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‫‪ 4‬ﻓــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﭼﻤﻦﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ »ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬


‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ« ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺸــﻜﺎﻓﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﺔ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ« ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ« ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﺓ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬


‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫»ﺗﺴﺎﻫﺎﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﺘﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮﺓ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ »ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ »ﻧﻌﻞﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ »ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ« ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ »ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮓ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭽﻜــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ـ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ـ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻮﻉ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺻﺤﻨﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻓﺮﺍﻋﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ »ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﺦ« ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﻞﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ! ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ »ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ »ﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ »ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ »ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ـ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ »ﻛﻨﺎﺭ« ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎً‬ ‫ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ« ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ »ﻣﺤﻠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬


‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ژﻭﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1357‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻋﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ« ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ« ﻣﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ »ﺗﺮﻙ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤــﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﮔﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﻴﭙﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﻴﺎﻡ« ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻭ »ﺳﺘﻢ« ﺑﻴﭙﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ »ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ« ﺷﺪﻧﺪ! ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻭﺍﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ »ﺟﺪﻯ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﭼﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﺓ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ »ﻻﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﻻﺕ«‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺳﻪﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪ »ﺑﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ« ﺗﺮﻙ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ« ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠــﺔ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻐﺮﺏﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ« ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﻨﻌﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ« ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﻭ ﺑﻰﺟﻘﺔ ﻏﺮﺏ! ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 14‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭژﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣــ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄــﻊ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!« ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬


‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨــﺪﻯ »ﺩﻣﻰ«ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﻄــﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ »ﻣﻮﻗﺖ« ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕﻛﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻧﻤﺎﻯ« ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺷــﺪ«‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪» .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ« ﻭ »ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ »ﺭﺷﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺷــﺪ« ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺷﺪ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ »ﻳﺎﺯﻫﺮﺍ« ﻭ »ﻳﺎﻋﻠﻰ« ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ! ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ »ﺩﺍﺧﻞ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ »ﺭﺷــﺪ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ »ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞﺷﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ »ﺩﺭﺯ« ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻴﻐﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻔﻨﮓﺑﺎﻓﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬

‫»ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﻀﻴﻪ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ »ﺟﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ »ﺳــﻨﺠﺎﻕ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ« ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺮﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ« ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ« ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﺎﺯﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ���ﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄــﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ«‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺑﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!« ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﻛﺎﺭ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ« ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺲ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ« ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬


‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺒﺰﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﻚ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻮﺕﮔﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻟﺶﻭﻟﻮﺵﻫﺎﻯ« ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ »ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ »ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ« ﻧﺸﺪﻩ! ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ«‬

‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻭﻛﺸﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺍﻟﺠﻬﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺪﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ »ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻣﻰﺷﺪ!‬


saeed saman