سنگر سکوت

‫‪ 13‬ﻓــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋــﺮﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻧﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ« ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬــﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ« ﻃﻰ ﺟﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ »ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ »ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ »ﺿﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻙﺍﻳﺴــﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ! ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ« ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ »ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ـ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ »ﺣﻮﺍﺭﻳﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻣﺨﺰﻥ« ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎً‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ« ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ؛ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺷــﻚ ﺗﻤﺴﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﻜﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺐﺷــﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻙﺍﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ! ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ »ﻣﺼﻮﻥ« ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻟﻮ« ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ »ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ« ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﻃﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨــﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨــﺪﺓ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ«‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻣﺨــﺰﻥ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ـ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﻫــﺎﻯ« ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻛــﻪ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻧﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ! ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ« ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻔﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء »ﺑﺰﻙ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺟﻴﻪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ؛‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ »ﻣﺨﺰﻥ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ!«‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ« ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺰﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺿﺪﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ »ﻻﻝﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺻﻮﻟﺘﻰ« ﺷﻴﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ« ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ! ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﺍﺵ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻙ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ »ﭘﺸــﺖﺟﺒﻬﻪ« ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺰﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫»ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ« ﺟﻮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨــﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺪ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ »ﻃﺮﻑ« ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻴــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ« ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷــﻴﺐ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻔﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ‪ 1960‬ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻼﺋــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ!«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﺸﺎﻕ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻤﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ »ﺟﺎﺋــﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻼﺋﻰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻼﺋﻰﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻄﺮ« ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽــﺶ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ »ﺩﺍﻣﻮﻛﻠﺲ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﮔﻞ« ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ »ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺛﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ »ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﺔ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻧﺰﺩ »ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﻴﺦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻔﻴــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻼﺋﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫»ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻰ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻳﺴــﻢ« ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ! ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷﺎﻩ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬