کمربند پاره

‫‪ 12‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ« ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ!« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ« ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴــﭻ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﺔ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ »ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺓ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻠﺲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺻﺤﺮﺍ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺻﺤﺮﺍ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺻﺤﺮﺍ« ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﺔ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ »ﺟﺪﺍ« ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴــﻦ« ﺑﭽﺎﭘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻛﻬﻦ« ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﺓ »ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﻏــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ »ﻛﻼﻥ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ـ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ »ﮔﺮﺩﺵ« ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻧﮕﺮﺵ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪» ،1823‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻻﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ« ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻛــﺬﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ« ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ« ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻧــﺮﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ »ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟!«‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﻧــﺮﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟!« ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺑﺪﻋﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺛــﺮﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺝﺟﺒﺎﺭ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ »ﺧﺴﻴﺲ« ﻣﻮﻟﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺪﺓ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ »ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧــﺶ« ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ »ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ« ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻄﻨﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺗﻀﺎﺩﺑﻄﻨﻰ« ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺯﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ »ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎژ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﭘﺎﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎ! ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ »ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺸــﺮﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ! ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺰ« ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭ« ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ« ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺷﺎﻥ« ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ« ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻐﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﻳــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ« ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ! ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪» ،‬ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ »ﺻﺤﺮﺍ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻫﻚ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 1400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﻗﻴﺤﺎﻧﺔ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃــﻰ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫــﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ »ﺻﺤــﺮﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ »ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ« ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ! ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬

‫»ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺘﺲ ﻓﺎﻧﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﺴــﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻨﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ« ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﺎً‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺩﺭ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺩﺭ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻟﻮﻻ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭻﻭﻣﻬﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﻛﻤﻰ »ﺷــﻞ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ »ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ« ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﻫــﺎ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺨﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻛﻤﻜﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺴــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺗﺴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﻬﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻭﺭﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگ » ﺁﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ« ﺷــﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﺴــﺨﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦﺧﻮ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ! ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬

‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ؛ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ« ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ! ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﺟﻨﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ« ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰﺍﻯ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ »ﻧﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤــﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﻮﺷــﺔ ﻛﻮﭼﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻂ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ« ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ »ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺒﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊﺍﻭﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻴﻠﺔ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ »ﻧﻢ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺁﻭﺭﻯ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬