By General John Larsson (R) When in 1878 William Booth adopted the name The Salvation Army for the movement he had created, an 'irresistible spiritual offensive swept over cities, towns and villages in every direction and set the whole country ablaze'. It was an ecclesiastical big bang of spectacular proportions and its effects soon spread to the far corners of the globe.

The next thirteen years, which climaxed with the introduction of large-scale social work in 1890, proved astonishing by any measure. In a series of fascinating vignettes, the author tells the story of those years and introduces key personalities through whom the Lord worked.

Larsson comments: 'Virtually all that the Army presently is was forged in those first few years, and just as all Christians draw inspiration from the story of the Early Church in the Book of Acts, so the Salvationists of today can in addition be inspired by the amazing story of the Early Army.'

Purchase online Book from SP&S @ https://www.sps-shop.com/thirteen-astonishing-years--john-larsson-20771-p.asp Kindle book: Amazon @ https://www.amazon.com/Thirteen-AstonishingYears-Shaped-Salvationebook/dp/B082YF4878/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=Thirteen+Astonishing+Years+ -+John+Larsson&qid=1582871977&sr=8-1 The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 85

SOON TO BE PUBLISHED Cuppa Tea, Digger? Salvos Serving in World War Two To be released in November 2020 to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the end of WWII. A quality, hard-cover book of approximately A4 size, based on archival interviews with men and women of the Red Shield War Services, and those who were its beneficiaries, and contains more than 200 photographs. This fascinating tribute has been compiled by Lindsay Cox, Manager of The Salvation Army Museum, with a foreword by General the Honourable Sir Peter Cosgrove AK CVO MC (Retd).

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 86

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 87

Come and join us

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is now on

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 88

You are invited to Salvation Army History Symposium

2022

Maroochydore Corps, Sunshine Coast, Queensland, Australia

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A LIFE SAVING SCOUT ASKS, “SAY, HAVE YOU DONE YOUR GOOD TURN FOR TO-DAY? WHY NOT TRY TO SECURE AT LEAST ONE NEW REGULAR READER OF THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY?” Illustration from The life-saving scout and guard, (London, March 1929), 37.

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RESOURCE AND REQUEST FOR INFORMATION Salvation Army Year Book Statistical Project David Philpot is currently working on a website that will allow Salvation Army statistics to be displayed as an ‘animated heat map’ which will show how the statistics change over time. This will then be displayed on a map of the world for easy visual comparison between countries.

To develop this map the project will use data from The Salvation Army Year Book. For example, statistics could show the number of senior soldiers for each country or territory; these will then be animated on a global map.

Philpot is looking for people with The Salvation Army Year Book to enter this data into an online spreadsheet. The spreadsheet can be accessed at https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1UJTd8yz8P-7-2A9Y6xHKhknbn34iHb7SipoXAGPO20/edit?ts=599625c2#gid=0

A screen shot of The Salvation Army Year Book Statistics Project spreadsheet.

The instructions to enter the data are simple. For Sheet1; 1) enter your name and email for the year you enter (optional); 2) if there are any territories or other categories listed on the spreadsheet but not in the Year Book leave the cell blank; and 3) add new rows as required.

Philpot stated, the main goal at this time is to get The Salvation Army Year Book statistics “in electronic form (including any errors you think might exist). We’ll work out the best way to interpret the stats (and clean out errors) at a later date.” The estimated time for the entry of data is about 2 hours per Year Book.

If you have any questions please email David Philpot at dnphilpot@hotmail.com Update The project now has interactive websites available which shows maps and other information on the development and growth of The Salvation Army (please see the following page).

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Above is a screenshot of the webpage “Growth of The Salvation Army Worldwide since 1865”. This can be viewed at https://mapipedia.com/s/u/drdave/growth_of_the_salvation_army_worldwide_since_1865.html

Above is a screenshot of the webpage “The Salvation Army – Number of Corps”. This can be viewed at https://mapipedia.com/s/u/drdave/the_salvation_army_number_of_corps.html They webpages are best viewed on laptop/desktop rather than a mobile device. Once page is open make sure the play button is pressed to commence the animation. The animation can also be played at a slower rate by adjusting the “time duration (sec)” number to a higher amount.

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SPYING OUT THE LAND: THE SALVATION ARMY’S EXPLORATORY TREK TO FIJI IN 1972 Kingsley Sampson Introduction In October 2019, a delegation of around 70 Fijian Salvationists together with other Salvationists from Tonga and Samoa attended the New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory’s Encounter Congress in Wellington. The expansion of the New Zealand Territory to include these three South Pacific nations dates back to a student evangelistic trek to Fiji in 1972. Subsequently, The Salvation Army appointed the trek’s leaders Captains Brian and Beverly McStay to commence the Army’s work in Fiji the following year. Here is the story of the pioneering trek that set this expansion in motion.

The concept The idea of an exploratory evangelical trek to Fiji was formally raised at The Salvation Army Student Fellowship’s national conference held at Wallis House, Lower Hutt in February 1972. Prior to this, informal suggestions had been made over several years about expanding The Salvation Army’s ministry into the Pacific Islands, but nothing concrete had developed. Even as far back as 1904, Commissioner Isaac Unsworth had visited Suva to assess the prospects for The Salvation Army in the Pacific Islands. Nothing came of the 1904 investigative visit nor from further visits or enquiries

by New Zealand Salvation Army leaders in 1916, 1924 and 1955. Later in 1962, Commissioner Alfred Gilliard had it written into the minutes of the Putaruru Farm Board that when profits from the farm became available, money should be put aside for Salvation Army work in the Pacific Islands.1 Brian McStay said that it was while he was chief training officer at the Aro Street Training College that he began to consider the idea of a ‘trek’ to Fiji drawing on members of the existing Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship (SASF). Commissioner Dr Harry Williams, territorial commander had appointed McStay to give oversight to the students’ fellowship and McStay had talked over the idea with Cyril Bradwell, SASF Advisor and Brigadier Trevor Standen, training principal about releasing some cadets for the trek. McStay also discussed the idea with Colonel Ernest Elliot, then chief secretary and subsequently successor to Williams as territorial commander.2 McStay also said the idea of a trek to Fiji came from recalling his university days in Christchurch when he sat next to a Fijian student, Paula Sotutu, who by now was prominent in the newly independent nation of Fiji. McStay felt that if The Salvation Army was to move into the Pacific Islands, then the brief gap after colonial rule was the opportune time; especially for Fiji with the leadership of Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara.3 In 1972, several factors combined to make this a propitious time to undertake a detailed investigation of the idea. These factors included a supportive territorial commander, Williams, a keen

Reference citation of this paper; Kingsley Sampson, “Spying out the land: The Salvation Army’s exploratory trek to Fiji in 1972”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 93 – 110.

1 Garry Mellsop, “South Pacific expansion Fiji”, Hallelujah, 2, 1, (November 2008), 14-15.

2 Letter, Brian McStay to Kingsley Sampson, (1 January 2020).

3 Letter from McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020).

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The Fiji Islands4

Coat of Arms for Fiji

The flag of Fiji 4

The war cry, (New Zealand, 19 August 1972), 9.

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training college officer and graduate, McStay and the fact that there were some New Zealand Salvationists currently living and working in Fiji.

The basic concept of the trek was that it would be a holiday with a difference; a ten-day evangelical campaign coupled with research into social and other needs that were arising due to urbanisation in the recently independent nation of Fiji. There would also be some time for recreation.

It would build on lessons learned in holiday evangelistic treks undertaken by student fellowship members in the 1960s in New Zealand. A team of about 15 people was envisaged, all of whom would pay their own way and would be expected to make separate reports for the territorial commander.

Three people key to the Fiji Trek and the eventual establishment of The Salvation Army in Fiji.

L-R: Lt. Commissioner Harry Williams, Captain Brian McStay, and Captain Beverly McStay.5

Selecting a team Expressions of interest were invited from SASF members with the group being augmented by several cadets with tertiary qualifications or training. People were asked to report on their teaching experience, singing and instrumental abilities, any special qualifications they might have, for example; doctor, movie projectionist, could speak Hindi, been to Fiji before, or experience of puppetry etc, and status or position within The Salvation Army. They also needed references from both a Salvation Army officer and a local officer.6 In all, 30 applications were received, and these were vetted by a local committee consisting of Colonel Ernest Elliot (Chief Secretary), Brigadier Lavinia Benson (The war cry Editor), Captains Brian and Beverly McStay (Training College), Captain Wesley Rabbitts (Territorial Youth Officer), CSM Cyril Bradwell (Wellington South Corps) and Envoy Lloyd Shearman (Palmerston North Corps). From these, a group of 13 cadets, students and graduates was selected and these together with Captains Brian and Beverly McStay and Brigadiers Lawrence and Enid Weggery, made a team of 17 in total. The war cry reported that such was the quality of the applicants, it would have been possible to form two teams had this been desired.7

5

Courtesy of New Zealand Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives.

The local Salvation Army corps consist of two areas of leadership, officers who are similar to the clergy and laypeople who hold positions of leadership within the corps, local officers.

7 The war cry, (New Zealand, 1 July 1972), 10.

6

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Name

Salvation Army Corps

Position or special attributes bought to the trek team

Captain Beverly McStay

Salvation Army training college and Vice-president Salvation Army Student Fellowship

Leader

Captain Brian McStay

Salvation Army training college

Leader

Anne Aitken

Linwood Corps

Teacher, vocalist

Cadet Wilfred Arnold

Hamilton Corps

Survey director

Jill Bennetts

Christchurch City Corps

Teacher, puppetry

Paul Bennetts

Christchurch City Corps

Teacher, pianist, puppetry

Ken Dawson

Linwood Corps

Teacher

Marie Janes

Tawa Corps

Team secretary

Cadet David Major

Sydenham Corps

Teacher

Cadet Donald Oliver

Ashburton Corps

Musical director, soloist

Patricia Richardson

Palmerston North Corps

Vocalist

Cadet Shirley Smith [now Shirley Thorner]

Wellington South Corps

Teacher, piano accordion, statistician

Cadet Gerald Thorner

Wellington City Corps

Teacher, trombonist, amateur (HAM) radio operator

Brigadier Enid Weggery

The Salvation Army Territorial Headquarters

Photography and general publicity

Brigadier Lawrence Weggery

The Salvation Army Territorial Headquarters

Photography and general publicity

Lyndon Weggery

Auckland Congress Hall

Team projectionist

Dr Edwin Whiteside

Wellington South Corps Medical support The people who made up the Fiji Trek team

In addition to the official team members, Brother and Sister Harbourne from Dunedin planned to be in Fiji on holiday at the same time and offered to assist where needed.

Some team members brought additional knowledge about Fiji and the Pacific to the team.

Wilfred Arnold had majored in Pacific sociology, Ken Dawson had studied Fiji for a geography paper in his BA, David Major had had school administration experience in Papua New Guinea, Patricia Richardson had been to Fiji on a study trip and the Brigadiers Weggery had previously visited Fiji on furlough. Furthermore, Enid Weggery was born and raised in India of missionary parents and spoke fluent Hindi, something which would be an asset given Fiji’s Indian population.

In the lead-up to the trip, some people questioned whether the team was competent to handle such an important task. Brian McStay says he was amazed that the question should ever be asked, but his reply was that the team may be young in age but since when in the modern world had that been a disadvantage to progress?8

8

Letter McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020).

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The list of names of people in the official Fiji Trek Team9

The Salvation Army Fiji Trek Team in Suva10 Back row, L-R: Patricia Richardson, Marie Janes, Anne Aitken, Lyndon Weggery, Shirley Smith, Ken Dawson, --- Jackson (in front), Enid Weggery, Lawrence Weggery, David Major, Gerald Thorner, Don Oliver, Heather Jackson, Wilfred Arnold, Edwin Whiteside.

Front row, L-R: --- Jackson, Paul Bennetts, Jill Bennetts, Beverly McStay, Brian McStay, local committee member Archie Seeto, his wife and their four children.

9

The war cry, (New Zealand, 8 July 1972), 16.

Courtesy of Shirley Thorner.

10

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Funding The trip was funded with a small grant from territorial headquarters and every team member paid $139; return flight $129, internal travel $10. (Usual return fare was $183.61). Commissioner Harry Williams gave $100 personally to help officers and cadets cover their costs.11 Other financial help came from family, friends and corps. Closer to the trek’s departure date, the corps officers at Ashburton and Sydenham Corps’ expressed concern about trek members appealing for funds at the same time as money being requested for corps building projects and the annual Self-Denial Appeal.

In response, Brian McStay instructed trek members not to appeal publicly for funds but added that he couldn’t forbid team members from accepting financial support offered by well-wishers.12 Preparing for the trek An interdenominational committee was established in Fiji to handle local arrangements and provide liaison for the trek. This committee consisted of Sera Ravesi (Vesi), a teacher doing extra university studies; Ken Hart (Post & Telegraph from New Zealand) who was the Wesley Methodist organist and also played the piano accordion, Rev Joe Samy from Child Evangelism Fellowship, Rev Inkoe Nabulivau, a Methodist minister, Archie Seeto, Suva town clerk, Don Jackson (chairperson) and Helen Hawkey (secretary). Both Don Jackson (previously of Rotorua Corps) and Helen Hawkey (previously of Tawa Corps) were New Zealand Salvationists working in Fiji. Jackson was employed as an architect by the Fiji Government and Hawkey was employed in the Fiji Government Treasury.

Prayer was also requested both for soul-winning success and wisdom in the all-important Government interviews that would take place during the trek. To this end, by the time the trek was underway, prayer for the venture had been promised from throughout New Zealand as well as Australia, the UK, the USA and International Headquarters in London. In addition, Colonel Ernest Elliot, chief secretary asked all New Zealand corps to have a special time of prayer for the trek on Sunday 20 August.

A ‘tropical’ Salvation Army uniform was devised for the trek. Men were to wear a white shirt with red ‘S’s on the collar, dark walk shorts, white walk sox, black shoes, white bandsman’s cap, and on occasions, a red tie. A plastic raincoat was considered essential and sandals could be included. For women, the uniform was a white smock with red ‘S’s on the collar, sandals and/or light-coloured shoes, white Salvation Army women’s hat together with a plastic raincoat. It was envisaged that uniform would be worn to all official meetings and in functions where they were acting as a team.

For the rest of the time, uniform wearing was optional.

A small brass ensemble was formed with Don Jackson (cornet), Ken Dawson (tenor horn), Lyndon Weggery (baritone), Don Oliver (euphonium), Gerald Thorner (trombone), and David Major (Eb bass).

Puppetry was to be a major component of the trek’s outreach. Paul and Jill Bennetts sent over plans for a puppet booth so it could be made locally and so save on air freight.13 In addition to a ‘Pacific Chorus Sheet’ of scripture choruses, 150 copies of a special song book were also printed for the trek.

11

Email, Shirley Thorner to Kingsley Sampson, (17 April 2020).

Letter Brian McStay to E. R. Elliott, (24 July 1972), NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040, FIJ 011.002 and T 2012.008.129.

13 Email, Paul & Jill Bennetts to Kingsley Sampson, (29 June 2020).

12

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Pacific Chorus Sheet Graphic Designed by Carole Staite.14

In addition to securing passports, receiving typhoid inoculations and undertaking personal research into Fiji, trek members attended two pre-trek workshops where planning was reviewed and all slides and films were checked. North Island team members met at the Waikanae beach house of Dr and Mrs Max Cresswell on Sunday 23 July from 10am to 8pm. Christchurch team members met the following Sunday (30 July). Research papers were presented at these workshops and members were supplied with a broadsheet with notes from the Pacific islands handbook (11th edition). Shirley Thorner remembers being cautioned not to eat too much fresh fruit, especially if it was not already part of a person’s regular diet and to be careful with drinking water.15 Purposes As planning for the trip progressed, the following aims were established: • To share the Good News of the Gospel; • To investigate ways in which the New Zealand Salvation Army might be able to assist the new nation; • To co-operate with Fijian Christians in the on-going work of the established churches there; • To investigate for the New Zealand National Council of Churches, a future scheme for the housing of needy people in Suva; and16 • On return to New Zealand, to make comprehensive reports to the Commissioner as the value of the trek and what action, if any, the New Zealand Salvation Army might take.17

Suggestions for possible Salvation Army work to be considered included a school for underprivileged children, a post-primary trade training centre, a youth centre in Suva City along the lines of Salvation Army Red Shield clubs in the USA, an emergency lodge in the city, aged care in new

14

Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040.

Email, S. Thorner to Sampson, (17 April 2020).

16 Letter, B. McStay to H. Williams, (24 July 1972).; Letter, B. McStay to W. Simpson, (2 August 1972), NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040.

17 Patricia Richardson, “The Salvation Army ‘Fijian Trek’”, Battlepoint, 10, 2, (December 1972), 3-5, 3.

15

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towns and New Zealand Salvation Army school teachers teaching in Fiji as part of assistance to government schools, but also helping in local churches.18 For the National Council of Churches proposal about housing in Suva, this came about through contacts Brian McStay had earlier had with the National Council of Churches. During a previous appointment in Christchurch, he had served as vice-president of the youth committee.19 With regards to post-trek reports, McStay noted that the territorial commander had “full … confidence in the reports that will be made by team members and fully intends to act on them.”20 Itinerary The initial plan for the trek was to spend ten days working as a team, conducting as many and varied types of meetings as possible and meeting the people. Those won to Christ during the campaign were to be followed-up by the inter-church committee planning the itinerary.21 The final itinerary shows that a very full programme was planned.22

The proposed itinerary of the Fiji trek team23

B. McStay, “Trek briefing papers”, (13 July 1972), NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040.

Letter, B. McStay to Williams, (24 July 1972), NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040.

20 McStay, “Trek briefing papers.”

21 McStay, “Trek briefing papers.”

22 B. McStay. “Itinerary”, (13 July 1972). Later amended 30 July 1972 and further again. NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040, FIJ 011.002 and T 2012.008.129.

23 The war cry, (New Zealand, 19 August 1972), 9.

18 19

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Trek diary – what actually happened The following record of what happened on the actual trek is based on reports published in the New Zealand War cry from August 1972 to January 1973, supplemented by personal memories from several trek participants.

On Wednesday 16 August, the team assembled at 5.30pm at the Railton Hotel, Queen Street, Auckland for a pre-flight briefing. This was the first time the whole team had been together.

Divisional leaders Lieut-Colonels Wesley and Marjorie Simpson accompanied the team to Auckland airport where the team boarded the 9.30pm Air New Zealand flight to Nadi. Arriving at midnight, the team were immediately struck by the heat after the cold of the New Zealand winter. After clearing customs, the team picked up three rental cars (Datsun station wagons), arranged by Salvationist Lester Harford of Tasman Rentals, Wellington. The cars conveyed team members and personal luggage while heavier luggage went by air freight to Suva.

The team finally reached the Tabua Motel (manager Abbas Khan) around 2am where they stayed overnight at a cost of $4 per night per team member. McStay reported that some of the team managed to sleep well despite the constant barking of dogs.24 Apart from this night in a motel, the team stayed in pre-arranged billets for the remainder of the trip.

Breakfast at Tabua Motel on the first day in Fiji25 Front table (l-r): Anne Aitken, Wilfred Arnold, Marie Janes, Beverly McStay, Brian McStay, Paul Bennetts, Jill Bennetts, Enid Weggery.

Back table (l-r): Shirley Smith, David Major, Donald Oliver (obscured), Patricia Richardon Unidentified in kitchen or absent: Ken Dawson, Gerald Thorner, Edwin Whiteside, Lawrence Weggery (taking photo?) Lyndon Weggery.

24 25

The war cry, (New Zealand, 14 October 1972), 8.

Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

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The next day, Thursday 17 August, saw the trek proper get underway. The team briefly looked around Nadi and then drove to Lautoka where two open-air meetings were held in the main street.26 David Major spoke at this open-air meeting and remembered the difficulty McStay had in getting people out of the duty-free shops, onto the open-air stand and on with the programme.27 The team then visited the local market in Ba after which they drove onto Suva by the King’s Highway, experiencing only one puncture. As they passed through the villages, people came out to greet them, having been informed of the Salvationists’ visit through radio advertising.

Open air meeting outside Ramish Store, Lautoka.28 Team members facing camera, L-R: Patricia Richardson (in front of car), Edwin Whiteside, Anne Aitken, Marie Janes.

Arriving in Suva, the team went to the Wesley Methodist Church, Butt Street, Suva where they met New Zealand Salvationists resident in Fiji including Miss Alice Lloyd, a former New Zealand officer. Also present were the church minister, Rev Inoka Navulivau and other church and committee members including Ken Hart, who took time off work to support the team and attend all trek meetings.

After some refreshments and a time of fellowship, the team had a choir rehearsal before going to their billets.29 On Friday 18 August, while team members worked on their own reports and surveys and got to know the city of Suva, McStay had interviews with the Minister for Education, the Hon Jone Naisara and the Hon Sakeasi Waqanavavalagi, Minister for Urban Renewal and Social Services.

At the second interview, McStay heard how the Hon Waqanavavalagi had been on a preaching tour in Australia sometime previously. Upon arriving at one town, he found that while planning for

26

There are discrepancies in where the first open air was held. Ken Dawson, David Major, Wilfred Arnold said Lautoka; Gerald and Shirley Thorner said Ba. I have opted for Lautoka.

27 David Major, Tenth anniversary newsletter of the Fiji trek, (1 August 1982).

28 Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

29 The war cry, (New Zealand, 4 November 1972), 4.

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his trip had fallen through, The Salvation Army band willingly turned out at short notice to support his visit.

After briefly attending the opening of the day’s session of the parliament, McStay went to the Fiji Broadcasting Service to record an interview about the Army and its background. As well, Enid Weggery recorded interviews for women’s programmes for both the English and Hindi services and Don Oliver recorded a song and an interview.

The first outdoor meeting was held at 6.30pm that night at Sukuna Park. The council erected a dais with electricity in this park and the team just had to pay for the power. David Major led the meeting which included a gospel puppet show, a small brass ensemble and a short message by Wilfred Arnold.

At this first open-air meeting in Suva, proceedings were stopped by a ‘part-time’ police sergeant in his formal uniform. He demanded to see the permit to conduct a public meeting. McStay said he had not been told that a permit was needed, apologised and went on to explain that The Salvation Army was not a military organisation but a branch of the Christian church. “Very well,” said the security sergeant coolly. “You can proceed but I and my men will be watching you.” This put a damper on the proceedings and McStay modified the usual open-air preaching somewhat, simply choosing to present the power of the risen Lord to transform and redeem all people. After all, this was what The Salvation Army was all about.30 Many of the crowd followed the team back to the Wesley Methodist Church for an indoor meeting at 7.30pm where the band attracted bystanders. About 100 people attended this meeting which included vocal and spoken presentations and a screening of the film Salute to a salvation centenary. Committee member Rev Joe Samy from Child Evangelism Fellowship operated the movie projector and Mr Maika Bovoro of the Fiji Bible Society set up a literature stall in the church foyer.

Previously on a visit to New Zealand, he had attended a performance of the Gowans and Larsson musical Hosea and had been very impressed by its impact on the audience.31 The team had the morning free on Saturday 19 August, before heading to the Naboro Prison Farm where they presented two programmes for the inmates plus puppet shows for 100 children. The first prison meeting was attended by about 90 medium security men who sat on the concrete floor for the performance. Shirley Thorner remembers being moved by the men at the prison singing Isa Lei.32 At the end of this meeting, one man stood and thanked the team for coming saying “Thank you for reminding us that Christ can really help us to be new men again.” Following afternoon tea, a second meeting was held for over 100 minimum security prisoners.

The evening activities consisted of an outdoor meeting at Sukuna Park attended by about 90 people, an indoor meeting at the Wesley Methodist Church which was poorly attended until the band started playing and a ‘floor show’ at the Golden Dragon Cabaret which was given a good reception.

War crys, All the world magazines and Jesus papers were distributed at this venue. Wilfred Arnold led and Shirley Smith gave the message at the open air meeting earlier in the evening.33 30

Letter, McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020). The security sergeant was Sami Seeto, of Fijian-Chinese descent and a complete unbeliever. He lived with his wife Biu and their daughters in the Bangasau slum area where he was chairperson of a committee looking after the community hall at the base of the high-rise rooms. Brian met him a year later when he was now appointed to Fiji and was negotiating for The Salvation Army to use that hall on Sunday mornings. Sami and Biu were among the first six converts enrolled as senior soldiers by the territorial commander when he visited Fiji during the first year of the work. Sami also was the first corps sergeant-major for the Suva Corps.

31 The war cry, (New Zealand, 19 August 1972), 9.

32 Thorner, “Trek memories.”

33 The war cry, (New Zealand, 2 December 1972), 7.

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Fiji trek team at Suva’s Golden Dragon night club34 L-R: Paul Bennetts, Unknown, Patricia Richardson, Ken Dawson, Anne Aitken, Gerald Thorner (in front), Don Oliver, Don Jackson.

On the morning of Sunday 20 August, the team split into several groups and led or took part in services at Raiwaqa and Suva Gospel Chapels, Nabua Methodist Church, Wesley Methodist Church and St Andrew’s Presbyterian Church. In the afternoon, Edwin Whiteside and Wilfred Arnold led the meeting at the Nasinu Approved Home for Boys. Then it was back to the Wesley Methodist Church which was packed for the evening meeting with children sitting on floor mats and many people standing outside. Attending the meeting were holidaying Salvationists from Blenheim and Sydney and the Pukekohe High School orchestra.

The meeting was run like a Salvation Army salvation meeting with choruses, the band, free prayer, a choir singing Crown Him with many crowns from The musical Salvationist and a “straight gospel message”. There was one seeker.35 The morning of Monday 21 August was spent gaining some insight into the poverty experienced by squatters in Nasinu. The team saw the work of the Red Cross, the Fiji Council of Churches and an organisation called HART (Housing and Rehabilitation Trust), led by Irishman Father Hurley. Shirley and Gerald Thorner also recall attending a large funeral for a well-known Fijian Indian Christian leader on that morning.36 The first of several Raiwaqa meetings was held in the evening. Over 500 people crowded around the puppet theatre at the open-air meeting and the booked hall proved totally inadequate for the indoor meeting which was moved outside.37 Team members also worked on individual projects throughout the week. Wilfred Arnold was involved with HART while Edwin Whiteside investigated medical needs in Suva. This included

34

Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 2 December 1972), 7.

36 Phone interview, Gerald & Shirley Thorner to Kingsley Sampson, (18 April 2020).

37 The war cry, (New Zealand, 2 December 1972), 7.

35

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visiting a medical clinic in Suva run by a European doctor who simply charged people whatever they could afford.38

A Fijian village visit by members of the trek39 L-R: Fijian mother and child, Ken Dawson, Anne Aitken, Paul Bennetts, Marie Janes.

A warm welcome was given to Brian McStay and Gerald Thorner on Tuesday 22 August, to the morning chapel service at the Pacific Theological College, after which they visited the Methodist Seminary at Nasouri.

Later that morning McStay and Thorner, together with Jackson attended a rehearsal with the Royal Fiji Military Band, Oliver and Thorner joined in the practice. Bandmaster Bert Neeve of Wellington City Corps had been instrumental in the formation of this band when he had been stationed in Fiji during the Second World War and Kini Cava, one of his former pupils, was now the bandmaster. Bert Neeve had sent over two autographed copies of the latest Wellington City Band records and McStay presented these to the band on behalf of Neeve.

While Brian McStay and Thorner were busy at the colleges and with the band, Beverly McStay spent time with Red Cross teams and other team members either had free time or worked on individual projects.

The evening activities took place at Raiwaqa Methodist Primary School. A crowd of at least 1000 was present for the outdoor meeting which featured gospel puppets, a film and a message by David Major. Over 100 people made decisions, many of them senior primary and high school students.40 Ten years later, Major recalled this meeting and directing the large group of seekers from his ‘platform’ under the flagpole.41

38

Phone interview, David Major to Kingsley Sampson, (20 May 2020).

Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

40 The war cry, (New Zealand, 9 December 1972), 5.

41 Major, Tenth anniversary newsletter.

39

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Wednesday 23 August saw the team divide into two groups, one to go to Sigatoka and the other to remain in Suva. A team of six drove to Sigatoka where they were hosted by Rev Mahish Giri who led a Hindi-speaking Methodist fellowship and who had written to territorial headquarters after some New Zealand Salvationists had holidayed nearby the previous year.42 The Sigatoka team conducted an evening service using films, puppets, singing and a gospel message. About 500 people attended, many of whom were non-Christian.

In Suva, the remaining trek members visited six schools. Under the leadership of Ken Dawson, they sang and spoke at Dudley High School, Gospel High School, Assemblies of God High School, Ballantine Memorial Methodist School, Delainavesi Primary School and Lami Fijian School.

Hundreds of people were present at every place.43

Action song at a school.44 L-R: Enid Weggery, Anne Aitken, Wilfred Arnold, Marie Janes, Ken Dawson, Gerald Thorner, Shirley Smith, on piano accordion (obscured) Lyndon Weggery, David Major.

In the evening, the Suva team conducted another outdoor meeting at Raiwaqa, an estimated crowd of around 1200 people attended and 50 seekers came to receive Christ at the close of the meeting. Such were the crowds at this Methodist primary school that the school gardens were trampled after each meeting. The team offered to restore the damaged gardens, but the headmaster declined their offer. He was thrilled to see this Christian gathering, commenting “People are what really matter.”45 The next day, Thursday 24 August, the Sigatoka team took religious instruction in a local school before driving back to Suva. The Suva team spent the morning visiting schools in Nasouri and had lunch at Dilkusha Children’s Home. The Suva team held an open-air meeting in the main street with hundreds standing to hear the message. Later in the afternoon, David Major and Edwin Whiteside conducted a children’s joy hour in the Nasouri Theatre. In the evening there were several decisions in the meeting held in the local Methodist Church.

42

Letter, McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020).

The war cry, (New Zealand, 9 December 1972), 16.

44 Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

45 The war cry, (New Zealand, 9 December 1972), 6.

43

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On the afternoon of Friday 25 August, the whole team visited the University of The South Pacific where they conducted a seminar in conjunction with the Student Christian Movement.

Afterwards they spent time with Rev Joe Samy and his wife before proceeding to the evening’s activities.

Unfortunately, heavy rain caused the abandonment of the outdoor meeting at Sukuna Park and initially only two people turned up for the indoor meeting at the Methodist Church. To remedy this, a public address system was rigged up on a car and driven around the town calling people to the meeting, while other team members walked around the streets inviting people they met. Eventually about 80 people came to the meeting, of whom three made decisions for Christ. These returned on Saturday morning for follow-up counselling with Shirley Smith.46 The team were free on the morning of Saturday 26 August and had time to look around Suva or attend to other activities. Among other things, the band instruments were packed and freighted to Nadi in preparation for Sunday’s return to New Zealand. In the afternoon, the team attended the Hibiscus Festival at Albert Park.47 Sunday 27 August was the final day in Fiji. The team took part in the morning service at Tamavua Methodist Church service where Rev Josateki Koroi was the minister in charge. In the afternoon, the team bade farewell to Don and Heather Jackson and drove via the Queen’s Road from Suva for Nadi. The team stopped for tea at a hotel on the way and heard a Mormon choir entertaining the guests.48 One car was very much the worse for wear by the time they reached Nadi. Fortunately, there was time for a quick shower before boarding the 7.45pm Air New Zealand Nadi to Auckland flight, flying back home and returning to the more normal routines of life in New Zealand.49 One day close to the end of the trek, some trek members visited a brothel in Toorak late one afternoon. The visit was arranged by a Methodist minister who was trying to help women who had been forced into prostitution due to their economic circumstances. The matter-of-fact way in which the brothel was run was an eye-opener to those who went there.50 As an example of team members using their various gifts and skills for the benefit of the trek, Gerald Thorner was an amateur (HAM) radio operator. On two occasions, he was able to relay messages back to The Salvation Army in Wellington via Major John Major, a fellow HAM operator in Wellington. This kept territorial headquarters staff up-to-date with how the trek was going and enabled The war cry to print this somewhat belated news flash.

News from the Fiji trek team in The war cry51 46

The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 January 1973), 6.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 January 1973), 6.

48 Phone interview, Thorner to Sampson (18 April 2020).

49 The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 January 1973), 7.

50 Phone interview, Major to Simpson, (20 May 2020). Ten years later, the Suva Central Corps was based in its own property at the other end of that street. Major, Tenth anniversary newsletter, 2.

51 The war cry, (New Zealand, 9 September 1972), 11.

47

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Reflection In preparing a summary of the trek for The Salvation Army Archives, Cyril Bradwell wrote that the team was received warmly and “exploratory discussions were held with government and civic leaders and heads of church groups. Meetings were held in schools, prisons, churches, night clubs and in the open air [and that] the eager participation of all concerned brought great results.”52 In the ten days spent in Fiji, around 6000 people attended the meetings and nearly 200 decisions for Christ were recorded.53 These were followed up with letters and literature from New Zealand and referrals to local churches. Information gathered highlighted the following issues worthy of further consideration: support for primary and secondary schools, short-term vocational training schemes, the growing social problems in Suva and support for Pacific people, especially mothers and children now resident in New Zealand.54 In writing recently about the trek, McStay wrote, “Outreach took a similar form to a previous student trek to Nelson held in the 1960s – music, puppets and church services. These were held mostly around Suva. The team visited various Suva churches and caused a stir at a local ‘nightclub’. Many people attended not only all the meetings but many got saved.”55 In reflecting on the musical side of the trek, Don Oliver observed that “[o]ur bright happy music done enthusiastically always seemed to communicate in whatever setting we found ourselves. [It was] a great way to get attention outside or inside [and] set the scene for the spoken word.”56 Paul and Jill Bennetts wrote that the puppet theatre proved to be “incredibly popular” and “crowds of children would appear as it was being erected.”57 A trip like this highlighted for team members economic and cultural differences between New Zealand and Fiji. For example, when visiting villages in Fiji, Paul and Jill Bennetts were struck first by how little people had when compared to life in New Zealand and second, that their prize possessions were their children who they would proudly bring out to show the visitors.58 Another thing the trek highlighted was the value of miscellaneous and unconnected contacts that Fijian people had with The Salvation Army before the trek arrived in Fiji.

• Rev Giri’s contact with Majors John and Lola Bailey of Temuka and other Salvationists when they were holidaying in Sigatoka in 1971.

• The assistance given to Sakeasi Waqanavavalagi by an unnamed Salvation Army band in Australia.

• The Nadi airport porter who had seen a Salvation Army open air meeting in Sydney.

• The Fiji Bible Society secretary who had been impressed by the impact on the audience of a Wellington performance of the Gowans and Larsson musical Hosea.

Shirley Thorner also remembered the co-operation with other churches during the trek. This was in contrast with what she had experienced in cadets’ campaigns which were more Salvation Army centred.59

52

Report by Cyril Bradwell, NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 January 1973), 7.

54 The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 January 1973), 6 – 7.

55 Letter, McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020).

56 Email, Don Oliver to Kingsley Sampson, (30 June 2020).

57 Email, P & J Bennetts to K. Sampson, (29 June 2020).

58 Email, Bennetts to Sampson, (29 June 2020).

59 Phone interview, Thorner to Sampson, (18 April 2020).

53

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Something else Shirley Thorner and also David Major60 noted was the freedom to amend the programme as needed. The team took opportunities as they arose and adapted their pre-planned programme whenever necessary.

After the trek A cyclone struck Fiji in October, not long after the Salvationists had returned to New Zealand.

Because Fiji was fresh in Salvationists minds, money was raised for relief and initially channelled through the Red Cross and CORSO.61 Later in 1972, International Headquarters gave permission for the New Zealand Salvation Army to ‘open fire’ in Fiji and Brian and Beverly McStay together with their children, Darlene (11) and John (7) were appointed to commence the work there. The McStays moved to Fiji early in 1973 and it took some weeks to get operations underway. But finally on Sunday 29 April 1973 the first official Salvation Army meeting in Fiji was held.62 Five months later in September 1973, the territorial commander Commissioner Ernest Elliot enrolled eight soldiers and accepted a local couple as cadetlieutenants due to prior Bible college studies and ministry experience. Two years later a contingent from Fiji attended the 1975 ‘Come Alive in Christ’ congress in Wellington. They included the newly formed Suva Corps Band of 16 players.

The Salvation Army Fijian band Fiji contingent at 1975 Wellington Congress63

60

Phone interview, Major to Sampson, (20 May 2020).

Letter, B. McStay to D. & H. Jackson, (16 November 1972), NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives: FIJ 002.040.

62 Brian McStay, “The Fiji Story”, 18-20, in Anon ed., Salvation Army Year Book, 1975, (London: International Headquarters, 1975), 19.

63 The war cry, (New Zealand, 24 May 1975), 13.

61

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Ten years after the trek, 1982, trek member David Major and his wife Carol were the Fiji regional leaders. Major sent a ten-year anniversary newsletter to all participants reminding them of that eventful visit and informing them of subsequent developments. The next year, 1983, when the tenth anniversary of the official commencement was celebrated, there were four corps in Fiji; Raiwai, Suva Central, Lomaivuna and Lautoka.

Jumping ahead to 2020, The Salvation Army in Fiji is a division in its own right, with almost 40 active Fijian officers, 15 corps, five outposts or corps plants and a School for Officer Training.

Social programmes include three family care centres, three kindergartens, two sewing programmes, a Red Shield House for young men, a court and prison ministry and airport chaplains. In 2019, a delegation of over 70 Fijian Salvationists including the Fiji Regional Band attended the territorial congress in Wellington, together with delegations from Tonga and Samoa, further Pacific countries where the Army opened fire in 1986 and 2018 respectively.

A section of the Fiji Regional Band at Encounter Congress, Wellington, October 201964

In writing to the team on 13 July 1972, approximately one month before departure, McStay mused: “I [Brian] have no idea … what will come of it all. If [The Salvation Army is] not needed, then ‘I will be happy’ with the trek. If [there is] any indication that [The Salvation Army] is needed, then we shall do what is asked of us if at all possible.”65 From what has transpired in Fiji since then, one could rightly declare that this ‘spying out of the land’ was a success and that The Salvation Army was indeed needed.

The Salvation Army New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory, “Suva Central Band,” Facebook, (4 October 2019), https://www.facebook.com/SalvationArmyNZFTS/photos/a.2578342942222296/2578344495555474/?type=3&theater accessed 18 April 2020 65 McStay, “Briefing papers.”

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GRAHAM MILLAR: ECUMENICAL SALVATIONIST AND SOCIAL ACTIVIST Harold Hill Every so often one encounters a Salvationist who is so involved in ecumenical and wider activities in society that they become almost as widely known outside The Salvation Army as within it. Major Gerben Stelstra would be one such person in Australia and Majors Peter Thorp and Campbell Roberts in their respective fields in New Zealand.1 Another in the New Zealand territory is Graham Millar. For example, at the Army’s “Just Action” conference held in Wellington in October 2019, two of the invited speakers independently referred to Graham’s work and influence, one being the retired Anglican Archbishop, Sir David Moxon, and the other, representing the President of the Methodist Church on that occasion, was Peter Glensor, past chairman of the Hutt Valley District Health Board amongst other roles. Most Salvationists, however, would have little idea of the extent of Graham’s activities on behalf both of the Army and of the wider church. This article, derived from notes made by Graham at my request and from conversations with him, as well as from correspondence with others, seeks to place that service on record.

As an officers’ child, Graham had the usual peripatetic OK’s upbringing, but an ecumenical link was that his father, Lt. Colonel Len Millar, spent eleven years as the Army’s representative on the National Council of Churches (NCC) executive, and chaired it for some years, while his mother served on the NCC women’s committee and his elder sister Gwen was on the youth committee. On leaving school, Graham worked in a bank before taking his Bachelor of Arts (BA) in English and Geography at Victoria University of Wellington, then trained as a teacher in Christchurch, where he married Enid Daniels of Sydenham Corps in January 1960. After a year of teaching in Palmerston North, he taught at Oxford District High School in 1961 – 1963, serving as Senior Secondary Assistant for most of that time, was involved in a local drama group, led the band at the local Corps – and preached on occasion at the Baptist church.

In 1964, Graham and Enid were cadets at the Salvation Army Training College in Wellington, during which time he also took three papers towards the Melbourne College of Divinity Licentiate of Theology. Sent out as Cadet-Lieutenants, they served in 1965 – 1966 as Corps Officers at Richmond. As part of an active Minister’s Association there, they were involved in a door-to-door survey of the town and Graham co-led led a joint training session for lay leaders using World Reference citation of this paper; Harold Hill, “Graham Millar: Ecumenical Salvationist and social activist”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 111 – 122.

1 Major Peter Thorp (1947 – 2007) spent much of his service in corps roles and as a Court Officer, but his final appointment, as External Relations Secretary, was tailor-made. Amongst his many roles, he was President of the National Library Association, chaired the first New Zealand Inter-Faith Conference in 2003, was Convenor of the Combined Churches Agency on International Affairs, President of the Wellington Branch of the New Zealand Institute for International Affairs, Secretary of the Council of Wellington Churches, and Secretary of both the Wellington and the New Zealand Association of Christians and Jews. Inclined to eccentricity, he once left a surprised cadet to take over a Sunday meeting in the song before the sermon as he had to keep an appointment with the Papal Nuncio. He walked the length of Wellington’s Lambton Quay daily to “show the uniform”. The Governor General spoke at his funeral and the Mayor of Wellington unveiled a plaque to his memory on a park bench.

Major Campbell Roberts OF CNZM has played a significant part in public affairs in relation to social policy and housing policy, on which he has been a go-to person for governments of all political persuasion for many years. His appointments have included corps and community service work, youth work and secondment to industrial chaplaincy, Social Services Secretary and Divisional Commander. He was the founder and long-term first Director of The Salvation Army’s Social Policy and Parliamentary Unit, and a member of the Army’s Territorial Coordination Council, and of its national and International Moral and Social Issues Councils.

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The Millar family, 1972 Taken in Rhodesia when the family were about to return to New Zealand2

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Photograph courtesy of the Millar family.

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Council of Churches material. Encouraged by articles in The officer and by one or two other officers’ experience, Graham initiated Industrial Chaplaincy at the local Freezing Works, to attend Fire Brigade call-outs and participated in inter-church events such as a visit by Ronald Goldman, specialist in children’s religious thinking. A further ecumenical experience was being sent, along with Cadet-Lieutenant Graeme Smith, to a five-day conference for theological students, arranged at Marton by the NCC in 1965.

A long-standing commitment to overseas service saw the Millars and their three sons, soon to be four, off to Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) in 1967, where Graham was firstly Vice-Principal of the Mazowe3 Secondary School and later, in 1971, Headmaster of Howard Secondary School. In Rhodesia Graham’s major external role was with the Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship (SASF), a very strong organisation drawing especially on teachers who had been trained at the Army’s Howard Teachers’ College. His two years as Secretary of the SASF involved organising two annual conferences. For meetings in connection with a visit by General Erik Wickberg he was asked to organise an SASF choir, and this was said to have been the first multi-racial Salvation Army choir in the country. Discovering that ex-Mazowe students tended to be left without follow-up pastoral care and fell away from the Army, Graham started a Mazowe Ex-Students’ Association as well.

In 1972 the Millar family (now with four sons) returned to New Zealand, from sunny Rhodesia to the Invercargill winter, to be corps officers there. Graham soon established some ecumenical links, beginning with attendance at a 14-week Clinical Pastoral Education training course at Kew Hospital (which involved 15 hours course work per week, not counting set reading, in addition to his corps duties). This led to his first experience of Clinical Supervision, provided by the course instructor, the Rev Don Shaw. This was a turning point which led thirty years later, largely through Graham’s advocacy, to the eventual provision of pastoral supervision for Salvation Army officers. While in Invercargill he also attended (with Lieutenant Campbell Roberts) a oneweek Inter-church Trade and Industry Mission (ITIM) training course in Dunedin and was thereafter engaged in ITIM advocacy work in Southland. The Cameron Centre from Dunedin provided some extension pastoral courses in Invercargill, which he found useful – and was able to use this material in courses for the Salvation Army in various places thereafter. Graham also served on the Board of the Southland Marriage Guidance Council and was a member of the Invercargill Middle School school-committee.

For 1975 – 1978, the Millars found themselves appointed back to the Aro Street Officer Training College in Wellington, where Graham served as Senior Training Officer under Major Tom Cross, the Principal. Before the intake of cadets arrived, Graham became a member of a group which led in 1978 to the establishment of the Urban Training Centre for Christian Ministry. This was formed under the auspices of Inner-City Ministries (now Down-town Community Ministries, or DCM). It was initiated by the Rev Godfrey Wilson, vicar of St Peter’s (and later Assistant-Bishop of Auckland), and led by Bruce Gilberd, later Bishop of Auckland. Graham also served on the ITIM Education Committee.

By the end of 1975 Graham’s work-load had extended to marking Post-Commissioning Studies in place of Captain Laurence Hay who had been appointed overseas, and from 1976 – 1978, he continued to teach at the Training College as well as becoming Education Secretary at Territorial Headquarters. During this time, he connected with other churches over post-ordination training and continuing education for both lay and ordained persons, and put up to the Army’s leadership a paper about the need for adult education in The Salvation Army. He made a request to attend a one3

Then called “Mazoe”, but now to better reflect Shona pronunciation is spelt “Mazowe”.

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afternoon per week paper on Tertiary Teaching at Victoria University, but this was declined. After that, he determined not to ask permission before taking such opportunities. He subsequently worked piecemeal for a number of years on the Victoria University Diploma of Educational Studies, eventually gaining his Bachelor of Education (BEd).

During the David Lange administrative years adult education was well-funded and supported by government.4 Graham joined the New Zealand Association for Continuing and Community Education (NZACCE) and had some involvement at executive committee level helping produce new policy and strategy, organising the annual conference at one stage. Advocating for the churches, he was invited by the Ministry of Education to represent the field in a group, to interview applicants for the position of National Advisor. In later years he also helped the NZACCE executive to work through bi-cultural issues. As Salvation Army Education Secretary Graham began developing the program which eventually came to fruition in the Centre for Leadership Development at Booth College of Mission. He developed officer refresher courses, some distance learning courses, wrote guides for small group creative Bible study (some of which were published in The war cry), held residential (at Temuka and Hodderville) and city-based (Christchurch, Auckland, Wellington and Dunedin) Bible schools. On the side, he was responsible for preparing the Disposition of Forces, and for writing the Officer Personnel section of the Manual of reference (superseded by today’s THQ Minutes). He continued to teach at the training college, being Education Officer for 1978, during which the Millars also oversaw Wellington City Corps for three months.

Transferred back to corps work, the Millars were stationed at Linwood, Christchurch, 1979 – 1981. Early in their time there, Graham was able to attend Structural Analysis Training one night a week. Then, with the local Ministers’ Association, he: 1. opened Linwood Open House (a drop-in centre) and trained volunteers for this; 2. developed a joint work-skills scheme; 3. held community liaison meetings, conducted social need surveys; 4. ran Linwood Fair and Fun Day in Linwood Avenue Park for the whole community in 1980 – 1981; and 5. Linwood community carol service in Intermediate School hall with local radio DJ leading. Graham notes that these five initiatives were community development at a more intense level than he experienced later as a Community Development Officer with the Wellington City Council.

While at Linwood Graham was also a member of the Canterbury ITIM Board and Enid did chaplaincy for the cleaners at Burwood Hospital. Graham was also a board member of Christian World Service for three years, which involved such tasks as writing advent resources for churches, introducing an essay contest for university students on development topics (and marking these once), attending and leading structural analysis workshops, and facilitating events. He was also a member of a Low Incomes Working Party and participated in events challenging the 1981 Springbok Tour.5 At corps level Graham endeavoured to involve other Salvationists in groups, such as refugee resettlement, the emergency canteen, open house workers, plus prayer, musical, and study groups.

Morning congregations in 1981 averaged 240 and evenings 120. He did a series on Old Testament book outlines, summarised in wall posters. He tried to use the creativity of members, as in an art display of Clive Luscombe’s work, and a harvest festival afternoon where people showed their

David Lange was Prime Minister of New Zealand 1984 – 1989.

The Divisional Commander, Major Melvin Taylor, later told him, “You realise that officers were forbidden to be involved in that protest?” “No,” said Graham, “I didn’t know that.” “Well,” said the DC, “the difficulty was that the THQ Memo was marked ‘Confidential’, so I didn’t feel free to share it.”

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skills such as pottery, vintage car restoration, and handcrafts. There were charts of involvement in meetings by musicians and soloists, Junior Soldiers, Corps Cadets and so on.

For the four years 1982 – 1986, it was back to Wellington for the Millars, with Graham’s secondment as General Secretary of the Churches Education Commission (CEC). They had asked for leave of absence and were offered this position instead – and later learned that retired Commissioner Ernest Elliot, then chairing the Commission, had asked the Army for Graham’s secondment to the role. The CEC widened Graham’s involvement in the ecumenical scene considerably. It was well supported by the churches, and its mandate was two-fold: not only religious education in state schools but the churches’ input and influence in general education as well.

On a personal level, he shared the CEC office with Denis Povey, secretary of the Negotiating Churches Unity Council (which became the Uniting Congregations of Aotearoa New Zealand or UCANZ),6 and with Peter Glensor, then the Wellington and Youth staff person for the National Council of Churches. Peter and Graham shared a secretary and Enid later became administrative secretary for Denis. All were involved in the planning by the NCC and the Roman Catholic Church towards the formation of the Conference of Churches of Aotearoa New Zealand (CCANZ). When the CCANZ held its inaugural forum in Rotorua, Graham was invited to help with justice issues, and when it was wound up in 2005 Graham was there to help facilitate – the only person to have attended both opening and closing events.

The return to Wellington also renewed Graham’s association with the Urban Training Centre, for which he became a board member and later Chair. He also became a board member of the InterChurch Commission on Immigration and Refugee Resettlement (ICCI) arising out of his involvement with Christian World Service. Most of these ecumenical activities were not directly representing The Salvation Army but by personal invitation. Education for Ministry (EFM) was another such involvement because he had been researching adult education courses available and found EFM to be the best. This was supplied to New Zealand through the Anglican Church from the Australian Anglican Religious Education Board. To make it ecumenical in scope the CEC was asked to oversee it and a training and development section was formed. The originators of the course, the University of the South in Sewanee, Tennessee, wanted direct contact so a New Zealand EFM board was formed, with the chair of CEC and the Anglican Bishop of Waikato as presidents and Graham as its first chair. Later he served as a group mentor and then as a trainer of mentors, going to Sewannee for a trainers’ week. The New Zealand network also held an exciting annual training week.

After the inaugural forum of the Conference of Churches of Aotearoa New Zealand, Graham was asked to start and co-convene (with Dominican Sister Mary Concannon) Unit 3 which was about Evangelism, Mission and Unity.7 They worked well together and he frequently represented the group at CCANZ executive meetings and at some Annual Forums. On one occasion he was actually invited by The Salvation Army to be one of its forum delegates! When the CCANZ was choosing staff, Graham applied for a position, as he and Enid had already indicated their intention to resign as officers at the end of 1987. In the event he stepped back as one of the existing NCC 6

Uniting Congregations comprise (varying according to locality) members of the Methodist, Presbyterian, Anglican, Congregational and Christian (formerly the Associated Churches of Christ) Churches.

7 As the name implies, the CCANZ majored on “conference” events, indicative of its commitment to “flatter structures”, but its functions were divided amongst four “Units” with specific briefs. Its structure was complicated by the fact that there were three offices in different cities, with three administrative secretaries who did not invariably work well together!

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staff needed the job as the sole supporter of her family. Graham felt that the failure of the mainline churches to push for appropriate staff appointments was however one of the factors leading eventually to the demise of the CCANZ.8 Unit 3 had a brief that included chaplaincies, inter-religious dialogue, faith and order questions, and so on. One of the occasions that stood out was a chaplaincy conference which included most forms of chaplaincy except industrial. A different type of faith and order conference was held at Akatarawa in midwinter and entitled Taking Root. It was intended to bring together groups who were doing interesting forms of church at the grassroots. A major challenge from women to men, “We do theology collectively, do you?” subverted the process for a day.

When the Muslim centre in Newtown was graffitied because of the Salman Rushdie fatwa, Unit 3 decided to arrange a supportive dialogue with some Muslim leaders. After careful planning, six CCANZ representatives, including Graham, met with six Muslim people in a neutral venue.

This was worthwhile and was repeated once. The following year, during the week of prayer for World Peace, a three-faith gathering was held in the foyer of the Michael Fowler Centre. Children’s choirs from the Jewish school, St Mark’s Anglican school, and the Muslim community, each sang, then all joined in a circle, with adults on the outside, and sang, “It’s a small world after all.”

Relevant extracts from the three sacred books were also read, and the Mayor, Jim Belich, spoke.

One of the Muslim women, crying, said that if this were in the Middle East they would be teaching their children to kill each other.

Another interest was the Programme on Racism (POR). Before Graham started the CEC job in late January 1982, he was invited to an early January hui9 at the Presbyterian marae at Ohope.10 This was sponsored by NCC and the Christian Conference of Asia. Hone Kaa and Jim Veitch were the co-facilitators, although Hone really ran the agenda. Graham had thought it was to be about a New Zealand theology, but it was a great place to start talking about Te Tiriti.11 Many leaders were there as well as people like Claudia Orange who had yet to publish her significant book on the Treaty. It was Graham’s first experience of living on a marae, and quite exciting, frightening, and deep. After that he attended POR courses for Christian educators and tried to challenge the CEC with some of the issues. The regular publications from POR were useful and he later became part of the Network Waitangi trainers’ group. In 1983, Graham’s second year at the CEC, he did a sixweek Maori language course at the kuratini (polytech) but kept his job going in evenings, so didn’t get much homework done. This was a good experience, with a “noho marae” (a stay-over at the marae) at Waiwhetu, at which he met Parihaka people for the first time.12 He also continued studying with Education papers during these years.

There was also a Social Justice trainers’ network, to encourage which the Ecumenical Secretariat on Development employed a staff person. Because he had been part of Structural Analysis training in Christchurch, Graham continued to use these techniques with groups and became part of a national network which held a few residential gatherings at Stella Maris (a retreat

For an analysis of this demise, see Peter Lineham, “Why the Conference of Churches in Aotearoa New Zealand Failed: The birth, life and death of an ecumenical experiment in New Zealand”, in Allan Davidson and Peter Lineham (eds), When the Road Runs Out . . . Research essays on the ecumenical journey (Christchurch: CCANZ, 2005), 33 – 73.

9 “Hui”, a gathering, or assembly.

10 A “marae” is the open space in front of a Maori meeting house (a “wharenui”), used as a social or ceremonial forum.

11 “Te Tiriti”: The Treaty of Waitangi, 1840, the basis of New Zealand’s bi-racial partnership.

12 “Parihaka” is a Maori community in Taranaki which was illegally invaded by government troops in 1881 and its pacifist prophet Te Whiti (a source of inspiration to Mahatma Ghandi himself) imprisoned along with his followers.

These seminal events in New Zealand’s bi-cultural history and the ensuing injustices were ignored until recent years.

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centre in Wellington). This was stimulating, and helpful for looking at issues like the spirituality which would sustain activism, and further theological and practical issues and methods.

Graham was invited to attend an Asian ecumenical leadership conference arranged by the Christian Conference of Asia in late 1982. This was on the theme of a theological basis for education and was attended by people from many Asian countries and churches. It was held at YMCA in Chiang Mai, Thailand. He spent much of the time in his room suffering from dysentery, and on oral rehydration salts and antibiotics. As a result, he lost weight to less than 10 stone, and though he attended most of the sessions, he did not manage some of the outings. There were three New Zealand delegates, Graham and two women, one of whom was Maori. They often met with the two Australians present. Despite illness, it was a very rich time. Graham presented a paper on New Zealand education which incorporated his own analysis of the rationing system which meant poorer people were made to accept that they could only do the lower paid jobs.

In September 1983 Graham had his first experience of a seven-day directed retreat at the Pastoral Centre, a Roman Catholic foundation in Palmerston North. This really helped him move into contemplative spirituality and later into Spiritual Direction training, and membership of the Spiritual Growth Ministries national workgroup in the 1990s. This body, initially part of the Mission Resource Team of the Presbyterian Church, later became an independent, nondenominational trust. Graham encouraged The Salvation Army to offer, and Salvationists to attend, retreats and ran some himself. He also tried to develop ecumenical supervision networks for clergy and promoted professional supervision within the Army. As a result of these efforts, both Spiritual Direction and Supervision have been written into The Salvation Army’s official Minutes and hopefully become embedded in the Army’s culture in New Zealand, a number of officers having undertaken training in these areas.

A secular commitment at this time was to be on the Africa Projects committee for the New Zealand Council for Relief Services Overseas (CORSO). Graham’s involvement with adult and community education was also very regular during this time and later. He recalls being one of the key organisers for an annual NZACCE conference held in Wellington at Victoria University between the student union building and the university marae.

During the CEC job, Graham’s contact with other member churches was considerable, from Open Brethren, through Anglican, Baptist, Presbyterian, Methodist and others. This included speaking at several annual church gatherings such as Assemblies (Baptist and Presbyterian), Conferences (Methodist and Congregational) and Synods (Anglican). About half of the job was concerned with Religious Instruction in primary schools. This involved travelling to regional meetings, running training events, and negotiating with the Joint Board of Christian Education of Australia and New Zealand, who produced the approved curriculum. Graham found the Joint Board to be a great organisation, he attended Board meetings annually, as well as their training for Christian education specialists. Good relationships with some of the key New Zealand people in the major churches were formed. Four of these were on his executive committee.

The CEC was concerned with all the issues around education which affected churches. This included addressing the New Zealand Education Department, which had two different observers on the Commission, both of whom became major leaders in the Department before and after the “Tomorrow’s Schools” reforms.13 The place of religion in education was a major concern. Graham tried several ways to address this. One of these was to obtain a Churchill Fellowship grant in January 1985 to look at the study of religion in Australian schools. His report and subsequent 13

“Tomorrow’s Schools”: significant changes in the New Zealand educational system, introduced in 1989.

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efforts to incorporate this into New Zealand schools was hijacked by the Tomorrow’s Schools reforms. There was some involvement with church schools, and with Christian education within churches throughout the life cycle.

Continuing education for lay and clergy was a particular interest, and also theological and ministry formation. This included involvement in an ecumenical group (primarily Anglican) writing a lay theological syllabus. In particular, he remembers a week spent at Gate Pa church in Tauranga, where David Moxon was the vicar. Bruce Gilberd, Colin Hopkirk (a Roman Catholic working for the PCANZ), and others worked hard but with fun, on this project. It eventually looked to be a wonderful lay substitute for full time theological training. It would have been possible to complete the course in two lifetimes! A much edited version was later produced.

At one of the Christian education trainers’ gatherings Graham remembers Colin Hopkirk introducing people to the Myers Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI). He later attended a course by Stephanie Kitching (a Catholic sister and first to be trained in this in Wellington). As so often when Graham became interested in something he ended up teaching it. His MBTI Accreditation allowed him to help over 2000 people discover their type and learn how to use it; over many years this included annual sessions with cadets at The Salvation Army training college.

In 1986 – 1987 Graham was back at Territorial Headquarters as Assistant Social Services Secretary. The Army had had difficulty finding an appropriate appointment for the Millars. The CEC had a three-year trial period for their General Secretary, and the Army allowed this to be extended for a year, while CEC wanted longer. In fact, Graham was happy to finish, especially with RI in schools, and he enjoyed his time in Social Services. His role was mainly about pastoral care of officers and training needs. However, he was also the deputy leader and enjoyed working with Lt. Colonel Melvin Taylor, the Social Services Secretary. He became the Army’s representative on the New Zealand Council of Christian Social Services and a variety of opportunities opened up from this. Graham had been attending numerous training sessions for counselling, spiritual direction, adult education and theology during this time and his counselling load was increasing but only with those who asked. However, these were years in which both Graham and Enid struggled to make The Salvation Army officer role work for them and the territorial commander of the time did not seem particularly interested in retaining their services.

The Millars resigned and left officership in January 1988. Enid got a secretarial job straight away, but it took Graham three months. Many places did not want a male ex-Salvation Army officer 50 years of age; for example, the Human Rights Commission, which wanted an educator. He fitted the skills, but not the categories they imposed for the prevention of discrimination in their services.

In the interval, Graham facilitated two Development Education workshops, one for Council for International Development and one for the Advisory Council on Overseas Aid and Development.

He also helped Major Campbell Roberts on the paper he was preparing for the Royal Commission on Social Policy (1988); from submissions, he prepared the part on Maori Housing.

Finally, Graham managed to find a job with Wellington City Council Community Development team. The manager had met him at an EFM mentor training event. She later said that though his CV was fine, because of his Salvation Army officer background he would not have had an interview if she hadn’t known him already.14 The Community Development team were great to work with, almost all women with many strengths and a caring community. He worked half time in the northern suburbs, where the Millars then lived, so that he could develop his counselling practice.

Because of The Salvation Army’s official and public opposition to homosexual law reform only a couple of years earlier, Salvationists tended to be viewed with suspicion, especially by people in helping agencies.

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He became a member of the New Zealand Association of Counsellors in 1995 and served on its Ethics Committee for some years.

In his new City Council role Graham became a member of the Aotearoa Community Workers Association, which held a great hui at Ratana Pa one year.15 He increased his skills in facilitation through the Group Leadership Laboratories and other places. These were invaluable in his job, and in private work with churches and other groups. He also offered many adult education courses through Newlands College, Wellington High School, Rongotai College, the Workers’ Educational Association, and on his own initiative. As a result, he developed his own agency called LEAD: Liberating Education and Development, offering a variety of human development courses. He was also asked by The Salvation Army to help with Continuing Education after Major Lance Rive, then Education Secretary, was appointed to Fiji. This became a 10 – 15 hour a week Staff Training Advisor role for a number of years, firstly with Major Richard Smith as Education Secretary and from 1995 – 2000 with the writer. In 1989 he also began to work with the Presbyterian Church Mission Resource Team, working 15 hours per week as director of Christian Education throughout the lifecycle. The three jobs were flexible in that some weeks he would be doing more of one and then the other. Keeping track of hours and mileage were a challenge, however, and his own private work was also squeezed in. After nine months he decided he had to let go of some, and it was the Presbyterian job that went.

Facilitation was a significant role for which Graham was often contracted. Archbishop David Moxon notes that “He brings the experience of both Church-facing and world-facing expertise; there are very few people in New Zealand with his level of expertise” in that work.16 One interesting assignment was to facilitate a one-day vision planning for the Wellington Anglican diocese in 1997 in connection with their annual synod; another was with Catholic educators.

Facilitation ranged from parish planning days to two two-day meetings of the CCANZ executive and the heads/representatives of member churches. There had been some issues for member churches, and an assessment was contracted. He facilitated discussion of this document. It was hard work, but resulted in the CCANZ continuing, with some conditions on the way they operated and consulted. There was surprise that they reached this consensus. Unfortunately, some of the member church leaders felt that the CCANZ staff did not keep these conditions, and it gradually wound down.

In connection with an attempt by some church leaders to renew various ecumenical connections, Graham was invited to facilitate two meetings a year of church leaders who wanted to work together on this, and he did this until the end of 2013. Nearly all churches participated in this process although of the Pentecostal churches only the President of the Assemblies of God attended and represented other Pentecostal denominations as he was currently chairing their association. On a personal note, on joining this group as a Salvation Army representative in 2009, I learned that Graham had previously worked with or acted as supervisor for many of the other church leaders and delegates present! After nearly a decade spent, firstly, coming to an agreed statement of belief, and secondly, in exploration of what is identified as “Receptive Ecumenism” this process led in 2016 to the formation of a new body, the “National Dialogue for Christian Unity”, comprising only the Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, and Uniting Churches, while the Presbyterian Church joined

15

Ratana Pa, headquarters of the Ratana Church, founded by the prophet and healer Wiremu Ratana around 1920.

Ratana also has a political wing, for some decades in partnership with the Labour movement but courted by all parties at its annual celebrations.

16 Most Rev Sir David Moxon, letter of 25 May 2015 in author’s possession and quoted with permission.

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in 2018.17 The Salvation Army opted for associate membership (Observer Status) from the inception.

Apart from church-related groups, Graham also facilitated for community groups such as the Mental Health Consumers group, and the seniors centre. The Wellington Regional Council contracted him to facilitate a staff and councillor workshop on sustainable development. In 1995 he reduced his City Council hours to ten per week as his private work was increasing, and later that year he finished at WCC after seven years, concentrating on private practice and Salvation Army staff training. The latter involved on-going work with the current Education Secretary in planning and delivering officer refresher courses and other training events, and taking part in various working parties such as the one developing the official Minute on Supervision in 1999 – 2000. He also contributed to planning towards the development of the Centre for Leadership Development, associated with the officer training college, into which the Education Department morphed around 2000 under the joint leadership of Major Graeme McMurdo and the author.

During these years Graham explored other interests, such as men’s issues and movement, to which a number of experiences led. The women in Network Waitangi for example challenged men to work on anti-sexism, and the CCANZ “Faith and Order” conference called “Taking root” included a challenging experience to men about working collaboratively. Graham also considered that as the Continuing Education department at Victoria University of Wellington had started women’s studies, which became a full department, they should provide courses for men to help change. They asked him to develop this, and “Issues for men in NZ” ran as a four-session course.

Many then wanted to continue, so he planned another one called “Men working for change”. He did not have energy for more, nor was he asked to, but a smaller group began meeting fortnightly for five years. He determined to be a member, not the leader, and this worked well. It was a real growth experience for them all, and a support for their attempts to make change in self and society. Other men’s groups made contact and he participated in two Men’s Leadership gatherings at Tauhara Centre in Taupo. He also helped organise some Wellington events.

Graham’s African experience led to on-going membership of the CORSO African projects committee. He was also on the Churches Drought Action in Africa committee which was a collective of relief agencies to raise money at that time. In 1989, he was asked to go to a conference in Zimbabwe about the situation in Mozambique.

Two local church-related organisations in which Graham became active were the Frederic Wallis House Trust and St Andrews Trust for the Study of Religion and Society. The St Andrews Trust exists to provide learning opportunities at St Andrews on the Terrace, a Presbyterian church in Wellington. It was originally set up to facilitate lectures for the general public by Lloyd Geering, emeritus professor of Religious Studies at Victoria University. Graham attended many of these and was invited to join the Trust Board. This was an interesting experience for several years.

Wallis House was a beautiful old house near Hutt Hospital, which was gifted by Margaret Wallis in memory of her husband who had been Anglican Bishop of Wellington. Graham’s first experiences there had been Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship conferences in 1960s. In the 1990s he was asked to be the facilitator of the Wallis House monthly staff meeting. This was a great concept as the Christian community who ran the house could then talk about the issues which were not safe to raise in their weekly meetings. He was also on the House Board for several years. The 17

Receptive ecumenism, a process arising especially from work of Cardinal Walter Kasper, and of Dr Paul Murray of Durham University, is a reassessment of the ecumenical process in light of the remaining challenges and difficulties faced by ecumenists. In other words, participants set out to share and support one another in their weaknesses rather than to proclaim their strengths.

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house was eventually sold as it had become unviable. In 2008 Graham was invited by Bishop Tom Brown to be on the Wallis Trust which distributed money earned by the investment of the House capital. Archdeacon Judy Hardie and the author Joy Cowley were the other two trustees at that time.

In 2020 he is still on this Trust.

Since 2000 Graham has been a member of the Cenacle Ministry Team. The Cenacle is a Catholic order for women which focuses on retreats and spiritual direction. This particular team includes priests and Catholic laywomen, as well as the Religious sisters. Saint Ignatius started Retreats in Daily Life for people who could not take the time to have weekly or monthly full-time retreats. Once a year on average Graham has been a Companion for people in Catholic parishes who have chosen to take such a retreat. Each day the retreatant will spend at least 30 minutes in private prayer, and then 30 minutes with a Companion. A meeting of all involved begins the retreat and another gives the opportunity for people to share their experiences at the end of the week. Graham is a “Catholic” for the week and finds Salvation Army and Catholic journeys with Jesus are often remarkably similar.

Over many years the Millars had continued as soldiers of the Wellington City Corps but later offered their services to the Personnel Secretary and were asked to take over the Paremata Corps which they led from the beginning of 2000 to June 2001. During this time they were able to bring to fruition a plan to move the corps into new premises. In July 2001 came a further move when Graham was invited to become the minister of the Ngaio Union Church, on the initiative of Salvationist Colin Moore who was an office-bearer in that congregation, and served as “Minister’s Steward” for Graham during his pastorate there. A large contingent from Paremata Corps attended to “hand him over” at his induction at Ngaio, where he spent three years working three-quarter time and a further two years half time. This role involved attending and reporting to the Methodist Synod, the Presbyterian Presbytery, and UCANZ forum, and in consequence the Millars are now invited to the Presbyterian retired ministers’ meetings as well as Salvation Army retired officers’ gatherings. About a year after retiring from Ngaio, Graham was asked to act for 2009 as “Minister for the 10.00am [English-speaking] Congregation” at Taranaki Street Wesley Church, a large multicultural Methodist church in central Wellington. The Millars are still active members of the Ngaio congregation where Graham currently serves as Treasurer in addition to leading services and preaching regularly there and at other churches.

In January 2020, Enid and Graham celebrated 60 years of marriage and ministry. Although this article is mainly about Graham, Enid’s many roles are significant in themselves as well as supporting and supplementing Graham’s. As an officer Enid was appreciated for her preaching, and she once had an appointment as Missing Persons Secretary. Pastoral care of people in and out of the church has been and still is a ministry she exercises well. Her professional roles in secretarial and accounting work, both within the Salvation Army and outside of it, her roles as mother and grandmother, and her wide interests are part of a lifelong pattern of service to others.

Graham’s experience and observation of the counselling scene made him aware of a gap in available services, in that many older people who could have benefited from counselling assistance were either unaware of available opportunities or unable to afford them. Working towards this from about 2004, he was prime mover in bringing into being a counselling service for older people, known as “WellElder”. This operates on a low-fee basis (clients are told what it costs and pay what they can afford), drawing funding from a variety of donations and other sources, including especially the District Health Board as the main funder, and it has become a valued service to the Wellington community. Graham served as chairperson from its inception in 2007 until 2014 and continues as a board member.

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Those in a position to know have appreciated and acknowledged Graham’s service both to The Salvation Army and to the wider church. Commissioner Robert Donaldson, then Territorial Commander for New Zealand, wrote in 2015; As a Corps Officer Graham Millar provided forward thinking and community-focussed leadership within communities in New Zealand. As time has progressed his innovations have become commonplace in Salvation Army ministry and service . . .

Of particular note is the extensive personal and professional support that Graham Millar has provided to Salvation Army personnel over many years. His wise and confidential counsel has been sought consistently by a wide range of personnel (including current and former national leaders of The Salvation Army). Furthermore, Graham has continued his influence on the development of Salvation Army staff support policies and systems, as well as further education and professional development policies.

In summary, Graham Millar could be described as one of those quiet, background, yet hugely significant influencers who have enormously contributed to the shaping of The Salvation Army.18

Graham’s successor in leadership at the Ngaio Union Church, the Rev Lionel Nunns, has summed up Graham’s motivation as follows; The style of that ministry has always been outwardly focussed; Graham readily uses his understanding of people, spirituality and ‘systems’ for the good of people out in the community, especially those with few means and little power. Here lies Graham’s true self – he is utterly committed to justice; that the weak are resourced and empowered to challenge that which causes them to be weak and keeps them so. He constantly demonstrates his commitment to seeing our society in Aotearoa New Zealand being one that shies away from favouring wealth and fame, and instead provides a fair go for everyone . . .

It can be said that some people seem to attract attention to their good works and their benevolence. Not so Graham. He flies under the radar and just gets on with his life of helping, resourcing and loving ordinary people.19

This paper is intended to bring together and place that service on record.

Enid and Graham with their sons Peter, Paul, Stephen, and Tim, 201820 Graham’s family also consists of four daughters-in-law and nine grandchildren, not shown here

Letter by Commissioner Robert Donaldson, (15 May 2015), in author’s possession and quoted with permission.

Letter by Rev Lionel Nunns, (17 May 2015), in author’s possession and quoted with permission.

20 Photograph courtesy of the Millar family 18 19

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TRIBUTE – HAROLD IVOR WINSTON HILL BA (Hons), BTh, PhD 1942 – 2020 Kingsley Sampson Major Dr Harold Hill was a teacher, missionary, researcher, author, publisher, historian, theologian, prophet, husband, parent, grandfather, Anglican and life-long Salvationist. He was intelligent, insightful and witty. The only child of New Zealand Salvation Army officers, Hill’s early years were spent with his parents in their appointments in country towns and rural locations such as the Whatman Children’s Home (Masterton) and Hodderville Training Farm (near Putaruru). Hill began his undergraduate studies at Victoria University of Wellington in 1960 and he graduated BA (Hons) in history in 1965. He later completed a Bachelor of Theology (1982) and Doctorate of Philosophy in Religious Studies (2005).1 I first knew of Hill through Battlepoint, a magazine published by The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship (SASF) in New Zealand from 1963 to 1988. Hill was the founding editor (1963 – 1966) and like all editors, knew the struggles of sourcing content and securing subscribers. Hill went to London for Salvation Army officer training in 1970 and after marrying Dr Pat Cruickshank went to Howard Institute in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia) where they served from 1972 – 1979. Back in New Zealand, Hill had some study leave and three corps appointments until 1995 when he became territorial education secretary. He also served as an adjunct tutor at the officer training college where I was education officer. Later in 2000 the Territorial Education Department became the Centre for Distance Learning in the reconfigured and renamed Booth College of Mission (BCM) in Upper Hutt.

In his retirement Hill continued teaching at BCM until 2019 and also as an adjunct tutor for Salvation Army colleges in Australia and Canada.

Hill was an inspiring, thoughtful and well-prepared teacher whose natural preference was for a free-flowing teaching style. This meant that at times he expressed frustration at what he felt were the unreasonable expectations of modern educational compliance requirements. He was known for his quick wit and his ability to effortlessly drop into any conversation pithy and apposite statements from classical literature and other sources. When I asked him about this, thinking he had had a classical education as part of his undergraduate studies, he replied that he just had the ability to remember and recall such quotations and to use them at appropriate moments.

Throughout his life, Hill collected documents and other items of interest about The Salvation Army; these all coming together in his PhD thesis which was published in 2007 as Leadership in The Salvation Army: a case study in clericalisation.2 After its publication, I happened to be talking about this book with a Presbyterian academic. In reply to my comment that the book, while of great import to the Army might not be so applicable to other denominations, my friend replied, “Oh no!

Presbyterians (and others) face exactly the same issues.”

Reference citation of this paper; Kingsley Sampson, “Tribute – Harold Ivor Winston Hill BA (Hons), BTh, PhD – 1942 – 2020”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 123 – 128.

1 Readers can learn more about Hill in Harold Hill, “Meet the author”, Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, Vol. 3, Iss. 1, 2018, 45 – 49, https://issuu.com/salvos/docs/ajsah_vol_3_iss_1; “A dangerous mind”, War cry, (New Zealand, 4 November 2017), 6 – 9, https://issuu.com/salvationarmynzftwarcry/docs/04_november_2017_issuu.

2 Harold Hill, Leadership in The Salvation Army: A case study in clericalization, (Milton Keynes, UK: Paternoster, 2006).

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Photographic portrait of Major Dr Harold Hill BA(Hon), BTh3 3

Photo by A. J. Johnston. Courtesy of War cry, (New Zealand, 4 November 2017).

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In his role as book publications manager in the early to mid 2000s, Hill was responsible for bringing together in one volume a variety of documents that related to The Salvation Army’s ministry among Maori. Since its publication in 2007, Te Ope Whakaora has proved invaluable to the revitalisation of the Army’s Maori Ministries.4 Captain Hana Seddon, Divisional Secretary for Northern Division Maori Ministry commented: “The stories and themes from this beautiful book have fuelled, informed and inspired me in the mahi [work] I have been part of over the years.”5 Hill’s own history of The Salvation Army, Saved to save and saved to serve: Perspectives on Salvation Army theology and practice is another book that came from his life-long interest in the story of the Army.6 This book resulted from a melanoma diagnosis in 2015, something which propelled Hill into publishing his Salvation Army history lecture notes. In writing the foreword, Retired General John Larsson described the book as so original that it created a new genre of Salvation Army historiography, something quite different from other histories about the Army, whether official or interpretive.7 My closest working association with Hill was over the last five to six years as he and I and others investigated the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War. What began as a series of articles eventually became Under two flags: The New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War.8 Hill contributed 11 out of 22 chapters to this book. Of particular note were his analysis of the New Zealand Salvationists who enlisted in this conflict (chapters 1 – 6), his examination of how the New Zealand War cry represented Germany during the war (chapter 14) and his reflection on the war’s impact on the Army after hostilities had ended (chapter 22).

In this project, I saw at first hand Hill’s determined research skills and his insightful analysis.

An example of this was the summary of New Zealand Salvationists who enlisted in the First World War that he created after trawling through online military records and the 1914 – 1919 copies of War cry for information relating to more than 400 men. With the addition of photographs of Salvationist combatants and the gravestones of those killed in action or who died of their wounds, this unpublished volume now extends to over 400 pages.9 With Hill’s passing, it is regrettable that we will not have available such skill and dedication should we proceed with a companion volume about the NZ Salvation Army’s response to the Second World War. Other publications in which Hill’s work has featured are listed in the “Meet the author” article published in AJSAH, Volume 3, Issue 1, 2018 – and there is still more to come. Following an idea sparked by the Journal of aggressive Christianity, Hill drew together a collection of previously published articles, talks given at conferences and other research interests into what would be his final book. In fact, he completed the last two chapters only a couple of weeks before his passing. Entitled Service with the Sallies: Occasional papers or “Remains of a day” with The Salvation Army, it is expected that this will be published by FLAG Publications before the end of 2020.

4

Harold Hill (ed), Te Ope Whakaora: The Army that brings life: A collection of documents on The Salvation Army and Maori 1884 – 2007, (Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications, 2007).

5 Email, Irene Farnham to Kingsley Sampson, (21 May 2020).

6 Harold Hill, Saved to save and saved to serve: Perspectives on Salvation Army history, (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock, 2017).

7 John Larsson in Hill, Saved to save, xi.

8 Kingsley Sampson (ed), Under two flags: The New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War, (Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications, 2019).

9 Harold Hill & Kingsley Sampson, For God, King and Country: A supplement to under two flags, (Unpublished manuscript, 2019).

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In his editorial in the tribute edition of the Journal of aggressive Christianity dedicated to Harold Hill earlier this year, Major Stephen Court described Hill as a “penetrating Salvo prophetic thinker” and a “thoughtful prophet”.10 Prophets are not always comfortable to have around and Hill was no exception. His wife Pat thinks the Army did not always know what to do with him and remembers that she was warned against marrying him by a senior Salvation Army leader because he was a dangerous person with liberal ideas. When questioned about this, Hill was not sure what they meant but he was glad that Pat did not follow the advice.11

War cry image12

In line with the call of the prophet, Micah 6:8 was a guiding verse for Hill: “What does the Lord require of you but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God?” This verse was mentioned several times at Hill’s funeral service with the officiating priest, Rev Brian Dawson noting that Hill had lived out this call in his own life.

Besides being a careful historian and an insightful theologian, Hill was also very good at drawing and sketching. A number of his cartoons appeared in early editions of Battlepoint and it was not uncommon for him to while away tedious board meetings by sketching classic cars, his favourite designs including Alvis and Citroen.

A Hill cartoon from a cover of Battlepoint13 Stephen Court, “Editorial introduction”, Journal of aggressive Christianity, No. 126, (April – May 2020), 3. http://www.armybarmy.com/pdf/JAC_Issue_126.pdf accessed 15 August 2020.

11 “A dangerous mind”, War cry, (New Zealand, 4 November 2017), 7.

12 War cry, (4 November 2017), 6 – 7.

13 Battlepoint, (September 1965).

10

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As well as being a life-long Salvationist, Harold was also an Anglican from his late teens. At his funeral held at St Peter’s Anglican Church in Wellington, the church where he and Pat had attended for the last 13 years, Brian Dawson noted that Hill saw membership of both the Anglican Church and The Salvation Army as his way of affirming that there is only one Church. He likened it to having two passports and did not see why anyone should be restricted by narrow denominationalism from appreciating the riches of other traditions. This meant that for many years, Hill attended an 8:00am Anglican eucharist on a Sunday and then went off to kneedrill at a nearby citadel.

Among the tributes on several Facebook pages, Commissioner Phil Needham wrote: “Harold was a truth teller without rancor, a highly perceptive observer and a brilliant analyst. You could trust anything he claimed with his gentle spirit.” Major Christina Tyson, former editor of the New Zealand War cry wrote: “He will always be one of my absolute heroes of proper, meaningful Salvationism and of what it means to be inclusive of ‘the whosoever’”.14 Lifelong friends Colonels Margaret and Laurence Hay described Hill as a humble, humorous and holy person and “the saint of unpopular causes [within the Army]”. By “unpopular causes”, they were referring to Hill’s representation of the Army in such organisations as the Wellington Abrahamic Council and other inter-faith gatherings.15 When purchasing their retirement home, Harold and Pat were fortunate to find a property with a very large room overlooking nearby homes and a motorway. This room provided space for Hill’s study and the sizable library of books he had accumulated over the years. It was here that he continued his research and writing right until his death.

Sketch by Hill which advertised a Dunedin bookstore16

Known by the initials of ‘HH’ when signing something he had written or the surname ‘Hill’ appended to a cartoon or sketch, Harold Ivor Winston Hill was promoted to Glory on 3 August 2020.

With his passing, The Salvation Army in New Zealand has lost a deeply loved and respected officer and an exceptional historian. For me, he was also a good friend and colleague. I enjoyed working with him and I will miss him.

14

Various authors, https://www.facebook.com/pat.harold accessed 18 August 2020.

Margaret Hay and Laurence Hay, “An open letter to Major Harold Hill, PhD”, Journal of aggressive Christianity, No. 126, (April – May 2020), 5 – 8, http://www.armybarmy.com/pdf/JAC_Issue_126.pdf. accessed 15 August 2020.

16 Battlepoint, (December 1965), back cover.

15

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Hill on cover of War cry17

17

War cry, (4 November 2017), 1.

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‘TO MEET A NEED IN THE LIFE OF SALVATIONIST STUDENTS’: THE STORY OF THE SALVATION ARMY STUDENTS’ FELLOWSHIP IN NEW ZEALAND PART ONE: FROM THE MID-1950S TO THE LATE 1960S Kingsley Sampson Preface The impetus for this history is a statement made by Major Dr Harold Hill in December 2019, that we needed to record the history of the New Zealand Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship (SASF) before too many more years passed, given the increasing age of those who were members of the fellowship.1 As the task developed, it became clear that the story would be best covered in three separate articles: a general history of the fellowship in New Zealand and separate histories about Battlepoint magazine and the 1972 Fiji Evangelistic Trek.2 Information has come from a variety of sources including records held in The Salvation Army’s Archives at Booth College of Mission, Upper Hutt and the personal memories of SASF members.

This history seeks to tell the story of the SASF as it operated in New Zealand as a witness to the energy, drive and enthusiasm of all who were involved in this unique fellowship. It will also act as a reminder of activities undertaken by a group of Salvationist students and graduates from the mid1950s to the early 1970s to encourage a thoughtful and reasoned approach to Salvationism and the Christian faith.

Due to length, this story will be published in two parts. Part One will cover SASF regular branch events, annual house parties and capping celebrations in the period from the mid-1950s to the late 1960s. Part Two will report on holiday treks, the attempt to reactivate the SASF in 1971 – 1972 and conclude with a reflection on the SASF as it operated in New Zealand.

Beginnings There were few university graduates among early Salvationists, but this began to change by the 1940s.

During this decade, Salvation Army student fellowships were first formed in Norway, then in Sweden, the United States and Great Britain with Australia following in the 1950s. 3 The first groups started informally but eventually international recognition was gained in 1950. In the United Kingdom, the SASF came within the territorial youth secretary’s jurisdiction but not in New Zealand. Here it was more often left to local oversight and the support of a significant patron or graduate.

In New Zealand in the 1950s and 60s, there were active groups in Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch with a less formal grouping in Dunedin. The word ‘active’ does need some qualifying.

Reference citation of this paper; Kingsley Sampson, “‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationists Students’: The story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part one: From the mid-1950s to the late 1960s”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 129 – 149.

1 Emails, Harold Hill to Kingsley Sampson, (21 December 2019).

2 See Kingsley Sampson, “Spying out the land: The Salvation Army’s exploratory trek to Fiji”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, 2020, 93 – 110.; The second and concluding part of “‘To Meet a Need in the Life of Salvationist Students’: The Story of the Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand” will be published in the next issue of the Australasian journal of Salvation Army history.

3 Caughey Gauntlett. “Whither Now?” 3 – 9, in The Salvation Army year book 1970 reprinted in Battlepoint, 8, 1, (September 1970).

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Information advertising the Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in a New Zealand issue of The war cry4 4

The war cry, (New Zealand, 14 March 1964), 5.

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Depending on personnel and interest, the active groups seem to have met three or four times a year for organised events with informal and spasmodic gatherings at other times.

Information about the SASF in Wellington5

The Wellington branch 1955-19666 The first meeting of the Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand occurred in Wellington in August 1955 following an invitation by Brigadier Harry Goffin, Territorial Young People’s Secretary to interested Salvationists to form a New Zealand branch of the SASF.7 The impetus for this came from a celebratory evening in May 1955 held to congratulate Senior-Captain John C. Waite (often called Charles or Charlie) on his graduation after completing studies in history and journalism.8 Many of the guests at that celebration were Salvationists who themselves had been students at university. During the evening, the observation was made that it would be good if Salvationist students and graduates could meet again in the future. In the discussion, Colonel A. B. Cook (known as Bram), Chief Secretary told the gathering about the SASF in Great Britain and other countries.

Following this, the newly formed Salvation Army New Zealand Students’ Fellowship held three events in Wellington in 1956. Professor Colin L. Bailey of Victoria University College spoke about relations between church and state in the development of education in New Zealand; Dr. Clarence Jayne from the Department of Education, University of Wyoming spoke about ‘The Christian student on the American campus’; and a social evening was held to celebrate the graduation from university of some of their members.

The 1956 annual report described the purpose of this new group as …to meet a need in the life of Salvationist students and graduates and to provide a place where the group as a body will be able to exercise an influence on the life of the Army.9

Sadly, this optimism did not carry over into 1957. That year’s annual report stated that “students are not very interested in the Fellowship” and that the discussion evenings were attended mainly by graduates, not students.10

5

The war cry, (New Zealand, 16 January 1965), 11.

The information in this section comes from Brian Thompson, “The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand”, Battlepoint, 9, 2, (December 1971), 4 – 5.

7 Letter, Henry Goffin to prospective SASF members, 18 August 1955, as quoted in Thompson, “SASF in NZ”, 4.

8 Cyril Bradwell, Touched with Splendour: a 20th century pilgrimage, (Wellington: Flag Publications, 2003). 145.

9 1956 Annual Report of the SASF, 19 November 1956 as quoted in Thompson, “SASF in NZ”, 4 – 5.

10 1957 Annual Report of the SASF, 13 March 1958 as quoted in Thompson, “SASF in NZ”, 5.

6

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For the next four years, there were annual social functions to honour Salvationist graduates and occasional meetings with guest speakers. For example, on Sunday 25 May 1959, Colonel Dr Bram Cook chaired a special meeting of the Wellington SASF at Kilbirnie Corps at which Senior-Captain Dr Ernest Pedersen MBBS (Melb) spoke.11 Forty people attended this meeting at which Pedersen gave “an illuminating account of the worthwhileness of medical missionary work in India”.12 Pedersen was about to take charge of The Salvation Army’s Emery Hospital, Anand, India. At other meetings that year, Mr L. Gardiner, BA gave an illustrated talk on Russia and Senior-Major Keith Baker spoke to the student fellowship about pioneering the Army’s work in New Guinea, work which he and his wife, Edna commenced in 1956.13 By 1962 however, the group was no longer active.

The Wellington group was reactivated in 1963 upon the return of Major John Waite to that city where he took up the appointment of War cry editor. Ken Geard observed that the reactivated group consisted of two generations of SASF members, older members who had had some past association with SASF and a younger cohort of current Salvationist students.14 Among those who assisted this reactivation was Max Cresswell of Wellington South Corps who had had experience of the SASF while undertaking doctoral studies in the United Kingdom.15 The re-established group revived the previous pattern of occasional education and fellowship meetings. Some of these meetings were held in the home of the Cresswell family in Kilbirnie. Others were held at Salvation Army centres such as ‘The Green House’, 31 Vivian Street, Wellington.16 The group had a secretary whose major role was to organise the meetings and liaise with the broader Salvation Army system.17 One event in April 1963 was a discussion about the Congress meetings held in Wellington earlier in the month. From this discussion, recommendations for future congresses were presented to the territorial commander, Commissioner Alfred J. Gilliard at his invitation.18 In 1965 the Wellington branch sponsored an open forum at The Green House. The war cry reported that the lecture room was fully taxed for the event and that discussion was “spontaneous, interesting and lively”.19 Other 1965 events included an informal discussion on ‘Evangelism in the Present Age’, the screening of a film presenting differing views on the role of universities and a social evening to celebrate The Salvation Army’s Centenary.20 The next year, 1966, The war cry reported that Commissioner Charles Davidson was the guest speaker on Tuesday 21 June at a SASF meeting in Wellington’s Green House. He spoke on his experiences of serving in post-war Japan.21 The group also conducted occasional Sunday meetings at corps in the Wellington region. In 1963 The war cry reported that Wellington SASF members had conducted Sunday meetings at Naenae Corps and were later to conduct a meeting at the Wellington Bridge in Vivian Street.22 A June 1964 War cry announced that Wellington SASF members were soon to conduct a meeting at Paremata Corps23 and during 1965, members of the Wellington branch participated in a salvation meeting with 11

The war cry, (New Zealand, 16 May 1959), 7.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 6 June 1959), 6.

13 The war cry, (New Zealand, 13 July 1963), 4.; The war cry, (New Zealand, 7 November 1959), 7.

14 Email, Ken Geard to Sampson, (20 May 2020).

15 Email, Max Cresswell to Sampson, (19 March 2020).

16 ‘The Green House’ was a Salvation Army Social Service Training Centre in central Wellington.

17 Email, Geard to Sampson, (20 May 2020).

18 Typed minutes of congress meetings discussion by SASF Wellington Branch, April 1963 in Brian Thompson’s SASF papers, New Zealand Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, Upper Hutt.

19 The war cry, (New Zealand, 2 October 1965), 5.

20 Wellington SASF branch newsletter, 14 April 1965 in Thompson’s SASF papers, NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

21 The war cry, (New Zealand, 15 January 1966), 9.; Ian Thomson, “Post-War reconstruction in Japan” (Wellington SASF Report), Battlepoint, 4, 1, (September 1966), 16 – 17.

22 The war cry, (New Zealand, 13 July 1963), 4.

23 The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 June 1964), 11.

12

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a different format at Kilbirnie Corps where three-quarters of the meeting was taken up with a panel discussion. The panel consisted of equal numbers of students and corps soldiers and answered questions submitted beforehand by corps members. Keen interest and lively participation characterised the event, the only complaint being that there was not enough time to develop the discussion in depth.24 In the middle of the following year 1966, several Wellington SASF members conducted Sunday meetings at Miramar Corps.25

Information on the international SASF26

The Christchurch branch 1959 – 1967 The Christchurch SASF branch was begun in 1959 after discussions between Major John Waite and Linwood Corps CSM Cyril Bradwell.27 Waite had been transferred to Christchurch as the CanterburyWestland Divisional Young People’s Secretary. In the first two years, the branch meetings were mainly evening social gatherings with much informal discussion. These were held in the homes of older graduates and in contrast to Wellington, attracted primarily young students.28 Two meetings with guest speakers were held in 1961. On Monday 12 June, a lively meeting was held at the home of Cyril and Nola Bradwell during the visit of a former chief secretary, Lt. Commissioner Charles Duncan to New Zealand. The war cry reported that the commissioner gave an ‘informative talk’ with the students and graduates present asking “searching questions”.29 Later on Friday 28 July, Commissioner and Mrs Gilliard held a meeting with Salvationist students at Bethany Hospital. The commissioner chatted informally about the SASF and expressed his hope that the New

24

The war cry, (New Zealand, 30 October 1965), 3.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 27 August 1966), 8.

26 The war cry, (New Zealand, 28 May 1966), 10.

27 Information about the Christchurch branch’s activities are based on Cyril Bradwell, “Some notes on the Christchurch branch of the SASF”, typescript, n.d., together with other SASF documents lodged in NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives, File A2008.036.115.

28 Thompson, “SASF in NZ”, 5.

29 The war cry, (New Zealand, 24 June 1961), 4.

25

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Zealand SASF would copy its overseas counterparts and undertake a bold evangelistic crusade during the forthcoming Christmas-New Year holidays.30 A fellowship programme dated 25 February 1963 gives an example of a SASF meeting at the quarters of Captain Brian McStay, the new divisional youth officer. After a song, prayer and some general business, the main part of the evening was spent discussing the impact of the church in today’s world. The evening concluded with supper and vespers. Other events during 1963 included discussions about the lack of student candidates for officership and the theory of evolution.31 The year ended with a break-up function at the Christchurch People’s Palace.32 In 1965 quite a few discussions were held on the topic of the training of officers in the Army.

Some work was done on a comprehensive piece of research into recommendations to be submitted to the training college, but Cyril Bradwell commented that “we were probably all too busy to see this project through to the desired conclusion”.33 The Christchurch group also adopted a policy of allowing anyone who was interested to come to the meetings. This was partly because there were several keen people who were not doing university or teachers’ college courses and partly to counter criticism that the SASF was an exclusive ‘snob’ group.

Sunday meetings were conducted from time to time in corps by Christchurch SASF members.

On Sunday 16 September 1962, eighteen Christchurch Salvationist students conducted a full Sunday’s meetings at Rangiora Corps, including the holiness and salvation meetings, the Sunday school, morning and evening open air meetings and a prayer meeting. Their activities included trying out some experimental open-air meeting techniques for an audience of Sunday afternoon motorists at the Woodend Beach camping ground. It was hoped that the day’s activities would provide valuable experience for a proposed Christmas campaign to camping grounds.34

30

The war cry, (New Zealand, 12 August 1961), 6.

“Christchurch SASF branch report”, Battlepoint, 1, 1, (September 1963), 22 – 24.

32 Battlepoint, 1, 2, (December 1963), 22.

33 Bradwell, “Some notes”, n.p.

34 The war cry, (New Zealand, 29 September 1962), 4.; The war cry, (New Zealand, 13 October 1962), 8. See report in part two about the holiday trek to Waimate and Temuka in late December 1962 – early January 1963.

31

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Christchurch SASF students conducting meetings at Rangiora Corps, 196235 Back row, standing L-R: Dulcie Jones, Margaret Major, Lynnette McKenzie (now Lightfoot), Bob Best, Cyril Bradwell, Alan Cook, Carolyn Suter, Ken Smeaton, Ann Skilton.

Front row, seated L-R: Elizabeth Reid, Tom Griffiths?, Clive Luscombe, Margaret Richardson, Howard McDonald, Laurence Hay, Glynda Howells.

In 1963 the Christchurch SASF presented a puppet show “on the advantages of the central holiness meeting” at the annual divisional athletic day at Christchurch’s English Park and a demonstration of beach evangelism at youth councils.36 They also conducted a Sunday night meeting at St. Albans Corps, did a Saturday morning’s Self-Denial collecting at Rangiora and held a jumble sale to raise funds for their upcoming Christmas Trek.37 In the following years the Christchurch Students’ Fellowship led a meeting at Linwood Corps in 1964 and on Sunday 21 November 1965, branch members travelled to Ashburton.38 There they held a fellowship tea with corps youth and led the evening meeting with the theme “The Meaning of Worship.” Speakers were Beverly Graham (Praise in Worship), David Daley (Music in Worship) and Lynette Smeaton (Reasons for our Worship).39 In addition to these Sunday outings, Christchurch students helped Captain Brian McStay with radio and television programmes, the development and funding of the Glentui camp and McStay’s

35

Photo from Commissioner Bram Cook collection. Courtesy of Graham Cook.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 30 November 1963), 8.

37 “Christchurch SASF branch Report”, Battlepoint, 1, 1, (September 1963), 24.

38 The war cry, (New Zealand, 18 April 1964), 10.

39 “Christchurch SASF report”, Battlepoint, 3, 4, (June 1966), 14 – 17.

36

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travels around the South Island. Some students, such as Carolyn Suter helped with writing scripts and presenting children’s radio broadcasts. In another venture in 1965, Bryce Hawkey transposed original songs written by McStay for a musical called Marching as to war which was produced in Christchurch’s Regent Theatre and later taken to Wellington for the ‘Speeding the Gospel’ Centennial Youth Congress held over Labour Weekend.40 The northern (Auckland-Hamilton) branch 1961-1967

Information about the SASF in New Zealand41

The origins of a SASF branch in Auckland arose from a meeting in the first part of 1961 hosted at Auckland Congress Hall by visiting Commissioner Gilliard who as Brian Pauling put it “appeared to have some sympathy with student aspirations.” This meeting attracted an assorted group of young students and more mature graduates, including Dr Tom Rive, then bandmaster at Congress Hall and senior lecturer (later professor) of music at Auckland University. As the Auckland SASF branch subsequently developed, it was the current, younger students that formed the base and organised follow-up events.42 The branch got formally underway with an inaugural meeting at the home of Bandmaster Tom Rive on 9 June 1961. Lance Rive was the first secretary of this branch which encompassed students residing in Auckland and Hamilton, both centres being within the boundaries of the then Northern Division. Thirteen people were present for a subsequent meeting in September 1961 where among items discussed was a proposal from Brigadier Ernest Elliot, Territorial Youth Secretary for a national SASF conference at Camp Akatarawa in May 1962.43 Later on 25 – 26 November, branch members conducted Sunday meetings and a short SASF seminar at Paeroa Corps.

The first meeting for 1962 was held in Hamilton under the leadership of the new divisional youth secretary and branch SASF president, Captain Eric Bridle. Twenty-two people were present and Pam Jones showed slides taken during the recent Christmas Trek. In May, 29 people attended a graduation evening at which four Salvationists were honoured, Les Blanchard, BA, Don Jackson, Dip Architecture, Doug Laskey, Accountancy and Eva Fitness, Nursing. 44 The evening included humorous speeches and songs about the four who had completed their studies.

40

Letter, Brian McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020).

The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 July 1963), 5.

42 Brian Pauling, SASF memoir, (26 July 2020).

43 Details about Auckland SASF branch meetings come from the branch minute book 1961 – 1964 unless otherwise noted. Minute book in Thompson’s SASF papers, NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives, Upper Hutt.

44 The war cry, (New Zealand, 2 June 1962), 10.

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A report from the Northern Division’s SASF45

Humorous song at Auckland graduation evening, 1962 L-R: Tom Rive, Chris Brunskill, Tom Smith

Other 1962 events included a meeting in June when Cadet Wilson Change gave a talk about Korea and student activities. The year finished with a trip to Rotorua Corps on 24 – 25 November.

During this visit, the students conducted a Saturday night meeting and two meetings, a seminar and three open air meetings on the Sunday.

Auckland SASF members at Rotorua, 25 November 196246 Back Row: Robert Imlach, Tom Smith, Brian Pauling, Lance Rive, Capt. Eric Bridle (DYS and SASF President). Front row: Chris Brunskill, Don Jackson, Adrienne Browne, Pam Jones, Faye Levett (later Rive), Lt. Esther Crichton.

45 46

The war cry, (New Zealand, 2 June 1962), 10.

Photograph from the Brian Thompson Collection.

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The report of the Auckland SASF members at Rotorua, 25 November 196247

In 1963, branch activities included a meeting in Auckland in July when Commissioner Gilliard spoke on the history and development of the SASF. The discussion at this meeting was further enhanced by a letter from Bandmaster Tom Rive which queried the usefulness and necessity of the SASF. It was such a stimulating occasion that it was after 12.30am before the last members left for home.48 Later in November, a meeting in Hamilton included the playing of a tape recorded talk by Dominion Evangelist Major Wesley Simpson which led to a discussion about evangelism especially open-air witness and personal contacts.49 There was no corps visit after final exams this year.

In March 1964, the branch held a discussion about the use of guitars and modern music for the gospel while in July, more than 25 people gathered in Auckland to hear Murray Harris of Glendowie College speak on ‘The human and Divine Christ’. The end-of-year corps visit was to Te Awamutu.

The next year (1965), a meeting was held at the Auckland People’s Palace in April where the meeting topic was ‘The new morality’ and later, the branch conducted a weekend holiday camp for underprivileged boys in 1966 in conjunction with the Auckland Rotary Club.50 In July 1967, a SASF weekend seminar was held near Auckland at Kauri Lodge, Manukau Heads. Study leaders during the weekend included Rev George Armstrong (St John’s College), 47

The war cry, (New Zealand, 29 December 1962), 6.

“Auckland SASF branch report” Battlepoint, 1, 1, (September 1963), 25.

49 “Auckland SASF branch report” Battlepoint, 1, 2, (December 1963), 21 – 22.

50 Thompson, “SASF in NZ”, 6.

48

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Associate Professor Dr Tom Rive (Auckland University), Lt-Colonel Ernest Elliot (Divisional Commander) and Dr Max Cresswell (Victoria University of Wellington). Among topics covered by the study leaders were the question of moral choice and the theology of sin. The weekend also included an open forum. 51

SASF Camp Manukau Heads 1967 Standing: Anne Raethel (formerly Frew, half hidden), Helen Bradwell (later May), Andrew Rowney, Harold Shepherd, Unknown, Brian Thompson, Judith Christensen, Ken Geard, Lois Bugden (later McDonald), Howard McDonald, Alex Raethel, Brian Pauling, Glenis Staples, Unknown.

Seated: Max Cresswell, Unknown.52

Apart from these ‘regular’ events, Brian Pauling recalled that the branch held a bi-annual dinner, usually held at the Top-of-the Town Restaurant above the Intercontinental (now Crowne Plaza) Hotel on Waterloo Quadrant. Formal dining was rare in the 1960s and relatively expensive, but the dinners were lively events attended by up to a dozen students and they became occasions when ‘radical ideas’ were explored in a convivial environment.53 Salvationist student activity in Dunedin 1960s Salvationist students attended all three Dunedin corps in the 1960s (North, Fortress and South). In 1962, the Southern Division DYPS reported that they would try to arrange three student get-togethers in 1962 and that 12 students had expressed interest in attending that year’s Spencerville Camp.54 A further letter reported 16 registered SASF students, five not registered and six graduates in the division.55 The next year, Karl Lorier was listed as Dunedin SASF Secretary in the first issue of Battlepoint in 196356 but despite these glimpses, from records available, it seems that no formal SASF branch operated. However, with the university and teachers’ college being close by, North Dunedin Corps had a strong student focus for a number of years.

‘SASF Seminar Brochure’ in Thompson’s SASF Papers, NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.; Brian Thompson. “The New Zealand Fellowship Only for ‘Educational Drop-Ins’?” Battlepoint, 10, 1, (September 1972), 4.

52 Photograph courtesy of Helen May. 53 Pauling, SASF memoir, (26 July 2020).

54 Letter, Grace King to Ernest Elliot, (6 April 1962), NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

55 Letter, Grace King to Ernest Elliot, (17 April 1962), NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

56 Battlepoint, 1, 1, (September 1963), 26.

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In later years, some activities with a SASF-focus or input were held from time to time. In 1969 Battlepoint reported that Salvationist students in Dunedin had sponsored a seminar day for Salvationists at the Salvation Army’s Port Chalmers Youth Centre with contributions by Major Pearce McNabb (Sanctification), Rev Ken Irwin (Christian Involvement in Society) and Captain Rodney Knight (Changing Patterns of Social Need and Action). 57 Earlier, occasional seminars had been held in an informal coffee bar run in the old Dunedin South citadel in King Edward Street. As well, Dunedin North was regarded as a corps with a student focus for some years.

Other centres There was no active SASF branch in Palmerston North Corps despite there being a number of university and teachers’ college students at the corps58 and only passing references can be found to SASF-type activities. In 1964 The war cry noted that the Wellington SASF members planned to spend a forthcoming weekend with Salvationist students in Palmerston North but it is not known if this went ahead.59 On occasions, Palmerston North graduates were acknowledged at the Wellington SASF capping celebrations.60 As well, several Salvationist students from Palmerston North attended a 1971 Wellington SASF evening with Professor Lloyd Geering and in 1972, four Salvationist students or graduates attended the national SASF conference at Wallis House.61 Annual house parties As well as fellowship cum social cum educational gatherings for students, occasional meetings at corps and participation in regular corps activities such as band, songsters and Sunday school teaching, SASF branches held annual house parties (also known as study weekends or weekend seminars), capping reviews and holiday outreach treks.

The first house party or study weekend for the Christchurch SASF branch was held at the YWCA camp at Spencerville, about 12km from Christchurch from 30 June to 2 July 1961 under the leadership of Major Waite assisted by Cyril Bradwell. Mavis Waite and Nola Bradwell looked after the catering. Cyril Bradwell believed this was the first weekend seminar held by the SASF in New Zealand. The booklet Jesus Christ - the light of the world formed the basis of group discussions which looked at the themes of witness, service and unity and particularly the work and the place of The Salvation Army in the Christian Church. This booklet had been prepared in advance of a forthcoming World Council of Churches conference at New Delhi.

The weekend’s programme consisted of study groups followed by plenary sessions on Friday evening, Saturday morning and evening and Sunday morning and afternoon. These were interspersed with free time on Saturday afternoon, a social on Saturday evening, a holiness meeting on Sunday morning, a first summing up session and a walk on Sunday afternoon and a final summing up session and epilogue on early Sunday evening.

Terrence Aitken, “Report on Dunedin Seminar”, Battlepoint, 7, 2, (December 1969), 2 – 3.

Phone interview, June Baken, (22 June 2020).

59 The war cry, (New Zealand, 20 June 1964), 11.

60 The war cry, (New Zealand, 12 June 1965), 8.

61 Phone interview, Lloyd Shearman, (22 May 2020).

57 58

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Study Weekend at Spencerville, July 196162 Back row: Ken Smeaton, Cyril Bradwell, Major John Waite, Margaret Major, Laurence Hay (Obscured) Second row: Nola Bradwell, Carolyn Suter, June Kent, Mavis Waite, Clive Luscombe, Lindsay Smith, Alan Cook. Front row: Jim Fairbairn, John Waite, Brian Thompson.

A second study weekend was held at Spencerville from 29 June to 1 July 1962. Commissioner and Mrs Gilliard were the special guests and spent the whole weekend with the students. A small group travelled by train from Dunedin. They arrived late on Friday night and returned home on an overnight train, leaving Christchurch late on Sunday night and arriving back in Dunedin at breakfast time on Monday 2 July.

The study booklet was Christian witness in the world by W. F. Batt (published by InterVarsity Fellowship) and this formed the basis of discussion in three study sessions. As well as an evening spiritual message, Commissioner Gilliard gave three ‘outstanding’ talks: “The internationalism of the SA with particular reference to the International College for Officers”, “Experiences in the SA literary world” and “Contacts with and impressions of the Generals”.

Other activities during the weekend were films, free time and a sing-along. The Dunedin students were responsible for the Sunday morning holiness meeting and the Christchurch students led a Sunday evening spiritual meeting. Of the fifteen students who attended the weekend, five later became Salvation Army officers.

The next weekend seminar was held at Spencerville from 5 – 7 July 1963. The guest speaker was the Rev George Armstrong MA, BD, an Anglican priest. The study booklet was the National Council of Churches publication, What is our gospel? and Laurence Hay’s summary of the weekend’s discussions was published in the initial issue of Battlepoint.63 In 1964 another well-attended house party was held at Spencerville from 26 – 28 June. Dr Max Cresswell of Victoria University was the guest speaker and the basis of the study was the National Council of Churches’ booklet God works. Of Cresswell’s visit, Brian McStay wrote that Cresswell

62

Photograph from the Brian Thompson Collection.

Laurence Hay, “Report of Christchurch branch SASF seminar, Spencerville, 5-7 July” Battlepoint,, 1, 1, (September 1963), 18 – 20.

63

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shared some insights into his doctoral studies in the UK “in his own inimical fashion.”64 Brian and Beverley McStay organised this house party and Cyril and Nola Bradwell were house party parents.

Nola Bradwell and Wyn Luscombe looked after the catering.

This was the first SASF event that Helen May attended. She remembers late night walks on the beach AND the absence of rules that she felt dominated the youth camps she had previously attended.65 The 1965 Spencerville study ran on the weekend of 2 – 4 July and centred on studies of Jesus Christ, his life and teaching led by Rev Don Wilson, chaplain at the University of Canterbury.

The last annual seminar weekend was held from 1 – 3 July 1966 at The Salvation Army’s new conference centre at Glentui. The guest speaker was the Rev D. Jackson Inglis MA, Dip.Ed., BD, then of Trinity Congregational Church, Christchurch. The theme was “Frontiers of theology”.

Delegates had all been asked to read beforehand Guide to the debate about God by David Jenkins.

Annual house parties for Wellington branch When Major John Waite returned to Wellington in 1963, he introduced the Christchurch pattern of weekend residential seminars to the revived Wellington SASF. The first weekend seminar for the Wellington SASF branch was held from 2 – 4 August 1963, at Frederick Wallis House, an Anglican conference centre in Lower Hutt.66 Fourteen people stayed for the full weekend, with seven others including Commissioner Gilliard visiting for short periods. The study booklet What is our gospel? was used to give insights into such topics as “Our gospel and the community” and “Expressing our gospel”.67

Advertisement for the SASF seminar of 196468

The Wellington SASF held a second seminar at Wallis House from 28 – 30 August 1964. Billed as a national seminar, Wellington SASF members were joined by Salvationist students from Christchurch, Dunedin, Palmerston North, Taumaranui, Gisborne and Wellington.69 The conference had two main studies, theology presented by Rev John Murray, chaplain of Victoria University of 64

Letter, McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020).

Helen May, A mainly social SASF memoir 1960s-1970s, unpublished, 2020, 6.

66 The war cry, (New Zealand, 13 July 1963), 4.

67 The war cry, (New Zealand, 17 August 1963), 10.; Brian Thompson, “Wellington SASF Seminar, August” Battlepoint, 1, 2, (December 1963), 19 – 21.

68 The war cry, (New Zealand, 22 August 1964), 6.

69 The war cry, (New Zealand, 30 May 1964), 8.

65

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Wellington and Christian social welfare presented by Major David Scott.70 In his report on the weekend, Brian Bugden observed that ‘the discussions were helpful to me and provided a good basis for further thought.’71

Wellington SASF 2nd Annual Wallis House Seminar, August 196472

In 1965 the third annual seminar of the Wellington SASF branch was held at Wallis House from 27 – 29 August with non-Salvation Army speakers and discussion periods on topical subjects.73 Twenty-nine students and graduates attended from North and South Island corps. Study leaders were Bishop McKenzie of Wellington and Mr Noel Woods, Assistant Secretary of Labour. Discussion topics included “World population problems”, “Religious tolerance” and “Christian values in an affluent society”. Study group leaders were Wellington South Corps CSM Richard Sharp, Captain Keith Hayes and Brian Thompson. An open forum was chaired by Major Waite, vice-chairman of the NZ SASF and a devotional hour was conducted by Major David Scott.74 Ken Geard, who attended Wallis House weekends from 1965 remembers the events for their “very good debates”, “a lot of socialising” and walks through the nearby golf course. Geard also wrote a brief summary of the presentations by the main speakers for Battlepoint.75

Wellington SASF 3rd Annual Wallis House Seminar, August 1965.76 Brian Bugden, Ken Geard, Cyril Bradwell, Edwin Whiteside, Laurence Hay, Harold Hill, Clive Luscombe?, Rosemary Rowe (Aitken), Harold Harford.

70

The war cry, (New Zealand, 12 September 1964), 9.

Brian Bugden, “Wallis House Seminar” Battlepoint, 2, 1, (September 1964), 13 & 15.

72 The war cry, (New Zealand, 12 September 1964), 9.

73 The war cry, (New Zealand, 28 August 1965), 10.

74 The war cry, (New Zealand, 11 September 1965), 5.

75 Email, Geard to Sampson, (20 May 2020).; Ken Geard, “Wallis House Seminar”, Battlepoint, 3, 2, (December 1965), 19.

76 Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

71

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Students and graduates from Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch met at Wallis House in August 1966 for another weekend seminar. There were four study sessions, an open forum, and a variety of social activities. Guest speakers included anthropologist Dr Joan Metge (modern Maori culture), Dr Graeme Ferguson (the God is dead debate), Rev John Murray (Catholic and Protestant churches) and Father Ryan (the Catholic Church’s approach to ecumenism).77 No record has been found of a seminar in 1967 but in 1968, the Wallis House seminar was held from 23 – 25 August. On this occasion, the main speakers were Kevin Clements (Religion in New Zealand), Rev R Scott (The servant church) and Commissioner Bram Cook (Drug taking in New Zealand and a critique of the new morality). Panel discussions canvassed such topics as “The role of The Salvation Army in New Zealand” and “Professor Geering’s idea of a new religion”. A Battlepoint report noted that “the entire weekend was held in an atmosphere of enjoyment, mirth and relaxation.”78 The final annual seminar at Wallis House was held from 22 – 24 August 1969. Among those taking part were Mr Noel Harrison (Wellington Polytechnic), Lt.Col. Noel Pauling and Captain Brian McStay. An open forum on Saturday evening gave opportunity for attendees to present their thoughts on the future of The Salvation Army and in a special departure, a break was taken during Saturday so people could attend the wedding of SASF members, Donald Bugden and Denise Harford.79

Wellington SASF Wallis House Seminar 196780 Back row: Unknown, John or Robert Howell, Harold Shepherd, Rosemary Rowe/Aitken, Lois Bugden, Unknown, Robert Clarke, Lyn Hick, Unknown, Beverley Graham, Graham Cook, Unknown, Margaret Hay, Laurence Hay, Roger Cresswell, Wendy Albiston.

Front row: Brian Bugden, Tom Aitken, Max Cresswell, Ken Geard, Rev John Murray, Brigadier John Waite. Not appearing in photograph: Helen Bradwell.

Laurence Hay, “SASF report – Wallis House” Battlepoint,, 4, 2, (December 1966), 14.

“SASF report, Wallis House Seminar”, Battlepoint, 6, 2, (December 1968), 12.

79 1969 Seminar Brochure, NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

80 Photograph courtesy of Helen May. 77 78

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Wellington capping reviews The first Wellington SASF capping party in the 1960s was held on 10 May 1963 in the Newtown School Assembly Hall where the following graduates were honoured: Major David Scott, DipSocSci Alfred Harford, BCom, Rosemary Rowe, MA Hons, Ken Hayes, Dip Public Admin, Neil Elliott, Accountancy, Anne Abel, BSc. The function was chaired by Colonel Dr Bram Cook and Commissioner Gilliard conducted a spiritual epilogue.81

Graduates honoured at the 1963 Wellington SASF capping party82

In succeeding years, the Wellington SASF became noted for its annual capping reviews, for which Max Cresswell was producer and main script-writer. These late-night reviews performed at Newtown Primary School poked gentle fun at the Army as well as celebrating the academic success of Salvationist students who had completed their studies and graduated. Admission was charged, a printed programme supplied, and the evening concluded with supper. Several of these performances were recorded and later released on long-play records. The titles of the reviews were: “You are old father William” (1964), “Washday at the corps” (1965),83 “A pot of message” (1966) and “We all live in a yellow tambourine” (1967). The reviews were well-attended, the 1965 review attracting about 250 people.84

81

The war cry, (New Zealand, 25 May 1963), 9.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 25 May 1963), 9. From 1958 to 1965, the New Zealand War cry often published the names of graduating Salvationist students around the time of the May university capping ceremonies.

83 This is a play on the title of a controversial pictorial booklet (Washday at the Pa) which had been prepared for New Zealand schools but then later withdrawn, having been deemed racist and reinforcing of stereotypes of rural Maori life.

84 The war cry, (New Zealand, 30 April 1966), 10.

82

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Cast of Wellington SASF Capping Revue 196485 L-R: Brian Thompson, Roger Cresswell Alison Raethel, Max Cresswell, Wendy Albiston, Henry Raethel, Harold Hill.

For some, music was written by Lyell Cresswell who later became a renowned New Zealand composer. In remembering these times, Cresswell wrote: We cobbled together a brass band one year and I wrote a kind of meditation (if that’s the word) on tunes from ‘The Sound of Music’. I had fun with all the clichés of this kind of music. I also wrote some brief piano variations on ‘Onward Christian Soldiers’, but I don't think there was too much else, apart from a bit of spoof plainsong.86

Sadly, it seems that no scores for these compositions have survived.

Each review produced memorable moments. Brian McStay remembers that in one review, an unmarried female soloist gave an amazing rendition of a well-known SA song belting out “I want a man … I want a man … I want a mansion in the sky.”87 There was also Max Cresswell’s quip about Commissioner Gilliard, describing him as: “The man with Quaker-like piety who’ll shout ‘Hallelujah!’ - and fool ya.”

Helen May did not attend the 1964 Wellington Review but listened to a recording played by Max Cresswell at the 1964 Spencerville house party. May says she was “enthralled at such irreverence to SA ritual, blown away by the daring and cleverness of the music [written by Lyell Cresswell] and the skits performed by SA students from the ‘crème’ of SA families, and knowing that the hierarchy of SA personnel had attended and cautiously laughed at themselves.”88

85

Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

Email, Lyell Cresswell to Sampson, (24 February 2020).

87 Letter, McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020).

88 May, A mainly social SASF memoir 1960s-1970s, 6.

86

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Report of 1965 Wellington SASF capping party and review89

Salvationist graduates at Wellington SASF capping celebration, 196590 Roger Cresswell, Max Cresswell, Brian Robb, Harold Harford, Unknown, Harold Hill, Edwin Whiteside.

May 1965 capping party revue, “Washday at the corps�91 Unknown, Max Cresswell, Unknown, Lyell Cresswell, Brian Thompson.

89

The war cry, (New Zealand, 12 June 1965), 8.

Photograph courtesy of Brian Thompson Collection.

91 Photograph courtesy of Brian Thompson Collection.

90

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Wellington SASF capping review, 196692 Left: Laurence Hay and Harold Shepherd perform “I don’t want to be in your corps” Right: Margaret Major (now Hay) performs “Next slide please”

The Wellington capping reviews were part of Denise Bugden’s upbringing and whetted her appetite for the SASF. She remembers listening to the recordings when her father Harold and his second wife Margaret were Salvation Army missionary teachers in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia). From her father she learned that the SASF was a “vital and fun-loving group of like-minded students” who were an important part of his life as he recovered from the death of his first wife Flora and worked to gain tertiary qualifications for his eventual missionary service.93 Becoming a student herself in 1967, Denise joined the Wellington SASF and looks back on those times “with warmth.”

Christchurch capping reviews These were not as elaborate as those in Wellington but still served to recognise the academic achievements of Salvationist students. The pattern of the capping party was to have some social games interspersed with items and some ‘capping skits’, an elaborate supper and a formal presentation of both university and teachers’ college graduates. There was a big demand for tickets, mostly from Salvationists. The evening concluded with a spiritual epilogue. Helen May attended these reviews initially with her parents from the early 1960s and comments that these “were more lively and interesting than the traditional sedate Salvation Army social, including their dance in drag by male performers. There were also humorous skits - not up to the standard of Max Cresswell’s [Wellington] revues - but nevertheless of a kind not seen at SA socials. Tickets were highly sought after.” During the evening there was acknowledgement of graduating SA students who were present in their their academic finery.94

92

Photographs courtesy of Graham Cook Collection.

Email, Denise Bugden to Sampson, (21 February 2020).

94 Email, Helen May to Sampson, (27 Auguat 2020).

93

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The first, held on Friday 8 May 1959, was attended by Colonel Bramwell Cook, then chief secretary who gave the spiritual epilogue. Colonel Cook attended again in 1960 when his son, Bramwell Cook, MB, ChB together with Brian Thompson, BA were honoured. This second capping event was held at Phillipstown School with a large attendance of students, friends and relatives.

Colonel Cook brought proceedings to a close with an epilogue.95 Further capping parties were held from 1961 to 1964 but by 1965 public interest was waning and the final capping party was held in 1966.

Christchurch SASF capping party, 196196 Major John Waite, Margaret Major, Bramwell Cook, Lindsay Smith, Margaret Richardson, Laurence Hay, Stuart Simpson, Ken Smeaton, Cyril Bradwell, Jim Fairbairn, Carolyn Suter, Clive Luscombe.

The second and concluding part of this story will be published in the next issue of The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history.

95 96

The war cry, (New Zealand, 11 June 1960), 4.

Courtesy of NZSA Heritage Centre & Archives.

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REQUEST FOR INFORMATION TO ASSIST WITH RESEARCH The following researchers have asked for assistance from our readers. If you know of any information or articles, have photographs, stories or artefacts, please contact them via their email address as outlined below.

Garth Hentzschel – Theses, chapter of books and journal articles. For the continuation of the ‘Bibliography of Salvation Army Literature in English 1988 – Present’, Hentzschel is requesting any information on theses, chapters of books and journal articles written about The Salvation Army.

Information on such works and possible copies of these documents, please contact Hentzschel at ajsahistory@gmail.com

Rob Kinnon-Brettle – Research into Salvationists who lost their lives in World War II (as a consequence of the war). Kinnon-Brettle is looking for names, age, the date of death and any of the circumstances of promotion to Glory of Salvationists during WWII. All information can be sent to the research by email rkb1809@googlemail.com

Gordon Lewis – Information on the Fry family. Lewis is writing a book, Listen to the Band about the Fry family of Alderbury, Wiltshire who are noted as the first Salvation Army band towards the end of 1878. Stories, photographs, and memories are all needed, including of Bertram Waterman Fry who emigrated to Australia and attended Adelaide Corps. Bertram would become the father of Alfred Narroway Fry who became an “infamous” Australian hero. Please contact Lewis at gordon@gordonlewis.co.uk

A/Prof Daniel Reynaud – Information on Australian Salvationists in WW1. Ongoing research is being conducted on the spirituality of the Anzacs. Should any reader have access to a diary or letters of a Great War Salvationist in the AIF, Reynaud would like to read it/them. Please contact him at daniel.reynaud@avondale.edu.au

Major Kingsley Sampson – The New Zealand Salvation Army’s Response to the Second World War. The publication of Under Two Flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War invites a sequel, about WW2. At this stage, Sampson is simply gathering information about NZ Salvationists who enlisted in the Second World War, NZ SA chaplains who served, Welfare Officers, Institutes in NZ military camps and service by both men and women in the Army, Air Force and Navy both in New Zealand and overseas. He is also interested in hearing about resources such as diaries, memorabilia, memoirs, photos or other suitable material that relatives are willing to make available for this project. Please contact Sampson at kingsley.sampson@gmail.com

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FEEDBACK AND LETTERS TO THE EDITOR ON THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY ~ VOLUME 5, ISSUE 1.

Major Robert (Bob) Broadbere, retired Salvation Army officer, Australia; Seeing I have an interest in Boothville Hospital here are a few comments.

1. Adjutant Enid Lee I am sure eventually became Mrs Brigadier Fred Chambers after Fred’s first wife died.

2. Our son was born at Boothville on 1 August 1970. As his natural mother declined to name the father, we fostered him for months before the government would register him as ours.

3. The state social secretary of the day authorised us to seek an adoption, the practice of the day being that it had to be authorised by THQ. After he was born the State Social Secretary duly notified THQ. THQ response was that we didn’t have approval and that the baby should be returned. Earle Maxwell (Snr) was the state social secretary and took our side sending THQ a firm note saying that the Broadberes’ had his support. That baby will be 50 in August.

Major Howard Davies, retired Salvation Army officer, music composer, Australia; Reading thru Garth R. Hentzschel’s fascinating paper on the two EBs, I am impressed by the close and very detailed analysis made of the General’s music.

I had previously not thought too much about it all, but tend to agree with the conclusion that Eric Ball acted mainly as a hidden editorial assistant to correct musical errors - and perhaps to temper down her natural ‘Boothian’ tendency for rather dramatic excesses. The latter extreme was no doubt typical of silent and early movies of that era. I think Eric would have found that a difficult (and almost thankless) task.

Eric Ball obviously (evidenced by the dignity of even his earliest published music) valued strong harmony and balanced musical form far and above the florid artificial musical effects of that era of early raucous film music.

I think I can imagine his mixed feelings when the other EB summoned him to look at her latest compositions! He doubtless had to choose his words diplomatically to correct her errors without offence. However, I suspect deep down she would mainly follow his advice - and in the end probably believe the approved changes were hers anyway!

A very interesting paper, although it is doubtless easier to be frank and honest with nearly a century gone by (and no Booths at the helm!) great though they generally were!

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 151

Major Dr Harold Hill, retired Salvation Army officer and writer; Congratulations once again!

This is just in haste to say please correct the reference on page 47 of Amber Wilkinson as editor of Many voices in mission. Amber, was the lay-out designer, not the editor, and that really gives a misleading impression.

Letters to the editor on papers or other items, please send your email to the Executive Editor – AJSAHistory@gmail.com

Salvation Army History Snapshot – UK

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 5, Issue 2, 2020. Page 152