ملت و سه جبهه

‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ »ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ »ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻧــﻰ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺸــﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ »ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ« ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 8‬ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭽــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ« ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ« ﮔﻨــﮓ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ« ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪.57‬‬

‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑــﺎ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ »ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ« ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ« ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﻮء‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ »ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘــﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻋﻤﻞ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ!«‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ »ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺮﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎء ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ؛ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ« ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺿﻌــﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﺒﻬﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ »ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ« ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ »ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻗﻠﻢﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ!‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ »ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ« ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪﺍﻯ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻐﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ! ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺪﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽــﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻈﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜــﺲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻜﻤﻞ« ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ »ﻓﻀﺎﻯ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬