28ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ 2011
ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ، ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺣﻴﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ .ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ،ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ 22ﺑﻬﻤﻦ 57ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺷﺎﺥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ
ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﺣــﺐ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ« ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻜﻞﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ، ﻫــﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ »ﺑﺎﺏ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻃــﻼﻕ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ« ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ؛ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ،ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ 22ﺑﻬﻤﻦ 57ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ »ﻣﺜﺒﺖ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ« ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺻــﻮﻻً ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ
»ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ،ﻫﺮ ﻧﻨﻪﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺘﻘــﻦ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ. ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ،ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ 8ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ،1390 ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠــﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ،ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ« ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ،ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ. ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ. ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ،ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ: »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ )ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭﻯ ،ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻰ ،ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﺣﻖﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ،ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ( ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ«. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ،ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺮ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ـ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺎﺭﻯ ،ﻗﻤــﻰ ﻭ ...ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ!« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ »ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻧﺸــﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ .ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ، ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﻳﻚﺷــﺒﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ »ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻰ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ،ﺯﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩ: »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1357ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ]ﻛﺮﺩﻩ[ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«. ﺍﻭﻻً »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻣﺶﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺋﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﻣ ً ﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ! ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ» :ﻗﺸــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؟« ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ »ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻘﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ،ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ« ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ
ﻃﻰ 30ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ...ﺷﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻟﺪ؟ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ: »ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ،ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ،ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ،ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ،ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ]«[... ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﭼــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫــﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻳــﺪ» ،ﺍﻯ ﺩﻝ ﻏﺎﻓــﻞ! ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻡﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ!« ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺁﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ: ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴــﻦ» ،ﭘﺮﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺟﻼﺟﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺟﻞ!« ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ :ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ! »ﺷﺎﺕﺁپ« ﺍﻗﺮﺍء ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ «... ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ، ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ،ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ« ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ »ﺗﻔﻮﻕ« ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ، ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦﺍﺵ
ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ،ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ،ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ،ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ...ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ. ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ» ،ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ« ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ »ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ«» ،ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ«» ،ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ« ﻭ ...ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻠــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ،ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻒ ﻫﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ .ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ. ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﺔ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﻔﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ،ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﻠﻚﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ« ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ، ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪ، ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ« ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ »ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻰ« ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ .ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ» ،ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﭼﺸــﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ »ﭘــﺰﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠــﻪ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ،ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ »ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ« ﻣﻘﻄﻌــﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ .ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ، ﭘﻴﺶﻓــﺮﺽ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﺔ ﻣﺸﻌﺸــﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ. ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ »ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺷــﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ« ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ،ﭼﺎپ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ
ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﭽﺔ ﭼﻞﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻰ ،ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺷــﻠﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ،ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ »ﻛﻼﻥ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺠﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ« ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ، ﺭﻭﺯﻯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ...ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻃﻌﻤﺔ« ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ،ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﺍﻧﺪ .ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻬــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ،ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ .ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠــﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ .ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﻰﻫﺎ ،ﻓﺮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ »ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ« ،ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻛﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ »ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺋﻰ« ﻣﻰﭘﻴﭽﺪ. ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ. ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ .ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻻﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ،ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺘﻤﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩ. ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ »ﻣﺼﺎﻑ« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧــﺪ ،ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ،ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ.