saeed saman

‫‪ 28‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺣﻴﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺷﺎﺥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣــﺐ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ« ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻜﻞﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺏ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻃــﻼﻕ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ« ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ »ﻣﺜﺒﺖ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ« ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺻــﻮﻻً ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ‬

‫»ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻨﻪﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 8‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ‪،1390‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠــﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ«‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺣﻖﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﺑــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺮ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ـ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤــﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ!«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ »ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻧﺸــﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﻳﻚﺷــﺒﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫»ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻰ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1357‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫]ﻛﺮﺩﻩ[ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻً »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻣﺶﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺋﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ! ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻗﺸــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؟« ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ »ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻘﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ« ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻃﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺷﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻟﺪ؟ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﭼــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫــﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻳــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻯ ﺩﻝ ﻏﺎﻓــﻞ! ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻡﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ!« ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺁﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴــﻦ‪» ،‬ﭘﺮﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺟﻼﺟﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻞ!« ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ! »ﺷﺎﺕﺁپ«‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺮﺍء ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ« ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ »ﺗﻔﻮﻕ« ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻢﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦﺍﺵ‬

‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ« ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ »ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ«‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻠــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻒ ﻫﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﺔ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﻔﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﻠﻚﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ« ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ« ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ »ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻰ« ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﭼﺸــﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ »ﭘــﺰﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ »ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌــﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓــﺮﺽ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﺔ ﻣﺸﻌﺸــﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ »ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺷــﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ« ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﭽﺔ ﭼﻞﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺷــﻠﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ »ﻛﻼﻥ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺠﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ« ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻃﻌﻤﺔ« ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻬــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠــﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ »ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ«‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻛﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ »ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺋﻰ« ﻣﻰﭘﻴﭽﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻻﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺘﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ »ﻣﺼﺎﻑ« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬