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‫‪ 22‬ﺍﻛﺘـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ »ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻪﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﻓﺎﺿﻞﺁﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﺝﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬


‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮگ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪» ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ« ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺍﻳﻢ؟« ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ« ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ« ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏــﻢ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃــﻰ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ »ﺑﺰﺳــﺮﮔﻠﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺰﻟــﺰﻝ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬


‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺮﻙ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻴﺰﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ« ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻓﺎﺿﻞﺁﺏ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻣﺠﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻗﺎﺏﭼﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺓ« ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ« ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ« ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ »ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ« ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻣﻚﻛﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ »ﻭﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻚﻛﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ!« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ« ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ« ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺤﻂﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ‪ «...‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ـ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ـ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺁﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ژﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ »ﺣﺴﺎﺱ« ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬


‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ »ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ« ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ! ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻻﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺸــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺫﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ »ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎ‪ .‬گ‪ .‬ﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﺯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻳﻞﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ »ﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺭﻳﻞﻫﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴــﻢ »ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻗﻠﻢ« ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ »ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ »ﻟﺒﺎﺱﺷــﺨﺼﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ »ﺷــﺎﺥ ﮔﺎﻭ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ 2 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬

‫‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺷــﻜﻢﺗﺎﻥ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ!« ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻛﺸــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ« ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻚﻛﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻐﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ »ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ »ﺣﻴﺮﺕ« ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ »ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ« ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ! ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬


‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﻮﺯﻥﺑﺎﻥ« ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ »ﺗﻮﻟﺐ« ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺳــﻰﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻰﺍﻥﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ‪ ...‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ [...] .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻼﻑ »ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ؟ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍژﺓ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ »ﺭﺃﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎً ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ً ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ »ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺩﺑــﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫»ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ »ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺟﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫»ﺧﺮ ﺩﺟﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ »ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻓﻌــ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﻥﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﻯﺷﻜﺴــﺘﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪﺍﻧﺔ »ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬


‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﺋــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫــﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫»ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺳــﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸ���ﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬


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