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‫‪ 16‬ﺳﭙﺘـﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺿﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬


‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﺔ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻫﻰ« ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ!« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﺔ »ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻰ »ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ـ ﻛﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻡ« ‪ 50‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ! ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،2004‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻰ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ »ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﻭ »ﻛﻰﺍﻝﺍﻡ« ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬


‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﺎً‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻫﻰ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ »ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫــﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻟﻰﺑﻨﺪﻯ« ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ!« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎً »ﻣﺤﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴــﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ!‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ »ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ »ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨــﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﻧﺎﺗﻮ« ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜــﺲ! ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎً »ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﭙﺎﭼﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺭﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﺭﻭﺑﻞ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ »ﺳﺪﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺭﺳﻤﺎً«‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ »ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬


‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ »ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﺔ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ »ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ« ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ« ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻳــﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﺎﺗﻮ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﺭﻭ«‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ« ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺍﻟﺮﺃﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣــﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻰﺛﻤﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﺓ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞﺍﻟﺮﺃﻯﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭽﻴــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻰﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ!« ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺗﻰ ﮔﻴﺘﻨﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻞﺗﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ« ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲﭘﺮﺱ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﺩ‪«.‬‬


‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺗﻰ ﮔﻴﺘﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻭﺟﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ؟ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺘﻨﺮ ﺑﺠــﺎﻯ »ﺣﻤﻠﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻧﻮﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺟﻴﻎﻭﻭﻳﻎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺗﻰ« ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺗﻰ ﮔﻴﺘﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨــﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻝﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻭﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ »ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴﺖ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ ﻭ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻳﻮﻧﻰ« ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺯﻭﻛﻠﻚ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﭙﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ« ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬


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