ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ 2012
ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ 22ﺑﻬﻤﻦ 57ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ،ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ »ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ »ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻧــﻰ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ. ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ،ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ، ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ، ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺸــﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ »ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ« ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ. ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ 8ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭽــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ.
ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﻢ .ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ،ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ. ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ« ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ،ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ،ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ،ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ« ﮔﻨــﮓ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ .ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ« ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ، ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ« ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ،ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ.
ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ،ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ 22ﺑﻬﻤﻦ .57
ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ،ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑــﺎ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ« ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ »ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ« ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ« ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ،ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ 70 ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ .ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ.
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ،ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﻮء ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ،ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ »ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ ،ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘــﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨــﺪ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ،ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻋﻤﻞ« ﻭ »ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ!«
ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ،ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ...ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ »ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ. ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺮﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ» .ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎء ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ؛ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ،ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ! ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ .ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ،ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪ ،ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ« ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ
ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ، »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ،ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ،ﺳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻌــﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻪ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ.
ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ،ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﻯ ،ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ، ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ »ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ« ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ،ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ،ﻣﺠﻠﺲ »ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ،ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ،ﺁﺭﺍﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ،ﻭ ...ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻗﻠﻢﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ،ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ! ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ،ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ،ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ» ،ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ »ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ« ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ،ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪﺍﻯ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ، ﻳﺎ ﻣﻐﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ! ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ» ،ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺪﺍﺭ« ﻫﻴﭽــﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ .ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ، ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ،ﺗﻌﻈﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﻭ ...ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ. ﻋﻜــﺲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ،ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ«. ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ،ﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ «.ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ، ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ،ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎ ،ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻜﻤﻞ« ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ،ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮ ﺑــﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ،ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ« ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ، ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ،ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ »ﻓﻀﺎﻯ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.