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‫‪ 10‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ »ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻣﻰﺩﻣﺪ؛ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ًﺎ »ﻛﺒﻴﺮ« ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻮﻕ«‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺿﻞﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴـﺘﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤـﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻫﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬


‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻴﻞ!«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ »ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻫﻦﻭﺗﻠﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻦ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺁﺳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﻛﺸﻜﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﻴﭻ!‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺵ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﻍ »ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ« ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ »ﺗﻐﻮﻁ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺗﻐﻮﻁ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺍﻝﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﻝﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺎﺭ »ﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧــﺮﻭﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ »ﻭﺍﻝﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺷﺎﻩﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺍﻝﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬


‫ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ »ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻜﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ »ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻤﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﺭ »ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺃﺱ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﺔ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ »ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﺟﻨﮓ« ﮔــﻮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ »ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨــﮓ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ »ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ« ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ! ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 12‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 100‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ!«‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺸــﺮ ﺧﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ؟! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺒﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻫﻮﻳﺰﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ«؟ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻭﭘﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺟﻔﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺸــﺮﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺐ »ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻌــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻰ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻻﻳــﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ »ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻪﻭﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎﻯ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ »ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻩﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ«‬


‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ »ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺗﺬﻫﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻔﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ« ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻃﺒﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺣﻤﻠﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ »ﭘﻨﺒﻪ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ« ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻙﺭﻳﺰ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﺭﻭ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﻞ« ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪» ،‬ﻳﻮﺁﻥ« ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﭘﻴــﺔ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1949‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ »ﺁﻧﺴــﻰ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،«20‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1949‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﺔ »ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺪﻻﭘﻬﻨﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ـ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﻓﻴﻞ ـ ﺯﻭﺯﺓ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ »ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ! ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬


‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺝﻭﺑﺎﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺑﻜﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ« ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﺩ« ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ« ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ »ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺍﻏــﺮﺍﻕ« ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺭﻳﮓ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ »ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻰ« ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﻤــﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺳــﺪﺓ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ »ﻧﻴﺶﭼﺎﻗﻮ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ« ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ« ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ« ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬


saeed saman  

saeed saman

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