saeed saman

‫‪ 8‬ﻣــﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ« ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺎﻧﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻘﺶ« ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ »ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘــﺶ »ﺣﺎﺋﻞ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻘﺶ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺸــﻜﺎﻓﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻘﺶ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ »ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ ،1930‬ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺁﻭﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ »ﭘﺴﺎﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1940‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟــﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﭼﭗ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ »ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ »ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺷــﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ« ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﺸﺮﻭﻧﺸــﺮﻫﺎ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻳــﻢ ﺟﻨﮕــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ »ﭼﺎﻧــﻪ« ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﻼﺻــﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﺳــﻮﻳﺘﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺍﺵ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻫﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ [...] .‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ! ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﭼﻴــﻞ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬

‫»ﭼﭗ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ« ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻯ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﭘﺴــﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ »ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﻤــﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ »ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻯ« ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﭗ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ! ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ »ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﺍﻟﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ!‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ »ﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺭﻳﮓ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ« ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻖ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻟﺖﺁﻭﺭ »ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ـ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ »ﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ!«‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ« ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺷــﻘﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻚﭼﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﺔ »ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ« ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺑﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳــﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﺓ« ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ! ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﺠﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ!‬

‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ »ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ« ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ« ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﻛﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ« ﻭ »ﻣﻴﺠﺮﺯ« ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ »ﻣﺘﺸﺨﺺ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻤﻮﺕ ﺍﺷــﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻻﻑ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺔ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻴﺘــﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺿﺪﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ! ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ »ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜــﻪ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺸﺨﺺﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ! ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺑﺰﻙ« ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ« ﻓﺮﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ »ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ« ﺑــﺎ »ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﮔﺎﻟﺒﺮﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ!« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ »ﺑﺰﻙ« ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ؟! ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ »ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ« ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﻉﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻨﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻴﺸــﺮﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ« ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺷﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ »ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﺍﺵ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ »ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮ« ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴــﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ »ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻰ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻗﺬﺍﻓــﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ »ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ« ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜــﻰ ﻫﻴﭽﻜــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧــﻪ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ« ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ« ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳــﻜﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ـ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬