Class Consciousness Issue 1 (Oct/Nov)

Issue 1 Nov. 2019

C L ASS

CONSCIOUSNESS Liberty

equality

solidarity

Contents | 2

Class Consciousness is an inter-organizational left-wing student publication at Cornell University.

Our next issue’s theme will be: “RED.” Essays, analysis, musings, reporting, poetry, dispatches from the field, art and more are all welcome.

If you are interested in contributing to future issues, you can contact us at classconsciousnessmag@gmail.com.

This publication was created and published on the occupied territory of the Cayuga Nation of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy.

Ecuador Rejects Austerity, and Wins 3 Jacob Brown

Sexual Identity under Capitalism Gregory Randazzo

4

Why We Need a Bernie Sanders Presidency 5 George Defendini & Leanna Zilles

Democratic Socialism 101: Why I’m a Democratic Socialist

7

Why I Left the Right

8

Arthur Baxter Hamilton Anonymous

The Excluded Faces of the Climate Justice Movement 9 Evelyn Kennedy Jaffe

Event bulletin on back

3

Ecuador Rejects Austerity, and Wins

by the government of his predecessor, Rafael Correa, during his ten-year presidency.

Moreno’s initial response to the protests was to accuse Jacob Brown Correa, who is living in exile While Western eyes focus in Belgium, of orchestrating a on the months-long protest coup. Moreno, who was once movement in Hong Kong, vice president under Corlittle attention is given to a rea, has been feuding with historic uprising led by in- his former boss since Correa digenous groups and work- left office in 2017: Correa acing-class sectors in Ecuador1 cused Moreno of being “the that erupted on October 3rd. greatest traitor in Ecuadorian 4 The capital of Quito was so and Latin American history” overwhelmed by protesters for handing over WikiLeaks from Andean indigenous founder Julian Assange to communities that President British authorities earlier this Lenín Moreno temporarily year.

That a president of Latmoved the seat of government to the coastal city of in American country would toss his country’s poor and middle “ Ecuadorian people class to the merhave shown the cy of international world once again the markets and the power of indigenous IMF is not surprisand working-class ing on its own. resistance to What is surprising neoliberalism” is the fact that Moreno was electGuayaquil2. The protests are ed under the same left-wing 5 most immediately a popular PAIS Alliance party as Correa, yet has routinely acted reaction to the International against the wishes of his Monetary Fund (IMF)-backed austerity measures, which working-class voter base in include an end to a for- favor of wealthy Ecuadorian ty-year era of fuel subsidies, businessmen and internaa move that would have fur- tional capital.

Ecuador’s economy is ther plunged the middle and working class of the country in decline, especially when into poverty. Poverty has in- compared to the period creased substantially since of sustained growth expeMoreno took office in 2017; rienced during the coma partial reversal of the enor- modities boom of around a mous gains in poverty and decade ago. Moreno’s proinequality reduction3 made posed solution was to shift

the burden onto the most vulnerable members of the population: the proposed austerity measures Moreno’s government was due to implement in exchange for a $4.2 billion IMF bailout included an end to fuel subsidies, tariff reductions, salary cuts for public sector employees, privatization of state-owned corporations, and financial deregulation6.

But on October 13th, the government reached a deal with indigenous leaders to cancel the IMF bailout7 and reverse the dreaded end to fuel subsidies. As was the case in the much more massive and deadly indigenous-led uprisings against privatization and austerity in Bolivia in 2000 and 2005, the Ecuadorian people have shown the world once again the power of indigenous and working-class resistance to neoliberalism. •

1. José María León, “Seven Days of Unrest and Counting: Thousands Stream Into Ecuador’s Capital,” The New York Times, October 9, 2019.

2. Dan Collyns, “Ecuador Moves Government out of Capital as Violent Protests Rage,” The Guardian, October 8, 2019.

3. Dan Beeton, “Ecuador After Ten Years of President Correa: New Paper Examines Key Indicators, Reforms, and Policy Changes: Press Releases,” CEPR. 4. “‘Greatest Traitor in Ecuadorian History’: Ex-President Correa Slams Moreno over Assange’s Arrest.”

5. Benjamin Timm Schützhofer, “Elected Left, Governing Right,” NACLA. 6. Wilma Salgado, “Ecuador: Society’s Reaction to IMF Austerity Package,” NACLA. 7. José María León, “Deal Struck in Ecuador to Cancel Austerity Package and End Protests,” The New York Times, October 13, 2019.

4

Sexual Identity under Capitalism Gregory Randazzo To be queer is to adhere to a specific consumptive habit, a habit which has been elucidated in focus groups and in corporate board rooms, a habit which is unintrinsic, ahistorical, and indeed subversive to the community itself. LGBT culture has been appropriated and subsequently commodified en mass; the result being that we no longer create our own identities; they are sold to us The capitalist marketplace, littered with inaccurate facsimiles of LGBT identity; is now the uncontroversial, impotent, fossil which purports to represent battles for equality which have been ripped from their historical context. In this way, consumer capitalism has made the LGBT community impotent, nostalgic for falsified, far removed victories while the real subversiveness of the community has been forgotten, forgotten to history.

This is the process of cultural fossilization.

Queer rights only exist because it is possible to profit off of the lives of queer people; it is profitable to sell queer culture. We are a spectacle to them, not a spectre. The total amount of homophobia in society is, more or less, a constant. The reason for this is that there are other identities which are sanctified by capitalism, identities which contradict the queer worldview but also occupy the same Overton Window, the window

of acceptable discourse. Only in a society where the social relations have become so convoluted as in ours does there exist a market for religious fascists and queer leftists. In the Manifesto of The Communist Party, Marx writes that ...

Capitalism has... “put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations... “it has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervor... “it has resolved personal worth into exchange value... and has set up that single, unconscionable freedom-Free Trade.” The equivalence of queer leftists and religious fascists lies not in their ideology, but in their bank accounts, their uncanny ability to purchase products which uphold their identity; they purchase symbols and signifiers to publicly display their unity with a chosen cause, and to also bolster their inner ideology, to silence systemic doubt.

In commodified queer culture, there is a Lacanian ego-identification process which the advertising has utilized excessively, to our detriment and to the detriment of all true radicals.

Today, our culture is first manufactured, then disseminated. The wheel of queer art, politics, and culture has thus been halted because the essence of queerdom has been commodified to the core; Stonewall has been commodified, Pride has been commodified. There is no living reference point of subversive queerness and thus we are forced into identification with 1969 commemorative Stonewall pins which we self-righteously place on our backpacks, and corporations

make use of the Pink Triangle, a symbol first used by the Nazis, taken up again during the AIDS crisis, and finally making a slow descent into obscurity now, owing to its pervasive use and its appropriation by the manufacturers of LGBT culture, namely Chinese manufacturers of cheap plastic objects and the American, perhaps Ivy-League educated, capitalists. In our search for stable identities we have been forced to reenact the historical drama of the nation-states; we have an uncanny preponderance of flags, of communities, and of spaces and of collectives and of outsiders, who are treated with suspicion, a sexual xenophobia. Our degree of attachment to the manufactured idealizations of our identity is subsequently a controversial notion; sexualism, the prejudice attached to a particular sexual identity, or the pre-judgement of people based on their degree of “purity” with regards to their identity, is pervasive. With flags comes nations, and with those, nationalism. The queer culture you see on TV is not queer, at least normatively. It is anti-queerness produced by straight capitalism. It is pseudo-queer conservatism.

It is sexually xenophobic, it is dead. Queer culture is dead and Capitalism has killed it.

Only after the fact have they given us the right to participate in marriage, to adopt children, to fight foreign wars to kill brown people, and most importantly of all, to buy flags and pins and coffee at Starbucks.

If you are satisfied, you have been lied to. •

5

Why We Need a Bernie Sanders Presidency George Defendini & Leanna Zilles In the midst of the 2016 presidential election, a new vision for social and economic equality emerged within the Democratic party. Manifesting from Senator Bernie Sanders’ campaign in the Democratic primary, this vision emphasized a people-powered democracy, tuition-free public colleges and trade schools, single-payer healthcare, and a living wage, among other proposals. Opposition from both major parties deemed such ideas unrealistic and radical, yet the movement still managed to gain considerable support and love from voters.

As the Democrats’ runner-up, Senator Sanders received over 13 million votes, winning party strongholds such as Washington and Hawai’i, as well as key swing states like Wisconsin, Colorado, and Michigan.

Since 2016, the original vision has not faltered - in contrastly, the rise of right-wing populism in the age of Trump has elicited a paramount need for a resilient, intersectional, and progressive movement.

Within a day of announcing his 2020 campaign, Senator Sanders received more small-dollar donations than any other candidate in the field. The campaign reached $6 million in 24 hours, with Senator Kamala Harris in second at $1.6 million on her first day. The Vermont Senator’s record feat not only reflects the grassroots support of his candidacy, but also a greater vision of a government oper-

of the most important issues ated of, for, and by its people.

The impact of Bernie for voters regardless of poSanders’s 2016 campaign can litical party, and according to even be seen outside of the a poll by the Kaiser Family current 2020 primary race. Foundation, over 60 percent of respondents support MediThe rise of the Progressive care for All (a single-payer Caucus and the overnight healthcare bill featured in the superstars known as “The Squad” — a group of Justice Senate by Senator Sanders Democrats endorsed candi- and in the House by Rep. Pramila Jayapal). Climate change dates Alexandria Ocasio-Cor— an existential threat to life tez, Ilhan Omar, Ayanna Presson this planet— is also one ley, and Rashida Tlaib — are testaments to Bernie’s political impact.

Representative Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) rose to stardom when she defeated “The King of Queens” Joe Crowley — the number Courtesy of Countercurrent 3 Democrat “ we seek a candidate who behind Pelosi and Schumer will bring truth, equity, — by running and justice to American a grassroots, democracy.” zero corporate donations campaign, of the campaign’s strongest whilst championing Medicare for All and “Democratic So- suits. Sanders proves he is the “Climate Candidate” with his cialism” (sound familiar?). All of these Progressives, along policy plan: The Green New Deal. The plan approaches with countless others who climate change in a fashion have been politically activated that shifts the nation toward since the 2016 Primary, borrow heavily from or explicitly a green energy system while state that they were inspired protecting communities of color, low-income families,

by Bernie Sanders’s proposals and workers in the fossil fuel from the 2016 election. industry. The plan currently Democratic primary voters boasts a 60 percent approval frequently discuss the notion of “electability” — specifical- rating from voters across raly, whether a candidate pos- cial, educational, income, and geographic demographics. sesses the policies and voter In 2016, Senator Sanders’s appeal to take on Trump. base was often characterized Contrary to common belief, as a group of overwhelmingthe self-described Democratic Socialist is arguably more ly white, male “Bernie Bros.” electable than his fellow 2020 (Continued on next page) contenders. Healthcare is one

o , n ”

6

However, statistics from 2019 illustrate the contrary — the senator leads among Latinx voters and working class voters under 30, while also attracting a greater proportion of voters of color and women than any of his counterparts. The campaign’s diverse support illustrates the development of a multiracial working class movement — an essential force in combating the US’s stark socioeconomic inequalities.

It is also especially important to recognize and understand the complex role of identity, both inside and outside the senator’s campaign. Historically, the most privileged individuals within a group are most often those who are featured at the forefront of any movement. Therefore, it is an utmost responsibility of the Sanders campaign to move beyond token representation and call for a system in which those who belong to marginalized communities are not only heard, but amplified and in substantive positions of leadership. No campaign should simply stop at “diversity and inclusion” — it must also encompass equity and justice for all of its members and supporters. Senator Sanders emphasizes the growth between the current campaign and that of 2016, highly valuing the importance of an intersectional movement. In March 2019, he asserted that his presidential cabinet “would look like America,” and he has since surrounded himself with astute and dedicated leaders who reflect the campaign’s commitment to gender, racial, religious, and socioeconomic diversity.

What would a Sanders presidency mean for the Cornell community? The simple answer: so much. Although Ivies and high-ranked schools tend to have more generous financial aid packages than smaller, lesser-known institutions, 41 percent

of Cornell students still graduate with debt. This debt, which is disproportionately borne by Latinx and Black students, both at Cornell and across the US, hinders recent graduates from career development, entrepreneurship, home ownership, and even good health. A Sanders presidency would cancel all student debt, including debt from private colleges and universities, trade schools, and post-graduate education. In a society that emphasizes the value of education, it is essential that we invest in our younger generations and close the racial wealth gap in doing so.

Climate change is another pressing issue at Cornell, and our students have historically been at the forefront of the fight against environmental degradation. In the 1990’s, when Cornell’s Kyoto Now! marched on Day Hall and demanded the university improve its efforts to reduce emissions. That rich history is alive and well to this day, thanks to the efforts of groups like Climate Justice Cornell, continuing the fight for the university to divest from fossil fuels. That being said, it is indisputable that Bernie Sanders is the candidate with the best plan to fight the climate crisis. Senator Sanders’ $16 trillion “Green New Deal” is immense in scope, with plans to sue the fossil fuel industry into bankruptcy under the pretense of environmental negligence. The suit will then help pay for and ensure a just transition for innocent fossil fuel workers to enter the renewable energy industry, and much more.

Anything less, the Green New Deal says, would lead to $34 trillion in damages, and the imminent destruction of our planet.

The senator’s popularity with young voters is an even more telling indicator of his strength as a candidate. According to a Harvard Poll, 87 percent of Sand-

ers supporters are between the ages of 18-34, the largest out of all Democratic contenders. The last time a Democrat had such a strong youth voting base was in 2008: Barack Obama, with 66 percent. Politicians are often reluctant to appeal to young voters because in most cases, voters between the ages of 18 and 29 frequently have the lowest turnout.

However, the fervent youth support for Bernie’s 2016 candidacy — and the current enthusiasm for the senator in 2020 — illustrates that young people have become reactivated in politics, and we seek a candidate who will bring truth, equity, and justice to American democracy.

We need a candidate who stands for all people, not just the wealthy billionaire class. We need healthcare as a human right, we need to end the wars, we need a living wage, we need a Green New Deal, we need to cancel student debt, and more. The issues we are facing seem impossible to solve — almost as if they are too much to take on at once. However, during one of this country’s finest hours, we demonstrated that we were capable of building the mass movement necessary for radical structural change.

During the 1940’s, the citizens of this country rose up. Whether it be through working in factories, enlisting to fight the Nazi Empire, or simply rationing food and supplies — everyone did everything they could, and in the process, they transformed American society overnight. Destroying the reemergence of fascism, fighting the climate crisis, and tackling this nation’s gross wealth inequality will take nothing less than a societal mobilization akin to that of World War II, and we have already proven we are ready for this challenge. There is a time and place for the political revolution - and it is here and now. •

7

Democratic Socialism 101: Why I’m a Democratic Socialist Arthur Baxter Hamilton I am a Democratic Socialist because I want freedom for all and believe in our collective ability to create a better society, and I believe we can achieve that more democratic and prosperous society through Democratic Socialism. We are not bound by the structures of oppression we live in today. They are the products of a capitalist system, a system we can overthrow.

The American capitalist system is based on violence and the threat of violence against the weak. A person with diabetes unable to get the insulin they need to live1, a policeman killing an innocent person2, and an Amazon employee forced to live on the street3 are all regular acts of violence in our capitalist system. Democratic Socialism sees violent acts not as isolated abuses but as bulwarks of capitalism’s exploitations.

Our society could obviously bear the cost of providing these basic services and protections, just look at the military budget, but capitalism makes it impossible, placing abstract ideas of private property above the needs of human beings.

Proponents of capital-

ism often discuss how it has brought us technological innovation and allowed most of us to stop working on farms. Democratic Socialists do recognize the many useful things capitalism has created. iPhones, central heating, and the end of feudalism are all fruits of capitalism’s need for continuous economic growth. A Democratic Socialist system, however, can produce economic development while preventing the gross inequality resulting from capitalist violence.

Global warming, deforestation of the Amazon rainforest, and war are all results of capitalism’s excessive need to expand which can only be ended with the end of the capitalist system.

We live at the whims of a privileged few who amass great fortunes by appropriating the surplus value created by workers, using their fortunes to build mansions for their enjoyment and armies to ensure obedience. In 2018, it was reported that 26 individuals possess as much wealth as the bottom half of humanity4. Why have a few people managed to profit off and rule over the rest of us? Because capitalists are able to pit individual workers against each other in the struggle to survive and provide for their children. We are forced into competing for employment in order to enjoy well being, housing, and healthcare—rights all people deserve by virtue

of being alive. Democratic Socialist visions for society exist as alternatives to the brutality of the status quo.

The beginnings of Democratic Socialism already exist in the United States and the next steps—Medicare for All, the Green New Deal, and rent control—are not far off. The immediate work of Democratic Socialists brings us closer to a fairer society where people are able to enjoy life regardless of their race, gender, education, and pay. Whether it be through worker-owned co-ops, or publicly-owned, worker-managed firms, we can reorganize our economy to empower workers and prevent the abuses of capitalism. Democratic Socialist programs support marginalized groups, such as people of color, LGBTQ+ people, and trans people, all victims of capitalist oppression.

Democratic Socialist Martin Luther King Jr. said, “we all too often have socialism for the rich and rugged free enterprise capitalism for the poor”5. • 1. Erin Alberty, ““As Costs of Insulin Rise, Utah Diabetics Are Going Online to Plead for the Drug from Strangers,” The Salt Lake Tribune, Oct 25, 2019.

2. Al Baker, J. David Goodman, and Benjamin Mueller, “Beyond the Chokehold: The Path to Eric Garner’s Death,” The New York Times, June 13, 2015.

3. Erin Corbett, “Amazon Worker Who Became Homeless After Workplace Injury Speaks Out,” Fortune, August 1, 2018.

4. Larry Elliott, “World’s 26 Richest People Own as Much as Poorest 50%, Says Oxfam,” The Guardian, January 21, 2019.

5. “Dr. King: Socialism for the Rich and Rugged Free Enterprise Capitalism for the Poor.” City Observatory, January 21, 2019.

8

Why I Left the Right

conservatives have been wringing their hands over: the modern decay of American communities, families, civic Anonymous organizations and other soIn my eighth grade U.S cial structures. As I grew older history class, I took a political and learned more, I slowly compass test. It called me a realized this decay Putnam “right-populist” or something observes had less to do with like that. I did not know what the “godless leftists” conthat term meant, but I knew it servatives accuse, and more was correct. Raised by a Re- to do with the liberalizing of publican family in a wealthy American economic policy.

Now I recognize that the community, my politics developed in a conservative liberal conception of the direction, as I learned to be individual as an isolated, patriotic, and to cherish fam- self-maximising Homo Ecoily values and the free market. nomicus is fundamentally All throughout my childhood at odds with the notions of I never thought I would de- family and community that I velop the politics I have now: hold dear. A socialist society respect for the ideas of radi- that values human labor and cal socialists. As my political cooperation would uphold views solidify, I cannot help families and communities far better than the free market but wonder how I got here.

In my transformation, I conservatives desire.

And just because I have was surprised to find that my radical politics now “ I still love America, doesn’t mean I am against hard work and I still value or meritocracy, but I the hard work and don’t think these tenets of conservative family values.” thinking can be fully personal values changed very realized in a capitalist econolittle. Contrary to what con- my anymore. As any conserservatives say about Marxists, vative would, I believed the I still love America, and I still American free market would value the hard work and fam- reward the hard working and ily values that conservatives smart with financial success, believe in. As I went red, I and punish the lazy and stupid didn’t reject traditional val- with destitution. Much of the ues, I merely adopted differ- research into Capitalist meritocracy now questions that ent perspectives’ on them.

Like conservatives, I be- assumption, but I know it’s lieve humans flourish in stable completely wrong because of families and strong commu- my own personal experience.

Going to school in a nities. But one of the things that drove me away from the wealthy community, and even American right was realizing going to school at Cornell, I how caustic the free market lived and learned alongside is on morality, family and many people from very afflucommunity values. The book ent backgrounds. Compared Bowling Alone by Robert Put- to the people I’ve met from nam documents something average or poor circumstanc-

es, the rich kids weren’t especially brilliant or driven. Quite frankly, many of my luckier peers could be described as unintelligent, entitled, and mediocre. Despite their flaws, their parents had all the industry connections and resources they needed to ensure a lucrative career and a wonderful life for them, with almost no effort on the part of their child.

Meanwhile, I’ve met students from lower class backgrounds who perform superhuman feats of labor in long jobs and sophisticated majors for much dimmer life prospects.

It was these two revelations that constituted my first experience touching the income distribution glass ceiling and floor that keep the poor from becoming too rich, and the rich from becoming too poor. How could a “meritocracy” allow this to happen? Finally awakening to this reality at Cornell, I knew I could no longer support a capitalist economy that ignores true intelligence and drive in favor of lazy and well-connected degenerates.

In short, there was no sudden moment of clarity that caused me to reorient my politics leftward. Nor did this change result from a sudden, manic shift in beliefs. I came to advocate for a Marxist world after studying the world around me and reflecting on my personal values. As a result of my political shift, I volunteered on many projects concerning labor, climate change and other left wing causes. Abandoning conservatism for socialism caused in me a change for the better, and my only hope now is that more conservatives will undergo the same conversion I made. •

9

The Excluded Faces of the Climate Justice Movement Evelyn Kennedy Jaffe Yeah, Greta Thunberg is great! An incredible speaker and the most popular face of the youth-led climate movement, she’s bringing a powerful sense of urgency and awareness to the climate crisis and so of course the boomers hate her. However, the media and the public at large have put her on a pedestal - and it’s effectively overshadowing Black and Brown youth activists who are equally as deserving of a platform in the climate justice movement. Seeing this movement through the lens of whiteness is dangerous, and fails to acknowledge the disproportionately larger effect the climate crisis will have on Black and Brown communities, indigenous communities, and other groups that have been marginalized by white supremacy, capitalism, and cisheteropatriarchy.

That’s why it’s important that we start recognizing the work of the many other youth activists whose faces are excluded from mainstream conversations about climate change despite kicking just as much ass as Thunberg.

Isra Hirsi (@irsahirsi) Hirsi, 16, is the co-founder & co-executive of the US Youth Climate Strike organization, which both organizes strikes/ direct action and advocates for climate policy. She fights for the intersection of the climate justice movement with racial justice. As a Black and Muslim woman, she feels strongly about the inclusion of those voices not responsible for the climate crisis,

but the ones who will feel the repercussions most strongly.

Alexandria Villaseñor (@AlexandriaV2005) Villaseñor, 14, another co-founder of the US Youth Climate Strike, as well as the founder of Earth Uprising, a nonprofit which aims to support and hasten the youth climate movement. She is also an organizer for Fridays For Future, and, like Thunberg, went on strike outside a government building for 42 weeks - in Villaseñor’s case, the U.N. Headquarters in NYC. She and other young climate activists filed a legal complaint against five major countries for their contributions to climate change, which they say violates the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Mari Copeny (@LittleMissFlint) Copeny, 12, also known as “Little Miss Flint,” is a resident of Flint, MI, which has been without clean water for 5 years.

She first became active in 2014, writing a letter to then-president Obama. She’s also partnered with a filtration company to make a water filter and holds weekly water distribution events for thousands of Flint residents.

Copeny says that the climate movement “need[s] to address issues of environmental racism because it is a huge part in the climate movement yet it is treated by most as a nonissue.”

Jamie Margolin (@jamie_margolin on Twitter, @jamie_s_margolin on Instagram) Margolin is the co-founder of the climate action organization Zero Hour, a youth- and women of color-led movement that supports new young activists and organizers with tools, training,

and resources. A queer, Jewish, Latina climate activist, she fights to keep Latin America a focus of the movement.

Leah Namugerwa (@NamugerwaLeah) Namugerwa is a 14-year-old member of Fridays for Future Uganda, and like many youth activists, strikes many Fridays.

She is a firsthand witness of famine caused by drought and landslides from climate change. Despite the Ugandan government’s harsh response to strikers, Leah continues to fight for change.

She is demanding a Ugandan plastic bag ban.

Xiye Bastida (@xiyebastida on Twitter, @xiyebeara on Instagram) Bastida is an advocate for indigenous rights, one of the lead organizers of the Fridays For Future movement, and sits on the administration committee of the Peoples Climate Movement, where she brings the youth perspective to existing grassroots and climate organizations. She was born and raised in Mexico as part of the Otomi-Toltec indigenous peoples. She received the “Spirit of the UN” award in 2018.

Of course, the list does not stop here! There are many more, including Xiuhtezcatl Martinez (Twitter/Instagram: @xiuhtezcatl), Kevin J. Patel (Twitter: @ imkevinjpatel), Lilly Platt (Twitter: @lillyspickup), Saoi O’Connor (Twitter: @saoi4climate), Anuna De Wever (Twitter: @AnunaDe & Instagram: @anuna_dewever), Jerome Foster II (Twitter: @ jeromefosterii), Vic Barret (Twitter: @vict_barrett & Instagram: vicbarrett_) •

10

Citations Ecuador Rejects Austerity, and wins

1. León, José María. “Seven Days of Unrest and Counting: Thousands Stream Into Ecuador’s Capital.”

The New York Times. The New York Times, October 9, 2019.

2. Collyns, Dan. “Ecuador Moves Government out of Capital as Violent Protests Rage.” The Guardian.

Guardian News and Media, October 8, 2019.

3. Beeton, Dan. “Ecuador After Ten Years of President Correa: New Paper Examines Key Indicators, Reforms, and Policy Changes: Press Releases.” CEPR. 4. “‘Greatest Traitor in Ecuadorian History’: Ex-President Correa Slams Moreno over Assange’s Arrest.” RT International.

5. Schützhofer, Timm Benjamin. “Elected Left, Governing Right.” NACLA. 6. Salgado, Wilma. “Ecuador: Society’s Reaction to IMF Austerity Package.”

NACLA, October 14, 2019.

7. León, José María. “Deal Struck in Ecuador to Cancel Austerity Package and End Protests.” The New York Times. The New York Times, October 13, 2019.

Democratic Socialist 101: Why I’m a Democratic Socialist

1. Alberty, Erin. “As Costs of Insulin Rise, Utah Diabetics Are Going Online to Plead for the Drug from Strangers.” The Salt Lake Tribune, Oct 25, 2019.

2. Baker, Al, J. David Goodman, and Benjamin Mueller. “Beyond the Chokehold: The Path to Eric Garner’s Death.” The New York Times. The New York Times, June 13, 2015.

3. Corbett, Erin. “Amazon Worker Who Became Homeless After Workplace Injury Speaks Out.” Fortune. Fortune, August 1, 2018.

4. Elliott, Larry. “World’s 26 Richest People Own as Much as Poorest 50%, Says Oxfam.” The Guardian.

Guardian News and Media, January 21, 2019.

5. “Dr. King: Socialism for the Rich and Rugged Free Enterprise Capitalism for the Poor.” City Observatory, January 21, 2019.

Contributors Writing Arthur Baxter Hamilton Jacob Brown George Defendini Evelyn Kennedy Jaffe Gregory Randazzo Leanne Zilles Editing Arthur Baxter Hamilton Cyrus Bernstein Chloe Cabrera Evelyn Kennedy Jaffe Katie Sims Nick Sutera Art and Design Cover: Belle McDonald Layout: Sabrina Xie

Climate Justice Cornell Open meetings: • Tuesdays, 6:30 pm // General Body // Morrill Hall, 107 • Wednesdays 6:30 pm // Fossil Fuel Divestment Campaign // Morrill Hall, 102 • Sundays, 3:00 pm // Planning and Campaigns Check-in meetings (“TreeBoard”) // Olin Hall, 2nd Floor Lounge Fossil Free Fridays track our level of escalation for the divestment campaign throughout the year.

Every Friday, there will be a different action, which are planned at Divestment Campaign meetings.

Dec. 6 is the next Global Climate Strike. The planning coalition is independent from CJC and all are welcome.

Contact us at @climate_justice_ cornell // cjc.cornell@gmail.com

Students Justice for Palestine/Jewish Voice for Peace 22 November 2019, 4:30 - 5:00 pm // Teach in on History of Gaza, Blockade, and Current Crisis // Rockefeller Hall, 183 6 December 2019, 6 - 8 pm // Teach in on Long Tradition of Jewish and Socialist Politics, with further events afterwards // Goldwin Smith Hall 181 Contact Students Justice for Palestine at Facebook.com/ cornells4jp Contact Jewish Voice for Peace at Facebook.com/cornell.jvp

CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS

Event Bulletin

Young Democratic Socialists at Cornell

Fridays 6:00 pm // YDSA General Assembly Meetings // Goldwin Smith Hall, 160 Working groups: • Saturdays 6:00 pm // Reading Group Meets // Sibley Hall, Green Dragon • Wednesdays 7:00 pm // Class Consciousness Magazine Coordination Meetings // Goldwin Smith Hall, room TBD (usually 158 or 160)

Tuesday, November 19, 2019 - 7:00 pm // Screening of The Corporate Coup d’État with Q&A after with CoProducer Jeff Cohen // Cinemapolis, 120 E. Green St., Ithaca Wednesday, November 20, 2019 - 9:00 pm // Democratic Debate Watch Party with Discussion Afterwards // Location TBD Contact the Young Democratic Socialists at Cornell at cornellyds@gmail.com