TheconversationssurroundingwhatisandisnotEgyptiannationalidentityareplenty. Today,afterdecadesofneoliberalreform,theEgyptiancapitalhasbecomethecenterofthe culturaldebacle.Atitsheart,CairoservesasEgypt’sextensionintoglobalcapitalism,itsflailing hopetobecomepartofthemodernized,cosmopolitanworld.Yet,tobecomethisimageof cosmopolitanism,Cairomustsilencetheun-modernizedsounds,cultures,andspacesthatarise fromwithinitsalleyways.Currently,thedebacleof shaabi music,particularly,thatof mahraganat,placesthesecontentionstothecenterofthemodernizationdebates. Mahraganat, whichstarted,flourished,andthenexpandedfromtheworking-classneighborhoodsofCairo representsthesoundsoftheEgyptianmajority But,tobecomepartofglobalcapital,the Egyptianmajoritymustberepresentedbytheminoritythathasaccesstouniversityeducation, internationalcorporations,andotherconnectionstoglobalcapital.Assuch, mahraganat mustbe inhibitedtoonlyexistwithinthepoorneighborhoodsofCairo.Thispaperwilldiscussthe processthroughwhichtheconversationsbetweenmodernization,space,andculturehavetaken place.
Tobeginunderstandingtheextenttowhichculture,classism,andlookingtowardsthe Westareintertwined,oneneedstolooknofurtherthanthelinguisticusesoftheword shaabi. Its root, shaab,refersto“people”–withtheadditionofthepronoun i, itmeans“mypeople”.
However,whentherootandthepronounareaddedtogether, shaabi nolongersimplyrefersto “mypeople,”instead,itbecomesawordwithmanymeanings.Itcanbeusedtoreferto vulgarity,low-incomehousing,genresofmusicproducedlocally,popular(itemsorexperiences), nativeculture,thepublic,andsoon.Inparticular,itisinterestingtonotethreeuses:vulgarity, popularity,andlow-income.Thepeople’sculture,whatisconsidered shaabi culture,andassuch
both shaabi music,housing,andsoforth,isalwaysintertwinedwithwhatisconsideredvulgar.It isherethatthedialecticsbetweenculture,classism,andimperialismbegin.
Abriefhistoricaloverview
Historically,Cairohasneverbeenasilentcity.Inhis2020book,ZiadFahmy summarizessomeofthemostcommonandloudestsoundsinthecityintothefollowing:street hawkers,thesoundsofmetals,thenwhathecallsthe“soundsofmodernity”includingvehicles, tramways,electricity,blaringmusic,games,theatres,andfinally,thesoundsofevents–with weddingsandfuneralsbeingthefocus.Streethawkersfallintosomeoftheinformalpositionsin Cairo’seconomy,followingthestigmathatalsooccursalongsidemostinformalprofessionsand spaces.Thisbeginsthecontestationoversoundsinthecity Tosilencethesehawkers,the governmentconsistentlyreleasedlawsforbiddinghawkersfromsellinginsomestreets, advertisingtheirproducts“byyelling,ringingbells,blowinghornsoranyothersimilar instruments, in a fashion that disturbs the tranquility of the public [emphasisadded]”(60).This confrontationbetweenthestateandtheperceivedthreattothetranquilityofthepublicisnota modernphenomenon,withcontentiouslawsandconfrontationsbetweenpoliceandmerchants occurringsincetheearly1900satleast.Fahmyhighlightsthat“theconcernwasnotmerelyabout thesafetyofthepublicbutalsoaboutthe‘Civilizational’appearanceofthecitystreets(…)to theelitesandmanyofEgypt’supwardlymobilemiddleclasses,themereexistenceofthepublic poorwasablemishonthefaceofthenew,modern,and‘civilized’Egyptthattheywantedto portray”(66-71).Thus,soundshavecenteredtheconversationsaround“civility”sincetheendof colonialisminEgypt.Itisthesediscussionson“civility”,modernity,anddevelopmentthathave guidedandsupportedthepolicingofinformalcommunities,supportingtheirsegregationfrom
otherspacesandtheseclusionofthehigh-incomepopulationfromwhatisotherwiseconsidered the shaa’b.
IntroducingtheWest:Sadat’s Infitah
Sincethe1970s,Egypthasbeenembarkingonaquesttowardsneoliberalmodernity,first initiatedbyPresidentAnwarelSadatinhisOctoberWorkingPaper.Inthispaper,andlater speeches,SadatdeclaresthistheperiodofEgypt’s infitah,theopeningofitseconomy.This wouldentailincreasedtradewithothercountries,moredependenceonAmericansupport,and,at theroot,thenormalizationofrelationswithIsrael.Mostofthesedevelopmentswereledby Westernforces,whocontinuouslypushedneoliberalpoliciesdespitedecreasingacceptanceby thepeople.By1975,oneyearaftertheOctoberWorkingPaper,therewereworker demonstrationsinHelwanandriotsinMahallaal-Kubra;by1976,protestorstooktoCairoand severalothercitiesandtransportworkerswentonstrike(Aulas,1982).Thefinalcallwasin 1977,whentheneoliberalpoliciespushedforthedecreaseofstatesubsidiesonbread–astaple intheEgyptiandietandpopularimaginary–leadingtoriotsthatburneddownstationsandleft Cairoawreck.Withtheseprotests,thegovernmentwasforcedtostepbackandrestorebread subsidies,ifnothingelse(ibid).The infitah ledtothedevaluationoftheEgyptianeconomy, increasingitsdependenceonoutsidesourcesofcapital,andincreasinggapsbetween socioeconomicclasses.
Inaddition,theEgyptianeconomybecameheavilydependentonremittancessentfrom abroad,signalingaweakeningeconomyandanuntappedlabormarket.Whilein1976 remittanceswereonlyat6percentofGDP,by1977theyhadjumpedto12percent–doubling andsignalingapopulationincreasinglylookingoutwardsforhope(WorldBank,2023). Two
yearsaftertheriots,foreigndirectinvestmentsasapercentageofGDPjumpedtotheirhighest amountuntil2006,forming6.75percentofGDP-$1.22billion(Macrotrends,2023).
Meanwhile,risingunemployment,costs,andencroachinginformalityaroseasfactorsthatwill continuouslyneedtobeaddressedafterthe infitah,withthenextdecadestellingthetalesofeach ofthesefactorsrisingasEgypt’smainstruggles.Inparticular,thehousingcrisis–whichwas neverfullyaddressedunderSadat’spredecessor–highlightedtheintersectionofallthecountry’s mainstruggles.UnderSadat,thecountryembarkedonbuildingcitiesinthedesertasanattempt tocurbtherisinginformaldevelopments, ashwa’iyat,inCairoanditsperipheries.Sadathimself establishedtheNewUrbanCommunitiesAuthority(NUCA)in1979tocreate“newcivilized centersforachievingcommunitystabilityandeconomicprosperity”(NUCA,2020).Thesecities, then,becamethesuburbsofCairo–amethodofexperiencingthecityawayfromthecity Itis thislanguage,focusedoncivilityandprosperity,thatmaintainedEgypt’sdevelopmentgoals throughoutthedecades.
RootingtheWest:Mubarak’s“civilizing”mission
BythetimeHosniMubarak,Sadat’ssuccessor,tookrule,Egypt’sclasseshadalready becomeincreasinglydivided.Infact,Mubarak’srulewascrownedbyissuccesstoprivatize everything–fromeducation,tohealthcare,tospace–ifitcouldbecommodified,itwas. AccordingtoMellor,thisledtoEgypt’seconomyessentiallybeing“ownedbytwodozen families”bythe1990s(Mellor,2016:70).Thiswasbydesign,asinternationalagencies continuedpromotingtheneoliberalpolicesthatledtothisclassdivisionandseclusionwelluntil therevolutionof2011–whichhasbeentitledthe“uprisingagainstneoliberalism”(Stacher, 2020).Infact,bythe1990s,“Egypthadbecomealaboratoryforneoliberalpoliciespromotedby
governmentsoftheGlobalNorthandbytransnationalfinancialagencies”(Marfleet,2013:113).
Theeffectsoftheseneoliberalpoliciesremaintoday,asinternationalorganizationscontinuously callforthedevaluationoftheEgyptianpound,leadingtothecurrenteconomiccrisisEgyptians arefacing–unlesstheyhaveaccesstoincomethatisnotintheEgyptianpound.
Tomaintaintheseneoliberalreformsinthemidstofrisingdissent,theMubarakregime investedheavilyintosecurityforces–allowingrisingcorruptionandgreatamountsofpowerto thepoliceundertheguiseofprotection.Fromthis,PaulAmarstates:
This doctrine is realized through two processes: one is the forcible protection and moral rehabilitation of the citizenry, restoring dignity and “humanity” to certain communities marked by gender, sexuality, and culture andseenasmenacedby“perversionsofglobalization”;another is the securing and policing of certain forms of space, labor, and heritage seen as anchors for counterhegemonicdevelopmentmodels.(2013:6)
Inotherwords,Mubarak’sreignwashighlightedbythesecuritizationofallaspectsofEgyptian life–frommoralitytospace,everythingwaspoliced.Withinthesereforms,thespatialdivisions ofCairobecamemoreapparentthanever.Particularly,theseparationofpolicingbasedonclass centralizeddiscussionsonsocioeconomicdifferences,presentingthestigmaofbeingassociated withwhatareperceivedtobe“lower”socioeconomicclassesasaculturalthreat.SalwaIsmail (2014)highlightshowtheseclasspoliticswerepresentedindailylife.Inparticular,Ismail presentsaninterviewwithHisham,whowasarrestedduringaperiodofincreasedpolicingbut thenreleasedbecausetheofficersatthestationdecidedthatHishamhada“cleanappearance” andassuchcouldnotbeacriminal(Ismail,2014:851).
Withinthesediscussionsover“cleanappearances,”“civility,”andsoforthcomesthe discussionsurroundingwhatisandisnotconsideredcivilunderMubarak’sCairo.Thisbrings thereignofcosmopolitanCairotothecenterofthestage.Perhapsthebiggestmovetothrow CairointothemodernistworldisthedevelopmentofCitystarsshoppingmallinHeliopolis.Built
over750,000squaremeterswithfundingfromSaudisources,Citystarsbecamethe“heightof shoppingandentertainment”(Citystars,2023).Citystarswasmerelypartofthelargerschemetto createaWesternizedCairo,whosebuildingstoweredabovetheaverageheightsofprevious years.“Thebuildingsthemselves,”writesMarkAllenPeterson,“arespectacles,demonstrations toEgyptiansandforeignersalikethatEgyptispartoftheglobalflowofcommoditiesandhas shoppingmallsluxuriousasanythingboastedbyLondon,NewYork,orParis”(2011:139). In addition,culturalresourcesfromabroadbecamepartofEgyptiandailylife.Thereferencestothe caféinsteadofthe ahwa isbutoneexampleoftheencroachmentoftheWestintoEgypt (Peterson,2011),butonecanalsoseeWesterninfluenceinseveralofthemoviesthataroseinthe lastdecadeofMubarak’srule–moviessuchas H Dabbour (2008), Sai’di fi al Gami’a al Amerikiya (1998),and‘Asal Eswed (2010)1 andmore.Withinthesemovies,thechangesinthe dailylifeofmiddle-classandwealthierEgyptiansbecomehighlightedasseparateculturesfrom theotherformsofexperiencingEgyptian“identity”.Yet,itisthis“identity”thatbecameheavily contestedasneoliberalreformsslowlycreatedcontentionbetweentheEgyptianswholook towardstheWestforculturalpurposes,andthosewhocouldnotaffordto.AsPeterson highlights,“modernityandauthenticityarecontinuallycontested,andtheirproperbalancemust beperpetuallynegotiated”(2011:134).Fromthis,webegintoseetheseparationawayfromthe factorsthatsignifydifferencesbetweenthirdworldCairoandglobalcityCairo–andofthese factors,noisebeginstobecomeatopicofcontention.
Furthermore,whilepreviouspresidentsembarkedonthedesertcitydreams,itis Mubarak’sgovernmentthatsawthedesertcitydreamtofruition.Privatizedspacesaroseand
1 Sai’di fi al Gami’a al Amerikiya translatesto“upperEgyptianintheAmericanUniversity”,centeringsomeone fromaruralcommunityinEgyptmovingtothebeatingheartofcosmopolitanCairo:theAUC,while‘Asal Eswed translatesto“blackhoney”–ormolasses–andcentersthereturnofanexpattoEgypt,facingthestrugglesof acclimatingbackintoEgyptandexperiencinghiscultureagain
gainedmorepopularitythaneverbeforeinEgyptianhistory.Withthiscamethegated communities,easilyestablishedinthelargeswathsoflandallocatedforthedesert.Muchofthe landinthesenewcitieswassoldbelowmarketratesorillegallyawardedtoprivaterealestate developersbyofficials,suchastheprevioushousingministerAhmedal-Maghrabi,whilethese officialsownedsharesintheupcomingdevelopments(Mekay,2011).Yet,oncethese communitieswereconstructed,thosewhocouldafforditrushedtobuyflats,villas,and townhouseswithinthegatesoftheCairosuburbs.Thesesuburbswereadvertisedasmodern, safe,andof“internationalstandards”(whichiswhatMadinaty,agatedcityontheperipheryof Cairo,advertisesitselftobe).These“internationalstandards”centeredthemselvesaround Westernperceptionsofdevelopment,wheremanyofthesesuburbsandgatedcommunities labeledthemselvesinWesternimagerysuchas“BeverlyHills”,“PalmHills”,“HydePark”, advertisingnotjusttheirconnectionstotheWestbutalsotheperceivedlifestylewithintheir gates.Thiscontinuesuntiltoday,wheregatedcommunitiescontinuetoalterthemapsofCairo withlargeswathsoflanddedicatedtoexorbitantgoldcourses,malls,businesscenters,andmore tofulfilltheneedsofcommunitieswhowishtoescapethechaosofCairoforamoresecluded space.
Today,cosmopolitanCairoisaliveandwell,withseveralgatedcommunities,swathsof desertcities,andtheever-glowinglightoftheNewAdministrativeCapital–a“bigger,better, newer”Cairo–takesoverthescene(Bennet,2018).Forinstance,HydeParkDevelopments advertisesoneoftheirgatedcommunitiesbyhighlightinghowit“[is]alivelycommunitythat bringspeopletogethertocelebratelife,loveandbliss.It’sasereneplacethat’shometothe practicalandluxuriouslifestyleyou’vebeensearchingfor”(HydeParkDevelopments,2023).
Thesespacesareadvertisednotsimplyasluxurioushousing,butasluxurious communities and lifestyles –theyarespacestoescapethe shaa’b,notplacestolivealongsideitmoreluxuriously.
TheseseclusionsofspaceplaydeeplyinthecontentionaroundwhatisandisnotEgyptian identity Aftertheseclusionandseparationthathasbeenoccurringoverthepastdecades,and withtheupholdingofWesternizationandmodernismascoregoalsofEgyptiandevelopmentin the20th and21st centuries,itcomesasnoshockthatseparatecultureshavearisenandflourished withinCairotoday.Yet,thestate–andthewealthy–continuouslyattempttostiflethesounds andimagesthatarisefromtheinformalandworking-classcommunities.Thewarover mahraganat,anelectro-popgenreofmusicthatgainedmasspopularityinthelate2000s, becomestheleadingsignifierofthecontentionofwhatmayandmaynotbeconsideredEgyptian identitytoday
Makingthe“other”: mahraganat andthethreattocivility?
AswitheveryotheraspectofdailylifeinEgypt,Egyptian“identity”isnegotiated betweenformalandinformallines.Musicisnoboundary.“InEgypt,the ashwaiyat remainedthe nation’sinternal‘other.’Definedby ashwaii cultureandpeople”(Bayat,2021:144).Fromthese ashwaiyat,theriseofaspecificbrandof shaabi musictookoverthestreets: mahraganat,the “soundofyoung,working-classEgypt”(Loccatelli,2013).Sinceitsrise, mahraganat has becomeasourceofcontentionasitsignifiesthedifferencebetweencultureswithinthe boundariesofCairo.Mostimportantly,itisaloudreminderoftheexistenceofaCairothatisnot cosmopolitan,aCairothatisnotaworldclasscity.
Thebanningof mahraganat music,whichgainedpopularityinworkingclass neighborhoods,isbutoneattemptatmoldingEgyptianidentityintoamodernistideal.According
totheheadofEgypt’sMusicSyndicate,HanyShaker, maharaganat “threatenedpublictaste,” while,astheheadoftheSyndicate,itishisroleto“elevatepublictasteandprotecttheEgyptian earfromspeechshenanigans”(Simon,2022:79;Fahim,2021).Thisisbutthefinalstrawfrom theconsistentwaroftheeliteagainstthecultureoftheinformalareas.Thelanguageofmorality policingandbanningwhatcould“threatenthetranquilityofthepublic”(asthestreethawkers above)isagainusedtopolicewhatmaycomeoutofworking-classneighborhoods.Mostclearly, thewaragainst mahraganat findsitsclassistandspatialelementwhendiscussingthedifferent attitudestowardsthatgenreandEgypt’srisingrapscene,despitediscussingthesamesubjects andusingsimilarlanguage.ThisclassismisbestarticulatedbyShakerhimself,whenaskedof hissupportoftherapgenre,hesaysthattheyareartists,whenaskedspecificallyofWegz,oneof thecountry’smostpopularrappers,Shakercallshima“culturedcollegegraduate,”statingthat hissonsgotoWegz’sconcerts(Shaker,2022).“Wewantthesubjectsbeingdiscussedtoinclude ourtraditionsandvalues,”saysShakeraftercomplimentingtherapscene–despitetheissues thathecomplainsofinthe mahraganat scene(inspecific,drinking,drugs,andsex)alsobeing plentypresentintherapscene,inwaysthatarejustasvulgar.Thus,itbecomesapparentthat state-operatedmoralitypolicingonlyservestopolicethepoor Thisisseenbeyondthemusic scene,intoeveryaspectofdailylife–forinstance,therisingangertowardstheimprisonmentof the“TikTokgirls”,whopostedvideosdancingonTikTok,becausetheyviolated“Egyptian familyvalues”-referencingaclausewrittenintheEgyptianconstitutionthatallowsthestateto protectthevaluesoftheEgyptiancitizen,whateveritmayperceivethemtobe.
Itisspecificallytheeaseofaccessto shaabi and mahraganat thatmakesitbothathreat tohegemonicidentitydiscourseandanappealingforcetothemasses.AndrewSimontraces Egypt’srelationshipwithmusicasaformofidentitytowhenaudiotapesbecamemainstream,
they“empoweredanyonetobecomeanartist,resultinginthediffusionofsuspectvoicesthat degradedtheears,themorals,andthetasteofEgyptians(…)[allowing]anunprecedented numberofordinaryEgyptians(…)tobecomeculturalproducers”(ibid:80-81). Muchlikethe spreadofaudiotapes, mahraganat isalsoahighlyaccessibleformofmusic,arisingoutofsome ofthemostmarginalizedspaceinEgypt,createdfromfreemixingapplications,beats,and autotune.Thisallowseaseofentryintotheprofession(STEP,2018).Furthermore,musicians often“recordtheirmusicathome,relyonpeer-to-perdistributionviatheinternetorflashdrives, andarerarelyplayedonmainstreamradioortelevision”(Kingsley,2014).Theperformers, whoseaestheticsdependheavilyoninfluencesfromAmericanhip-hopandBlackculture,often highlighthowtheirmusicismeanttodiscussthemanywaysyouthfromtheinformal communitiescanbemarginalized.Whilesomesongsfocusoneconomicstruggles2,manyofthe songsalsoalludetodailylifeissuessuchasfriendshipandrelationshipstruggles(forinstance, muchofEssamSasa’smusicfallsalongthisline),drugs,unemployment,orevenhavereligious undertones(suchasthepopular El’ab Yala,whichtookovertheentirecountryforitscatchy beat).Infact, mahraganat islistenedtobeeveryeconomicclassinthecountry.Itssingers performeverywherefromtheinformalandworking-classneighborhoodsandalleywaysinCairo totheformal,wealthy,andsecludedspacesoftheNorthCoast’s sahel –wheretheEgyptianelite flockinthesummertocoolofffromCairo’sheat.Infact,thesoundof mahraganat has transcendedEgyptianborders–OmarKamalandHassanShakosh,twopopularperformersof thegenre,haveevenheldconcertsinNewYorkin2022.Thecontentionaroundthegenre,then, doesnotcomesurroundingthequalityofthemusicitself–everyonelistenstoit.
2 Forinstance,oneofthemostpopularsongsis Ah Law Le’ebt ya Zahr;thelyricsfocusonhopesforthesingerto climbuptheeconomicladderandthewayshewouldrespondifgiventhisability
ThedisapprovalofthewealthyandthegovernmentofwhatisportrayedasEgyptian identityin mahraganat isdialecticaltotheexistenceofthegenre.AsAgambenwrites,“today’s democratico-capitalistprojectofeliminatingthepoorclassesthroughdevelopmentnotonly reproduceswithinitselfthepeoplethatisexcludedbutalsotransformstheentirepopulationof theThirdWorldintobarelife.”(1998:180).ThroughtheseclusionofEgyptiancities,Egyptian “identity”becamecontestedfromitshomogenousperceptions,reproducingtheculturesand peoplesthatthisseclusionistryingtoexclude.Inordertomaintainneoliberalorder,these separateculturesmustexist.Capitalism,astheorizedbyEgyptianeconomistSamirAmin,“is continuallytraversedbyinsurmountablecontradictionsthatcalluponusthenecessityof surpassingit”(2004:56).Whilemaintainingthisseclusion,theEgyptianelitemayconsistently attempttoreachWesternstatus,denouncing shaa’bi music,culture,dialects,andmorewithin theirspheres,butitisalongsidethisspatialandsocialexclusionthatthe shaa’b reproducesitself.
Thus,thespatialaspectsof shaa’bi or mahraganat musicliesinmorethantheiruseinpublic settingsforcelebration,itisinthefactthattheyaroseoutoftheseparationofthe shaa’b,the people,andtheformationofapopularnationalidentitybeyondstateacceptance.The proliferationofthistypeofmusicintheradio,streamingservices,andcelebrationscanbe understoodasaformofeverydayinsurgency,itsbanningyetanotherformofstatecontrolover whatisandisnotEgyptiannationalidentity.
Concludingthoughts
Itisbecauseoftheintroductionandcontinuationofneoliberalpoliciesthat mahraganat mustberelegatedtothebackground.Itsspatialandsocioeconomicoriginsasaneasily accessibleformofmusicthatstartedinandwaspopularizedbyworkingclassneighborhoodsis
whatmakesitpopular,butitisalsowhatmakesitperceivedasvulgar–theetymological contradictioncomesback.Whilethemusicsyndicateandotherculturalcritiquesmayjudgethe musicforitslyrics,theydonotdiffergreatlyfromthoseofothergenresofmusiccurrently popularamongstEgyptianyouth–andtheydefinitelydonotdifferfrompopulargenresofmusic intheWest,whoselyricscontinuetofocusonthedrinking,drugs,andsexthattheheadofthe syndicateexclaimsisnotpartofEgyptianculturenortradition.Today,itistheworking-class neighborhoodsthataredestroyedtomakeroomforhighways,megaprojects,orotherformsof investmentsinglobalcapital.Despiteformingthemajorityofthe shaab,andsettingthetoneto whatisandisnot shaabi culture,theseneighborhoodsarenotviewedassourcesofcultural capital.The shaab,assuch,mustbehiddenawayfromtheeyesandearsoftheever-present, ever-looming,ever-watchingWest–thewealthy,meanwhile,maycontinuetotakeoverlarge swathsofBeverlyHills-styledspaces.
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