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‫‪ 21‬ژﺍﻧــﻮﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ »ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤﻚ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬


‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺁﺷﻨﺎ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪﺍﻯ »ﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺍﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬


‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷــﻨﻮﺍﻯ »ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ« ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ »ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ« ﻧﻮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ »ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻃــﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺣﺸــﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻮﺗﻮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣــﺎ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ« ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ »ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ« ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺻﻔﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ« ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠــﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻚ ﻃﻠﻖ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻛﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺟﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴــﻮﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ!« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻼﻣﻨﺸــﻰ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ »ﻣﺸﻜﻞ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺭﻧﮓﻛﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕﺍﺵ«؛ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻗﺲﻋﻠﻴﻬﺬﺍ!‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬


‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ »ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺨﺖ« ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ! ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﻴﺪ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐــﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺕﻭﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎً ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ! »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ« ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻢ؟! ﺳــﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ؛ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ؛ ﮔﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ« ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺠﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬــﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺫﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ »ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ »ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺣﺸــﻮ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﺋــﺪ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﺔ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ »ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﻰ« ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻟﺒﻴﻚ« ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﺵ ﺑــﻪ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺫﻟﻚ »ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ« ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ﻟﻮﺷــﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ؛ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺑﺎﻥ؛ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻦ! ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺟﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬


‫ﺧﻼﺻــﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ »ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻻﺕ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺣﻞﻋﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺲ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻥﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ »ﺩﺍﺱ« ﺗﻮﺩﻩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻰ« ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ »ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ »ﭘﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ« ﺟﻠﻮﻯ »ﻙ‪...‬ﻥ ﺧﻴﺰﻙ« ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ »ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺠﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﻭ ﻧﻜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻠﻞ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺨﺮﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‪» ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬

‫»ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ« ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ« ﻭ »ﺿﺪﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻰ« ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞﺍﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻰ! ﺑــﺎ »ﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨــﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺭﻋﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﺑﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺳــﻢ!« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ! ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳــﺐ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ »ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻮﺑﺔ ﺩﺍﺭ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻮﺳــﺪ! ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺗــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ »ﺁﺏﻗﻨﺎﺕ« ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺐ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬


بوس و چماق