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‫‪ 22‬ﻓــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ‬


‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ »ﻋﻠﻨﻰ« ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻢﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ »ﻏﻴﺒﺖ« ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠــﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻏﻴﺒﺖ«‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫»ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ« ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ »ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬


‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻧﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ »ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺍﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴــﻰ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ« ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰ« ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ »ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸــﻰﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ ﺿﺪﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ »ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ »ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ »ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ! ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻻﺩﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ« ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 7‬ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ ،57‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺑﻪﺭﻗﺼﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﺧِ ﻠﻞ ﻭ ُﻓﺮﺟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ »ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ«‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺎﻻ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤــﺎﺵ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﻣﻔﺖﺧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼــﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺵﺁﺏﻭﻫــﻮﺍﻯ« ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ »ﻧﺴﺨﻪ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ« ﻧﺰﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ »ﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ!«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣــﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﺔ« ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ« ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ »ﺣﻠﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻮﺍ« ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺖ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ـ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ« ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸــﻖﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﺴﺎﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﻫﺎﻯ« ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ »ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭼﭙﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜــﺮﺍﺕ« ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨــﻮﺍﻩ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ ،1360‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺴــﺔ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻼ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ!‬


‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ« ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻖﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩ«‪» ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎ« ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻝﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻯ« ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺎﻁ »ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺮﻛــﻰ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ »ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ«‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺣﻜ���ﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺒﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺭﻳﮓ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪.57‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺭﻳﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻰﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ!‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﺗﺤﻮﻝ«‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ »ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ« ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬

‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳــﻮﻡ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ! ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺁﻭﺭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻯ »ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺶ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻏــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻕ »ﺳــﺒﺰ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻝ«‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ! ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ »ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻭﺭﻕﭘﺎﺭﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺷﻮﻳﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ »ﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ »ﺳــﺒﺰﻳﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﺻــ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻰ؟! ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﺰ »ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺍﺕ!« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪﺍﻟﻨﺒﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻃﻮﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺮﺍﻻﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ ﺗﺎﭘﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻧﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬


‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ »ﻣﺪﻧﻰﺍﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕﺍﺵ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺯ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ »ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ‪» ،‬ﺗﻘــﺪﺱ« ﻓﻘﻂ »ﺗﻌﺒﺪ« ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻤﻖ« ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ »ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ« ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ! ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﻜﻮﻻﺳــﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ »ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ« ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷﻼﻕ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ« ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟــﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺁﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳــﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ« ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫــﻮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ« ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷــﺎﺥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤــﺮﻯ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﻴﺪﻥ »ﺁﻟﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺸﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ! ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜــﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ »ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺧﺘﻨﻪﺳﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﺷــﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ ﻳــﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﺎ! ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ! ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ« ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎ���ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻪ« ﺯﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ! ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬


‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣــﺮﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ« ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻴﻒ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ« ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺮﻭﺩﻩﺍﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻣﻼ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ »ﺷﺎﻋﺮ«‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻟﮕﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺷــﻤﻞﻫﺎ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺐﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﻑﻫــﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ! ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ!« ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ »ﺷــﻠﻮﻍ« ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺁﺭﺍء«‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ »ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ« ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺮﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮﺳﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ« ﻭ »ﻣﻤﻴــﺰﻯ« ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺗﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ »ﻭﺣﺸﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤــﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ »ﮔــﻪ« ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﺷــﻜﻦ« ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻣﺎ! ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺪﻡ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ »ﺳﺨﻴﻒ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ »ﻭﺍﺟﺐ« ﺍﺳﺖ!‬


saeed saman