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‫‪ 6‬ژﻭﺋــﻦ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ »ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺂﻭﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‬


‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ »ﻧﺨﺎﻟﺔ« ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ـ ﻫﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻟﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻭﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ »ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ« ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬


‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﻰ »ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ »ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧــﻪ« ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴــﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ« ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ »ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ« ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻭ »ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ »ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ »ﺭﻳﺰﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻄﺎء‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪» ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺶﻭﻟﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎﻛﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴــﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻘﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﮔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺯﻳﻨﺖ« ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺍﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻃــﻮﺍ ِﺭ« ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺔ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻟﻘﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻘﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳــﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ«‬

‫ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻟﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟ ُﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺸــﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺎﻫــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﺴﻦﻛﭽﻞ ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻜﻪ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﺎً ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ »ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺩﺟﻮﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ »ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ« ﻧــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺸــﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﺔ« ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ »ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻥ ـ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ـ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‪» ،‬ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ« ﻭ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ »ﺟﻨﺒﻰ« ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ »ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ« ﺻﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺎ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺘﻰﺗﺰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗــﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ »ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ« ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ »ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ« ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬


‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺧﻄﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ« ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺷــﺪ ���ــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ژﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ! ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﻴﻨــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﺮﻧﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ـ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ »ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ« ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎً »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺥﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ »ﺻﺎﺩﺭ« ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬

‫ﻏــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ژﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﺔ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺧﺮﺧﺮﻛﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫــﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ »ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ‪ 7‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻙ؟! ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ!« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ‪ 7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ« ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﭼــﭗ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ »ﭼﭗ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﭼﭗ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭼﭗ« ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬


‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،32‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪» ،‬ﭼﭗ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﭼﭗ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﭼﭗ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭼﭗ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶﺻﻔــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﺔ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝﻋــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤــﺎﻥ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺒــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺗﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏــﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫــﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭼﭗ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ »ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻛﺸﻮﺭ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ »ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻝ« ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً »ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻯ« ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻭﻳﮋﻩ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴﻢ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ »ﭼﭗ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ«‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ »ﺣﺰﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺧﺮﻛﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﭗ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ »ﭼﭗ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ« ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮓ‬ ‫»ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ« ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺶﻭﻟﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳــﻜﺔ ﺭﺍﻳــﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻣﻼ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﻮﻛﺮ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤــﺎﺵ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﭼﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺗﻄﻬﻴــﺮ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻏــﺮﺏ« ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﻜﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ً ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﺋﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻓﺮﻭﺵ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ »ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺍﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺪﻯﺍﺵ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﺴــﺘﻮﻩ« ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻜﺘﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬


‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫــﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻳﺴــﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ »ﻃﻼﺋﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎً ﭘﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﺣﻖ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻌﻤﻞ »ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻳﻢ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺣﻖ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ »ﺧــﻂ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﻼ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ »ﺟﻴﺐﺑﺮﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺭﻓﻘﺎ« ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺑﺎﻍﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻧﻮـ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ« ﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺧﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ »ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻮﺋﻦﻫﺎﻯ« ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺿﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺛﻤﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ »ﭘﺎپ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ »ﻫﻨﺮﻯ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺵ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ« ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ »ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜــﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﻣــﺮﺩﻡﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﻼﺱ ﺷــﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻼﺟﻤﺎﻋــﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1391‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ!« ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ« ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ »ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ »ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ! ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮگ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺋﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬


‫»ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴــﺖ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ]ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ[ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪[...] .‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﭼﻪ »ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮژﻧﻒ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳــﺎﻡ ‪ «6‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﻗﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ« ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﭙﺰﻳﻚ ﺁﺑﺠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﻮﻧﻜﺮ ﻫﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛــﺮ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﭘــﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ »ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻧــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻔﻨﮓﺑﺎﻓﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙﺑﺮﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﭘﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ »ﻭﺍژﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺋﻰ« ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ؟« ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺧﻴﺮ! ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻛﻮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻂ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﭘــﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺒﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻴﺖ« ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﺞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴﺖ« ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ »ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺖ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ« ﺣﺘﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺟﻴﻒ ﻓﻮﻕ »ﺣﺎﺻﻞ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﻯﻭﺭﻯ« ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻟﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻠﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺣﺰﺏﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ« ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ »ﺟﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ!« ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﭙﻞ ﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ »ﻭﺍﻻﻯ« ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﭘﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯﺗــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪﻳــﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻟُﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺋﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻯﻭﺭﻯ« ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ! ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺘﻢ ﺻﻮﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬


saeed saman