saeed saman

‫‪ 2‬ﻣـــﻪ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ »ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ« ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﻨﮓﺩﻭﻡ« ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﭼﭗ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎ« ﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺟﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺓ‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤــﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻙ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ »ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﭘﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻯ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﭘﺮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻞﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﺟﺸــﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻌــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺋﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ »ﻫﻮﺭﺍ« ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺪﺍﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥﺷﺎﻥ!«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﮔﻴﺲﻛﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻴﻎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻎ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺧﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﺼــﺎﻑ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺯ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ژﺳــﺖ ﺁﺑﺪﻭﻍﺧﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺸــﺎﻥ« ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴــﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﺔ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ]ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ[ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ«‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻋﻠﻰ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ!« ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﻢ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ »ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ »ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻻﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ »ﺷــﺎﻝ« ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻴﺐﺍﺵ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ »ﻻﺕ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ »ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘﺪﺭﻛﺸــﻰ« ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ«‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﺔ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﻮﻉ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ! ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ »ﺻﺪﺭﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ«‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ 57‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﺔ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ »ﭘﺸــﻜﻞ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﭘﺎﺭﺱ« ﺍﺯ ﻭﻕﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﻨﻰﺳﻄﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ »ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭙﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﺪﺳــﻴﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ! ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ« ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳــﻒ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺭﺓ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ »ﺩﺍژﺑﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ »ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﺍﻳﻚﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﻋﻠﻨﻰ« ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ »ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻰﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺷــﻞﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺖﻛﻦ« ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ 11 ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ‪1390‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻧﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬

‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺎﻓﻆ« ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ« ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑــﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ »ﻃﺒﻞ« ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳــﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻨﺎً ﺑــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜــﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻨﻚ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ« ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻨﺖﻛﺸــﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ«‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ« ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫»ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻯ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»گ‪ ...‬ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ »گ‪ ...‬ﺧﻮﺭﻯ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ »ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺵ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ »ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ »ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺧﺖ« ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﻨﺪﻩﮔﻮﺋﻰ« ﻭ »گ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺭﻯ« ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺔ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺼﺎﻑ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ »ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺯ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﺯﺩﺍﺋﻰ« ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ!«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ »ﻫﻮﺭﺕ« ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬

‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻜــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ »ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﺔ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺼﺎﻑ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ! ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧــﻼﺹ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺧﺎﻙﺗﻮﺳﺮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ »ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ« ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ 57‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ »ﺧﺎﻙﺗﻮﺳــﺮﻯﻫﺎ« ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳــﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺭژﻳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎً ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍ ً ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ« ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﺟﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ« ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ »ﻋﻜﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼﺕ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬