An approach to anticipate on new built regeneration projects In order to Improve deprived neighbourhoods
Colophon June 2014 Rogier Hendriks, 4177746 firstname.lastname@example.org 06 81538710 Delft University of Technology Master of Architecture, Urbanism and Building sciences Julianalaan 134, 2628 BL Delft Master Urbanism, Urban regeneration in the European context First mentor: Dipl. Ing. B. Hausleitner Second mentor: Dr. S.I. de Wit External examiner: Dr. D.A. Sepulveda Carmona
An approach to anticipate on new built regeneration projects In order to Improve deprived neighbourhoods
I would like to express my appreciation to my two mentors, Birgit Hausleitner and Saskia de Wit, who guided me through my graduation. I want to thank them for the amount of time they spent on the meetings and their critical view towards my ideas, which helped me advancing my project. Without their help and inspiration I could not have accomplished this. In addition, I want to thank my family, friends, flat mates and fellow students who always supported me, who calmed me down in stressful moments and who sent me to bed when I was too tired to produce.
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Index INDEX Concepts Summary
1. INTRODUCTION 1 2. PROBLEM FIELD 3 Regeneration IN London 4 And it continues: nine Elms - Brixton 9 Problem statement 14 Relevance 15 Questions 16 Methodology 18
3. Regeneration and displacement 23 Regeneration strategies causing minimal displacement
Spaces of empowerment 27 Resume 33
4. Exploring nine Elms - Brixton 35 London 36 Deprivation 38 Morphology 40
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5. Framework to empower 43 Concept 45 Selecting intermediate goals 48 Tools to influence movement 52 Connecting the intermediate goals 64 Creating more green public spaces 77 Future developments along the route 84 How the framework affects individual outcomes 87
6. A closer look 89 Brixton 91 LArkhall 105 Battersea 119
7. CONCLUSIONS 137 8. REFERENCES 145
APPENDIX 149 Reflection 150
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Concepts Before elaborating on the project, first some clarity about important concepts, because some could be interpreted in different ways.
Regeneration The concept of regeneration is not limited to Urbanism. The biological definition by Couch and Fraser (2003, p. 2) is ‘regrowth of lost or injured tissue, or restoration of a system to its initial state’. Couch and Fraser state that this definition applies to urbanism as well. So urban regeneration can be defined as a way of planning which deals with adjustments within the existing fabric, instead of planning from a tabula rasa (Couch and Fraser, 2003).
Gentrification Gentrification is defined by Smith (1996, p. 2) as ‘the process by which poor and working class neighbourhoods in the inner city are refurbished by an influx of private capital and middle class homebuyers’. Mostly, the existing buildings are revitalised so the housing stock becomes more attractive for higher income groups. This revitalisation causes also higher property values which results into the displacement of the initial tenants to cheaper parts of the city, because they cannot afford living in the area anymore. Phillips (2002) states that gentrification is a social upgrade of the population within an area. The transformations of brown fields within London can be characterised as gentrification projects, because the developments shaped conditions that caused an upgrade of the population that dwells in an area.
new built regeneration/Gentrification There are different types of regeneration and gentrification which differ in their aim and the way they are executed. New built regeneration/gentrification refers to processes that are taking place in vacant areas or brown
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fields that are redeveloped. An example of this are the transformations in the Docklands, in which the area changed from a harbour area into a prosperous mixed use area (Davidson and Lees, 2004).
Displacement Hartman, Keating, and LeGates (1982) explain displacement as something “what happens when forces outside the household make living there impossible, hazardous or unaffordable” (p. 3). So it is a forced movement of people or groups by external factors. In general, displacement affects people on four different ways: economic, physical, the neighbourhood and the individual (Marcusse, 1985).
Deprivation Herbert (1975) states that deprivation “implies a standard of living or a quality of life below that of the majority in a particular society.... it involves hardship, inadequate access to resources, and underprivilege” (p. 362). The City of London uses the ‘Indices of Multiple Deprivation’ to measure the deprivation within small areas of the city. This index measures different kinds of deprivation separately and combines them afterwards to be able to define an overall score (Greater London Authority, 2011). This Indices of Deprivation will be used to define the major problems within the deprived areas and will determine which problems will be addressed in the final framework/design.
INDIVIDUAL OUTCOMES The term individual outcomes is used to indicate the opportunities in life, defined by multiple aspects, like health, employment, income, education, etcetera. This term is used in academic literature to express the effects of deprivation on individual residents.
summary London is a continuously developing city that used to provide space for a broad range of people. But the demographics of the city are changing in which London shifts to a city that is focussing on higher socioeconomic groups. One of the processes that cause this shift is the redevelopment of vacant brown fields within the city which are mostly regenerated into prosperous areas that focus on higher socioeconomic groups. Those regenerated areas are improved and are on average a success in both physical and economic terms. But next to these improvements, there is also a downside to this development which is that most of the original residents are displaced. This is caused by value increases in the area. The surrounding and mostly deprived areas undergo also an increase of dwelling and amenity values. Most residents cannot handle this increase which eventually results in the displacement of the original population. Past examples of such developments are for example the Docklands redevelopments and the Thames Gateway project, where almost the whole original population was displaced and had to move to cheaper areas within the city or to other cities (Brownill, 1990). To avoid London turning into a city for the rich, this thesis looks at ways in which deprived areas can profit from new built regeneration projects and by this limit the amount of displacement. The main research question that is used to explore this is: “How can interventions in the public space contribute to minimising displacement caused by new built regeneration projects?” To find an answer to the research question, the Nine Elms developments are used as a test case, which will be the next new built regeneration project. In order to find an answer to the main question, five subresearch questions are formulated that differ in their aim and methodology. The first sub question that is used to answer the main question, is “In which ways can areas be regenerated without creating displacement of the original residents?”. Literature research showed that methods that are often used to regenerate deprived areas make use of mixed housing policies. This way of regeneration appears to only affect the symptoms of deprived areas, and does not react on the mechanisms that
cause deprivation. Therefore different authors like Manley et al. (2011) and Chatterton and Bradly (2000), advice to focus on the empowerment of the population in terms of education, employment and health. This increases individual outcomes, which will make residents more mobile. By doing so, it will affect the causes of the deprivation in the area instead of only improving the symptoms. Research showed that green spaces affect health positively because those spaces improve the air quality, stimulate people to be physically active, decrease stress and fatigue and stimulate the creation of social ties. In this, it is important that people use the spaces in order to profit from the benefits of green spaces. So when choosing to focus on the empowerment of health by green spaces, people should be stimulated to use the green areas, by the improvement of the accessibility and the quality. In addition, people can be empowered in terms of employment by creating work that matches the skills of the current population. In this it is important that the jobs are not taken by people from outside the area. The limitations of an urbanist in empowering a population is that they can only provide spaces where this empowerment can happen or shape the urban fabric to create conditions that stimulate empowerment. Therefore the interventions proposed by an urbanist are more effective if they are supported by interventions of other disciplines that can more directly influence empowerment. The second research question is “ What are the strengths and weaknesses of the new built regeneration proposals made for Nine Elms?”. A literature research is executed on previous new built redevelopments in London, as well as a specific literature study on the case of the Docklands. The research showed that such regeneration projects create a change in the population structure in which it shifts focus towards higher socioeconomic groups. As a result, people from the lower socioeconomic groups are displaced to other areas. Because the analysed cases are in nature similar to the developments in Nine Elms, it is likely that the people that dwell in the surroundings of the development will be displaced and have to move to other, cheaper areas.
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Secondly, the Nine Elms development itself is analysed. The whole area surrounding the Battersea Power Station will be transformed into a mixed use/high rise area that mainly focuses on people of higher socioeconomic groups. This area will not be that interesting for the people who dwell in the surrounding areas because it does not suit their demands. Nevertheless, the public spaces within the redeveloped area offers opportunities for a wider range of people, in which it will make the quays along the Thames public and it will contain a big public space in front of the Battersea Power Station. This public space could be used by the people of the surrounding areas if it contains interesting amenities for the residents. The third research question is “What are the physical and socioeconomic characteristics of the Nine Elms - Brixton area and what mechanisms caused this?”. The morphological analysis showed that there will be three main centres in the project area, which are Battersea, Vauxhall and Brixton. In this, Battersea and Vauxhall are the centres that focus on the higher socioeconomic groups and Brixton on the more deprived groups. Because of the multicultural atmosphere and the small shops in the informal malls, the centre of Brixton faces an increase of customers from other parts of London. Looking at the urban fabric in between these three centres, it can be concluded that there is no direct connection in between Nine Elms and Brixton. This is mainly caused because there is no continuous path and there are many objects that block the connection, like big roads and elevated train tracks. Furthermore, the morphological analysis showed that the area in between Nine Elms and Brixton is relatively mono-functional in which it is mainly used to dwell. There are some smaller shopping areas that function on the local scale and there is one bigger park, but the other parts are mainly residential. The fourth question is: “Which physical interventions within the existing urban fabric of the project site could improve the individual outcomes of the inhabitants of Brixton and its surrounding deprived areas?”. The design that is proposed for the Nine Elms - Brixton area aims to improve health and employment outcomes of the area, since the literature review and analysis showed that this domains are in need of improvement. This is done by proposing physical interventions in the existing urban fabric. The interventions are composed by looking at the characteristics of the area and reacting on the current conditions. The plan takes up the increasing popularity of the small businesses in the malls of Brixton to attract people from Nine Elms in order to give an economic impulse to the centre. Because there is not a good connection in between those centres, the framework proposes interventions in the existing urban fabric, that establish direct routes in between the three centres. Those are created by the addition of a
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continuous path, path markers and way markers and the improvement of the existing public spaces. This intervention will increase the easiness and willingness to move between the areas. In addition, the interventions that are taken to establish the route improve the urban fabric on the lower scale. The public space will be improved and the route can be used by residents of the surrounding areas to move more easily through the area. By this, the residents of the surrounding areas will be stimulated to use the green and by this, profit from the benefits of green spaces on health. Besides this, the interventions will create a direct route to the Thames and the Thames Walk. In addition, moving along the route will also affect health outcomes because the users are physically active. Three critical interventions are shown which differ in their aim and the kind of interventions. The first detail elaborates on the interventions in Brixton, in which they establish a direct connection to the core of the centre. In addition they create more business spaces that strengthen the identity of Brixton and will stimulate the increase of people from London to make use of the amenities that the centre provides. The increase of visitors of Brixton will result in an economic impulse in the area and will have positive effects on the employment outcomes. The second detail elaborates on the interventions in Larhall Park, that aim to improve the accessibility and the quality of the space. This is done by small interventions that improve the usability of the park, but will not result in major value increases. The last detail is about the modifications that are proposed for the current plans for the new built regeneration project in Battersea. In this, the public space in front of the Battersea Power Station will contain more amenities in order to make the space interesting for people from the whole city. When using those spaces, the people will profit from the benefits of health. The last question is: “What elements of the intervention for the Nine Elms - Brixton area can be translated into interventions that can be useful for future projects in similar situations?”. Researching this question resulted in eight conclusions which are summed up below. 1. New-build regeneration projects can generate opportunities to improve deprived areas close by. 2. Regeneration of the public space can increase individual outcomes and contribute to minimising displacement.
3. New built regeneration projects can provide amenities for the surrounding deprived areas to prevent value increases in those underprivileged areas. 4. Interventions that solve issues on a bigger scale can be used to change aspects on the local scale. 5. When intervening in the urban fabric to attract more people from outside the area because of its interesting characteristics, it is important to retain these characteristics. 6. Small interventions in the existing urban fabric can improve the attractiveness of the public space which improves the willingness to use the public space. 7. When improving deprived areas and focusing on the improvement of the situation of the current population, it is more effective to focus on the empowerment of the original population than creating a mixed population. 8. People can be empowered in terms of employment by shaping the urban fabric so it stimulates the increase of work. 9. Adding and improving public spaces will stimulate the increase of individual health outcomes. 10.
Movement can be influenced by applying paths, path markers and way markers within the existing urban fabric.
11. Existing elements in the urban fabric can be used as intermediate goals to increase the willingness of people to move and to guide them in the right direction. By answering the five sub-research questions, the main question is answered in different ways. This resulted in interventions for the specific case of Nine Elms - Battersea, but also in conclusions that can be used in similar projects to contribute to minimising displacement, by focussing on the increase of individual outcomes by the empowerment of the population in terms of health and employment.
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1. Introduction London is a continuous developing city and is known for its extremes in terms of demographics. On the one hand it is the richest area in Europe and on the other hand it contains three of the most deprived areas within the United Kingdom. By big regeneration projects, the city tries to improve the city in order to facilitate better living conditions. Most of these regeneration projects appear in deprived areas and have the intention to improve those disadvantaged areas and to add various new values to them (Fraser, 2012). A good example of this is the redevelopment of the Docklands in which it changed from a deprived area existing out of mostly vacant brown fields into one of the key business centres of Europe. Besides the positive changes on the local, city and sometimes national scale, there is a downside to this kind of developments. Due to the economic and physical success of the projects, the housing and amenity values rise. This generates a discrepancy between the needs of the original, mostly poor population and what the developments provide. Because of this, the original population is pushed out of these areas because they cannot resist the value changes and are forced to move to cheaper areas, like the outskirts of the city or even to other cities. The people that manage to stay face social polarisation because of the differences in lifestyles and socioeconomic status (Brownill, 1990). This kind of transformations appear over the whole city and cause a shift towards a city for the rich.
In order to prevent the less privileged being displaced from the city and limit the shift towards a city for higher socioeconomic groups, this thesis looks for ways in which big regeneration projects can be developed without creating displacement of the original population. In order to do this, it comes up with interventions that aim to contribute to minimising displacement caused by new built regeneration projects. This interventions are based on general literature research and a site specific analysis and the regeneration proposal for the Nine Elms - Brixton area. This area will be the next big new built regeneration project and is surrounded by deprived areas. The main research question that guided this research is: how can interventions in the public space contribute to minimising displacement caused by new build regeneration projects? In order to answer this question, research is done which exists out of a theoretic section and a site specific analysis. This research is the backbone for the interventions proposed for the Nine Elms - Brixton area. Finally, the outcome of the research and the interventions proposed for the site are translated into interventions that can be applied similar situations in order to minimise displacement and improve living conditions for the original population.
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Figure 2.1: permanent outdoor markets in Brixton that have every day a different theme (own illustration)
2. Problem field The second chapter explores the issues of new built regeneration project within London and will elaborate on the planned new developments in Nine Elms. After the analysis of the problem, the problem statement will be defined that clarifies the key issues that this thesis will take up. The last
sections will elaborate on the methodology that is used to establish this thesis. In this, the research questions will be clarified, the used methods described and will show the planning that was made for the project.
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2.1 Gentrification in London As explained in the introduction, this thesis takes up the issues of big new built regeneration projects in London that gentrify areas within the city and provides interventions how to contribute to minimising its displacement. This will be done by using the development of the Battersea area as a test case and translating the main interventions into interventions that are applicable on other regeneration areas that face similar conditions. But before elaborating on this specific case, structural, more generic developments within London will be explained.
2.1.1 DIFFERENT TYPES OF GENTRIFICATION First, this thesis will have a closer look at the term gentrification and who is involved in the process. Through time, the meaning of the term gentrification changed and it turned into an umbrella concept. Nowadays, the term is used to indicate different processes within the urban fabric that cause a change in population within a certain area. A differentiation of the concept is needed because gentrification is being caused by different mechanisms and occurs in different places. The different types of gentrification can be classified in three major groups; classic gentrification, state led gentrification and new built gentrification (Davidson and Lees, 2004). The term gentrification is introduced by Glass (1964) when she did research on the change of ownership regarding the mews and cottages in the city centre of London in the 1960ies. In this areas, the more affluent people bought properties in the poorer areas, and renovated and modified the dwellings to their needs. This areas were interesting for those groups because of the good location in relation to the city centre. Glass states that “once this process of gentrification starts within a district it goes on rapidly on until all or most of the original occupiers are displaced and the social character of the district is changed. This process does not only affect the individual dwellings, but the whole gentrified district will face an image-change” (1964, p. xviii). This private way of gentrification is considered as classic gentrification (Davidson and Lees, 2004).
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Shaw (2008) states that gentrification became more comprehensive and covers nowadays a broader range of developments. Gentrification is more often initiated by local and national governments, which can be classified as policy led gentrification. In this, governments stimulate people from different socioeconomic groups to settle down in a certain area by providing good living conditions for the aimed target groups. Mostly, this policies focus on target groups that belong to the more affluent groups. Besides the difference in initiator, the policy led gentrification focuses no longer only on residential changes, but also commercial changes (Davidson and Lees, 2004). The last type of gentrification is the new built gentrification. This type occurs in vacant areas within the urban fabric. Mostly this are vacant brown fields or other types of abandoned land that are transformed into prosperous mixed use areas. Because the developments occur in vacant or industrial areas, there is no direct displacement of residents (Davidson and Lees, 2004). Instead it is a process of ‘invasion and succession’ (Lambert and Boddy, 2002, p. 18). In order to measure and classify gentrification, Atkinson (1999) defined the people who gentrify (gentrifiers) and the people who are being gentrified (displacees) by using the classification of socioeconomic groups. He argues that the gentrifiers are the people belong to the groups 01, 02 and 03, which exists out of ‘managers and senior officials, professional occupations, and the associate professionals’ (Davidson and Lees, 2004, p1177). The displacees belong to the groups 04, 05, 06 and 09, and exists of ‘clerical and secretarial occupations, personal and protective services occupations, process operatives, skilled trades plus permanently sick and retired’ (see figure 2.2) (Davidson and Lees, 2004, p1177). Important is to realise that those two different groups are relative. People who belong to the displacees are also able to displace people of the same or lower groups.
2.1.2 GENTRIFICATION IN LONDON London has always been a city of contrasts in terms of demographics. It contained a big group of people from lower socioeconomic groups and a major group of people from the higher socioeconomic groups, and only a small amount of people that belong to groups in between. This is shown by the fact that Greater London is the richest area within Europe but also contains the three most deprived areas of the UK (Census, 2001). But the demographics of London are changing. Because of the replacement of the harbour activities from the inner city to the outskirts and the change from a production economy to a service driven economy, the city lost 500.000 manufacturing jobs within a period of 20 years, without the growth of the unskilled employment. Besides the downfall of the amount of jobs for the lower socioeconomic groups, the amount of people from the higher socioeconomic groups is growing (see figure 2.3) (Buck et al., 2002). This results in a change in demographics, but also affects the political and economic aspects of the city. The causes of this change towards a higher educated population can be explained in different ways. The main cause for this shift that is mentioned in literature is that people from the lower socioeconomic groups are displaced by more affluent people because of the gentrification of the city. This makes that lower socioeconomic groups had to move to the outskirts of the city or to other cities because they cannot afford to live in London anymore (Butler, 2003). Besides this, there are also other possible
causes like voluntary migration and the professionalisation of the population (Atkinson, 1999). Because of the complexity of measuring gentrification, it is hard to determine if the households moved voluntary or that they were forced to move, and by this distinguish whether the population in an area is replaced or displaced. This change in demographics affects also the urban pattern of the city. Slowly, the poorer neighbourhoods are changed into areas for the higher socioeconomic groups, mostly because of their good situation inside the city. The worn out dwellings in those areas are bought by prosperous people and are renovated and modified so that they suit their demands. Besides the change in dwellings, the amenities within those areas change. The public space in the area is mostly upgraded and different shops settle down in the area. This form of classic gentrification started in the centre of London, but is nowadays expanding to the other boroughs of the city (Glass, 1964 and Butler, 2003). Besides this classic gentrification, new built gentrification started to play a major role in the change of the urban pattern of the city from the 1980ies. Because the bigger harbour activities are reallocated to areas outside the city, big plots within the city became available. Most of those former harbour areas were redeveloped, of which the major ones are located in the eastern part of London. These areas mostly changed into mixed used areas, predominantly developed for the higher socioeconomic groups. Well known examples of those developments are the London Docklands, Thames Gateway Project and the Royal Docklands. These projects were a big success in economic and physical terms, but they are also characterised by the amount of displacement they generated (Brownill, 1990 & Bernstock, 2009).
SEG 1: Managers and senior officials SEG 2: Professional occupations SEG 3: Associate professionals
MANAGERS AND SENIOR OFFICIALS
ASSCIATE PROFESSIONAL AND TECHNICAL
9 8 7
SEG 4: Clerical and secretarial occ. SEG 5: Skilled trades SEG 6: Personal services SEG 9: Process operatives
Figure 2.2: classification the population of the Thames side boroughs excluding the City of London and Tower Hamlets in social economic groups (own illustration based on data of Davidson and Lees (2004))
ADMINISTRATIVE AND SECRETARIAL SKILLED TRADES PERSONAL SERVICES
Figure 2.3: growth of the socioeconomic groups between 1991 and 2001 in the Thames side boroughs excluding the City of London and Tower Hamlets (own illustration, based on data of Davidson and Lees (2004))
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THE DOCKLANDS To provide a clear image of gentrification within London, the example of the Docklands will be explained in this section. The Docklands is a site in the east of London that was used as a harbour area. Because of the major shift of businesses to the outskirts of London, the Dockland area became partly vacant and in 1981 the London Dockland Development Cooperation was given the permission to start regenerating this docks on the east side of the city centre. During this period the government shifted policy: they minimised public investment and maximised private investments. This resulted in marked driven developments by private companies (Bernstock, 2009). In order to establish dwellings for a broad range of people and not only for the rich, the government demanded to develop a certain amount of â€˜affordableâ€™ dwellings in order to keep the current inhabitants in the area and to create a mixed and balanced neighbourhood. In return, the developers could buy the land for half the price. On the isle of Dogs were build around 5,000 properties. 84 percent of those properties were owner occupied dwellings and 16 percent was developed by housing associations for public rent. This resulted in the fact that only 40 per cent of the new properties was occupied by local residents and 60 percent of the population had to move (Bernstock, 2009). In the years after the delivery, the area became a physical and economic success that resulted in rising dwelling values. In some places the dwelling values rose with 400 percent. In addition, the areas surrounding the Docklands also faced a rise of property values because of the increasing pressure of redevelopment and its potential location close to the new developments. On top of this, the amount of social housing declined with 36 percent because of the right to buy scheme, which enabled tenants to buy their dwelling (Brownill, 1990). This and the increase of dwelling values, resulted in forced displacement of local residents to cheaper dwellings outside the area, like to Beckton, which is located 6km from the Docklands (Bernstock, 2009). This example of the Docklands shows that the redevelopment of the brown fields was a major success when looking to the physical and economic changes that took place in this former deprived area. But that there is also a downside. A majority of the original inhabitants is displaced because of this developments. The ones that could stay in the area faced high dwelling values, social polarisation and a mismatch of amenities, that in the end displaced almost the whole population to cheaper parts of the city (Brownill, 1990). So the initial aim of the project to establish a mixed and balanced neighbourhood did not work out (see figure 2.5).
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0 - 50%
51 - 65%
66 - 75%
76 - 85% 86 - 100%
Figure 2.4: percentage of gentrifiers in areas close to new-build gentrification areas (Davidson and Lees (2004).
Davidson and Lees (2004) visualised the patterns of gentrification. They used data from the Census 1991 and 2001 to illustrate the change in socioeconomic patterns for certain areas within London. Their study mapped the amount of gentrifiers within output areas (OA-data) and they used GIS to visualise this outcome. One of the problems of comparing this data is that the OA-boundaries changed between 1991 and 2001. Because of this, the two images contain different output areas. The analysis of the data and the images shows that the major gentrification within the city took place along the Thames which is most likely caused by riverside developments. This redevelopments caused a change in population, and are dominated by gentrifiers. Besides this, the image show that gentrification also occurs surrounding the big new built regeneration projects, for example north of the Docklands (3) and surrounding the Greenland Docks (4) (see figure 2.4).
2011 69,102 People 352.7%
1991 60,950 People 100% 2001 46,444 People 76.2%
2001 36,174 People 232.3%
1991 15,572 People 100%
Figure 2.5: gentrifiers in Tower Hamlets in 1991, 2001 and 2011 (Based on Davidson and Lees (2004) and Census 2011 (office for National Statistics, 2011).
2.1.3 窶エENTRIFIERS AND THEIR LIFESTYLES In order to get a better understanding of the gentrifiers that choose to buy a dwelling in a new built gentrification area, some research is done on their lifestyles. In general, the lifestyles of the inhabitants of new built gentrification areas are relatively private and they do not invest in the neighbourhood in social terms. Recent research of Davidson and Lees (2004) showed that only 18 percent of the people that buy a dwelling in new built gentrification areas mentioned the local neighbourhood as a reason to move to this specific development. This shows that the specific location of the development is not a priority and that people have other reasons to choose for this areas, like the characteristics of dwellings and the amenities that come with the development. Research of Butler and Robson (2003) on the social distance between gentrifiers and the other inhabitants showed that new built gentrifiers mostly interact with people from the same socioeconomic group and that those people have almost no cross socioeconomic group friends. The research collected information of the gentrifiers friends and this data showed that the three best friends live mostly outside the neighbourhood. Only 31 percent of the friends lives within the locality. Besides the location, they asked people to provide information about the conditions in which they met their three best friends. On average, they know one friend from the university and one from work.
ACTIVITIES EACH WEEK
LEISURE/CULTURAL ACTIVITY EACH WEEK
RESTAURANT EACH WEEK USE RESTAURANTS
LEISURE EACH MONTH
CINEMA EACH MONTH
THEATRE EACH MONTH
ART GALLERIES EACH MONTH
MUSICAL EVENTS EACH MONTH
28% 46% 31%
PUB EACH MONTH
WINEBAR EACH MONTH
CLUBS EACH MONTH
LOCAL AUTHORITY PROVIDED SERVICES
26% 32% 64%
Figure 2.6: gentrifiers and their activities (own illustration based on data of Davidson and Lees (2004) and Butler and Robinson (2003) .
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Remarkable to see is that the inhabitants with children met more best friends through their children and are more attached to the area than people without children. The people without children met their best friends mostly because of work, sports or their history. The fact that people with children are more attached to the area does not imply that those are also more connected to other socioeconomic groups within the area. Research of Butler (2003) discovered that the inhabitants from the recent new built gentrification areas did not send their children to the school which is the most close, but that they choose specific schools with children from families from a comparable socioeconomic position. By this, the gentrifiers separate themselves from the local residents. Besides this social separation, there is also a separation in the use of local facilities. Research of Butler and Robinson (2003) showed that gentrifiers do not use local amenities often (see figure 2.6). Of all the amenities, gentrifiers use local restaurants the most in which 83 percent of the residents use them. After this, the private gym is the most used with 57 percent. Other neighbourhood amenities like the community centre and leisure centres are hardly used. Barely one out of twenty gentrifiers makes use of them. Besides this, the data on the use of services provided by the local authorities teach us that the local park is the most used, by almost two out of three people. Other amenities like local sports centres and libraries are used less. Looking to the use of amenities in a time frame of a month, the data shows that the cinema is used the most, followed by the pub and art galleries. Clubs are the least popular according to the research, with only 11 percent that visits the club each month or more often. Besides the use of the amenities, the research also looked at the location of the amenities. The data shows that the cinema, pub and wine bar are the local amenities they used and that people are willing to travel further to go to the theatre, galleries, musical and clubs.
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2.1.4 AND IT CONTINUES: NINE ELMS BATTERSEA An example of contemporary regeneration projects is the Nine Elms area, which is surrounded by the deprived area of Brixton. Nine Elms is a brown field site and this area will be regenerated into a new Central activities zone that exists out of mixed use, tall buildings up to 70 meters and the development of high quality services (Greater London Authority, 2012). The expectations are high and it is already referred to as the new Docklands by for example by the Mayor of London (Watson, 2013). But learning from the developments in the Docklands, the development of Nine Elms could turn into displacement of the original inhabitants of the deprived area to other parts of London, or to other cities.
2.2 And it continues gentrification Nine Elms-Brixton This thesis will focus on two areas within London that are Nine Elms and Brixton (see figure 2.6). Nine Elms is an area where the next big new built gentrification project is planned in which Battersea and Vauxhall will be the main centres (see figure 2.7). Nine Elms is nowadays mostly used as a site where distribution centres are located and will be transformed in a mixed use, high-rise area in the future. The area adjoins several deprived zones, in with Brixton functions as the main centre. Besides the major deprivation, the centre is known for its multicultural population and its vibrant shopping area. If the Nine Elms developments are a success, the Brixton area risks to face the negative effects of it, like the displacement of the current population. This section will elaborate on the two areas in order to get a better understanding of the characteristics and issues of those areas.
Figure 2.7: location of the project area within London (own image).
2.2.1 Situation within London The project area is situated in the southern part of Inner London, in the boroughs of Lambeth and Wandsworth (see figures 2.7 and 2.8). The terms used in this thesis to indicate places are taken from the wards in which they are located. In this, the term Battersea will be used to indicate the plot of the Battersea Power Station and its surrounding brown fields that are located in the borough of Wandsworth. Vauxhall is located more to the northeast and also exists mainly out of brown fields and is located in the borough of Lambeth. Those centres and the area in between form together the area that will be regenerated and will be one of the main centres of the central activities zone. This whole area is indicated by the name Nine Elms and is on the north adjacent to the Thames. The term Brixton is used to indicate the centre of the deprived wards that are closely located to Nine Elms. Those areas are located in the borough of Lambeth (see figure 2.9 until 2.17). The distance between Nine Elms and Battersea is a bit more than 2 kilometres, but there is no continuous connection, which makes the distance to travel much longer.
Figure 2.8: location of the project area within London and its main centres (own image).
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Figure 2.9: Nine Elms: view over Battersea with the Battersea Power Station in the front (reference!!).
Figure 2.10: Nine Elms: new developments between Battersea and Battersea Park (own image).
Figure 2.11: Nine Elms: the first completed buildings of Vauxhall (own image).
Figure 2.12: narrow streets in between Brixton and Battersea edged by row housing (own image).
Figure 2.13: street with public housing on both sides in between Brixton and Vauxhall (own image).
Figure 2.14: residential towers close to Larkhall Park, located in between Brixton and Battersea (own image).
Figure 2.15: Brixton: one of the professionalised shops in the â€œmallsâ€? (own image).
Figure 2.16: Brixton: the mall with a non professionalised shop in the front (own image)
Figure 2.17: Brixton: permanent outside markets (own illustration)
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2.2.2 Nine Elms As described before, the brown fields of Nine Elms will be redeveloped to be one of the key centres within the central activities zone of London. There are a few reasons why the government gives priority to regeneration of this specific area. The first reason is the location of the brown fields close to the centre of London, in which it is closely connected to the borough of Westminster and Southwark that are important areas within the city. The second reason is the presence of the Battersea Power Station which is one of the landmarks in the city. Currently, the building is in a bad condition and expensive reconstruction is needed which can be funded by the redevelopment of the surrounding brown fields. The Vauxhall Nine Elms Battersea Opportunity Area Planning Framework (Greater London Authority, 2012) describes the overall plan for the regeneration of Nine Elms. The framework proposes a transformation of the site into a prestigious international and mixed use investment location with tall (up to 200m), high quality buildings and services (see figure 2.9 until 2.11). There are three main principles that are key in the development. The first principle is to make Battersea and Vauxhall the two growth poles within the development. Those growth poles are the places where the tallest buildings will be developed and those contain a mix of uses like retail, offices, leisure and housing. Those two growth poles will form together the one of the centres of the central activities zone. The second principle is to establish a strategic green connection between Battersea Park which is located on the south side of Battersea and the Lambeth Palace Gardens which are located on the northeast side of Vauxhall. The main reason to establish this green connection is to create a good and enjoyable connection between Battersea and Vauxhall by a linear park, and secondly to embed the new development into its context on a larger scale. The third principle is to connect the new developments to the Thames and by this make the Thames more accessible. Besides making the river accessible, the framework also proposes to continue the Thames Walk: a recreational route along the Thames. The other areas, non growth poles, will be mainly used to create dwellings and offices. The estimation is that the framework will result in 16.000 new homes and at least 25.000 new jobs. As already mentioned, the Battersea area is one of the two centres in the Nine Elms development and the redevelopment attracts much attention. This is mainly because the site contains the Battersea Power Station, which is a former power plant that ceased generating electricity in 1983 (Vincy, & St. Modwen., 2013). Because of its big iconic, historical and emotional value the building is preserved. Many people
Figure 2.18: current state of Battersea (source: http://www.bdonline.co.uk/ Pictures/web/x/p/e/Aerial_View_loresWEB.jpg).
Figure 2.19: Battersea Power Station surrounded by the new developments (source: www.simedarby.com/images/articles/img_battersea_10.jpg).
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feel attached to the station because of different reasons, like some pass the building every day by train and some worked in the station. In the years after the closure of the station, many initiatives popped up that proposed future scenarios for the reuse of the building, but apparently none of them appeared to be feasible or in line with the ideas the government had. Those proposals had different aims: there were architects that proposed to turn the building into theme park with a roller coaster, plans that transformed the structure in a stadium for Chelsea and some proposed to transform the station in a public park (Now. Here. This, 2012). In 2006, the site and the station was sold to REO, who asked Rafael Viñoly Architects to make a master plan for the redevelopment (see figure 2.20). The master plan proposes to fill the site with mixed use high rise that will supply 15.000 new jobs and 3.500 new houses, of which 15% will be affordable. This comes down to 500 affordable dwellings (Battersea Power Station Development Company, 2013). This amount of affordable houses is quite low compared to other developments within London, and will decrease because of the rise in value over time. The property prices in the area vary between £338,000 for a simple studio to £9,000,000 for a penthouse (Watson, 2013). The prices of the apartments in the station itself start from £1.800.000 (NOS, 2014). As already mentioned above, the Battersea Power Station is one of the icons of London. This is mainly caused because the chimneys are more than 100 meters tall, which makes that the chimneys can be seen from different areas within the city. Because of this, the station is one of the landmarks of London. In addition, the building is located next to the Thames and because of that there are many views from the quays towards the building. Currently the Battersea Power Station is surrounded by low buildings that do not block the views, but this will change in the future when the current plans are executed. The new buildings surrounding the station will be as tall as the building (without the chimneys) and by this will block the views partly and will cover the station from three sides. The northern side next to the Thames is kept empty, so the station is still fully visible from the quays in the near surroundings (see figure 2.21). To not cover the building fully and preserve the iconic function of the building within the city, it will be important that the space in the front will remain empty. Empty in this means that the building should not be covered with tall structures. Because of the height of the building, the addition of small elements will not influence the visibility of the building.
Train tracks Residential Linear Park Mixed use development
Figure 2.20: physical analysis of the new plans for Nine Elms (own image).
Figure 2.21: effects of the new developments on the visibility of the Battersea Power Station, before and after: The Station will partly disappear (own ill & source: http://cjag.org/2013/11/12/consultation-has-wandsworth-any-protectedviews/).
2.2.3 Brixton Brixton can be seen as the major centre of the borough of Lambeth and is characterised by a mixed population in terms of ethnicity. This heterogeneous population did arise after the Second World War, when Brixton was heavily bombed. Before, the centre was a place for people of the higher socioeconomic groups to go on holidays and to spend their free time. But due to the shortage in housing after the bombing of London, big villas were transformed in multiple small dwellings in order to accommodate homeless families. Because of this, Brixton transformed from a place for the rich, into a place for the poor and migrants. The living conditions after the Second World War were pitifully. Dwellings were too small and there were too many people living together in one house. This, together with racial discrimination, poverty and a high unemployment rate resulted in riots in the 1980ies which spoiled the image of Brixton. It turned into a no-go area where gangs ruled the centre. After the riots, the borough of Lambeth decided to start a regeneration process, mainly focussed on interventions that stimulate social aspects and community involvement. This regeneration strategy appeared to be successful and the image of Brixton is recovering and it starts to become a vibrant place that attracts people from all over the city (Howard, 2002). This mixture of people, with a majority of Afro-Caribbean people, led to the unusual development of small markets. Those markets are located in the existing building blocks and can be classified as small informal malls, that contain a variety in shops, like small grocery and hardware stores, hair dressers and restaurants. This markets used to serve the people that live close to the centre of Brixton, but more and more people of other parts of London come to Brixton to visit this unusual markets. The people that are attracted are mostly urban professionals and young people who come for a meal or go for a drink in one of the bars. This change in users affected the enterprises and lead to more professional shops that anticipate on the demands of the new customers, while maintaining its informal identity and owners (see figure 2.22 and 2.23). In addition, Brixton contains popular night clubs (Howard, 2002). A second characteristic of Brixton that is formed by the Afro Caribbean immigrants is the is reggae that is present within the centre. Many shops play reggae and the key colours that are used for decoration are red, green and yellow. Next to this permanent characteristics, there are also often buskers playing in the streets and every year the freeze festival is organised in which the whole centre of Brixton is turned into a festival area with different stages where bands play Caribbean music.
Figure 2.22: one of the small shops in the malls of Brixton that is not professionalised yet (own image).
Figure 2.23: one of the professionalised small shops in one of the malls of Brixton (own image).
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Besides this positive development within Brixton, there are still many problems. The biggest issue is the major deprivation within the area that is shown by the Indices of Multiple Deprivation. The Indices show the average amount of deprivation for smaller output areas. One of those maps shows the overall deprivation which is set by looking at different aspects of deprivation, like health, income and employment. Figure 2.24 shows a section of this map, focussed on Brixton and Nine Elms. In this, the area surrounding Brixton is clearly marked as a strongly deprived area which extends to the North and South (Greater London Authority, 2011). In addition, the Development Plan of Lambeth (Lambeth Planning, 2011) provides an overview of the major problems within this area. Those major problems are;
a high unemployment rate in comparison with Greater London;
a high crime rate and the highest violent crime rate within the UK;
a high percentage of people who cannot afford the high market rents;
bad health rates and the highest infant mortality rate within the UK;
and the shortage of open public space and a high pollution rate.
It is important to realise that neighbourhood deprivation is not only about statistics, but that it affects individual outcomes. Looking at the sub-maps of the IDM2012 (see page 38), it can be seen that the area contains spots where the health deprivation is very high. This indicates that people in those areas face bad health conditions, which affect their daily lives. Besides health, there are more aspects that directly affect inhabitants, like the extremely high crime rate that affects peopleâ€™s behaviour.
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2.2.4 The treat of gentrification and past regeneration Brixton faces gentrification which is mainly caused by the improvements that take place in the centre. In this, the public space is regenerated in which the pavement is widened and the biggest square of the centre is refurbished. In addition, the housing stock is improved and the dwellings owned by housing associations are modernised and contain now all the basic facilities. Because of this regeneration, people of other socioeconomic groups are attracted to Brixton, which made the housing corporations develop more expensive dwellings on the empty plots within the centre. This stimulated the settlement of people from other parts of the city. Comparing this gentrification with other gentrification processes in London, it becomes clear that there is a major difference. In other gentrification projects, mostly the whole original population is displaced by more affluent people. This is different from the gentrification in Brixton because here another group of people is added to the population, or like Butler and Robson formulate: â€˜a new social tectonic plateâ€™ (p. 2158) is added to the population (Robson and Butler, 2001). A possible reason that not the whole population is displaced is that the regeneration of Brixton not only focussed on physical regeneration, but also contained a social part. In this, the businesses got help to professionalise their company because of which they could handle the value increases in the area. A more detailed elaboration about this can be found in chapter 6.1 that elaborates on the interventions proposed in Brixton. Next to this kind of gentrification, the new built gentrification in Nine Elms will probably cause gentrification in the surrounding areas, which can be assumed by looking to previous developments of the same kind (see section 2.1). In this, the transformation of the area itself will not generate any displacement, because the area is not populated. But the regeneration will increase the dwelling values in the surrounding areas because of its situation next to the development and the pressure of redevelopment which will make the gentrification in the surrounding areas grow. Gentrification patterns of previous development show that the parts that are adjoining the new built regeneration area will be most heavily affected and that this decreases when the areas are further away from the development (see figure 2.4 on page 6).
0 - 10% most deprived
10 - 20% most deprived Figure 2.24: Deprivation in the project area. (own illustration based on information of the Indices of Multiple Deprivation (Greater London Authority, 2011).
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2.3 Problem statement The population of London is changing from a city that provides space for lower and higher socioeconomic groups into a more higher socioeconomic group oriented city. One of the causes of this shift is the new built regeneration of former harbour areas into mixed use areas that focus on higher socioeconomic groups. Once developed, those regenerations are a big success in physical and economic terms, but looking at the social changes, that this kinds of developments cause, it shows that the areas are gentrified and a big part of the original population is displaced. If those developments continue, London will be a city for the higher socioeconomic groups and the lower groups are pushed to the outskirts or to other cities. The next big brown field transformation within London will take place in Nine Elms and can be classified as a new built gentrification project. Looking back to other developments of this kind in the past, there is a major chance that also this development will generate displacement and polarisation. The redevelopment of Nine Elms will create a prosperous area, that has a strong connection with the city centre and most probably will be a success in physical and economic terms. Regrettably, this development does not react on its context, that will result in a strong polarisation between the inhabitants of Brixton and Nine Elms. Besides this, the development will most likely cause a displacement of the original residents of the surrounding areas, caused by rising tract prices and the increase of expensive amenities in combination with the increasing pressure of redevelopment.
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Big regeneration projects will always create some displacement, because the dwelling values in the surrounding areas will rise and the mismatch between the new amenities and the original population. However this does not imply that no action is needed, because successful regeneration should also come with positive effects for its context. In this, the original residents should not be a victim of displacement but they should face positive effects of this development and have a positive effect on individual outcomes. Therefore, the goal for this thesis is to find a way in which people of Brixton profit from the new built developments in Nine Elms and become less vulnerable for displacement. At the same time, the new population of Nine Elms should be able to benefit from the transformations in Brixton. There are many possible approaches to improve deprived areas, therefore it is good to set the scope. This project will mainly focus on physical interventions within the build environment and how those interventions affect and improve the socioeconomic values of individuals who dwell in the area. The scope will be defined in more detail by using the outcomes of the theoretical and analytical research.
2.4 relevance Societal relevance
The societal relevance of researching ways to regenerate without creating displacement of the current inhabitants is confirmed by Brownill (1990) who describes that similar developments within London caused displacement and social polarisation. This affected the society, because a majority of the population was displaced to other parts of the city, and by this, faced deteriorated environmental and social conditions. This thesis will explore ways in which the negative effects of those developments could be limited and cause improvements that meet the demands of the original population. The Battersea - Brixton area is chosen because it has similar aspects as the past developments within London, which created displacement and social polarisation. This comparison is also made by the Mayor of London which stated that the current developments are similar to development of Canary Wharf (Watson, 2013). In addition, newspapers express their concerns about the new developments because this development will only contain expensive housing, which will exclude a major part of society from this area (CNN, 2013).
This thesis will take position in the current debate about regeneration strategies within the city in relation to displacement. This debate concerns whether regeneration is about creating better places that will affect its population or if it is about increasing peoples well-being by interventions that increase individual outcomes. Many developments seem to choose side in favour of the first (Lees, 2008). This is mainly based on the neighbourhood effects theory, that relates the characteristics of a neighbourhood to individual outcomes. Different theories are based on this idea, for example the theory of Wilson (1987) who argues that an environment with many unemployed, lead to the stimulation of unemployment. This theory is broadly accepted and is used in different counties, like the UK and often results in the creation of dwellings for higher socioeconomic groups in deprived neighbourhoods to improve the area. On the other side, there is literature that suggest that neighbourhood effects do not exists and that the insertion of people of higher socioeconomic groups in deprived areas only strengthens social polarisation and exclusion (Atkinson, 2005). In line with this, Manley, Ham, and Doherty (2011) argue that regeneration should be about the empowerment of the population to increase their mobility and well-being. This thesis contains a literature review that elaborates on these different views and discusses different theories. This elaboration helps to take position in the current debate, and this will be reflected in the proposal for the Nine Elms Brixton area. By deriving conclusions from the project, it will take position in the current debate and provides tools improve individual outcomes in deprived neighbourhoods.
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2.5 Questions The main question for the project is:
How can interventions in the public space contribute to minimising displacement caused by new built regeneration projects?
The sub questions to answer the main question are:
1. In which ways can areas be regenerated without creating displacement of the original residents? As stated before, regeneration can polarise and displace people, especially big developments as planned for Nine Elms. By answering the question, knowledge is gained about in what ways areas can be regenerated without creating displacement of the original residents. The question clarified: 1. 2. 3. 4.
what the causes are of displacement in current regeneration projects; what measures can prevent displacement in regeneration projects; ways to regenerate with a minimum amount of displacement; and aspects that can be used to establish the proposal.
The outcome is used to set the scope for the design and helped proposing interventions that create a low amount of displacement. The method that is used is literature review.
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2. What are the physical and socioeconomic characteristics of the BrixtonBattersea area and what mechanisms caused this? To be able to make a design/framework for the BrixtonBattersea area, it is important to understand the area. By answering the question, a better understanding of the area is established and provided insights in the possibilities and issues. This question clarified: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
the situation of the project site within London and Lambeth and its implications; the main spatial components of the project area; the main socioeconomic characteristics of the area; the different kinds of policy that effect the area; the history of the area; and the aspects that can be used to establish the proposal.
The outcome is used to establish a deliberately composed framework and critical details. Methods: morphological, socioeconomic, historical and policy analysis and site visit.
3. What are the strengths and weaknesses of the plans made for Nine Elms? The thesis reacts on the developments in Nine Elms. In order to do this, the current plans are analysed that resulted in a better understanding of the plans made for the area and gave insight in the opportunities and issues concerning the new plans. Answering this question gained knowledge about: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
the planned physical interventions; the planned amenities; the aimed target groups; the relation of the new developments to its surrounding areas; and the aspects that can be used to establish the proposal.
5. What elements of the intervention for the Nine Elms - Brixton area can be translated into interventions that can be useful for future projects in similar situations? The project will come up with conclusions that could be applied to other projects with the same conditions which will be derived by looking to the main principles that are used in the project and to transform them to more generic interventions. Those conclusions will provide tools to prevent future regeneration to create displacement. This question will provide: 1.
an overview of the conclusions from the project;
The outcome is used to react by the framework on the developments in Nine Elms. Method: Case study and site visit.
4. Which physical interventions within the existing urban fabric of the project site could improve the individual outcomes of the inhabitants of Brixton and its surrounding areas? The thesis will propose an intervention in the BrixtonBattersea area. To be able to propose this interventions that suits the area, all the outcomes of the research will be combined into a framework and translated in critical details. This question clarified: 1. 2. 3. 4.
what elements of the area are important to consider in the final framework; what concept can be used for the framework; the way similar concepts are used elsewhere and their main characteristics; and the way the concept improves the issues within the area. Methods: research by design and case studies.
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2.6 Methodology 2.6.1 Methods
of Deprivation (Greater London Authority, 2011A). This information is used to make decisions that are adjusted to the current inhabitants.
Different methods are used to answer the main and sub questions. An elaboration on these methods will given in the paragraphs below.
Literature Review A literature review is executed to be able to make more deliberate decisions. The main subject of this review is how displacement can be avoided in regeneration projects, and what possible solutions could be, which created the backbone for the design interventions. The second part of the review elaborates on the effect of green in relation to displacement, because the analysis showed that the area lacks bigger public green elements and contains a low amount of trees in the street profile. In this review, different articles of various authors are used to establish the theoretical base, in which papers of Chesire (2009) and Maas et al. (2006) are important. One of the major methods used to answer the research questions is analysis. Vroom (2005) defines analysis as a process of gathering and interpreting information, that is done by a creative process that is based on logic. Within this project, multiple types of analysis are used.
Morphological analysis The first is morphological analysis. This analysis is executed by mapping the physical structures within the area. This mapping is done on different scales and for different aspects, like green structures, economic activity etcetera. This mapping provided information that is used to determine the most important elements and aspects, and resulted in a better understanding of the area.
Socioeconomic analysis The second method that is used is the socioeconomic analysis. This analysis is executed by consulting literature and statistics, which provided information about the demographics of the area. Examples of this kind of literature are the London Plan (Greater London Authority, 2011B) and the Indices
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The third type is the historical analysis which is executed by studying historic maps and literature research. By this study, the reasoning behind current structures are explained. The sources that are used are mainly digital, for example the website Urban75.org (2012), that contains different maps and explanations of different historical events.
Policy analysis Another type of analysis is the policy analysis that is used to gain knowledge about the plans governmental institutions have for the project site. This policy is mainly documented in policy reports and maps like the London Plan (Greater London Authority, 2011B). Knowledge about the policy for the area is used to match the interventions to the ideas of the governmental institutions.
Case studies One of the studies that is done to find out how reference projects deal with similar issues are the case studies. This case studies are done by looking at other projects that are comparable to the location of the intervention and translating the main ideas/aspects into drawings and text. Those aspects are derived by a morphological analysis of the case. By doing this, conclusions could be drawn that are used to guide decisions concerning the intervention.
Site visit During the project, the site is visited two times. The fist site visit was after P1 and the second took place after P3. The different site visits had different aims. The first one was about experiencing the area and talk to people to get an impression of the physical environment, the atmosphere, and the issues. This resulted in several maps that concluded the findings. During the second site visit, the gaps in the analysis were filled and a more specific analysis is made. This analysis is mainly documented in maps and text, that are used to guide the decisions of the intervention.
PERSONAL INTERESTS ORIENTATION PROJECT DEFINITION
Selcetion of generic topic and specific design/research location
Clarify the characteristics, strengths and weaknesses of the area.
Ways to regenerate without creating displacement. Method: literature review
Methods: morphological, socioeconomic, historic and policy analysis and case studies
VISION ON THE AREA / CONCEPT
FRAMEWORK translation of the vision in a framework method: study by design, literature review and case studies
Translation of the framework in critical details Method: study by design, literature review
This thesis takes up the generic issue of displacement of the original population caused new built regeneration projects. In order to come up with generic interventions, the Nine Elms - Brixton area is studied and a framework is proposed. Later, the interventions are translated into more conclusions that could be used in comparable projects. The methodology that is used in the project is described below. The first phase of the project was about defining the problem statement and searching for a potential research/ design location. This led to the problem statement, research goal and questions. The phase afterwards existed out of two main lines, one part was about analysis in which morphological, socioeconomic, historic and policy analysis and case studies are done. The other part existed out of a literature review. The outcome of this two types of research are combined and resulted in the concept for the project. This concept is used to propose a framework for the Brixton-Battersea area and to establish the critical details. This process included also some in depth literature research and case studies, that were used to support design decisions. This design phase was iterative, which means that decisions on a smaller scale are reviewed to find out what the implications are on the larger scale. This iterative process made the project more coherent and enabled to reconsider the decisions made in an earlier phase. Finally this framework for the Brixton-Battersea area is reviewed, in which conclusions are drawn to be able to use the outcome of this intervention in other designs (see figure 2.25).
FINAL FRAMEWORK AND CRITICAL DETAILS TRANSLATION OF THE INTERVENTION TO GENERIC TOOLS
Figure 2.25: methodology (own image).
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Battersea Power Station with its surrounding brown fields (BDOnline.co.uk, 2008). Figure 3.1: the Docklands (source: http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Docklands_(Londen)#mediaviewer/Bestand:London%2C_Canary_Wharf_from_Thames_2011-03-05.jpg).
3. Regeneration and displacement The third chapter of the thesis elaborates on the literature research that is executed for this thesis. The first section elaborates on existing ways of regeneration and what the
issues are that come with regeneration. The second section will elaborate more in detail about how to regenerate for the original population in relation to green public spaces.
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3.1 regeneration strategies causing minimal displacement To minimise future displacement of original inhabitants by the new-build redevelopments in Nine Elms , the theoretical framework will explore in what ways areas could be developed without creating major displacement. In line with this, the research question for this literature review is: In what ways can deprived areas be regenerated without creating major displacement of the original inhabitants? The question will be answered by elaborating on the current ways of regeneration and looking at the effects those measures have.
3.1.1 NEIGHBORHOOD EFFECTS THEORY AND THE MIXED HOUSING POLICIES Cities tried to solve deprivation in different ways and different kinds of regeneration were proposed. One of the key interventions that is used to increase the well-being of the poor is the mixed housing strategy which is based on the neighbourhood effects theory. This section will elaborate on this broadly adopted regeneration strategy and will look at its effects. Within the field of urbanism and planning, there is a shared belief in the existence of neighbourhood effects on individual outcomes. Those theories argue that the characteristics of the neighbourhood affects people’s individual socioeconomic outcomes, like health, income and employment. Because the theory is often used in city planning, a lot of research has been conducted on this topic and most outcomes suggest a relation between neighbourhood characteristics and individual outcomes (Manley, Ham, & Doherty, 2011). Wilson (1987) was one of the first who spoke about the neighbourhood effects theory. He suggests that some negative neighbourhood characteristics do affect its inhabitants. His theory concerned access to employment. Wilson argued that an area with many structural unemployed residents can lead to “negative social dispositions, limited aspirations and casual work habits” (Wilson, 1991, p. 642). In line with his theory, he argues that certain areas stimulate the growth of an underclass which is dominated by unemployment. Many studies based
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on the theory of Wilson followed, in which the researchers found similar outcomes. Examples are a study conducted by Overman (2002) who concluded that the characteristics of the neighbourhood influenced individual results of children in schools and Friedrichs and Blasius (2003) who claimed that the chance people express unusual behaviour is influenced by their living environment. The argumentation that the authors use to prove the existence of neighbourhood effects differ, like the effect of role models, discrimination by businesses in job application procedures because of the place they live, bad public services and crime (Cheshire, 2007).
MIXED HOUSING STRATEGIES Nowadays, many contemporary urban regeneration proposals are based on interpretations of this neighbourhood effects theory. Those proposals assume that the improvement of deprived neighbourhoods will cause an improvement of individual well-being. In this, a common measure that is used in urbanism and planning to upgrade deprived neighbourhoods is to create a balanced population that exists out of people from different socioeconomic groups. According to Wilson his theory, this mixture of people from different socioeconomic groups will counteract negative neighbourhood effects and improve the well-being of the poor. This idea of mixed populations was first applied by the garden city movement and is nowadays part of many western urban policies (Cheshire, 2009). In general, those strategies gentrify the area by changing the tenure structure to establish socioeconomic mixed populations. Those strategies often go hand in hand with big demolition schemes to rebuild dwellings that suit the demands of the aimed target groups, because the current properties do not meet the standards of the aimed residents (Manley et al., 2011). Some authors abandon the mixed housing strategies and argue that it is a faith-based theory for mainly two reasons. The first is described by Cheshire (2009) and he states in his article about mixed communities that this approach treats the symptoms of poor areas instead of the causes of poverty. He argues that poor areas are regenerated by attracting
more affluent people, which leads to an increase of the overall socioeconomic statistics, but not to an increase of the socioeconomic status of poor individuals. Instead of improving the living conditions for the poor, the mix of people will spread the problem and reduces the visibility. Secondly, the area is regenerated to attract the more affluent people. In this, not only the housing stock will be changed, but also the amenities to suit the demands of the new population. The change of amenities will directly result in an increase of amenity prices, raised public service costs and more expensive housing (Cherhire, 2007). Because of the low incomes of the original population, most poor people do not profit from this improvement and cannot afford this increase and are forced to move to cheaper areas.
Mixed housing strategies applied in the UK A concrete example can be found in the housing policy of the United Kingdom which is based on their own research (ODPM, 2005). Researchers compared the outcomes of people who live in the 10 percent most deprived areas with the average of the inhabitants of the UK. They concluded that “people living in deprived neighbourhoods are less likely to work, more likely to be poor and have a lower life expectancy, more likely to live in poorer housing in unattractive local environments with high levels of antisocial behaviour and lawlessness and more likely to receive poorer education and health services. Living in a deprived area adversely affects individuals’ life chances over and above what would be predicted by their personal circumstances and characteristics” (ODPM, 2005, p. 6). Based on the outcome of this research, policy makers developed mixed housing policies that aim to reduce inequality and social exclusion. Cheshire (2009) argues in his article that this conclusion is bold and naive. He argues that this research only looked to overall neighbourhood outcomes instead of looking to individual outcomes. Cheshire explains the differences in the socioeconomic characteristics of the areas by means of self-selection. He argues that poor people live in deprived areas because the dwelling values are lower, so the lower income groups self-select themselves into deprived neighbourhoods. On the opposite, higher income groups are able to afford more expensive housing, so they will decide to live in more prosperous areas. This elaboration of Cheshire (2009) shows that mixed housing theories do not tackle the causes of deprivation, but only the symptoms. In this, those kind of interventions will not increase the individual outcomes of the poorest in society, but will increase the overall statistics of the area.
3.1.2 WAYS TO minimise DISPLACEMENT The literature on regeneration and displacement that is used for this review elaborates intensively on the effects of mixed housing policies and on whether it is a solution or not, but only a few of the studies come up with possible solutions to improve the conditions of the population within these deprived areas. In this, there are a few different interventions mentioned, which are summed up in the coming sections.
Empowerment of the poor people Some authors that abandon the mixed housing policies argue that the improvement of the socioeconomic situation of residents in deprived areas can be done by the empowerment of the residents. By the empowerment, the position of the population will be strengthened, in which they become more mobile and because of this more resistant against displacement. This method will address the mechanisms that makes people deprived and so will target the cause of deprivation, instead of only the symptoms. The paper of Manley et al. (2011) about mixed housing strategies, state that this empowerment is mainly about decreasing health deprivation and investments in education. As a result, people will be more mobile in making their own decisions and will be less vulnerable to deprivation. The paper of Chatterton and Bradley (2000), which reflects on the policy of Great Britain, adds employment to those two. In addition, Manley et al. (2011) state that only focussing on the empowerment of the inhabitants only is not enough. They state that investing in the basics needs of people who dwell in deprived neighbourhoods is important to guarantee the safety and quality of the environment. Different authors elaborate on possible ways to empower people in terms of education, employment and health. In this, Crowther, Cummings, Dyson and Millward (2003) illustrate in their book about regeneration and the role of schools in this, the effects of improved ways of education on the individual outcomes of the population. They conducted a research that compared schools who invest in the improvement of their education and schools who did not. The results showed that the improvement of the curriculum contributed in a positive way to the well-being of the scholars. Durlak and Weissberg (2007) show in their study on the effect of after-school programs, that these programmes contributed to the scholars’ social, personal and academic skills. This is caused by the increased willingness to attend school, the improvement of social integration, increased school performances and a decrease in aggression and other behavioural problems.
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Secondly, Chatterton and Bradley (2000) elaborate in their paper on housing policies within Great Britain on employment. They state that the empowerment of a population in terms of employment can be done effectively by creating jobs that match the ambitions and the skills of the residents of the area concerned. If the population is able to occupy those jobs, their incomes will rise which makes them more mobile. The researchers remark that empowerment and a changing population structure could change the ambitions and skills of the residents, and therefore a flexible approach is needed. In addition, they mention that the created jobs could be taken by people from other areas, in which the local population does not benefit from the increase of jobs within the area. Thirdly, research of the Commission of Architecture and the Build Environment (2010) shows that using green public spaces like parks, have a positive effect on health in which the users face a better air quality, are stimulated to be physically active, face a decrease of stress and fatigue and stimulates the creation of social ties. A more detailed elaboration will be given in the second section, which will be about the influence of green public spaces on health. In the empowerment of the population, the role of the urban designer is limited because their role is restricted to proposing physical interventions, and they are not able to create jobs or change curricula in schools. What they can do is proposing physical interventions that indirectly will empower people. An example of this is the creation of spaces where this empowerment could happen like the addition of parks or business spaces.
Maintenance of public housing Another often mentioned intervention to minimise displacement is the maintenance of public housing. newman and Wyly (2006) did research on the gentrification that took place in new York and the displacement it created. Their paper describes that one of the main buffers that counteracts displacement is public housing. Public housing enables poor residents to dwell in good quality housing for a low price. Therefore, adding and maintaining public housing in deprived areas will avoid major displacement. Cheshire (2007) argues in addition to this that the access to a living environment is more than the provision of affordable housing. In this he is targeting the importance of the availability of amenities that suit the demands of the population. Because when the prices of the amenities are too high they are not accessible for the poorer people in an area. In addition, the creation of high quality amenities will directly influence the dwelling values and will increase the rents.
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A closer look into the regeneration of Brixton. Many areas within the city of London are regenerated, as well as Brixton. Comparing the effect of the regeneration of Brixton to other regeneration projects, it becomes clear that the regeneration of Brixton had a different effect on the composition of the population than usual. Often, regeneration creates displacement of the current population which is replaced by a more affluent one. Butler and Robson (2001) discovered in their comparative study that the regeneration in Brixton added a â€˜new social tectonic plateâ€™ (p. 2158) to the population, because of which the majority of the population could handle the value increases caused by the regeneration. This is mainly caused by the fact that the regeneration of Brixton had a twofold aim. The first was to improve the physical conditions, which is done by the improvement of the dwellings like adding toilets inside the houses and ensuring that all dwellings have a decent seize. In addition, they made some changes in the public space like the regeneration of a square and the widening of the pavement. Next to this, the regeneration focused on the empowerment of the population by supporting the entrepreneurs in which they were stimulated to improve their businesses and become more professional in order to attract more customers (Butler and Robson, 2001). One example how the regeneration affected the businesses of Brixton in a positive way is explained in an article in the new York Times by Bennhold (2014). She elaborates on the changes that are going on in the centre of Brixton and shows the story of Etta Burrell who is mother of three children and dependent on income support. In 2009 she got the opportunity to rent a space in Brixton Village, a former drug supermarket that is turned into a mall. With the support of the regeneration programme, she started her own sea food restaurant which appeared to be a success. Since the day she was renting the restaurant she saw the rent going up, but because of the success of her business the same goes for the people that visit her restaurant every day and the turnovers. The opening of the shop Champagne&Fromage by people outside of Brixton was less successful. When the shop opened, there were some protests of local people that argued that this kind of shop does not belong to the centre of Brixton. This shop that replaced a candy store, sells French delicacies and people can enjoy a Champaign brunch. Or in other words a shop you normally will expect in Chelsea or other parts in London, but not in a centre like Brixton. Slowly the shop is accepted by the local people and starts turning into a popular place for yuppies to have a break.
3.1.3 Intermezzo The literature review on regeneration and displacement showed that the often used mixed housing policies do not improve the situation for the original residents of deprived areas, because this policies do not address the cause of deprivation. Instead, they add more prosperous people to the deprived areas which makes the statistics increase but do not address the deprivation itself. In addition, because of the gentrification that is needed to attract those prosperous people, the dwelling and amenity values rise. Often, the original population cannot handle this increase and they have to move to other, cheaper areas. The authors that argue against the mixed housing policies propose to focus on the improvement of the individual outcomes and by this improve the mechanisms that make people deprived. In this, the authors advice to focus on the empowerment of the residents by focusing on improving health, employment and education outcomes. The analysis of the deprivation around Nine Elms showed that employment and health deprivation are the most deprived domains and therefore those will be the main aspects to focus on in the proposal for the Nine Elms - Brixton area. Important to remember is that the urbanist cannot empower a population, but can only propose
physical interventions that will stimulate the empowerment indirectly. Besides focussing on the empowerment, the review showed that the maintenance of public housing can be an effective way to limit displacement. However, only increasing amenity values can also cause displacement of the original population. While analysing the outcomes of the literature review, it becomes clear that displacement is mostly caused by an increase of dwelling and amenity values and because the original population cannot handle this change. Therefore it is important when regenerating an area to improve its deprivation, that the interventions suit the population and that they can handle the value increases caused by the interventions. Therefore, regeneration that also focuses on the empowerment of the original population can be a way to counteract displacement caused by regeneration projects. A good example of such regeneration is the gentrification that occurred in Brixton. Here, business owners faced a rapid increase of the rents of business space, but because of the support the owners got to start professionalising their business, they saw increasing turnovers caused by the regeneration. By this they could handle the value increases and were not vulnerable for displaced.
3.2 Spaces of empowerment
The second section of this literature review will focus on ways to empower residents in terms of heath by physical interventions. As already explained in the previous section, health and employment are the domains that are deprived within the Nine Elms - Brixton area, that makes this thesis focus on those two kinds of deprivation. Before, the thesis elaborated on work of Chatterton and Bradley who state that the improvement of the employment domain can be done by the creation of work that matches the skills of the residents of this deprived area. In addition, this second section will focus on the improvement of health deprivation. The analysis showed that the project area contains a small amount green public spaces
like parks (see page 13 and 32). Combining this deficiency with the general belief that green affects health positively, makes that the implementation and improvement of green spaces could be a way to empower the population. Recent research of the Commission of Architecture and the Build Environment (2010) about the conditions of green spaces in England, showed that the lack of green public spaces is a problem in deprived areas and that those areas contain significantly a lower amount of public parks. If the general belief that green has a positive effect on peopleâ€™s health is correct, individual deprivation could be counteracted by implementing and improving green spaces in those underprivileged areas.
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3.2.1 DISTRIBUTION OF GREEN SPACES
PERCEIVED HEALTH HEALTH
PHYSICAL HEALTH ASSESSED HEALTH MENTAL HEALTH
PERCENTAGE OF HEALTH LESS THAN GOOD >>
Figure 3.2: typology of health used in different kinds of literature (own illustration).
PERCENTAGE OF GREEN SPACE >>
Figure 3.3: the amount of perceived health in relation to the amount of green within a radius of 3km around the dwelling (Maas et al., 2007)
In order to do so, this second part of the theoretical framework poses the question “In what ways could green spaces improve individual outcomes? “. This question is being answered by a review of literature which starts with an elaboration on the distribution of green spaces over the city. Afterwards, the effect that green has on health will be explained, which is followed by a sum up of the elements that stimulate the increase of health. Finally, the problems and limitations of this study will be described and the article will end with looking in what way green can be used to counteract deprivation.
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Green public spaces are not equally spread over the city. The Commission of Architecture and the Build Environment (2010) did research on green spaces within England in relation to their location. The research points out that prosperous areas contain more accessible public green spaces in comparison with deprived areas. In their study, they compared two types of neighbourhoods which are classified by demographics. The first type covers deprived neighbourhoods which are characterised by a population that consists out of more than forty percent minority residents and the second covers prosperous neighbourhoods with a population that consists out of less than two percent minority groups. The statistics of the research showed that the prosperous neighbourhood contained six times more accessible parks. The difference increases even more when looking at all the green elements in the areas like verges, small green spaces and parks; the quantity of green is eleven times bigger in prosperous neighbourhoods. In addition, the research pointed out that there are also differences in the quality of the green. Often, green spaces are less well maintained in deprived areas and because of this, are less attractive for residents to visit. Besides the amount of green spaces, also single trees are not equally spread over the city. A study of Ravetz (2000) on the city region of Manchester found that the amount of trees is bigger in more affluent areas compared to deprived areas. He measured the amount of trees in different areas and compared this data with information about the demographic status. He concluded that the tree coverage in wealthy parts is 10 percent and in the poor areas only 2 percent.
3.2.2 EFFECTS OF GREEN SPACES ON DIFFERENT TYPES OF HEALTH In the academic literature on the effect of green spaces on well being, health is often classified in two types: perceived health and assessed health. In this, assessed health is divided in physical health and mental health (see figure 3.2) (Lee & Maheswaran, 2010; Maas, Verheij, Groenewegen, Vries, & Spreeuwenberg, 2006). This review will elaborate on the influence of green spaces in relation to those three types of health.
PERCEIVED HEALTH There is a general belief that green spaces affect people’s perceived health positively. Maas et al. (2006) executed a research which aimed to confirm this general belief. The researchers selected Dutch people with different socioeconomic and demographic characteristics and asked them to rate their own health. The outcome is compared with information about the amount of green space surrounding their dwelling. They used a database that distinguished 39 different kinds of land-uses and measured the percentage of green within 1 kilometre and 3 kilometres around the resident’s dwelling. The results of this research confirmed that there is a positive correlation between the amount of green and the level of perceived health of the residents (see figure 3.3). They concluded that more accessible green results in higher perceived health rates. In addition, the research compared the effects of the green space within 1 kilometre and 3 kilometres on the amount of perceived health. They came to the conclusion that the amount of green within a radius of 1 kilometre is more significant to the level perceived health in highly urbanised areas (Maas et al., 2006).
3.2.3 ASPECTS OF GREEN THAT POSITIVELY AFFECT HEALTH To be able to use green in order to improve health issues, it is important to know why green spaces have a positive effect on health. Several papers tried to investigate this and pointed out different aspects. The research of Van Dorst (2012) and Maas, Dillen, et al. (2009) showed mainly four aspects of green that are important for health. Those four aspects will be explained in the following paragraphs, in which first the physical aspects will be discussed and afterwards the mental aspects.
ASSESSED HEALTH The amount of perceived health of residents is something different than the amount of assessed health of residents. Therefore it is relevant to elaborate on the relation between the amount of green spaces and the assessed health of residents. Maas, Verheij, et al. (2009) extended the research that is described earlier, and they measured the amount of green spaces in relation to diseases accessed by doctors. The results show that 15 out of the 24 types of diseases show up less in areas with a high amount of green space (see figure 3.5). This shows a positive correlation between access to green areas and doctor assessed health. In addition, the research confirmed the assumption that the amount of green spaces within a radius of 1 kilometre is more significant in comparison to the spaces within a radius of 3 kilometres (Maas, Dillen, Verheij, & Groenewegen, 2009). As argued above, researchers showed that there is a correlation between the amount of public space and the health of the individual. The remark has to be made that this correlation could be caused by other factors than green, for example quality of consumed food and the quality of housing.
Figure 3.4: morbidity rates in average neighbourhoods, per 1000 inhabitants (Maas, Verheij, et al., 2009).
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ASPECTS OF GREEN THAT POSITIVELY AFFECT PHYSICAL HEALTH The first physical aspect is that green spaces provide a better air quality. A very strong relation was found by Maas, Verheij, et al. (2009) between the amount of green spaces and the amount of respiratory diseases under residents who dwell close to green spaces. People who live close to parks or other large green elements face less respiratory diseases. This is probably linked to a better air quality in green spaces because trees and other vegetation remove pollution and supply oxygen (Coder, 1996). The second physical aspect is described by BedimoRung, Mowen, and Cohen (2005) who argue that green spaces increase the physical health of individuals indirectly. The reason for this is that green spaces stimulate physical activity which will increase people’s physical health. They state that frequent physical exercise improves physical health and it will reduce the chance of ‘heard disease, diabetes, high blood pressure, colon cancer... while building and maintaining healthy bones, muscles and joints’ (p. 159). In addition, more physical exercise decreases the risk to suffer from obesity (Ebbeling, Pawlak, & Ludwig, 2002). Research pointed out that there are two main aspects of green spaces which are responsible for the stimulation of physical activity. The first aspect is that most parks are a free and easy accessible amenity to practice different kinds of physical exercise (Bedimo-Rung et al., 2005). Most parks contain facilities that stimulate people to be physically active, like football fields, fitness machines, but also more basic elements as the path system or the lawns stimulate people to be active. Nevertheless, it should be noted that it are not only green spaces which stimulate physical activity, also paved areas can do this (Lee & Maheswaran, 2010). The second aspect is described by Bedimo-Rung et al. (2005) who found that people’s willingness to exercise improves when they can do that in an attractive green area and when they see others who are physically active. The Health Council of The Netherlands and Dutch Advisory Council for Research in Spatial Planning Nature and the Environment (2004) adds to this that the duration of the exercise will also increase.
ASPECTS OF GREEN THAT POSITIVELY AFFECT MENTAL HEALTH The third aspect deals with mental health and is about the decrease of stress and fatigue. Berg, Hartig, and Staats (2007) did research on the effect of green on restorative effects. They conducted an experiment in which they put two
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groups of mentally fatigued Swedish students in a simulated environment. On e group was exposed to a natural environment and the other group to an urban environment. The measured outcome shows that the students who were put in the natural environment scored almost 2.5 times higher when looking to the amount of recovery from fatigue. In addition, a study of Steptoe, Feldman, and Hartig (2004) who did research on the effects of green in relation to stress by measuring the blood pressure, shows that environments with high restorative effects will result in less stress. The last aspect is that green stimulates the creation of social ties. Maas, Dillen, et al. (2009) did research on the effect of green and the residents health, by focussing on social mechanisms. They imply that strong social ties have a positive effect on the mental well being and that green plays a major role in the creation of those ties. The authors state that public spaces are crucial elements to generate interaction between people, which is important to establish those social ties and to create local communities. Flap and Volker (2005) argue that the public spaces where this interaction occurs are for example parks, recreational amenities, schools and churches. In this, green spaces play a prominent role because they generally attract more people compared to barren spaces, which will result in more frequent meetings. Possible explanations for the attractiveness of green elements are that they are easy accessible, they generate shadow, reduce noise, create privacy and they are able to generate restorative effects, which make people often choose green spaces over other types of public space (Maas, Dillen, et al., 2009). Greenbaum (1982) elaborates more on this topic in the context of the interaction between neighbours. He claims that the interaction between neighbours mainly increases because of frequent visual contact, greetings and short talks. A proper public space is in this essential to create spontaneous meetings and interactions. Different authors emphasise the urgency of proper public space in high density areas to establish recognition and interactions, because the relations between people in urban areas seems to be much weaker in comparison with people who live outside the urban areas (Forrest & Kearns, 2001). Other than the amount of interaction between people, green spaces also generate a common sense of community. Kim and Kaplan (2004) argue that there are three domains which increase the sense of community: community attachment (when people feel at ease), community identity (when people feel connected with others and to the place) and pedestrianism (when people are able to explore the place). Green space plays an important role in establishing those three domains because green objects increase feelings of emotional bounding to a place and identification with an area.
3.2.4 INTERVENTIONS TO IMPROVE HEALTH Although there is much research done on the effects of green on health, there is still not a lot known about the impact of different elements of green spaces on the well-being of people. Some literature elaborates on specific elements that are used in green spaces. Those elements can be categorised by the nature of their aim: some are about attracting people, some will stimulate physical exercise and some will stimulate social interaction. This paragraph will elaborate on those different interventions. The fist measure aims to attract people to green spaces. Coley, Sullivan, and Kuo (1997) did research on the amount of trees in relation to the use of the space in Chicago. They concluded that outdoor areas with trees situated in low density areas, attracted three times more people in comparison to spaces without trees. In addition to this, a relation was found between the number of trees in low-rise areas and the amount of people that use the space: This relation is displayed in figure 3.5 and shows that there is a significant difference between spaces without trees and spaces with 1 or 2 trees. The research found no evidence that high-rise areas with trees attract more people. A follow up study by Kuo and Sullivan (1998) looked at the amount of trees in relation to the perceived sense of community. They found out that an increased amount of trees also strengthen the sense of community (see figure 3.5). The second measure aims to support physical exercise. Ebbeling et al. (2002) found in their research that some elements like playgrounds, influence well-being of children. This research concluded that playgrounds can counteract obesity among children, because they stimulate kids to be physically active. In fact, all elements which stimulate people to be physically active affect the physical health positively, like sports courts, public fitness machines and the path structure. The last tool that is found in literature aims to improve the social interaction between people. A survey of Commission of Architecture and the Build Environment (2010) found that especially green spaces can contribute to the easing of radical tensions between people with different backgrounds. Important aspects in this are amenities which stimulate casual interaction, for example sports facilities like football fields and
ALL PEOPLE MEAN NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS OBSERVED >>
As shown above, the positive effect of green spaces on health can be explained by four aspects of green spaces; they provide clean air, they stimulate physical activity, they cause a decrease in fatigue and stress and they create and strengthen social ties.
1.4 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0
NUMBER OF TREES PRESENT >>
Figure 3.5: amount of trees in relation to the amount of people in parks (Coley et al., 1997).
playgrounds. As a result people get to know each other by casual activities, which promotes the social cohesion within a neighbourhood and strengthens the social ties.
3.2.5 PROBLEMS CAUSED BY GREEN SPACES Existing literature on green spaces also mentions some negative effects on health, which are important to mention in order to complete the elaboration. The problem that often reoccurs is that bad maintained green spaces do not attract visitors, but cause a counter effect. The Commission of Architecture and the Build Environment (2005) did research on the use of green spaces and they discovered that bad maintained green spaces and declining amenities often result in a decrease of the attractiveness of the green space. This affects the amount of visitors negatively. The decrease of amount of visitors could attract crime and anti-social behaviour and by this daunt desired groups. This will result is a negative image and people could be afraid to be exposed to crime (English Heritage, Sport England, & Countryside Agency, 2003). In this, women are more concerned about their safety than men. Also ethnic minorities will avoid those neglected spaces, mainly because they fear discrimination and racial abuse (Floyd, Gramman, & Saenz, 1993).
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That many green spaces are perceived as dangerous, is shown by research of the Commission of Architecture and the Build Environment (2010) who did research on the use of green space in England. They found that only 75 percent of the people who participated in the survey feel safe in the green spaces surrounding their dwelling. Having a closer look at the statistics of the research, one can see that for example people from Bangladesh feel less safe: only 53 percent of the Bangladeshi feels safe in green spaces surrounding their dwelling. Research from the Commission of Architecture and the Build Environment (2010) did also look at the reasoning why people perceived the areas as dangerous. They found out that people like to have a total overview over the green space in order to feel safe. Therefore they advise to avoid high walls and view blocking vegetation to be able to have a good overview of the space. In addition, Luymes and Tamminga (1995) write that increasing the lightning, improving the layout and stimulating self-policing will result in spaces that are perceived as more safe. 25 percent of the people do not feel comfortable in green spaces surrounding their dwelling and because of that do not make use of them. This implies that those people also do not benefit from the positive effects green spaces have on health. The improvement of the green spaces will stimulate people to use the green and more often. This will result is better individual health outcomes on the long term.
3.2.6 LIMITATIONS OF CURRENT RESEARCH The literature which is used to compose this theory review, shows a clear correlation between the amount of green space and health, and argues that a higher percentage of green results in better perceived, mental en physical health. According to this, a remark has to be made. As different papers already mentioned, the correlation can be caused or influenced by selection effects which are a result of the cross-sectional method of the different studies (Maas et al., 2006; Maas, Verheij, et al., 2009). There is a possibility that the findings are influenced by selective migration, for example that healthy people buy houses in greener areas. Most of the studies tried to exclude those selection effects by looking at the individual demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the different groups, but the selection effects cannot be banned totally (Maas et al., 2006). In addition, green is not the only factor which influences the health of people There are much more aspects like the quality of food, dwelling conditions etcetera.
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There is another limitation concerning the current research about the relation between green spaces and health. As already mentioned in the text, there is still little known about the elements of green spaces and their impacts on the wellbeing of people. In line with this, a report of the Health Council of The Netherlands and Dutch Advisory Council for Research in Spatial Planning Nature and the Environment (2004) states, that there is a need for more in depth research on the effects of different types of greenery on aspects of health, which elaborates for example more on the size and quality of the green spaces.
3.2.7 INTERMEZZO The reviewed literature on this topic shows that there is a correlation between the amount of green in residential areas and the perceived, physical and mental health of inhabitants. It is important to keep in mind that this correlation could be the effect of the limitations of the literature which is studied. Nevertheless, that green affects health positively can be explained by four main arguments; green stimulates physical exercise, provides clean air, offers space for social interaction and decreases fatigue and stress. The implementation of certain elements within green spaces are important to enable people to profit from the benefits that come with the use of green. Those elements can be classified in three different categories with different aims, those are interventions that attract people, interventions that stimulate physical exercise and interventions that stimulate social interaction. Because the lack of proper green spaces in deprived areas like parks and the small amount of trees, the improvement of the existing spaces and insertion of new ones will improve health aspects of the people who use the green. In this it is important to not only create green public space but also stimulate people to use it, because there is no evidence that only the availability of green spaces improves health outcomes. Therefore it is important to invest in the accessibility and attractiveness of the green spaces in order to attract people. The analysis of the Nine Elms-Brixton area shows that the project area does not contain much green public space (See section 4.1 and 4.3). There is one park which attracts many people in summer and is at times overcrowded and used a lot for active recreation. But besides that, there are no big parks in the urban fabric and there is a small amount of other kinds of green spaces, like verges or trees. Therefore adding green public spaces could be a tool to improve health outcomes in the area. Important is that those new spaces are attractive and accessible.
The last section of this chapter will conclude the key findings from the literature review and will propose some recommendations concerning the project site.
3.3.1 Conclusions from the literature review The literature review on regeneration and displacement showed that the often used mixed housing policies do not improve the situation for the original residents of deprived areas and that they can be the cause of the displacement of the original population. Authors that argue against the mixed housing policies propose to focus on the empowerment of the population in terms of employment, health and education in which the population becomes more mobile and so more resistant towards displacement. Important to keep in mind is that the role of the urban designer is limited because they only can facilitate spaces where this empowerment can happen, and cannot influence the empowerment itself. Focussing with regeneration projects on the empowerment of the original population can be a solution to minimise displacement, because the residents will be more mobile and able to handle the value increases within the area. The improvement of individual health outcomes by green spaces was studied more in detail, and it can be concluded that being in green spaces has a positive effect on health. This can be explained by four main arguments; green stimulates physical exercise, provides clean air, offers space for social interaction and decreases fatigue and stress. The implementation of certain elements within green spaces is important to enable people to profit from the benefits that come with the use of green. Those interventions can be classified in three different categories with different aims, those are interventions that attract people, interventions that stimulate physical exercise and interventions that stimulate social interaction. In this it is important to realise that people only profit from the benefits of green when they are using the space. This makes it important to also focus on the accessibility of the public green spaces instead of only focusing on the space itself.
3.3.2 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE NINE ELMS - BRIXTON AREA To propose a framework for the Nine Elms - Brixton area that contributes to minimising displacement caused by the developments in Nine Elms, the regeneration of the area should focus on improving the conditions for the current residents and on the empowerment of the original population. In this, the empowerment should mainly affect employment and health, since this are the two most deprived domains. Because of the combination of regeneration and the empowerment, it is more likely that the residents can resist the value increases caused by new built regeneration projects. Since Brixton faces high unemployment rates and contains a small amount of public green space, investing in the creation of work and attractive public green spaces will help to empower the population. As already stated, urban designers cannot influence those two aspects directly, but they can create spaces where this empowerment can happen. Therefore the employment outcomes could be increased by the creation of more business spaces that suit the demands and skills of the current population. According to the literature, health outcomes can be increased by stimulating people to use the green public spaces what can be done by the improvement of the existing spaces to make them more attractive and by the implementation of new ones.
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34 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 4.1: Battersea Power Station and its surrounding brown fields (source: http://www.bdonline.co.uk/Pictures/web/x/p/e/Aerial_View_loresWEB.jpg).
4. Exploring nine Elms - Brixton This fourth chapter will look at the project site and will show a selection of the analysis. This analysis is made to get a better
understanding of the project area, but also to get to know the relation in a wider context.
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CAZ-zone Major centre Metropolitan centre Potential m. centre International centre Thames
Figure 4.2: London and its zoning and important centres (own image based on data from the Greater London Authority (2011B)).
£ 0-950 £ 950-1,050 £ 1,050-1,265 £ 1,265-1,500 £ 1,500-2,600 Thames
Figure 4.3: average rent a dwelling a month (own image based on data from Greater London Authority (2011B)).
Figure 4.4: deprivation in London (own image based on information of the Greater London Authority (2011B)
Figure 4.5: flood risk within London (own image based on data of Greater London Authority (2011B)).
Potential corridor Urban green Green Belt Thames
Figure 4.6: green structure and future green corridors (own image based on data of Greater London Authority (2011B)).
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Flood risk 1%/year Thames
Lack of green Thames
Figure 4.7: lack of nature (own image based on data of Greater London Authority (2011B)).
The analysis started with looking to the bigger structures that are surrounding the project site and what kind of policy affects the area. The most important aspects of the analysis are explained below.
Urban fabric London is the capital of the United Kingdom and is home to approximately 8.3 million people (Large, 2013). The centre of the city is mainly situated around the City of London and from there follows the Thames in both directions (see figure 4.2). The central activities zone of the city contains two international centres that are located on the western side. Besides this international centres, there are a couple of so called metropolitan centres of which The Docklands is part of. The policy described in the London Plan (Greater London Authority, 2011) proposes to turn Battersea and Vauxhall into one of those metropolitan centres, so it will be comparable with the Docklands. Besides this metropolitan centres, there are approximately 40 major centres of which Brixton is part of. Within the city, there are major differences in the average rent a month . The overall pattern shows that rents in the eastern part are lower in comparison to the western part. Needless to say is that the rents are the highest in the City of London and the boroughs surrounding the central activities zone. The rents in Lambeth are also quite high in comparison with the rest of the city and are comparable to other boroughs on the southwest side of the river (see figure 4.3). Besides major differences in dwelling values, there are also major differences in amount of deprivation. Figure 4.4 shows that the areas on the eastern side of the City of London are most deprived. Important to know is that deprivation does not affect the whole borough, but that there are mostly spots that are more deprived. A good example is Tower Hamlets, that contains also the Docklands area. The borough itself is indicated as one of most deprived boroughs of London, but the Dockland area does not face major deprivation. Lambeth is the most deprived borough of the southwest part of London.
The expansion of London is limited by the Green Belt that functions as a buffer between the city and surrounding settlements. Inner London contains some big parks, like Hyde Park and Regents Park that are well used to play sports and enjoy the sun. Policy proposes to establish two big green connections between the city centre and the Green Belt that has an ecological and recreational value. The one in the south connects Battersea Park with the Green Belt in the south (see figure 4.6). The project site does not contain big parks or open spaces and this matches the data in the lack of green space map, which is made by the government (see figure 4.7). The map indicates places that are in need of an increase of the amount of green public spaces. It shows the lack of green public space is almost equally spread over the whole city and that there are no extreme differences in between boroughs in terms of the amount of parks, except for the boroughs close to the City of London that barely contains big public green spaces. Figure 4.5 shows the flood risks for London caused by the Thames. The river transports water from the higher parts of the UK to the North Sea. Because of the tide in the North Sea, the amount of water that can be disposed is dependent on the tide in the sea and causes inland tidal effects, because the supply of fresh water will remain continuous. This tide effect can result in floods within the city, that mostly affect the areas that are close to the Thames. The image shows that the whole Battersea area risks flooding. Because of this, the developments in this area should adapt to the realistic chance of flooding. In addition, the Greater London Authority advices to apply water storing elements in the areas that risk flooding, so the change of flooding decreases (Greater London Authority, 2011B).
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Figure 4.8: Indices of Multiple Deprivation (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
Figure 4.11: health deprivation (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
Figure 4.14: deprivation of the living environment (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
38 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 4.9: income deprivation (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
Figure 4.12: education, skills and training deprivation (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
Figure 4.15: crime (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
Figure 4.10: employment deprivation (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
Figure 4.13: barriers to the living environment (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
0 - 5 % most deprived 5 - 10% most deprived 10 - 20% most deprived 800m
Brixton and its surrounding areas face deprivation according to the Indices of Multiple Deprivation. This section elaborates on the IMD2010 by looking to different kind of deprivation within the project area by using data of the Greater London Authority (2011B) that elaborates on the amount of deprivation in London. The Indices are composed by the Social Disadvantage Research Centre at the Department of Social Policy and Social Research at the University of Oxford.
LSOA-zoning The purpose of the maps of the Indices of Multiple deprivation is to point out small areas who lack qualities and are qualified as areas of needs. The Indices are established by combining different indices which are related, namely the indices of multiple deprivation 2010 (IMD2010), the Income Deprivation Affecting Children Index (IDACI) and the Income Deprivation Affecting Older People Index (IDAOPI). The three different indices use Lower Layer Super Output Areas (LSOA), which are small areas with a population between the 1000 and 3000 people, respectively 400 to 1200 households (Office for National Statistics, 2011), to measure the amount of deprivation. Because of this, the different indices can be combined and compared.
IMD2010 Figure 4.8 until 4.15 show that there are big differences in the kinds of deprivation within the project area, but that they also show similar patterns what implies that some areas are more deprived in comparison with others. Figure 4.12 shows that the education, skills and training of the people in the whole area is above the 20 percent most deprived in the UK, what should imply that the population is educated as such that they are able to work. Nevertheless, the map of employment deprivation shows that the unemployment is quite high in some areas, like the area surrounding the centre of Brixton (see figure 4.10) . The income deprivation map shows similar
but strengthened pattern as the employment deprivation map, what makes sense because they are interdependent. The map shows that the population from the areas surrounding Brixton face low incomes. Besides this, the map covers much more places in comparison with the others, and shows that the area in between Battersea and Brixton also faces low incomes (see image 4.9). The map that represents the health deprivation shows that there are some areas that face health deprivation, but that there is not a very distinguished pattern recognisable. Again, some of the most deprived areas are situated surrounding Brixton (see image 4.11). The figure that elaborates on the crime in the area shows also the areas surrounding Brixton as an area of needs. The crime deprivation is made up by the amount of incidents, that include burglary, theft, criminal damage and violence. The pattern shows that mainly the areas on the northern side of the main road suffer from crime (see image 4.15). According to Lambeth Planning (2011) the violent crime rate in Lambeth is the highest of the whole UK, and mark Brixton as the centre. The last two maps elaborate on the living environment. The map of the deprivation of the living environment shows that almost the whole area is deprived and needs improvement. In this, the most deprived areas are those surrounding the centre of Stockwell and Brixton (see image 4.14). The deprivation of the living environment is made up by looking at the indoor environment and the outdoor environment which is exists out of the amount of air pollution and the amount of traffic incidents. The last map shows the barriers to the living environment. This map shows that it is very hard to find a house in the area and that current houses are overcrowded (see image 4.13. Looking to the overall picture of the deprivation within the area, the maps show that quite some domains are deprived (see image 4.8), with the barriers to the living environment and the deprivation of the living environment as major deprived domains. In contradiction, the deprivation of education is barely present in the area. The analysis will be used to specify the domains that the framework will address. As already mentioned, the empowerment of the people will mainly happen by improvements of the health and employment domain.
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GE LAR VAUXHALL
STADIUM AMERICAN EMBASSY
Shops Major centres Minor centres
Figure 4.16: centres (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
CINEMA AND THEATRE
Institutions Education centres
Figure 4.17: institutions and education (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
Water Connection Square Park
Figure 4.18: public space (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
40 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Major road Minor road Elevated traintrack Barrier Train station Tube station
Figure 4.19: connections and barriers (own illustration based on data of Greater London Authority (2011)).
4.3 Morphology This section shows the most important analysis of the area in between Brixton and Nine Elms and will elaborate on the key findings.
Centers and amenities Within a few years, there will be three main centres in the project area: Brixton, Battersea and Vauxhall. In this, Battersea and Vauxhall will contain large and exclusive shops that focus on people of the higher socioeconomic groups from all over the city and the shops will be comparable in with Mayfair and Bond Street in London. Besides shops, the area will also contain exclusive restaurants and luxury apartments. Brixton however is the opposite and contains small markets and informal businesses that are mainly used by the local population. But since a few years, the small markets are also used more often by people from other parts of the city that like the informal atmosphere of the area. It are mostly young professionals that are attracted to the centre and the owners of the markets anticipate on this new group of customers by the professionalisation of the businesses while mostly maintaining its authenticity and its small scale. This increasing number of people that make use of the centre of Brixton could be one of the main points of departure in the regeneration. Besides the small informal markets, the centre also contains a main shopping street with the more mainstream big brands, like H&M, M&S and Starbucks that serve mainly the local population. Besides this three key centres, there are also a few smaller shopping areas in between. Mostly those areas are developed along streets and contain the basic shops and restaurants to provide the daily needs (see figure 4.16). Figure 4.17 shows the institutions (hospitals, cinemas, stadiums etc.) and education centres in the area excluding the areas of Nine Elms and Brixton. The map shows that the institutions and education centres are spread over the whole area.
Public space The area between Nine Elms and Brixton lacks bigger public green spaces like parks. This can also be seen in the analysis of the parks and public spaces, that show that Larkhall park is the only big public space in between those three centres
(see figure 4.18). Larkhall park is a typical neighbourhood park that is used by the local population to play sports, walk the dog or enjoy the sun. The new developments in Nine Elms will contain a linear park that connects Battersea and Vauxhall, but also connects the new development to the Thames and to Battersea Park which is a big park in English landscape style that contains various facilities. Another connecting green element can be found in Brixton in which two park strips connect the centre to its surroundings that establish a north-south connection. This strip continues till the centre and from there it continues in a paved connection. On the southern part of this connection, the park strip transforms in a square that is called Windrush square. The urban fabric of Brixton contains no parks and hardly any vegetation, except for two trees in the centre of Brixton. Those two planes are therefore quite distinct and act on a lower scale as a way marker.
Connections and barriers The major infrastructure in between Nine Elms and Brixton connects mainly Southwark with the centres on the southwest side of London. This results in a southwest - northeast orientation of the major infrastructure and the creation of barriers in between the two areas. Fieldwork clarified that this main roads are used the most by the pedestrians to move through the area. Most likely this is caused by the wide pavements, clarity of the route and the bigger amenities along the roads. There are Northwest - southeast connections, but they exists out of minor roads that are connected by roads that are perpendicular, so the route is not continuous and people cannot move easily between the two areas. Small interventions and the implementation of paths in the parks could improve the connection between the three main centres. Another type of barrier is formed by the elevated train tracks that cross the area. Besides a visual barrier, the tracks also limit the physical connection. In addition, the distribution centre of Convent Garden is located in the area which is a vegetables, fruits and flours auction. The 16 hectares site of the company is edged by a wall and there is no penetration possible, and therefore the structure functions as a barrier (see figure 4.19).
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42 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 5.1: Larkhall park (own photo).
5. Framework to empower The fifth chapter elaborates on the proposed framework for the area. First, the concept will be explained that is used to establish the framework and afterwards the findings of the
case studies are explained. The last part elaborates on how the framework functions and how it affects the lower scale.
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LM E E
BRI XTO N
According to the literature review, displacement caused by regeneration projects can be minimised by focussing on the empowerment of the population. When socioeconomic outcomes of the population improve, they are more resistant to value changes caused by the new built redevelopment and less vulnerable to displacement. According to Chatterton and Bradley, this empowerment of the population can be achieved by focussing on the improvement of the employment, education and health outcomes, in which the last two are the most significant in the project area when looking to the analysis of the deprivation (see page 38). In addition, the literature review explored ways in which this empowerment could happen. Chatterton and Bradley argue that the employment of a population in an area can increase by creating work that match the skills of the population. In this it is important to consider that the jobs that are created also can be taken by people from other areas. Besides employment, the research showed ways to improve individual health outcomes within an area. The research mainly focussed on the relation between green and health because the analysis showed that the area contains a small amount of public green areas. The research provided evidence that being in green spaces has positive effects on health. This can be explained by the fact that green environments like parks stimulate physical activity, provide better air quality, decreases stress and fatigue and provides space for social interaction. Essential in this is that the residents use the green public space to benefit from the positive effects caused by those spaces.
EXPENSIVE DWELLINGS HIGH QUALITY AMENITIES
ACCESS TO THE THAMES
Recap of the research
One of the key findings from the analysis is that there are mainly two main centres in the area: Nine Elms and Brixton (see figure 5.2 and 5.3). The two centres cover both a different niche in which Nine Elms is a brand new business district that focuses on higher socioeconomic groups and provides exclusive restaurants and shops, different kinds of leisure and will provide access to the Thames. The centre of Brixton has a totally different character because it is more informal and authentic, and focuses more on the population of the surrounding neighbourhoods. The centre contains small shops that are mostly run by people from the area, like small mostly indoor markets, restaurants, grocery shops and popular clubs. In addition, the morphological analysis showed that there are no continuous connections between the two centres, which does not stimulate people to use the amenities of the other centres in the area.
VIBRANT CENTRE OF THE DEPRIVED NEIGHBOURHOOD MIXED POPULATION, MUCH AFRO-CARIBBEAN DEVELOPMENT OF SMALL MARKETS; INFORMAL MALLS POPULAR AMONG YUPPIES
This chapter explains the framework and the reasoning behind the proposed interventions. The sub question that will be answered by providing the framework is: which physical interventions within the existing urban fabric could improve the individual outcomes of the inhabitants of Brixton and its surrounding areas? The literature review and the analysis of the area played a key role in the creation of the framework and did set the scope for the intervention. The most important findings of the research are briefly summed up below. The entire research can be found in chapter 2, 3 and 4.
Figure 5.2: major elements of the Nine Elms - Brixton area (Google Earth, 2014).
â€ƒ Figure 5.3: centres in the project area (own illustration).
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22 MIN S
27 min. CONVENTGARDEN
Major road Minor road Elevated traintrack Barrier Train station Tube station
Figure 5.4: connections and barriers and fastest public transport connection (own illustration).
LUXURY SHOPS HIGH QUALITY SERVICES INDOOR LEISURE ACCESS TO THE THAMES
Instead of looking to the centres as competitors, the two centres can be an addition to each other since they contain businesses that cover a different niche. In this, people who dwell in Nine Elms can visit Brixton to enjoy a decent meal in one of the small restaurants in Brixton instead of travelling much further to Soho. Reversed, people of Brixton could go to Nine Elms to do more expensive shopping or to enjoy the view over the Thames while having a drink. Such a development will generate more customers in both places, and mainly for Brixton such an increase will make a difference because it is mainly focussed on local people. If the amount of people that visit Brixton increases, there is an opportunity to establish more businesses of the same kind that fit the character of Brixton. When those opportunities are taken by local people to start new businesses, the employment rates within the area will increase which will affect the individual outcomes of the population within the area. To establish this interchange of people between the two centres, a direct enjoyable connection is needed because when people have to travel for a long time the willingness to visit the place decreases (Gehl, 2011). The morphological analysis of the connections and barriers within the area showed that the current urban fabric contains several barriers like big roads, elevated train tracks and public spaces, and that there are no continuous and logic connections between Battersea and Brixton (see figure 5.4). The connections between Brixton and Vauxhall are better, but they also fall short because they are mostly focussed on the current centre which is located next to the site of the future centre. The same counts for the public transport between Battersea and Brixton. People have to change between different kinds of transportation and the traveling time is long. In contrast to the bad public transport connections with Battersea, the connection from Brixton to Vauxhall is very good because of the existing tube and bus connections.
Figure 5.5: the areas are an addition to each other instead of competitors (own illustration)
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MARKETS WORKSHOPS NIGHT LIFE RESTAURANTS
To establish a movement flow between Nine Elms and Brixton which will increase the amount of customers of the businesses in Brixton, the framework creates a direct and enjoyable connection Between Brixton and Nine Elms which will stimulate people to move in between the two centres (see figure 5.5). This connection is established in three steps. In the first step, the interesting areas that can add something to the network are explored. This exploration will result in the selection of public spaces that will be part of the network and will be used as intermediate goals (see figure 5.6). The second step is about connecting these different areas by highlighting existing connections within the existing urban fabric and by adding paths if there is no good connection. This connecting of the different interesting areas should be done in such a way that the routing is clear for the users and that it connects to different kinds of public transport, in which the focus will be on slow traffic and public transport (see figure 5.7). Thirdly, new green public spaces will be created along the route. Those new spaces will be created in places where the urban fabric provides opportunities. Those different spaces will fulfil different functions in the network (see figure 5.8). The addition of these green public spaces will make the route more enjoyable and will add intermediate goals to the network. Besides the effects on the bigger scale that focus on connecting the two centres, there are also positive effects on a smaller scale. Because different public spaces will be added and the routing to them will be improved, the willingness to use these public spaces will increase and the residents will probably use the public spaces more often. By using those spaces, the people will profit from the benefits of being in a green environment to health, like the good air quality, the creation of social ties and the reduction of stress and fatigue. In addition it will make people more physically active because they have to move to the spaces and when arrived they will be stimulated to be physically active. In addition, the network will stimulate people to do sports because it adds decent cycle lanes and wide pavements that facilitate space for different activities like running, cycling and roller skating.
Figure 5.6: 2: selection of the intermediate goals (own image).
Figure 5.7: 3: connection of those intermediate areas (own image).
Figure 5.8: 4: addition of green public space and the improvement of the existing public spaces (own image).
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Figure 5.11: analysis of the economic centres in the area (own image).
GE LAR VAUXHALL
Shops Major centres Minor centres
The first step to establish network is the selection of the spaces in the existing urban pattern that can function as intermediate goals. The analysis showed that almost the whole area is used for residential purposes and does not contain many distinct public spaces (see figure 5.10 until 5.14), only some small economic centres, a bigger park, some industries and a hospital. Those few potential spaces in the area are analysed and this resulted in a clear image of their physical layout, the amenities and the accessibility of the place. A summary of this analysis is described on the next pages.
5.2 Selecting intermediate goals The analysis of the economic centres marked the smaller economic centres that can be interesting to include in the route.
Figure 5.12: analysis of the public spaces (own image).
Figure 5.10: areas that are analysed in order to determine if they can be part of the framework (own image).
Water Connection Square Park
VAUX HA L
Figure 5.13: analysis of industries (own image).
BATT ER S
The analysis of the industries showed that Convent Garden forms a major barrier, and the analysis should provide more insight if this area can add something to the network.
The analysis of the public spaces showed that larkhall park is the only bigger public space that is located in between Brixton and Nine Elms, and therefore interesting to analyse.
Figure 5.14: institutions and education (own image).
Economic centre Big open space Big institution
48 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Institutions Education centres
CINEMA AND THEATRE
The analysis showed that there is a big hospital located in between Brixton and Nine Elms that possibly could add quality to the route.
Figure 5.15: location (own image).
Figure 5.16: proposal redevelopment new Convent Garden (source: http://www.nineelmslondon.com/ community/public-consultation)
new convent garden The first area that is analysed is new Convent Garden that is a big flower and vegetable auction, located on the northern side of the plan area. On the occasion of the regeneration of Nine Elms, new Convent Garden will also be regenerated and the layout of the volumes will change. In the new proposals, the eastern side of the area is mainly public and contains tall buildings. This part will also contain the auction and different kinds of shops. The other parts of the site will be used for distribution and will be closed of by a wall (see image 5.15 and 5.16). Because the major part of new Convent Garden is edged by a wall, the element is not suitable to be part of the network, except for the public part. This public part can be interesting to integrate in the framework because there will be people that travel from and to this area and they might use the network for this. Larkhall park Larkhall is the biggest park that is located in the project area and is mainly used by residents of the surrounding areas to recreate. The space offers a certain facilities, like playgrounds, sports courts and some cafĂŠs. The use of the park differs and mainly on sunny days the park is used by many people (see image 5.17 and 5.18). The park is an interesting element that can be part of the network and will be one of the major elements within the route between Nine Elms and Brixton and function as a (intermediate) goal. This mainly because the park is a vibrant area that offers different possibilities to recreate. In addition, there are some amenities that attract people from a distance, like the daycare and a football club.
Figure 5.17: location (own image).
Figure 5.18: Larkhall Park (own illustration)
Figure 5.19: location (own image).
Figure 5.20: Stockwell (own illustration)
Stockwell Stockwell is a small neighbourhood centre in between the two centres. This centre consists mostly out of small shops that sell daily needs, like supermarkets and small hardware shops. In addition this there are also some restaurants and bars and one of the biggest clubs of Lambeth is located in Stockwell. Besides a good bus connection to Brixton and other parts of London contains Stockwell also tube station that connects to Brixton and Vauxhall (see image 5.19 and 5.20). It is interesting to embed Stockwell in the network because it contains some major amenities, like the tube station and a big night club. Besides this, Stockwell is a vibrant place and there are always people in the streets. Stockwell is not the only small scale shopping area, but there are more small shopping zones that are comparable and also attract many people, like one close to Larkhall Park. Those areas are also interesting to incorporate in the network.
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Figure 5.21: location (own image).
Figure 5.22: Two Towers (own image).
Two towers The two towers area exists out of two tall residential buildings that are surrounded by a big semi-public space and is situated near the centre of Stockwell. The buildings itself function as landmarks and the space surrounding the residential buildings is used as a garden and some parts are used to park the cars. The garden is fenced off and residents of the building have no direct entrance to this green space, which makes the people use the space (see image 5.21 and 5.22). It is interesting to embed this area in the network because it contains a big garden which is one of the major gardens/parks in the area. Nowadays the garden is not used, which is a pity because the space has the potential to attract people from the neighbourhood and provide space for recreational amenities.
Hospital Lambeth Hospital is located near Brixton. The analysis showed that the hospital has only one entrance and that the other parts are totally fenced of by a wall. This results in the fact that the hospital is an island in the urban fabric which does not react on its context. In addition, there are not many amenities located around this hospital since the hospital is located in a residential zone (see image 5.23 and 5.24). Because there is not much interaction between the hospital and its surroundings, the amenity has not much to add to the network and therefore there is no priority to embed it in the structure.
Figure 5.23: location (own image).
Figure 5.24: Lambeth Hospital (own image).
The analysis major elements that are located in between Nine Elms and Brixton resulted in the selection of five elements that will have a prominent role in the intervention. Those five elements are Larkhall park, Two Towers, Stockwell and the two other small retail centres (see figure 5.25). Larkhall Hospital will be connected to the network, but will not function as an intermediate goal because the area does not react on its context and because of this adds no quality to the final structure. The Public part of new Convent Garden will also be connected to the structure, but will not function as intermediate goal.
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legend for all maps of the framework
New / improved park / garden New mall
Small scale shopping area Big scale shopping area
Bigger facilities in mall scale area Three centres that are connected
Path Connection to the network Tall way marker Way marker
Train station Tube station Bus station Train tracks
Cycle hire station
Existing buildings Existing retail
Markets and specialised shops Small shops for daily needs Exclusive shops Workshops
Recreational amenities related to the Thames Passive recreation Active recreation Culture Restaurants Cafes Clubs
Figure 5.25: the areas that will be part of the network (own illustration)
for all the maps of the framework
legend on the other side
5.3 case studies Tools to influence movement In order to connect the selected areas, research is done on routing and how to influence movement patterns of people. Loidl and Bernard (2002) state in their book that movement patterns are predictable and that it is possible to design the movement flows in an area by designing connections that together create a route. The authors talk about three main types of routes which differ in the way they function (see figure 5.27). The first ones are the directly goal-oriented paths that connects the user directly with the endpoint (a). One important aspect is that the user should be able to see the endpoint, so he knows where to go. The second group of paths are the shifted goal-oriented paths (b and c). In this, the user is not able to reach the endpoint in a straight line, but has to make a detour to reach its goal. Within this group there is a difference between positive controlled paths and negative controlled ones. The positive controlled paths make use of an interesting intermediate goal, which attracts the attention of the user. When arrived at this place, the user feels like he accomplished something, and from here he can see the end of the route. The negative controlled ones do not contain an intermediate goal. This results in a goal oriented approach with a detour, since there is an instinctive need to approach the goal directly. The last group of paths consist out of multiple intermediate goals to guide the user to its goal (d). In this, it is important that the intermediate goals are interesting to keep the user motivated to continue. In order to create the connections between the different points, the authors define elements that create or emphasise routes. In this, they made a classification of paths, path markers and way markers (see image 5.26). Paths indicate the location and direction of regular movement flows and connections (a). Mostly those paths are created by a physical linear element that exists of coherent path signs, like surface, width, profile and material, which strengthens the unity of the route and easiness to use.
Quite often path markers are used to emphasise a path by making it more distinct. Because of the increase in difference between de path and the surrounding area, it is easy to use the path and this makes it more pleasant to use it. In this, two groups can be defined; linear (b) and repetitive (c) path markers. Linear path markers mark the edge of the path and gives direction of which a row of trees is a good example. Repetitive path markers are more subtle and there is more distance between the elements, like striking lamp posts. The use of repetitive elements increases the uniformity of the path. When there is no defined path, way markers are used to move forward (d). Way markers are distinct elements in the landscape that are used to create routes. This way markers are elements that people use as a focal point and guide their movement. Examples of those elements are tree clusters in an open landscape and distinctive buildings.
Figure 5.26: path (a), path markers: linear (b) and repetitive (c) and way markers (d) (own illustration).
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Directly goal-oriented path Shifted goal-oriented path, negative controlled
Directly goal-oriented path, path negative controlled Shifted goal-oriented
Shifted goal-oriented path, positive controlled
Directly goal-oriented path
Shifted goal-oriented path, negative controlled
Shifted goal-oriented path, positive controlled
Multiplegoal-oriented intermediate path, goal-oriented Shifted negative path controlled
Shifted goal-oriented path, positive controlled
Multiple intermediate goal-oriented path
Shifted goal-oriented path, positive controlled
Multiple intermediate goal-oriented path
Multiple intermediate goal-oriented path
Concerning the case studies
Directly goal-oriented path
Legend on the other side
The next pages will show case studies of important routes that make use of the three main elements that can define a route. The first one is Maxima Park in Utrecht because it makes use they emphasised one major path, the second one is one of the ramblas in Barcelona because it makes use of linear path markers, The third is the Brandlijn in Rotterdam because of the use of repetitive path markers and the last one is Main Street in London that is known for its use of way markers. An elaboration of those cases will be given to explain how the route works and what kind of elements are important. This will be done by looking at the path, path markers and way markers that define the route. After this, a summary will be provided in from of a toolbox that summarises all the interventions that can be used to influence the movement of people.
Figure 5.27: different kind of paths according to Loidl and Bernard (2002) (own
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Legend for all maps of the case study
OTHER KINDS OF PATH MARKERS
Route Major / minor path
REPETITIVE PATH MARKERS
Major / minor tree Bench Ditch
LINEAR PATH MARKERS
Lamp post Planter Statue Outstanding building
Ground spot Outline of important building
Park Outline of the build mass Indication of function
Major / minor street
8 7 6
Figure 5.28: analysis of the Maxima park in Utrecht, showing the routing through the park. (own illustration)
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Path: Maxima park, Utrecht The Maxima park is a big park designed for the residents of Leidsche Rijn. The park contains different elements, like sports complexes, restaurants, garden centres and playgrounds. â€œHet Lintâ€? is a path within the park that connects the major elements, and makes them easy accessible (West8, 2013). The path is designed in such a way that it differs from the other paths in the park, which makes it one of the most predominant paths in the park. The analysis of the park itself is displayed in figure 5.28. The key elements that are used to influence the movement of the people is explained below.
Figure 5.29: network within the park (own illustration).
network. The park contains different types of paths that could be classified by their importance. In this, the Het Lint that is circular and runs along the border of the park. This major path is connected to the main infrastructure by width paths that indicate the major exits. Besides this major exits, there are intersections by more narrow paths that connect to the urban fabric and to the facilities in the park (see figure 5.29).
Repetitive Path markers. The
Figure 5.32: benches that function as repetitive path markers (own illustration).
Path. The major route is executed
Figure 5.30: major path within Leidsche Rijn (own illustration).
in asphalt, enclosed by two strokes of white kerbs. To separate different ways of traveling, there is a road marking which is in the shape of a flower. Because of this well designed path, it stands out in comparison to the other ones in the park and it is evident for the visitor that this is the path to follow (see figure 5.30).
direction of Het Lint is emphasised by repetitive path markers. This are benches that are incorporated in the path, in which they become part of the route. By using one type of bench in the whole park, the designers used the bench to create a coherence within the park and link the path to the infill of the park (see figure 5.32).
Other kinds of path markers.
Figure 5.33: tree clusters that emphasise the direction of the path (own illustration).
Along the path there are some guiding elements that support the direction of the path. Mostly this is done my the positioning of the trees, that guides the users in an intuitive way. This in combination with the strongly defined path makes the user move in the desired direction (see figure 5.33).
Linear Path markers. The major
Figure 5.31: tree line in accompanying the path (own illustration).
route is accompanied by different kinds of path makers to emphasise the importance of the path. One of the path markers are the lines of trees that are placed along the route (see figure 5.31). Besides the trees, there is also a ditch that runs along the path in some places. This ditch highlights the sense of direction and decreases the need to leave the path.
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REPETITIVE PATH MARKERS
LINEAR PATH MARKERS
Les Corts 100m
Figure 5.34: the analysis of Rambla del Brasil. (own illustration)
56 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Linear Path markers: rambla del Brasil, barcelona Rambla del Brasil used to be a heavily used street within the centre of Barcalona that connects two main streets to each other (Diagonal and Les Corts) and is mainly surrounded by residential functions. Because of the heavily used street, the living conditions around this street were dramatically low, and therefore the municipality decided to put the street underground and make public space for the neighbourhood on top. Because this space is created on top of the tunnel, it functions now as a slow traffic route that connects the two points mentioned above (see image 5.34) (Public space, 1997).
Figure 5.35: the rambla del brasil and its positioning within the network (own illustration).
network. The rambla is one of the dominant structures within the urban fabric. The only roads that intersects the structure are the major ones that have a connecting function on a bigger scale. The neighbourhood connections are subservient, and do not intersect with the structure and local traffic has to use the roads parallel to the rambla to reach streets that cross the structure (see figure 5.35).
Figure 5.37: trees and borders that emphasise the path (own illustration).
certain points (see figure 5.36).
Ramblas is accompanied by a line of trees, but also by linear borders. This borders emphasise the direction of the path and makes the space that can be used by people more narrow and more intimate. By this, the linearity of the element is emphasised and the sense of direction is increased. The borders that are mostly filled with grass are also used by people to rest and relax (see figure 5.37).
Repetitive Path markers. The
Figure 5.36: the elevated surface of the rambla (own illustration).
path is defined by two interventions, the actual paved path and the elevation of the structure. The elevation of the path separates the ramblas and the streets that run parallel to it, what minimises the nuisance of the cars and decreases the need to exit the structure, since this is only possible in
Linear Path markers. The
Figure 5.38: benches that function as repetitive path markers (own illustration).
route over the Rablas is emphasised by its furniture. Most evident are the big lampposts that are made of Corten steel that create a sense of direction and coherence. The other furniture, like the benches, are mostly made of the same material. Because of this, the Corten steel is one of the characteristics of the route, and people might recognise the route because of the use of this material (see figure 5.38).
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Figure 5.39: analysis of the Brandgrens (own illustration)
58 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Repetitive Path markers: BRandgrens, Rotterdam
The â€œBrandgrensâ€? is a line in Rotterdam that indicates the area that burned down because of a bombing by the Germans in 1940. Almost the whole inner city burned down and because of that, the municipality decided to mark this line by spots in the pavement. Some years later, the municipality made an audio tour that tells the people about the history of Rotterdam, while following the spots. Because of the success of the route, there are more things developing around the line, like memorials, museums and public space (see figure 5.39) (Stadsarchief Rotterdam, 2014).
Figure 5.40: the Brandgrens and its positioning within the network (own illustration).
network. The Brandgrens is not a designed route and does not follow the pattern of the city. It only indicates a historic border that sometimes also runs through building blocks. This results in the fact that the route people take does not correspond with the historic line, but that it connects points where the brandgrens is located within public space (see figure 5.40).
path. As already told in the
introduction, the route does not exist out of a continuous, coherent path, but it uses the existing structures (see figure 5.41)
Repetitive Path markers. The
Figure 5.42: the integrated spots (own illustration).
route is indicated by spots. Those spots are integrated in the pavement and mostly placed every 12 meters, at least when the line crosses public space (see figure 4.37). The problem with the route is that the path markers are not continuous, but sometimes there are huge gaps in between, because the line does not cross the public space. This results in the fact that people that want to use the route should know how they have to walk, for example by using the audio tour. The spots are recognizable during the day, but in the night they really emphasise the route (see figure 5.42).
Figure 5.41: pavement that is used to create the route (own illustration).
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ROUTE 2 3
Langham Palace/All Souls Church
4 6 5
Figure 5.43: analysis of New Street in London, connecting the Thames and Regents Park. (own illustration)
60 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Way markers: New Street, London new street is a route in London that connects the Thames and Regents Park. In between this two points, different spaces are used as in between stops and make the route more comfortable. The spaces that are crossed are Horse Guards, Piccadilly Circus, and Oxford Street. The street was meant to connect the city with the landscape, but nowadays the structure is located in the centre of London and is surrounded by shops and other kinds of amenities. The route is not marked by distinct paths, but the way makers guide the users to their destination (see figure 5.43) (Steenbergen & Reh, 2011).
Figure 5.44: the connection in relation to its context (own illustration).
Network. The connection between Regents park and the Thames is established within the urban pattern and exists out of a wide profile that intersects multiple smaller roads. The connection belongs to the major ones within the centre of London. Besides the smaller roads, the connection also intersects with some bigger structures, like Oxford street. Those important intersections are given more emphasis by adjustments of the urban fabric that make people aware of the importance of the crossing (see figure 5.44).
Figure 5.47: benches that function as repetitive path markers (own illustration).
Path. The route is situated in the
Figure 5.45: pavement that is used to create the route (own illustration).
Figure 5.46: the buildings change the direction of the route (own illustration).
urban fabric and movement takes place on the pavement along the roads. The path is mostly defined by the facades of the buildings, but also by trees that are placed on both sides of the road. Since the whole area uses the same kind of pavement, there is not a clear distinct path that marks the route (see figure 5.45).
Figure 5.48: statues used as way markers (own illustration).
way markers. Instead of a distinct path, there are buildings that guide the user: way markers. This buildings are placed in strategic places so they are visible from multiple points and users can use them as a point to navigate to (see figure 5.47a). Sometimes two way markers are combined to guide the user in a different direction (figure 5.47b).
Besides buildings, statues play an important role in navigating people. Those statues function in the same way as the buildings, but they are not that outstanding. Therefore, the statue is combined sometimes with path markers, like trees, to make them more distinct in the urban structure (see figure 5.48).
Path markers. The major route is defined by straight lines through the urban fabric. At some points the route changes direction and one of those is the Quadrant. Here, both the facades make a curve and direct the user naturally in the other direction (see figure 4.41). Besides this, the closer to the park, the more trees appear in the street to guide the people in the right direction and to announce the park (see figure 5.46).
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Path markers Linear
Path markers Repetitive
Facades of buildings
Benches cs: 1 and 2
Cs: 2 and 4
Line of trees
Spots in the pavement
Cs: 1, 2 and 4
Cs: 1 and 2
Elevated path Cs: 2
Two distinct buildings Cs: 4
Border Cs: 2
cs: 1, 2 and 4
Cluster of trees Cs: 1
Figure 5.49: elements that are influence the movement of people, put together in a toolbox that can be used to change the movement of people.
62 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
The findings of the four different case studies are summarised in the table besides (figure 5.49). The table shows all the principles that are extracted from the case studies and those can be used in different designs that are about influencing peoples movement and are grouped according to the classification of Loidl and Bernard (2002). Looking to the different case studies, it can be seen that they make use of a combination of different elements to influence the movement of people. By this, the different interventions strengthen the sense of direction and the route will be easier to follow. This toolbox is used in the design of the routes in between Nine Elms and Brixton. The next sections will elaborate in which way this connection is established and which tools are used. Because the connection between Brixton and Battersea is not continuous, the network mainly focusses on this connection. The connection of Brixton and Vauxhall is not excluded but the emphasis is given to the other one.
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5.3 connecting the intermediate goals Way markers To establish a connection on the bigger scale, the tall buildings in the area are used to guide the users to their destination, as in the case study of New Street. The most important centres within the area contain high buildings that can be seen from a distance. Battersea contains the Battersea Power Station, of which the chimneys are the elements that can be seen from a large distance, in Vauxhall it is the George Wharfs Tower and the to be developed tall buildings, the area of Two towers contains two major tall residential buildings and Brixton contains one tall building that is used as a hotel. This landmarks will be used to indicate the direction people have to go and provide a sense of direction (see figure 5.50 and 5.52). In addition to the way markers on the bigger scale, smaller elements are used on the local scale to direct people in a certain direction. Because the elements are smaller, the visibility of the way marker is more dependent on the local conditions. Important aspects are for example the elements in the street profile like trees and the linearity of the street. Examples of those small way makers are a church that is situated on the end of a street close to Brixton and for example the tall trees of Larkhall park (see figure 5.51). The most way markers that are used within the network are existing or planned buildings or trees. One exception is the tube station called Nine Elms, which is located on the south side of Vauxhall. By the implementation of this new way marker, people who use the route will be guided from the station to the new American Embassy, that is located in the new centre of Vauxhall (see image 5.64 on page 70). To ensure that the building of the new station will function as way maker, the building will be taller than the surrounding buildings (at least 18m) and will exceed the setback to be the most dominant building in the area. For the functioning of the way markers, it is important that the marker is visible, which means that the view should not be blocked by trees or other tall elements. Therefore, in narrow streets, new trees will be planted on one side and the connection will be applied on the other side of the street in order to keep the way markers visible. Not all the trees that are on the side of the connection will be removed, and it depends on the amount of trees and the seize of the crown whether trees have to be cut. It is important that the way markers can be seen at some crucial points on the routes, like junctions and in some places along the route to provide the users a sense of direction (see image 5.53). 64 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 5.50: way markers that function on a large scale (own illustration)
Figure 5.51: way markers that function on a smaller scale (own illustration)
Figure 5.52: photos of that show the three landmarks of from the park that indicate the centres. (a) Battersea with the Battersea Power Station, (b) Vauxhall with its skyscraper and (c) the direction of Brixton by three tall residential buildings (own images).
VISUALLY EMPTY ZONE
Figure 5.53: example of the a street with the empty zone and the view towards the way markers (own image).
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Figure 5.54: section of the path in the park (own illustration)
Figure 5.56: section of the path in a wide street (own illustration)
66 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 5.55: section of the path in a narrow street (own illustration)
Path and path Markers As in the reference cases, multiple tools of guiding people are used. Besides the use of way markers, a clearly defined path will be used to mark the connections within the framework. This path will exists of a wide pedestrian zone that is marked by two wide kerbs on both sides. This kerbs will emphasise the path and will be an element that people will recognise within the urban fabric. Besides a good pedestrian zone, there will be a proper cycle lane that will mostly exists out of a separate lane on the road (see figure 5.55 and 5.56). When there is enough space the cycle lane will be separated from the fast traffic and be situated next to the pavement, in which they together from a continuous element (see figure 5.54). To ensure that the path is consistent in the whole network, three main sections are provided, one for narrow streets, one for bigger roads and one for in parks and gardens. The first section is the one who runs through the park and bigger public spaces. The cycle path and the pedestrian zone are situated next to each other to create one continuous element and to minimise the fragmentation of the space. The cycle lane is lowered, to increase the separation of the two kinds of traffic. Besides guiding the users by the way markers, the directions will be clarified by marks on the asphalt that indicate when people have to switch to another path and give an indication of the distance to the main destinations. Those tags will have the same colour as the existing cycle lanes in London (see figure 5.54). The second section is the one of the narrow street. In this case, the road is turned into an one way street in order to create space for the pavement and to maintain the parking lots alongside the road. The cyclists will use the streets and because of the narrow road, the cars should anticipate on the cyclists. On the streets will be the same tags as on the cycle lanes in the park, to emphasise the fact that cyclists have priority (see figure 5.55). The last section contains a wide profile. The profile is comparable with the section of the narrow street, but now the cyclists make use of the blue stroke, that indicates the cycle lane. This stoke is placed on the bus lane. This choice is made because the bus drivers are more used to the cyclist because this combination is made more often in London (see figure 5.56). As already mentioned, a wide kerb is used to emphasise the different lanes. This kerb will also be used to place furniture like bicycle racks, benches, lampposts and trash bins, to create a consistent structure and to avoid that those elements block traffic flows (see figure 5.57). Figure 5.57: different uses of the kerb (own illustration)
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Figure 5.58: implementation of the path in the park (own illustration)
Figure 5.59: the profile that will be applied in the parks and bigger public green spaces (own illustration).
68 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 5.60: kerb with sitting possibility and lamp post (own illustration)
Figure 5.61: implementation of the profile of the small street (own illustration)
Figure 5.62: the profile that will be applied on the narrow streets (own illustration)
Figure 5.63: kerb with space for the tree (own illustration)
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Figure 5.64: implementation of the wide profile (own illustration)
Figure 5.65: the wide profile (own illustration).
70 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 5.66: kerb with bus stop (own illustration)
Rules for the situation of the path
Connection to the current systems
As can be seen in the three default profiles on the previous pages, the path is located on one side of the profile. To decide on which side within the existing profile the path will be applied, a few principles are set that help making this decision (see figure 5.67. The first principle is that the path should be applied on the side of the profile that provides the most space. Looking at the current profiles, one side of the profile contains often a wider pavement, compared to the other one. Because of this, it will be easier to use this side of the profile for the path. The second rule is to look at the amount of view blocking elements in the street. If one side has significantly more trees of a good quality, it makes sense to place the path on the other side of the road, so that the way markers are visible from the path without removing too many good trees. The third principle is that the side of the road that catches most sun is preferably the one to choose to apply the path. Since it is most of the times quite cold in London, people enjoy walking in the sun. Maybe more important than the rules summed up above, is that there should be a consistency in the side that is chosen. This means that the path should be located on the same side when the road is continuous, so people do not have to cross the street too often, which makes the route more pleasant.
Besides connecting Nine Elms and Brixton, the network also connects to the main infrastructure of the surrounding areas. The analysis showed that people nowadays walk and cycle mostly along the bigger streets that are crossing the area from the southwest to the northeast. By connecting to those bigger roads, people can easily access the route and move to points within the route, or use the route to travel to points outside the project area (see figure 5.68). Because of the good facilities for slow traffic along the route, it will be more pleasant to use the connections within the network compared to the existing ones. This connection is for example done by connecting the new bicycle paths to the existing ones and by using the same materials. In this, the blue colour that is used to indicate cycle lanes is used in the new design for the bicycle lanes, so that people easily recognise the which lane is mend for certain kinds of traffic. The kerb that adjoins the lane will distinguish the new path from the existing ones. The same principle counts for the pedestrian lanes. The new ones will be connected to the existing network, in which the materialisation makes the distinction between the connection between Nine Elms and Brixton and the other ones. The tile that is used for materialisation of the new pavement is the same as used in other parts of London to mark spaces where activity occurs.
Use the side where the most space is available
Use the side that catches most sun
Use the side that contains the smallest amount of trees
Figure 5.67: rules that define the side of the profile where the path is applied (own illustration)
Figure 5.68: major infrastructural roads to which the new routes connect (own illustration)
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Wide profile Small profile Separated profile Important roads to connect to
Roads to connect to
Figure 5.69: implementation of the different paths for slow traffic (own illustration)
By applying the path, path markers and way markers in the existing urban fabric in between the intermediate goals, routes are highlighted that connects Brixton to Nine Elms. This resulted in roughly two routes, in which the one can be characterised by its vibrant and lively character and the other is more calm and peaceful. The connection on the east of the project area is the more vibrant one and connects Brixton to Vauxhall, via the small shopping areas, clubs and a skating. The other one, located in the west of the project area, runs through a residential area with narrow streets with a low traffic density. This side is less vibrant, but there is also a small amount of nuisance of traffic. The map of the different routes is displayed in figure 5.69.
Public transport in between Battersea and Brixton Besides a slow traffic network, the public transport network is also improved. Because nowadays there is no direct connection between Battersea and Brixton, some bus lines that run from Brixton to Vauxhall will be changed so they will pass Larkhall Park and Battersea to finally end up in Vauxhall. This change will make the public transport connection between those two area much quicker, but will also make the area in between more accessible (see figure 5.70). Because Vauxhall and Brixton are connected by frequent running tube line, the connection between those two centres will not be affected.
Bus line with stop Tube line wit stop
Figure 5.70: proposed public transport network (own illustration)
BArcleys bicycle hire network
The bicycle hire network of London will be expanded into the area. This system covers nowadays only the central parts of London and the area on the south side of Larkhall Park does not contain the docking stations where people can hire or return the bike, and which makes it unattractive for people to use the bike to cycle to Brixton because they cannot dock the bike. Therefore the system will be continued until Brixton in which people can cycle for 50 pence in 9 minutes from Brixton to the Battersea Power Station (see figure 5.71) .
Existing bike docking station New bike docking station
Figure 5.71: proposed bike system network (own illustration)
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Different ways of traveling between Battersea and Brixton
By applying the path, people can easily move between Nine Elms and Brixton. This is shown in figure 5.72 and 5.73, that show the time it takes to move between the centres, using different means of transportation.
The map aside shows four different recreational routes that make use of the new profiles proposed by the framework. Again, an indication of the duration of the route is given. Those routes are not fixed, which makes that people can use parts of the routes. So can people from Brixton use the routes to connect to the Thames walk (see figure 5.74).
Figure 5.72: time estimations for traveling between Battersea and Brixton by different kinds of transportation (own illustration)
14 12 MINUTES
Figure 5.73 : time estimations for traveling between Battersea and Brixton by using multiple kinds of transportation (own illustration)
74 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
STOCKWELL Brixton - Two Towers - Stockwell Stockwell Road - Brixton
Brixton - Two Towers - Larkhall - Stockwell Stockwell Road - Brixton
13MIN. TWO TOWERS
Brixton - Two Towers - Larkhall - Linear Park - Stockwell Larkhall - Stockwell Road - Brixton
Brixton - Two Towers - Larkhall - Battersea - Thames Walk Vauxhall - Stockwell - Larkhall - Stockwell Road - Brixton
BRIXTON Figure 5.74 : recreational routes created by the addition of the new profile (own illustration).
Connecting the courtyards to the public space Merging smaller public spaces into one bigger one Turning streets into a communal space for the neighbourhood Use vacant area to create public space
Figure 5.75: different kinds of interventions to create green public spaces (own illustration)
5.3 creating more green public space The analysis showed that the area in between Brixton and Nine Elms contains a small amount of public green spaces. Larkhall is the biggest park in the area and there are some smaller semi-public gardens. Besides this, the streets do not contain many trees and most front gardens are paved and fenced by a wall made out of brick. A closer look into the urban fabric showed that there are several opportunities to create green public spaces along the routes, without demolishing buildings. Those opportunities are used which resulted in five kinds of interventions that will increase the amount and the quality of the (public) green spaces of the project area. Those different kinds of interventions are (see Image 5.75 and 5.76): 1.
connecting the courtyards to the public space;
merging smaller public spaces into one bigger public space;
turning streets with a small amount of traffic into a communal space for the neighbourhood;
use vacant areas to create public space;
and stimulate the people to greening their front gardens.
Creating more green public spaces and improving the existing ones will make the network stronger, because it will make the surroundings of the route more divers and enjoyable, which will increase the willingness to use the route. Maybe more important is that the residents of the surrounding areas benefit from those improvements. Because of the improvement of the green spaces within the urban fabric, the willingness to use the improved spaces will increase and people will use the spaces more often. The use will positively affect health outcomes of the surrounding residents because it will provide a good air quality, create or strengthen the social ties they are stimulated to be physically active and it decreases stress and fatigue.
Because the areas are mainly improved for the residents of the area, it is important that the space itself and its amenities suit the demands of the population so that the improvements will have a positive effect on the residents. Therefore the residents should get a participative role in the ideation in order to explore what those needs are. This participation can happen in different ways which is dependent on the kind of intervention and the willingness of the people to participate.
Figure 5.76: different kinds of interventions to create green public spaces (own illustration)
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Connection of the courtyards to the public space
Figure 5.77: location (own illustration).
Figure 5.78: extend the courtyard to the street (own illustration).
The first intervention to increase the amount of green public space is the connection of the courtyards to the public space. Nowadays, many courtyards are not used by the residents and mostly they do not have access to the space straight from the building and have to walk around the building to enter the courtyard (see figure 5.77 until 5.80). Because of the big amount of unused courtyards, some of those spaces could be improved to attract the residents of the surrounding buildings and people from the neighbourhood to this places. This can be done by creating new building entrances on the side of the courtyard so people can directly enter the spaces and by the addition of interesting amenities. In addition, the places could be made more public by removing the fences around the spaces, so residents of the surrounding areas are also able to make use of the space. If there is need for a semi-public space for only people from the neighbourhood, shrubs can be used to establish an informal separation that makes the space more private (1). It can be possible that people that dwell in the apartment blocks do not want people from outside using â€œtheirâ€? space because they think that the use by other people will cause disturbance. This could be partly true, but the courtyards will not function as intermediate goals in the route and will mainly be interesting from people of the neighbourhood, so the disturbance will be limited. In addition, the use by other people will make the space more lively. The interventions within the courtyards could take place when the spaces are ready for renovation. In the area are many semi-public spaces regenerated in which the housing corporations try to increase the living conditions within the area.
Figure 5.79: one of the areas marked as potential location to connect the courtyard to the public space (Google Earth, 2014)
>> Interest group of residents of the surrounding
buildings and the residents (participation).
>> Housing corporation (capital) >> Municipality (initiator and part of the capital) Possible examples of amenities
>> Elements to sit in order to rest and stimulate interaction between people. (2)
>> Elements to play and be physically active, like swings, see saw, football court etc. (3)
>> Communal garden for people to meet and to organise activities. (4)
78 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 5.80: before and after impression of what the area could look like after the intervention (Google Earth, 2014)
Merging multiple public spaces into one
Figure 5.81: location (own illustration).
Figure 5.82: merging of public spaces (own illustration).
The second intervention is about merging smaller green spaces in order to obtain a bigger, efficient space. This intervention is for example proposed for the area of Two Towers, where a road separates two spaces. One is a small public park which is edged by a communal garden. This park is often unused and the space does not contain interesting amenities. The other space is a garden that belongs to the residents of the tall residential buildings that are used as way markers in the framework. This space is barely used because the entrance of building is located on the other side of the building to connect immediately to the road (see figure 5.81 until 5.84). Since the road is not crucial in the urban pattern, the two spaces can be merged what will result in a bigger space that can contain interesting amenities. By removing the fences around the different spaces and the introduction of some interesting amenities, the space can become a vibrant and attractive place for the residents of the area and people of the surrounding neighbourhoods. As also mentioned in the example before, there is a chance that people are afraid for disturbance because of the increased use of the space. However, the space will be mainly attractive for people from the area and not so much for people that are making use of the route to travel between Brixton and Nine Elms and the increased use can improve the liveliness of the area.
Figure 5.83: one of the areas marked as potential location to merge smaller spaces into one bigger space (Google Earth, 2014)
>> Interest group of residents of the surrounding
buildings and the residents (participation).
>> Housing corporation (capital) >> Municipality (initiator and part of the capital) Possible examples of amenities
>> Elements to sit in order to stimulate interaction between people. (1)
>> Elements to play and be physically active, like swings,
see saw etc.
>> Communal garden for people to meet and to organise activities.
>> Open space to do activities (2)
Figure 5.84: before and after impression of what the area could look like after the intervention (own Illustration)
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Turning streets into a communal space for the neighbourhood
Figure 5.85: location (own illustration).
The third intervention makes also use of the rarely used roads within the project area. Those roads could be transformed into public space that contains interesting amenities for the people of the surrounding area. This intervention will be applicable to residential areas that lack public space and contain streets that are not crucial within the network. The example illustrated on this page is located in the residential area close to Brixton. In this area there is not much traffic so some streets do not have an important function in the network and are not heavily used by cars. This creates the opportunity to turn the street into public space. This small new public spaces will mainly serve the local population and the infill of the space should match the needs of the people that make use of the space. However, it is important that the space should not loose its connecting function for slow traffic, so pedestrians and other kinds of slow traffic are still able to use them to move along and the penetrability of the urban fabric is not decreasing (see figure 5.85 until 5.88). Replacing paved areas by non-paved areas will have positive effects on health, because of the effects of green areas on health. In addition, the change of material will have positive effects on the urban heat island effect en enables rain water infiltrate in the soil.
Figure 5.86: turn the street in communal space (own illustration).
Figure 5.87: areas marked as potential location to change the street into a public space (Google Earth, 2014)
>> Municipality (initiator and capital) >> Residents (participation) 1
Possible examples of amenities
>> Elements to sit in order to stimulate interaction between people. (1)
>> Elements to play and be physically active, like swings, see saw etc.
>> Communal garden for people to meet and to organise activities.
>> Allotment gardens >> Flower gardens (2)
80 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 5.88: before and after impression of what the area could look like after the intervention (own illustration).
Turning vacant spaces into green public space
>> Municipality (initiator and part of the capital) >> Residents (participation and bottom-up process) >> Owner of the vacant site (providing space)
Figure 5.89: location (own illustration).
Figure 5.90: using vacant spaces (own illustration).
In the urban fabric between Nine Elms and Brixton are some vacant areas that will be redeveloped, in which they will be used for future residential/commercial developments. Because those sites are often vacant for some time, those areas can be used as a space for temporary amenities. One example of such an area is a big vacant site in the centre of Brixton that was used for storage. The building is torn down and a big empty site is left (see figure 5.89 until 5.92). Because there are no concrete plans for the redevelopment of the site yet, the area could get a temporary use, so the plot is maintained while it is being used. There is whole range of amenities that could get a place in the area, but it is important to keep in mind that this use is temporary and after some time it will be removed and the site will be build. Therefore a bottom-up approach could be useful to find a decent infill that suits the demands of the population while keeping the costs for this not permanent intervention low.
Figure 5.91: one of the areas marked as space that can be used for temporary uses (Google Earth, 2014)
Possible examples of amenities
>> Elements to play and be physically active, like swings, see saw etc.
>> Sports courts >> Site for urban agriculture >> Site for urban farming >> Site for festivities >> Temporary market site >> Flower meadow with possibilities to sit and rest
Figure 5.92: before and after impression of what the area could look like after the intervention: turned into urban farming (own Illustration)
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Stimulate people to green their front gardens
Because major parts of the route are edged by front gardens, the use of this space plays an important role in how people experience the street (see figure 5.93 until 5.96). Looking to the current state of most front gardens it is clear that the most are paved and contain a wall out of brick to mark the edge of the property. This layout of the space in front of the houses is not enjoyable and does not add quality to the route. Therefore the framework proposes to set up a strategy that stimulates people to maintain and green their garden. This can for example be done by a sort of event in which people in the same street work on the greening of their garden. By doing this together, the pressure to do it is higher and people get to know each other and will increase the social ties within the neighbourhood. In addition, people are physically active while working in their garden, which will affect health outcomes positively. In addition to greening the garden itself, the wall made of brick can be replaced by a hedge. In addition, the greening of the paved front gardens will also cool the area and will create possibilities for the infiltration of rain water.
Figure 5.93: location (own illustration).
Figure 5.94: greening of the gardens (own illustration).
Figure 5.95: areas marked as potential location to greening the front gardens (Google Earth, 2014)
>> Municipality (initiator) >> Residents (execution and capital)
Examples of possible interventions
>> Replacing the wall by a hedge (1) >> Adding trees >> Changing the paved areas into gardens (2)
Figure 5.96: before and after impression of what the area could look like after the intervention (own illustration).
82 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Improvement of the green public space Next to the creation of new green public spaces, existing spaces will be improved in order to attract more people. To find out what aspects of the existing spaces can be improved, a list of eight reasons why public space fails assembled by Project for Public Space (also referred to as PPS) is used to evaluate the public spaces that are located in between Nine Elms and Brixton. Those eight aspects are assembled by PPS by using findings of their own research and by the work of key authors that they classify as â€œplacemakersâ€?, like Jacobs, White and Gehl (CROW, 2008 & Project for Public Space, 2014). This list will be used because it names the things that often go wrong in existing situations, contrary to many other methods that summarise what the basics are for a good public space, what makes it easier to assess the areas. The eight reasons why public spaces fail according to Project for Public Space (CROW, 2008) are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
the lack of places to sit; the lack of places to gather; poor entrances and visually inaccessible spaces; dysfunctional features; paths that do not go where people want to go; domination of a space by vehicles; blind walls or dead zones around the edges of a place; and inconveniently located transit stops.
The eight points will be assessed by evaluating each point on the list, by ranking the priority and indicating the location of the dysfunctionally. Finally, the main issues will be clarified and interventions can be proposed based on these findings. An example how such an evaluation could look like can be found on page 110, in which Larkhall park is evaluated on its discrepancies.
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5.3 future developments along the route 5.3.1 development of amenities along the route When the route is often used by people, opportunities will be created to develop new amenities along the network, like the development of shops, cafés, workshops, restaurants etcetera. To improve the readability of the area, these new amenities should be clustered in places where more of the same kind of amenities are situated. Besides the improvement of the readability of the area, the places where the amenities are clustered will be more attractive to people to visit because the supply of amenities is higher and the area will be more vibrant (see figure 5.96. In this, Nine Elms offers space for the more exclusive shops and amenities that focus on the higher socioeconomic groups. Examples of this are department stores of the big and more expensive brands and restaurants that serve exclusive food. Small shops that serve the daily needs will be clustered in the shopping street above Larkhall park, the shopping area along Stockwell Road and in the two shopping centres in Stockwell. In this, the focus will be on the main centre of Stockwell because this centre is well connected by public transport. In addition, the centre contains the most opportunities for businesses to settle down because it contains some empty business spaces. All the small businesses that do not belong to the average kind of businesses and strengthen the identity of Brixton like workshops, small specialised restaurants and businesses that cover a specific niche, should settle down in the centre of Brixton. Recreational amenities should settle down in Larkhall Park, around Two Towers or in one of the new green public spaces. The difference between Larkhall and two towers will be that Larkhall focusses more on the big scale active recreation and the two towers area will contain more opportunities for small scale and passive recreation. Some new amenities can settle down along the whole route. This are for example cafés and playgrounds.
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Next to the permanent amenities, there are also opportunities created for temporary amenities along the routes. An example is an art route, in which the people are guided along different kinds of art installations and local galleries by using the new routes. Another example is the Breeze festival that is organised in Brixton every year. Parts of the festival can take place in the public green spaces along the line, in which all the main activities stay in the centre of Brixton, but maybe smaller stages or side activities can take place in public green spaces along the line.
5.3.2 Phasing It is important to be aware that the network does not have to be realised at once and that there is no need to do this since the developments in Nine Elms will be developed within a time span of tens of years. Therefore many elements can be developed when areas are in need of refurbishment or redesign. An example are the street profiles that should be changed in order to provide space for the network. The adjustments in the profiles can be done when the asphalt has to be renewed or when the street is in need of restructuring. The same counts for the adjustments in the public space. In the case of Larkhall and some other public spaces, the space is renewed when there is money available from the municipality as subsidies or when the areas are in need of refurbishment.
New / improved park / garden New mall
Small scale shopping area Big scale shopping area Bigger facilities in mall scale area Three centres that are connected
Connection to the network Tall way marker Way marker Thames Walk
Train station Tube station
Bus station Train tracks Cycle hire station
Markets and specialised shops
Small shops for daily needs Exclusive shops Workshops Offices
Recreational amenities related to the Thames Passive recreation Active recreation Culture Dv
Figure 5.96: map of the network with an indication where to increase the amenities (own illustration)
Regional: business, retail and access to the Thames
Regional: retail and culture
District: active and passive recreation
Local: small scale retail
District: active and passive recreation
Borough: small scale retail and workshops Dv
District: markets and nightlife 125m
Figure 5.97: final map of the framework (own illustration)
5.4 how the framework affects individual outcomes The aim of the framework is to establish an increase of individual health and employment outcomes of the people that dwell in the area surrounding Brixton which face deprivation (see figure 5.97). Therefore this chapter sums up the effects that the framework has on those two domains and elaborates on the limitations of this physical interventions.
5.4.1 Employment The establishment of the connection between Nine Elms and Brixton aims to increase employment outcomes of the people that dwell in the surroundings of Brixton who are unemployed. This connection will stimulate people of Nine Elms to visit Brixton to make use of its amenities like the small shops and specialised restaurants. This increase of people that make use of the centre of Brixton will lead to the creation of new possibilities for new business to open. If these possibilities are taken by the people from the area, the unemployment rates will increase, which will affect individual outcomes. In addition, when the connection is used by people, possibilities will be created along the routes to add new businesses, like galleries, small shops etcetera. Those possibilities can be taken by the people from the area which again will positively affect employment outcomes of the residents.
5.4.2 Health In addition to the improvement of employment outcomes, the framework focusses on the improvement of health outcomes. In order to do this, the framework focussed on the improvement of the public green spaces, since making use of green spaces affects health positively.
The first intervention proposed is the improvement of the public green spaces itself. This improvements aim to suit the expectations of the residents in terms of public green spaces and intend to satisfy the needs of the users. By those improvements, the green spaces will be more attractive and by this residents will be stimulated to make use of the spaces. Besides the improvement of the public green spaces itself, the connections to those spaces are improved. By the insertion of wide pavements and cycle lanes that connect to the current main lines of the urban fabric, the willingness of the residents to use the green spaces will increase since the routes towards the spaces are more easy accessible. In this, the movement to the public spaces itself will also have a positive effect on health outcomes of the users because they will be physically active. In addition, the route itself will stimulate people to be physically active. The current fabric does not contain wide continuous lanes to cycle or walk, which creates unclear and unsafe situations. By applying the path, the conditions will improve and people are stimulated to use the paths. For example width, continuous and safe cycle lanes. This is not only the case for cycling, but it will also stimulate people to jog, run, skate etcetera.
5.4.3 Limitations The limitations of the framework in relation to the empowerment of a population is that the urbanist can only affect the physical environment. In this they can only provide spaces where empowerment can happen and create physical conditions that support this empowerment. In order to increase the effectiveness of the framework, other disciplines should be involved in the process that can directly influence empowerment, like more social disciplines that can improve skills of the population and can help to stimulate people to take the opportunities that are provided.
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Figure 6.1: intervention in Brixton to connect the routes to the centre of Brixton (own image).
6. A closer look The thesis looked at three critical details that are important for the framework to function and empower the residents of the surrounding areas. Those three areas are Battersea, Larkhall
and Brixton, which have all a different function within the framework (see figure 6.2).
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Provides access tot he Thames for inhabitants of Brixton.
Access to a big public space that contains different interesting amenities.
Improvement of the park by small interventions to increase the willingness to use the space.
Create an interesting intermediate goal in the framework.
Figure 6.2: image of the three critical details and their location within the route system (own image).
Provide spaces that facilitate spaces for local people to start a small business that suit the image of Brixton.
Connect the centre of Brixton directly to the framework.
Figure 6.3: intervention in Brixton to connect the routes to the centre of Brixton (own image).
6.1 bRIXTON Brixton is the main centre of Lambeth and contains characteristic indoor and outdoor markets and small shops that are located in malls. The centre attracts nowadays an increasing amount of people from all over London because of its authentic character and this unusual shops. Because of this increase of people that use the amenities in the area, the businesses professionalising while it remains its vibrant multicultural character.
Because Brixton is one of the main centres of the framework and the increase of people because of the interventions will give an economic impulse to the centre, a detail of the intervention is made. It shows how the route is connected to the centre of Brixton and where new businesses can be situated to take advantage of the increasing amount of people that use the centre (see figure 6.3).
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Figure 6.4: map of Brixton with the most important elements (own image based on existing image (Google Earth, 2014)).
6.1.1 â€ƒ impression of Brixton 6.5 Non professionalised shop in one of the malls (own image). 6.6 Windrush square that is regenerated a few years ago (own image). 6.7 The narrow mall closest to the main street (own image). 6.8 Permanent outdoor market which has every day of the week a different theme (own image). 6.9 Car storage between the train tracks (own image). 6.10 Proffesionalised shop in one of the malls (own image). 6.11 Small grocery shop in the colours of the Jamaican flag (own illustration). 6.8
6.12 Terrace outside the mall (own image).
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XL SH OPS
Figure 6.13: historical map of Brixton of approx. 1840 (urban75.org, 2012).
Figure 6.14: shops in Brixton (own illustration).
Figure 6.15: markets in the mall (own illustration).
Figure 6.16: public space in Brixton (own illustration).
Figure 6.17: movement in Brixton (own illustration).
Figure 6.18: users of Windrush square (own illustration).
Street and pavement
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FIGURE 6.18 Move Stay
6.1.2 Introduction to Brixton The analysis played a key role in the ideation of the interventions for the centre of Brixton, of which the most important outcomes are described below.
History Brixton has a dynamic history in which the character of the place changed multiple times. In the 18th century, when the city had the seize of the City of London nowadays, Brixton was a place where the nobility went to retreat from the city. The area was characterised by big agricultural plots with in between the big estates of the higher socioeconomic groups (see figure 6.13). In the years after, Brixton faced urbanisation and became part of the urban fabric of London (Howard, 2002). The identity of the centre changed during the second world war, when the Germans made a miscalculation and accidentally bombed Brixton, instead of the city of London which resulted in big gaps in the urban fabric. After the war, the big estates were turned into boarding houses for the people of which the houses were destroyed. To supply housing for as many people as possible, the big houses were divided in multiple small ones that were led for low prices. Besides homeless people from London, immigrants were attracted to Brixton because of the low dwelling values and they established later the in- and outdoor markets in which they sold mostly food and hardware. The kind of immigrants that searched in Brixton for a home was comparable with the other parts of London, with the difference that it attracted many people from Jamaica and other Afro Caribbean areas (Howard, 2002). Because the population of Brixton faced poor living conditions and a high employment rate in combination with the bad image of the centre, the government took measures that aimed to fix up the deprived parts. This approaches appeared to target the black population. This created tensions between the different ethnicities and resulted in riots of the 1980ies. Those riots appeared not only in Brixton, but all over the city those kinds of protests popped up (Howard, 2002). The combination of the riots together with the bad living conditions made the municipality decide to start the regeneration of the centre of Brixton. This is done in a physical way by widening the pedestrian zones and by a redesign for the major square of the city, but also in a more socioeconomic way by supporting local entrepreneurs and giving them help how to improve their business (see section 3.1 for a more detailed elaboration) (Butler & Robson, 2001; Howard, 2002).
Because of this improvements, the businesses are professionalising while they keep their authentic character and Brixton is becoming slowly an unique and vibrant centre within the urban fabric of London. Because of this change, many people from other parts of the city are attracted to the centre of Brixton, which are mostly young urban professionals. The success of some businesses is so big that some restaurants have a waiting list of more than two months (Howard, 2002; Bennhold, 2014).
Shops in brixton Brixton is characterised by its small shops and restaurants and its in- and outdoor markets. Most of those businesses are located in small “informal” malls inside the urban fabric. Those malls can be entered by small entrances that are located on the main streets, which makes them well accessible. Besides the small business inside the malls, there are some permanent outdoor markets that are located just next to the main street of Brixton. The market has every day a different theme, so trough the whole week there is a change in things that can be bought. Those small businesses are the amenities that attract people of other parts of London, and will be also interesting for people of Nine Elms. Brixton contains also a main shopping street with regular shop , that satisfies the needs of the local population, like clothing stores as H&M and fast food chains as Starbucks. Those shops do not attract people from other parts of London because they can be found in the whole city (see figure 6.14 and 6.15).
Public space and movement Figure 6.16 shows the public spaces. The most important spaces within the fabric are the streets were people move along to reach the different facilities, like the markets and small shops. In this, the main street contains one focus point that is created by two trees close to the tube and train station. Those trees are the only two green elements in the main street, and therefore they are quite eye-catching and could be a spot to connect Brixton to the network. Windrush square is located on the south side of the centre which was part of the regeneration strategy for the centre. Fieldwork showed that only the northern part of the square is used by people, what probably is caused by the intimate space and the presence of possibilities to sit. The south side of the square is hardly used by people, only to wait for the bus and could get another function that adds quality to the urban fabric. In addition, fieldwork showed that the centre does not contain many places to sit and rest, which makes the centre unattractive for some users that are in need of such amenities (see figure 6.18).
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Fieldwork provided information about the movement within the centre. The majority of the crowd moves along the main street that runs through Brixton, which is caused by the different transit stops along this road, like a train, tube and bus stations. This basically results in the fact that all people who are traveling to Brixton arrive on the main street, and this makes you as visitor move with the crowd. Most of the people move towards the east, where the markets and small businesses are located and once they have reached this area they spread all over the place, and move between the malls and markets. This movement in the centre makes it easy for people that do not know the area to find the spots that are the most interesting to visit (see figure 6.17). In addition, the urban fabric contains some vacant spaces, which mostly are situated in between the train tracks. Some of those spaces are not totally vacant, but they are used for extensive functions, for example to store cars. Those spaces have much more potential to be developed in areas that interact with the centre, mainly because of their good location in relation to the centre.
6.1.3 窶オnterventions proposed for the centre of Brixton The intervention proposed for Brixton will focus on the role Brixton has in the network. Three main interventions are proposed that aim to connect the centre to the routes and provide space for businesses.
Connection to the central part of Brixton The first intervention establishes a direct and enjoyable connection between the network and the centre. Brixton will be connected in two ways to the network. The first one is the northern connection that connects to Vauxhall, mainly by linking all the areas that contain businesses. The other connection links Brixton to Battersea and Larkhall and is characterised by the calmness of the residential area in the west. Currently the connection between the routes and the centre is not present, because the streets are too narrow and connect to the main street outside the centre. Therefore the first intervention is to connect the western part of the network in a proper way to the centre. This connection is made by using the vacant space in between the arches and the reallocation of two shops, which creates space within the urban fabric for a proper connection. This makes the network connect to the core of the centre where the two trees are located, that together function as an orientation point. From this place, visitors will be guided by the crowd towards the malls and markets (see figure 6.19). 96 | Master thesis Rogier Hendriks
Figure 6.19: connect the network to Brixton (own illustration).
Providing space for new businesses Because the centre of Brixton faces an increase of people that make use of the businesses and because the establishment of the network will increase the amount of users, the centre should provide more spaces where small businesses can settle down. To accomplish this, the space that is created for the connection is partly used to create new business space. This is done by using the arches of the elevated train tracks that are nowadays mostly used for storage, and turn them in spaces where for example small restaurants can settle down or where artists can locate their gallery/workshop. Important in this is that the new businesses strengthen the character of Brixton and suit the demands of the aimed target groups. When there is more need for such spaces, the arches on the eastern side of Brixton can be used in the same way (see figure 6.20). 足
Figure 6.20: create spaces for small businesses in the fabric of Brixton (own illustration).
Create places to sit and rest Because of the big amount of space that is created for the new connection, there are opportunities to add new public spaces and increase the amount of places to sit. This area in between the train tracks will be transformed in an area where the inhabitants of Brixton can gather and where visitors can rest, while it maintains its connecting function (see figure 6.21).
Figure 6.21: create possibilities to sit and rest (own illustration).
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Figure 6.22 shows how the three main interventions are translated into a proposal for Brixton. The image shows how the new connection is embedded into the existing urban fabric, and basically exists out of three parts. The first part is created by removing two shops that were located on the main street of Brixton, between the two elevated train tracks. By removing the buildings, the arches of the train tracks will edge the new public space and those arches will be turned into spaces where businesses can settle down. The areas in between the arches area will turn into a public space that will act as a transition between the routes and Brixton and will contain a wide pavement on both sides and a cycle lane. The area in between will be used as a public space for people to meet and rest. The second part is much more narrow and the continuation of the public space could create areas that might feel unsafe in the night. To prevent the area turning unsafe, the second part will be semi-public and the space in between the train tracks will turn into a mall that closes when all the businesses are closed. During the day, the mall will be part of the network and people are able to use the mall to reach Brixton. In the third part of the connection, only the northern arches are used to provide spaces for small businesses, because the area in between is too narrow. The public space on the north side of the arches is used by people as a place to meet and rest and can be used by the owners of the businesses to organise activities. Besides establishing the connection to the centre of Brixton, the whole centre will be connected by proper bicycle lanes, and when roads are too narrow for those lanes, the road will contain tags to indicate that cyclists are also using the road so that the cars can anticipate on the cyclists. The last thing to be mentioned is that the two businesses that are removed to create space for the connection will be allocated to the south of Brixton, on the unused part of Windrush square. The allocation to this spot will generate movement over the remainder of the square which will activate the space and will fix the square in the urban pattern of the centre of Brixton.
Figure 6.22: proposal for the interventions in Brixton (own illustration).
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Connection from the line to the centre of brixton
Pedestrians Pedestrians, mall closed Internal connection Seperate cycle path Cycle lane on the street Figure 6.23: movement flows of pedestrians and cyclists (own illustration).
Figure 6.26 shows a detail of the connection of the framework with the centre of Brixton and shows the two main parts of the connection and how they function. The first part that connects to the main street will contain on both sides a strip that can be used by the owners of the business to expose goods. Next to this stroke will be a wide pavement and on the south side it will contain a cycle lane. The space in between is filled with elevated borders that can be used as places to sit where people can rest and meet. The configuration of the planters and the use of trees is dividing the space in smaller spaces and will create intimacy and stimulate interaction. In addition, the space will contain some amenities, like playgrounds and movable chairs. As already explained, the second part is used to create more business spaces by creating a mall. The configuration of this area is comparable with the one of the first part, only is the public space is replaced by business spaces. The mall will have three main entrances that are located as such that they are well connected with the network (see figure 6.23 until 6.25).
Make local people benefit of the opportunities created Business spaces Building contours Figure 6.24: spaces that will be used to provide space for new businesses (own illustration).
Public space Figure 6.25: network of public spaces that can be used to meet and rest (own illustration).
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In order to ensure that people from Brixton are able to take the created opportunities to start their own business instead of that they will be taken by people from outside, a regulation is needed. In this, it is important that people from the area should get preference above people from other areas of London, when the spaces are appointed. This can be done in different ways, by for example giving people of certain zip codes the first choice. To determine which kind of regulation suits the best, more research is needed. Secondly, other disciplines should be involved in the regeneration process to help the people to start their business and make it into a success. This can be achieved by training and by individual help.
Figure 6.26: proposal for the connections between the centre and the network (own illustration).
Figure 6.27: section of the mall (own illustration).
b’ Figure 6.28: section of the public space and the new business spaces in the malls (own illustration).
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Figure 6.27 and 6.28 show two sections that provide insight in the masses in combination with the use of the space and show the difference between the two parts.
<< Figure 6.29: locations of the sections (own illustration). >> Figure 6.30: impression of the new public space which is edged by
the new small business spaces, with the new mall in the back (own illustration).
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Figure 6.31: birds eye view of interventions proposed for Larkhall Park (own image).
6.2 larkhall park Larkhall Park is the biggest park within the framework and plays a key role; it makes the route between Brixton and Nine Elms more interesting by forming an intermediate goal, and by this will increase the willingness of people to move. In addition, the park is important for the neighbourhood as a place to relax
and meet, and is on sunny days brimmed with people. Because of this two reasons, the thesis provides a closer look into the park and how the area can be improved to suit the demands of the users. This all to increase the use of the park and make people profit from the benefits of green to health (see figure 6.31).
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PLAYGROUND PARK BORDER
Figure 6.32: major elements of Larkhall park (own image).
TO BRIXTON 1.5 KILOMETRE
6.2.1 General impression of Brixton 6.33 Lowered path through the park (own image). 6.34 Playground and sport courts (own image). 6.35 Big lawn with the Battersea Power Station in the back (own image). 6.36 Kitchen gardens that are maintained by children (own image). 6.37 Big open lawn that is used for different purposes (own image). 6.38 Entrance that does not represent the park and blocks the view (own image).
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Figure 6.39: principles of Larkhall Park (own illustration).
Figure 6.40: elements of Larkhall Park 100M
Figure 6.41: amenities and blind walls in Larkhall Park (own Illustration).
Figure 6.42: accessibility of Larkhall Park and public transport stops (own illustration).
Figure 6.43: users of the park, Friday April 18, 2014: 10:00 (own illustration). 100M
Figure 6.44: users of the park, Tuesday April 15, 2014: 16:00 (own illustration). 100M
Legend 1:15.000 Build mass
Street and pavement
1 Play centre
Barrier, formed by trees/buildings
5 Tennis courts
6 Petanque court
Figure 6.43 and 6.44
Active leisure kids
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6.2.2 Introduction to Larkhall In order to propose interventions for Larkhall Park, an analysis is made that shows the characteristics of the park which is shown below and aside.
Elements and amenities Larkhall park is a six hectares big park and connects to Wandsworth Road, one of the major roads within the project area. In physical terms, the park is characterised by its big open space which forms the core of the park and which is used for various things. Often people use it to play football, but it is also used to organise big events and festivals, like the Stockwell Festival that takes place in September. This empty core is surrounded by different kinds of elements, like trees, furniture and facilities, like tennis and football courts, play grounds and cafĂŠs. Remarkably, there are only three benches in the whole park and besides the grass, there are no other sitting possibilities. Therefore other elements are used to sit, as the mounts that are located in the edge of the park. Those mounds are enclosing the big lawn in the centre and are up to 3 meters high. This elevations turn the park in a hilly landscape and introduce, together with the trees, the human scale (see figure 6.39 until 6.41).
The near surroundings The north of Larkhall park is edged for a major part by housing. In this, the backyards are located on the border of the park and are most of the times fenced off by a wall or palisade. This has the consequence that there is no interaction between the park and its surroundings and it creates blind walls and dead zones. Especially in the north, where the edge is quite muddled. In the night, those areas can feel unsafe. Northeast of the park are two important amenities located, of which the first is a day-care with a playground where children and their parents can play and meet which can be entered from the park. The second one is a karting that fenced off by a palisade and is connected to the road.
in the park use the paths, which indicates that the path system follows the most important lines of movement (see figure 6.43 and 6.44). However, the linkage between the path system and the surroundings can be improved. This is mainly the case in the northern part of the park, where the entrances are not inviting. A good example of this is the entrance most north, where the elements of the park block the entrance (see figure 6.45). Besides some bad entrances, along the whole edge of the park are view blocking elements present that makes it hard for people that do not know the area to recognise the entrances of the park. In the north are buildings that block the view from the street towards the park and on the south side it are the trees, shrubs and mounds (see figure 6.42).
Use of the park The users of the park are analysed during the field trip of which the results are displayed in figure 6.43 and 6.44. The first visit was on a sunny day at 16:00h and the park was loaded with people. Most people were enjoying the sun or were playing sports. Through mapping, two major patterns were found. The first is that people gathered around the main facilities, like the football courts and the playgrounds. Not only to play, but also to look how others play. The second observation is that the areas in the sun are mostly occupied, and because of this the west sides of the mounds are mostly used. Similar patterns can be seen in the map of the users round 10h on again a sunny day. Although there was a smaller amount of people, the majority of the users gathered in the same places: the football field and the playground. In addition, people gathered also around the three benches in the park, what also happened during the other observation, but because of the lower amount of people it was more obvious.
Accessibility The internal path structure of the park is located on the edges of the park in order to keep the central part open. This path system connects to the major surrounding roads. The mapping of the people showed that the people that are moving
Figure 6.45: entrance blocked by a Petanque court, trees, a pergola and a rosary (own image).
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1. Lack of places to sit
Larkhall Park contains only a few sitting opportunities (benches) and those were all taken during the site visit. This made people sit on the grass.
2. Lack of gathering spaces
The space contains some gathering spaces, like football courts and playgrounds. Besides this, the grass offers opportunities to do activities or meet each other.
3. Poor entrances and visually inaccessible spaces
The park is visually inaccessible because the view towards it is blocked by trees or lower vegetation. Besides this, some entrances are too narrow.
4. Dysfunctional features
The only not functioning elements in the park are the mounds that make people take other routes. But the mounds are also one of the characteristics of the park and people used them to enjoy the sun.
5. Paths that do not go where people want to go
Larkhall Park contains a path structure that connects its most important elements to the infrastructure outside the park.
6. Domination of a space by vehicles
The park only contains paths for pedestrians that are also used by cyclists. Therefore the space is not dominated by vehicles.
7. Blind walls or dead zones around the edges of a place
The park contains blind walls, that are mostly created by backyards. Besides this, there are some interesting surrounding facilities that are fenced off from the park.
8. Inconveniently located transit stops
The park is connected to the city by bus stops. But since the park is mostly interesting for people who live close by, there is no need for a many public transport connections.
Table 1: assessment of the park according to the eight reasons why public spaces fail according to PPS (own illustration).
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3.2.3 Assessment of Larkhall Park The existing green spaces that are in need of improvement will be evaluated by using the eight points assembled by the Project for Public Space (see page 84 for an elaboration on those eight points). The evaluation of Larkhall Park is displayed in table 1 and shows that there are four main points of attention. The most crucial point is that the park is badly accessible. This is mainly caused because of the unclear entrances and the barriers that are surrounding the park that make the park visually inaccessible and limit the places where people can access the public green space. Secondly the park lacks sitting opportunities. Basically the park contains three benches which forces people that want to stay for a longer time to sit on the ground. This affects the attractiveness of the park for elderly who are not that mobile and are in need of places to rest before they can continue their walk. Thirdly the park contains too many blind walls. Those blind walls lack interaction with the park and do not add anything. In addition those areas edged by blind walls can make people feel unsafe, especially during the night. The last point is that the moulds are creating a barrier in some areas. This is mostly the case in areas close to the entrances, in which they block the view towards the park or they unable people to enter the park straight away.
2. IMPROVE THE ENTRANCES AND EDGES The second part of the intervention aims to clarify the entrances. This will include the removal of blocking elements, like the rosary, Petanque court and some mounts, to clarify the entrances, make them represent the park and make them more accessible. The entrances will contain a wide path to easily enter the park and provide a view into the park that invites people to enter. The elements that are removed from the entrances but contribute something to the park are reallocated to other parts in the park, for example the Petanque court. Besides clarifying the entrances, the edges of the park will be improved, what is mainly done by the removal of shrubs (see figure 6.47).
6.2.4 Interventions in Larkhall Park In order to improve Larkhall Park, interventions are proposed that react on the findings of the analysis and the outcome of the assessment of the space. To limit the amount of value increase because of the improved conditions in the park, the proposed interventions will be small and the current concept of the park will be maintained (see figure 6.39).
Figure 6.46: embed the park in the network (own image).
1. Embed the park into the network The first intervention in Larkhall Park is the integration of the path that embeds the park in the network between Nine Elms and Brixton. This path will enter in the south of the park and will connect to the two main entrances in the north, one that leads to Battersea and one that leads to Vauxhall. The route is clarified by marks on the asphalt but also by the landmarks that indicate the three different directions. For Battersea it are the chimneys of the Battersea Power Station, for Vauxhall it are the skyscrapers and the direction of Brixton is indicated by the three tall buildings close to Stockwell. All those three landmarks are visible from the central part of the park (see figure 6.47 and 6.55).
Figure 6.47: improve the entrances and edges (own image).
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Figure 6.48: removal of the blind walls (own image).
REMOVAL OF BLIND WALLS
The third step is to get rid of the majority of the blind walls. This done by the insertion of new volumes that are placed in between the backyards and the park, and by giving them a residential/commercial function they will bring some activity. The plots concerning are nowadays part of the park or belong to the day-care. Obviously the day-care is reallocated in the new volume and is able to use a part of the park for their outdoor activities. The new builtings will mainly have a residential function, but there is also space for small retail or cafĂŠs. The entrances of the buildings will be situated on the park side of the volume, so that it activates the edge of the park. Some part of the profit that is made by the development of the buildings should be used to finance the other interventions in the park. Besides inserting new volumes, the wall that separate the karting from the park will be removed, which makes this often used amenity part of the park (see figure 6.48).
4. ADDING AMENITIES
Figure 6.49: addition and reallocation of amenities (own image).
Because of the improvements of the entrances and the insertion of the new volumes, some amenities need to be reallocated. This are for example the outdoor space of the day-care, the Petanque court and the terrace space of the cafe. All those element are placed in the edge of the park, so the central zone remains open. In addition, a lowered football court is placed in the central area. During the site visit became clear that the people who play sports in the central part often hinder people who are doing more passive activities. By providing a fixed place to play football, other users of the park can anticipate on this and because the field will be lowered, the chance that the ball is leaving the court and disturbs other users of the park is smaller (see figure 6.49).
5. ADDING PLACES TO SIT One of the most important interventions is adding places to sit because nowadays the park lacks sitting possibilities. The elements that can be used to sit will be located in places that people nowadays use to sit, as analysed in figure 4.86, because this indicates what places people prefer to sit. Besides this, sitting opportunities will be created close to amenities that attract many people, like the playground and the football courts (see figure 6.50).
Figure 6.50: adding places to sit (own image).
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The five interventions mentioned above are integrated in a more detailed map that indicates the location where elements are located (see figure 6.51).
>> Va ux ha ll
ll > >
Tw o w
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Figure 6.51: proposal for the larkhall park (own illustration).
6.2.5 A closer look at the interventions Some aspects of the interventions are explained in detail on the next pages.
THE NEW VOLUMES IN THE PARK The new builtings that are placed in the park to replace the blind walls should add activity to the park without generating much traffic. Therefore there are some basic principles concerning the design of the volume, that are combined in a rough possible layout, that is shown in figure 6.52. Firstly, the formal entrances of the dwellings have to be located on the park side. This generates more activity in the park and on the other hand the park forms a nice entrance to the houses. Secondly, the people who dwell in the new area and ones that use the amenities in the new volumes, should be able to reach it by car. Because a connection through the park will influence the space in a negative way, the parking will be located on the back side of the block. To minimise the nuisance of the cars, the parking can be covered by a terrace that can be used by the residents as a common space to meet and be outside. Thirdly, the ground level of the volume can be used for small commercial retail or other small businesses. Those spaces can be connected with the dwellings that are located on top, so residents are able to have a small shop which is connected to their house. In addition, the day-care will also get a space in the new volume and connects directly to the park in order to use the park by the children to play. Image 6.56 on page 117 shows an impression of the new volumes in relation to the park.
Figure 6.52 possible layout for the new volumes(own image).
10M Rogier Hendriks 20m 114 | Master thesis
Elements to sit
As already explained, sitting elements are added in the places that people nowadays use to sit and relax. Mostly this are the mounds that are located on the edge of the park and face the sun in the afternoon. To create sitting opportunities, the wide curb that is used in the layout of the path is placed in the slope of the mounds and by this places to sit are created. In addition, the curbs will dramatise the relief within the park (see figure 6.54). Besides adding places to sit on the mounds, there will be more benches and chairs placed close to the main amenities of the park, like the playgrounds and the sport courts.
Figure 6.53 shows the three different interventions that are taken to light Larkhall Park. The first intervention is to place light posts in the curbs which will gently light the path. In addition, there will be subtle spots in the kerb that distinguishes the path of the route from the other paths, so people know which paths belong to the route. The last intervention that is taken to light the park is the illumination of the trees. Instead of lighting the path, this intervention aims to lighten the context of the park, in order to make people feel more safe.
SPOTS IN THE PAVEMENT
PARTICIPATION OF THE SURROUNDING RESIDENTS Because Larkhall is a key amenity for the residents of its surrounding areas, it is important that the park matches the needs of the people. Therefore there are some areas marked that provide space for new amenities that suit de demands of the population. To get to know what kind of amenities the residents would like to have, a more bottom-up approach will be used in which the residents will participate in de ideation for those spaces in order to clarify the needs of the residents. This can be done in different ways, but most probably there will be ideation sessions in which the residents talk with people of the municipality and decide together what kinds of amenities are desired and look if they suit the layout of the park.
Figure 6.53: different ways of lighting in Larkhall Park (own image).
Figure 6.54: section that shows how the element to sit are integrated in the mounds and shows the lowered football court (own image).
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Figure 6.55: impression of the path through the park and the added elements to sit in the mounds (own image).
Figure 6.56: impression of the new path in the park and the new volumes which are replacing the dead walls (own image).
< Fig. 6.55
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Figure 6.57: proposal for the Battersea Power Station, a square that serves the city and contains different interesting amenities (own image).
6.3 BAttersea Battersea is one of the centres within Nine Elms that will be regenerated and will contain a huge public space in the front of the Battersea Power Station that connects to the Thames. The current proposal is sober in which it focuses on the residents of the areas and in which the area has a more aesthetic function and there will not be many amenities.
However, the site has much more potential to be redeveloped into a vibrant public space for the inhabitants of London, because of its history, iconic value and popularity amongst inhabitants of London. In addition, it can facilitate amenities for the people of Brixton, without creating value increases in the deprived areas (see figure 6.57).
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TO LARKHALL 1.2 KILOMETRE
TO VAUXHALL 1.2 KILOMETRE
CONTOUR BATTERSEA POWER STATION
Figure 6.58: current proposal for Battersea and the power station (own image based on existing image, source: http://batterseapowerstation.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/The-project-Masterplan1.jpg ).
TO THE PARK 0.3 KILOMETRE
General impression of Brixton 6.59 Render of the proposals for the Battersea Power Station, north side (source: https://encryptedtbn3.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcTVf8dXcLIcwm_ nZIfn3NwNOB46_SUbR-K-HHdx69ztztlQ1cMj).
6.60 Render of the proposal for the Battersea Power Station, south side (source: http://www.
6.61 Battersea power station from the south Side (own image). 6.62 View towards the Battersea Power Station from the other side of the Thames (own image). 6.63 Big space within the Battersea Power Station (source: http://graphics8.nytimes.com/ images/2012/06/08/business/Power/Power-superJumbo.jpg).
6.64 Redesign for the inside of the Battersea Power Station (source: http://memoirsofametrogirl.files. wordpress.com/2012/11/dscn2129.jpg).
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Figure 6.65: current situation (own illustration).
Figure 6.66: new urban plan for the area (own illustration).
Figure 6.67: entrances and exits (own illustration).
Figure 6.68: infrastructure for cars (own illustration).
Figure 6.69: shadow study (own illustration).
Figure 6.70: flood risk (own illustration).
Street and pavement
Flood risk zone
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Roads for cars
6.3.1 Introduction to Battersea In order to propose interventions for the Battersea area, an analysis is made to get a better understanding about the structures and processes within the area. The section below describes the most important findings of this analysis.
on this ring structure, but some renders show cars using it. This ring structure takes much space and because the space between the buildings is limited, the road will dominate the profile and will leave a narrow space for other kinds of transportation. Besides the entering their apartments via the parking, residents can enter their houses on ground level, by shared entrances that connect to the public space.
The current plans The Battersea Power Station is a former power plant that ceased in the 1980ies. Because of its iconic and emotional value, the building is preserved and became a monument. Since there was no plan for the reuse of the area, the site is left vacant for a few years and the condition of the building impaired. The current surroundings are vacant and covered by sand or asphalt. This makes the place turn in it a rough landscape that matches the unwieldy shape of the building (see figure 6.65). In the new plan this rough landscape will vanish and will be replaced by apartment buildings with facilities on ground level. The public space will be of a high quality and looking to the target groups, it will mostly have an aesthetic function. The big open space in the front of the building will be filled with grass and trees and no other amenities (see figure 6.66 and 6.59).
Connectivity Figure 6.67 and 6.68 show the main connections of the proposed buildings with their context. The infrastructure in the area exists out of two different structures. The first is a big underground parking that almost covers the whole area and where from the residents can enter their apartment buildings. The entrances to this parking are situated around the site, what abstracts the cars from the ground level. The second intervention proposes to connect the area with a big ring road around the station which seems to be unnecessary, since the whole area is covered with underground infrastructure and a parking. The documentation of the plans do not elaborate
Shadow study Because the area is filled with tall buildings, a sun and shadow study is done to look what places catch sun and when. This analysis showed that the buildings take away much sun, especially in the parts where the profile is narrow. The areas that catch most sun are located in the north of the area. On sunny days, those areas catch sun but because the shadows change, most parts will be covered by shadow at some point of the day (see figure 6.69).
Flood risk Because the project site is located along the Thames, there is a risk of flooding. The Greater London Authority created a map with areas that face flooding approximately once in every thousand years. In this map, the whole Battersea area is marked as such an area. Because of this risk, the government has the policy that those areas that risk flooding have to take measures to minimise the chance of flooding, for example by the creation of water retention areas or by providing areas where water can infiltrate in the soil (Greater London Authority, 2011B). The current plans for the site do not contain areas where water can be stored in times of need so it is necessary to explore the possibility for adaptive interventions (see figure 6.70).
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6.3.2 A space for the whole city The Battersea Power Station is a part of London and different people have different associations with the building. Some people worked there for years to provide London with energy, some cross the building every day by train because they commute, and some have good memories of one of the many festivals that took place in front of the building (see figure 6.71 until 6.73). That people value the building became clear when they announced the last possibility to look inside the building before the reconstruction. Thousands of people came and many waited for hours to get inside. Another example is the success of the temporary park that was constructed in front of the building which was used by many people from over London. Therefore it is regrettable that the current plans to develop Battersea totally focus on higher socioeconomic groups that will settle down in the area, instead of creating a space for all residents of London, like other public spaces along the Thames. Therefore this thesis comes up with a counter proposal, that aims to give the area in front of the Battersea Power Station back to the inhabitants of London. It should be a place where everyone feels welcome. This will not only have positive implications for the people from other parts of London, but attracting a wider range of people to the area will also have a positive impact on the retail in the area.
Figure 6.71: man working in the Battersea Power station (source: https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152102013232217&set=pcb. 10152102016302217&type=1&theater).
Figure 6.72: holi festival organised in the area in front of the station (source: http://i.huffpost.com/gen/1281036/thumbs/o-HOLI-FESTIVAL-BATTERSEAPOWER-STATION-570.jpg?6).
Figure 6.73: pop-up park (source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/ chibeba/8998683675/in/photolist-fUz5JS-eGYZYF-gbqSkW-eHbB9x-eHhHaQeuhLPH-eDpHht-eukUZQ-eCCuWY-fZPefA-99gdXf-8AniKR-ekFmmJ-dVFSJhenc2zU-ekyZ1k-8rYzgh-8rVuQe-eHbJGv-kpk2Y5-4mM45r-kpka6m).
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6.3.3 Principles of the proposal The proposal for Battersea is explained in six steps, which are described in the next sections.
1. APPOINT THE SPACE AROUND THE PLANT AS A CAR FREE ZONE
Figure 6.74: car free zone, cars enter the parking directly after entering the area (own illustration).
The first intervention is to abandon the car from the ground level and put all the movement of traffic underground to establish a space where the pedestrians have priority. This is quite easily to accomplish since the whole area contains an underground parking. An exception is made for emergency services that should be able to use the public space in cases of an urgent situation. They can make use of the pavement and cycle lanes (see figure 6.74).
2. MODIFY THE QUAY TO THE SUN
Figure 6.75: adjust the quay to the sun (own illustration).
Because the area in front of the station is often covered by shadow, the quay in the east is extended into the Thames. This side is chosen because it catches sun in the afternoon and during the evening, which will be times of the day that the area is mostly used. The extension will be created by a jetty so that the actual shape of the quay does not change and does not have any consequences for the direction of water flows in the Thames. The distance that the jetty enters the Thames is in accordance with the other elements that are located in the Thames, like the piers of the industries next to the site (see figure 6.75).
3. LOWER THE QUAY To increase the contact with the Thames and make people aware of the effect of the tide, the quay is lowered and equated with the maximum water height in normal circumstances, what comes down to approximately 7.00m (Port of London Authority, 2014). Important is to place a fence along the side of the jetty that prevents people to fall in the Thames, and that it should not block the view towards the Thames (see figure 6.76).
Figure 6.76: lower the quay (own illustration).
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CREATE SPACES TO STORE WATER
Because the area is located in a potential flood zone, the area should contain elements that reduce the chance of flooding. Therefore the area will include areas that can store water in times of need. When the water levels are rising, the public space can function as a retention area, in which the space in front and on the side of the Battersea Power station can store water. This water will flow from the Thames via lower parts in the square towards the retention areas. Important is that the building and the Thames Walk are always accessible (see figure 6.77).
Figure 6.77: create spaces to store water (own illustration).
5. ADD AMENITIES One of the most important aspects to attract people from the surroundings of the Battersea Power Station to the new public space is the provision of good and interesting amenities. In order to attract people from the whole area, the amenities should be as interesting that people want to travel to make use of them. Examples of such amenities that are proposed for the site are a city beach and terraces with a view over the Thames. Besides this amenities on the lower scale, the square will be embedded in the Thames Walk (see figure 6.78).
Figure 6.78: add amenities (own illustration).
CONNECT THE AREA TO THE NETWORK
The last intervention for the Battersea area is to connect the area to the framework and to the Thames Walk. As in the other parts of the framework, the proposed slow traffic profiles will be applied to the profile. In this, the profile of the park is used that combines both lanes in which the pedestrian lane will be widened and will connect to the buildings. Besides this, the amenities that are located in the area will be connected to the entrance of the station, since this will be a location where many people come from (see figure 6.79).
Figure 6.79: connect the area to the network (own illustration).
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7. Strengthen the spacial characteristics To dramatise presence of the Thames and the Battersea Power Station, the design of the public space will emphasise the transition from the narrow public spaces of the new developments to the openness of Thames and its surrounding areas. This is done by a gradient in the amount of trees used, in which the areas surrounding the new builtings and the station contain trees that introduce the human scale. When approaching the Thames, the amount of elements that define the space decreases and so the human scale. The openness will emphasise the Thames and make people more aware of the river and the effect of the tide (see figure 6.80).
Figure 6.80: strengthen the spacial characteristics (own illustration).
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6.3.3 form of the square The design of the square is inspired on the estuary of the Thames, the area where the water of the river disposes in the North Sea (see image 6.81). This area is created by tidal effects which resulted in a landscape that is controlled by water. This estuaries exists out of various landscape types that differ from each other because the lower parts flood more often and because of this contain a smaller amount of vegetation. This principle is used in the design of the square in front of the Battersea Power Station, in which the lowest parts do not contain vegetation because those areas can flood, and the more the ground level rises the more vegetation the elevation contains. By using this principle the presence of the Thames is accentuated, and the difference between the area close to the river and the area surrounding the new developments is emphasised. The trees that are used will be part of the alder genus (Alnus var.). This choice is made because this tree is growing nowadays in the old walls of the quays surrounding the Thames and because the tree grows in landscapes that are dominated by water. In this, a link is made between the original landscape that is dominated by the Thames and the new developments.
Figure 6.81: proposal for the public space in front of the Battersea Power Station (own illustration).
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Design for the public space in front of the Battersea Power Station The principles resulted in the proposal that is shown in figure 4.111. To explain the design, an analysis of it is made that will elaborate on the most important aspects of the design.
Amenities To make the area attractive for residents and the ones from other parts of London, the space in front of the station will contain a variety of amenities. The most important amenity in this is the city beach that will attract people from different parts of London because there is only one other city beach that is located on the west side of the Docklands. By placing this amenity in the area that is extended over the Thames, the area will catch much sun and will be a nice place to be in summer to enjoy the view over the Thames. The existing pier that is located in front of the Station will be transformed into a terrace with a cafe/restaurant, what makes that people can have a drink â€œon the Thamesâ€?. This pier can also serve as a stage when events are organised, like during festivals. In order to provide a good view towards this stage, the area facing this place is designed as such that many people are able to see the stage. This is done by using the height differences within the area and shape them in a way that they face the stage. In continuation on the idea of the stage, the whole area in front of the station can also be used to organise bigger events, comparable with the events that are organised in the past like the Holy festival (see figure 6.72), a film festival or the freeze festival. Because of the seize of the public space in the front and the presence of the Battersea power Station, the area will be a nice location for such events. When those festivities are being organised, the main connecting routes through the area should be maintained, to minimise the amount of disturbance for people that use the Thames Walk or make use of the new networks. Besides this bigger amenities, the area also provides terraces and playgrounds. Those amenities are often located next to each other, so that the children can play and the parents can have an eye on them while enjoying a drink (see figure 6.82).
AL ARE FESTIV
Figure 6.82: proposed amenities for in the area (own illustration).
var. 7.00 7.40 7.80 8.2 RELIEF
Figure 6.83: proposed heights in the area (own illustration).
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Important views and connections
The design of the public space is based on the major views and connections within the area to make the space easily readable and enable people to take the shortest routes. In this, the elevated borders and trees are placed in such a way that they do not block the important views and connections. The important connections are paved in order to move easily, but basically the whole area is accessible, in which the lawns also can be used to move (see figure 6.84 and 6.85).
BATTERSEA POWER STATION
S THAME E
TERRACE WATERBUS 75m
Figure 6.84: important lines in the design (own illustration). Cycle lane Thames Walk Paved space Grass/Sand Bridge
Figure 6.83 shows the heights in the area. As explained in the text before, the height of the quay will be lowered to increase the interaction with the Thames. The second elevation will be 40cm higher, and is the area that functions as a gully in case the water level of the Thames becomes too high. This gullies will drain the water to the storage areas that are located along the station and in the bigger spaces in between the buildings that are used as green public space. Those storage areas will be on the same level as the jetties. The next elevation will be again 40 centimetres high which will be a bit higher in comparison with the height of the quay along other parts of the Thames and the surrounding areas. Therefore, this elevation connects to the context and will contain all the main paths. The elevations are every time 40 centimetres high. This choice is made because the transition between the two different surfaces will create opportunities to sit which will be done by the use of the kerbs that are also used in Larkhall Park and Brixton. To ease the change between the different elevations, small steps will be applied which will substitute the kerb. The area contains another elevation, that is formed by elevated borders that contain grass and trees. Those borders will contain mounds so these elements will divide the area into smaller ones that will create more secluded areas on the smaller scale. The trees will strengthen this effect and introduce the human scale. On the bigger scale, the mounds, trees and elevations are cancelled out by the big unwieldy building and will not disturb the view towards the Battersea Power Plant. On the mounds, the kerbs that are also used in Larkhall Park will be placed to create possibilities to sit.
Figure 6.85: areas that people can use to move (own illustration).
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Figure 6.87: different areas to store water in order to decrease the risk of flooding. a. normal situation, b. in extreme conditions the jetty can flood, c. if the water level rises more the lower parts drain water to the retention areas, d. the space in the front of the station can be used to store water (own illustration).
Water storage Since the site of the Battersea Power station is located in a flood risk zone, interventions should be taken to minimise the chance of flooding. Therefore the proposed design for the public space contains three areas where water can be stored and in case of need, the whole public space in front of the building can serve as a retention area. The first image shows the contours of the quay in normal conditions. During high tides, the water height will be just a bit below the quay, in order to increase the contact with the water from the square. In extreme conditions, the jetty in front of the Station can be
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flooded, which result in the fact that the city beach will flood and cannot be used. All other amenities are not affected. If the water keeps on raising, the lower parts of the square will transport water to the retention areas that are located besides the Station and in between the new builtings. If this is not enough, the whole square in the front of the Station can be flooded (see image 6.87). When the flood risk is over, the stored water will be discharged into the Thames during tide by a tube system.
Figure 6.87: impression of the city beach with the Battersea Power Station in the back (own illustration).
aâ€™ Figure 6.89: location of section (own illustration).
Figure 6.87: impression of the city beach with the Battersea Power Station in the back (own illustration).
Figure 6.88: section of the space in front of the Battersea Power station, a - aâ€™ (own illustration).
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Provides access tot he Thames for inhabitants of Brixton.
Access to a big public space that contains different interesting amenities.
Improvement of the park by small interventions to increase the willingness to use the space.
Create an interesting intermediate goal in the framework.
Figure 6.90: image of the three critical details and their location within the route system (own image).
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Provide spaces that facilitate spaces for local people to start a small business that suits the image of Brixton.
Connect the centre of Brixton directly to the framework.
Figure 7.1: Battersea Power Station seen from the train (own image).
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7.1 conclusions on regeneration minimising displacement The framework that is proposed for the area is site specific and reacts to the current characteristics of the area. In order to use the outcome of this thesis to contribute to minimising displacement in other regeneration areas, the interventions proposed are translated in eleven conclusions that can be used in other projects that face similar conditions. Those conclusions are derived from the literature research and the project proposed for the Nine Elms - Brixton area.
new-build regeneration projects can generate opportunities to improve deprived areas close by.
The past new built regeneration projects are mostly perceived as negative when looking at the effects on the original population of the surrounding deprived areas. The people who dwell in those areas are mostly displaced and had to move to cheaper parts of the city or to other cities. The thesis tried to change this perception and looked at the possibilities that new built regeneration areas offer and reacts on those possibilities. In case of the Nine Elms area, the project reacts to the new population that will settle down in the area and who have a higher expenditure in order to stimulate the economy of Brixton. The generic principle that can be deduced is that besides creating displacement, new built regeneration projects can create opportunities for deprived areas to increase the individual outcomes of the local population. To find out what those opportunities are, it is important to look outside the plan borders and make a thorough analysis.
Regeneration of the public space can increase individual outcomes and contribute to minimising displacement.
Current regeneration projects often focus on a broad range of interventions that aim to improve deprived neighbourhoods. In this, the housing stock is updated, amenities are added and existing ones are improved, which often results in a increase of dwelling and amenity values within the area. The literature research shows that this value increases often result in displacement, in which the original population does not benefit from the changes in the area.
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Therefore this thesis looked at ways in which subtle interventions in the public space can contribute to the improvement of individual outcomes. By changing the street profiles, improving existing parks and communal gardens and the creation of new ones, the regeneration of the area will result in a limited amount of value increase, while creating possibilities for people of the area to increase their individual outcomes. By this, the residents will be less vulnerable to deprivation.
new built regeneration projects can provide amenities for the surrounding deprived areas to prevent value increases in those underprivileged areas.
The analysis showed that the Nine Elms - Brixton area contains a small amount of bigger public spaces, like squares and parks. Since the implementation of bigger public spaces in the deprived areas will lead to value increases for the existing residents, the big public space in front of the Battersea Power Station is used to provide the original residents a big public space. This public space will contain different amenities that are interesting for different kinds of people, so people are willing to travel in order to make use of this space. In this new built area, the pubic space will not generate a value increase for the existing residents because the area is not populated yet. Besides this, the people that dwell in this more prosperous areas are more likely to resist value increases. The principle that can be derived from the design intervention is that new built regeneration areas can provide amenities that are interesting for the people of the surrounding deprived areas. By this, the amenities will not generate value increases that affect the people who dwell in the deprived areas while the people can make use of them. Important is that the space should be interesting so people are willing to travel in order to make use of the amenities.
4. Interventions that solve issues on a bigger scale can be used to change aspects on the local scale. In the framework proposed for Nine Elms, the adjustments within the urban fabric that emphasise the connections do not only establish a route between the three most important centres, but also improve the quality of the urban fabric on a lower scale. In this, the network is made
more attractive by the improvement of the public space and the insertion of more interesting spaces along the route. On the lower scale, residents benefit from those changes because the public spaces in their neighbourhood are upgraded which will increase the willingness to use those areas and by this will affect the health outcomes of the population in the area. The generic principle that can be deduced from this design interventions is that measures that are taken on the larger scale can be used to improve local conditions. By this, the support for such interventions increase and it will be more feasible to execute them.
5. When intervening in the urban fabric to attract more people from outside the area because of its interesting characteristics, it is important to retain these characteristics. When Brixton became an attractive centre within London because of the Afro Caribbean character and its small informal businesses, bigger business chains were attracted to the centre like for example M&S and Mc Donalds. These kind of shops did not add anything to the identity of Brixton and turned parts of the centre in ordinary shopping districts. These kind of shops do serve the original population, but they do not attract people from outside the area to the centre. To guarantee the success of Brixton and stimulate the increase of customers, the proposed interventions focussed on the addition of business spaces that contribute to the informal, small scale identity of the centre. This will strengthen the identity of the centre, and increase the attractiveness for people from other parts of London, like people from Nine Elms.
6. Small interventions in the existing urban fabric can improve the attractiveness of the public space which improves the willingness to use them Regeneration is not only about big changes in the urban fabric, but sometimes small interventions can improve the quality of an existing public space and increase the amount of people that make use of it. One of the three details that this thesis looked at is Larkhall Park. Field work made clear that there are some aspects that decrease the attractiveness of the park which might limit the use. An example of this is the lack of benches that makes the park unattractive for elderly because
there are no places to rest, but also for people who want to stay longer. By adding places to sit, elderly can rest and people are stimulated to stay. This small intervention makes the space more attractive for the users and by this, the willingness to use the park will increase. In addition, such small interventions will not generate big value increases.
7. When improving deprived areas and focusing on the improvement of the situation of the current population, it is more effective to focus on the empowerment of the original population than creating a mixed population. Literature shows that mixed neighbourhood policies do not solve issues concerning deprivation, but instead they move the problem. Regeneration that focuses on the empowerment of the population will be more effective because it will affect individual outcomes. Three domains are key in this empowerment which are employment, education and health. The role of the urbanist in this empowerment is limited, but not insignificant. This is because urban designers can only facilitate spaces where this empowerment will happen or shape the urban fabric in such a way so that it will stimulate the empowerment and not affect this empowerment directly. Therefore, the collaboration with other disciplines is important to ensure that the interventions done by the urbanist have the aimed effect.
8. People can be empowered in terms of employment by shaping the urban fabric so it stimulates the increase of work. According to literature, a population can be empowered in terms of employment by providing jobs that match the skills of the population. In this, an urbanist cannot create jobs, but can only supply spaces that could be used by people to work. The regeneration of Brixton and it surroundings aim to achieve an increase of the individual outcomes in terms of employment and health. In this, employment within the area is improved by creating a connection between the new built developments and Brixton, which enables people to easily move in between the centres. By the increased amount of people that are using the centre, the area will get an economic impulse and opportunities will arise to start new businesses. It is important that the new job opportunities match the skills
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of the population. This can be ensured by providing business spaces that have a similar dimensioning as the smaller businesses that are present in the area nowadays and by regulations in which people from the area have preference above people from outside the area. This will avoid bigger businesses from outside the area take the created spaces and increase the opportunities for local initiatives. In addition, other disciplines can contribute to stimulate the inhabitants of Brixton to take the opportunities and make them a success, by for example training the population in order to start their own small business.
adding and improving public spaces will stimulate the increase of individual health outcomes
Literature shows another way to empower people, which deals with the use of public green spaces. Research showed that using public space affects health positively, but in order to profit from those benefits the residents have to use the space. Urbanists cannot make people use the space, but they can provide green spaces, improve the existing ones and improve the accessibility of the spaces, which will stimulate people to use them. The framework to regenerate the Nine Elms - Brixton area proposes different measures to improve the public spaces. One of the main interventions is to make the courtyards part of the public space and add amenities. Because of this, the mostly unused and not attractive public green spaces become more attractive for people from the neighbourhood, which will stimulate people to use them. Another measure that is taken, is the removal of blind walls in Larkhall park. This blind walls create unsafe spaces in the dusk and night because there is no social control. Again, these improvements will stimulate people to use the park. To stimulate people to use the green public spaces, the routes towards those spaces are improved to increase the willingness of people to use those spaces. The pavements are widened and bicycle lanes are added in order to increase the easiness to move to the spaces. In addition, the movement towards the spaces also affect health positively, because people are physically active.
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Besides research on regeneration that contributes to minimising displacement, the thesis contains research on how to influence movement patterns of people, and from this research two conclusions can be drawn to use in similar projects.
10. Movement can be influenced by applying paths, path markers and way markers in the existing urban fabric. This thesis studied literature that talks about influencing peoples movement in landscape architecture, which provided three kinds of elements that can be used to influence movement. This are paths, path markers and way makers. Those three elements are analysed in four case studies in an urban context. This resulted in a toolbox that provides different interventions to influence movement, which are applied in the proposal for the Nine Elms - Brixton area. The interventions in the Nine Elms - Brixton area showed that existing elements in the urban fabric can be used to influence movement patterns. In this, mostly existing landmarks are used as way markers and a distinct path and path markers are applied in the current street profiles in order to guide people in between the different (intermediate) goals.
11. Existing elements in the urban fabric can be used as intermediate goals to increase the willingness of people to move and to guide them in the right direction. Literature described ways to create a connection between different areas. One of them is the use of intermediate goals to guide people and make the route more interesting. This will increase the peopleâ€™s willingness to move. Because the urban fabric in between Nine Elms and Brixton does not contain continuous streets or connections, existing and new intermediate goals are used to stimulate the movement in between the two centres. Examples of such in between goals are Larkhall park and the area that contains shops in Stockwell.
7.3 Addition to the body of knowledge
Looking to the interventions that this thesis proposes for the Nine Elms - Brixton area, there are a few limitations that have to be mentioned. The first limitation concerns the role of the urban designer in the empowerment of a population. Designers and urbanists can create conditions in which the empowerment could happen, but they cannot direct the empowerment itself. This applies on multiple interventions that the thesis proposes. One good example is the improvement of the connection between Nine Elms and Brixton to stimulate the interchange of people between the two centres. In this, a designer can propose interventions to stimulate the use by adding wide lanes and interesting in between goals, but cannot make people move between the two centres and make people spend money in Brixton. When people from Nine Elms do not use the centre of Brixton as much as expected, there is still the increasing amount of people from all over London that makes use of the amenities in Brixton, and the extension of the small scale shopping area will still be relevant. The same goes for the increase of small business spaces to create opportunities for the local population to increase employment outcomes. In this, urbanists can create spaces where this empowerment could happen, but they cannot influence the behaviour of the residents. In order to increase the effectiveness of the physical interventions and make people take the opportunities, the interventions in the urban fabric should go hand in hand with interventions of other disciplines that for example focus on the increase of education or skills. Another limitation is that the empowerment of the population of Brixton in terms of employment only focuses on the increase of work for certain groups within the society. In this case it are the entrepreneurs, and it ignores people who work in other sectors. Partly, those people might find a job in Nine Elms, where many new jobs are created. The last limitation is that the empowerment will not immediately change the outcomes of the residents of the area. This is particularly the case with the empowerment of the people by the addition and improvement of public green spaces it will not immediately affect health outcomes of the residents, but this will take some time. The proposed empowerment of the population in terms of employment will go much faster, since the people immediately benefit from it.
Within the field of urbanism, there is a debate going on whether regeneration should be about regeneration that aims to create better places that will affect its population, or whether regeneration should focus on the residents and increasing their individual outcomes. Current regeneration projects seem to choose side in favour of the first, in which deprived areas are upgraded by mixed housing policies and shift focus to higher socioeconomic groups. Because of this upgrade, the statistics of the area are increased and by this the area is improved. Unfortunately, this strategy only reacts to the symptoms of deprivation and the original mostly deprived population is displaced to cheaper neighbourhoods, so the problem is moved to other places. Therefore, it makes more sense to address the cause of deprivation and focus within regeneration on the empowerment of the population that aims to increase individual outcomes. By this, the thesis takes position in the current debate and strengthens the argument against the creation of better places in order to improve deprivation. In addition, the thesis shows that new built regeneration is not only affecting its surroundings negatively, but also that possibilities are created that could affect the surrounding areas positively. This is something to consider in other new built regeneration projects, or more general in all transformations that cause gentrification.
7.4 Recommendations As already described, this thesis focuses mostly on the creation of employment for entrepreneurs. Because of this, it might be useful to look at how employment outcomes could be increased for other groups of people and how they can also profit from the new built regeneration projects. Secondly, this project is quite specific in its nature because the deprived area contains Brixton, which nowadays becomes one of the popular centres outside the centre of London. Not all deprived areas contain such centres that provide the same opportunities. Therefore it is important to look at other cases that face other conditions, to come up with a more complete set of interventions.
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Figure 8.1: one of the malls in the centre of Brixton (own image).
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Lees, L. (2008). Gentrification and Social Mixing; Towards an Inclusive Urban Renaissance? 45(12), 2449-2470. Loidl, H., & Bernard, S. (2003). Opening Spaces, design as landscape architecture. Basel: Birkhauser. Luymes, D. T., & Tamminga, K. (1995). Integrating public safety and use into planning of greenways. Landscape and Urban Planning(33), 391-400. Maas, J., Dillen, S. M. E. van, Verheij, R. A., & Groenewegen, P. P. (2009). Social contacts as a possible mechanism behind the relation between green space and health. Health and Place(15), 586-595. Maas, J., Verheij, R. A., Groenewegen, P. P., Vries, S. de., & Spreeuwenberg, P. (2006). Green space, urbanity, and health: how strong is the relation? Journal of Epidemiology Community Health(60), 587-592.
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Figure X.1: Battersea Power Station (own image).
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I. Reflection Personal information Name: Bernd Theodor Rogier Hendriks Student number: 4177746 Address: Edgar du Perronlaan 818 Postal code, place: 2624NG, Delft Telephone number: 0681538710 E-mail address: email@example.com
Studio information Studio: Urban regeneration in the European context. Research studio: Design of the urban fabric First mentor: Dipl. Ing. B. Hausleitner Second mentor: Dr. S.I. de Wit External examiner: Dr. D.A. Sepulveda Carmona
Problem statement The population of London is changing from a city that provides space for the lower and higher socioeconomic groups into a more higher socioeconomic group oriented city. One of the causes of this shift is the new built regeneration of former brown field areas into mixed use areas that focus on the upper socioeconomic groups. Once developed, those regenerations are a big success in physical and economic terms. But looking at the social changes this kind of development causes, the developments show that the areas are gentrified and a big part of the original population is displaced. If those developments continue, London will be a city for the higher socioeconomic groups and the other residents are pushed to the outskirts or to other cities. The next big brown field transformation within London will take place in Nine Elms and this one can be classified as a new built gentrification project. Looking back to other developments of this kind in the past, there is a major chance
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that also this development will generate displacement and polarisation. The redevelopment of Nine Elms will create a prosperous area, that has a strong connection with the city centre and most probably will be a success in physical and economic terms. Regrettably, this development does not react on its context, which will result in a strong polarisation between the inhabitants of Brixton and Nine Elms. Besides this, the development will most likely cause displacement of the original residents, caused by rising tract prices and the increase of expensive amenities in combination with the increasing pressure of redevelopment. Big regeneration projects will always create some displacement, because the dwelling values in the surrounding areas will rise and the mismatch between the new amenities and the original population. However this does not imply that no action is needed, because successful regeneration should also come with positive effects for its context. In this, the original residents should not be the victim of displacement but they should face the positive effects. Therefore, the goal for the thesis is to find a way in which the redevelopment of Nine Elms makes the inhabitants of the surrounding areas profit from the developments rather than being displaced.
Proposed intervention The literature research showed that displacement can be counteracted by the empowerment of the population, which can be achieved by establishing an increase in education, employment and health outcomes within an area. Since the population of Brixton mainly faces employment and health deprivation, those are the main domains to improve. The improvement of those outcomes will be achieved by the establishment of a connection between the new built regeneration area (Nine Elms) and the centre of the deprived area (Brixton). This intervention has a twofold aim. First it reacts on the change that is going on in Brixton. This centre faces an increase of people from other parts of London that use the centre to eat in one of the restaurants, do some shopping
or enjoy the night life. This people are mainly young urban professionals that are attracted because of Brixton its informal and authentic character. By establishing a direct and enjoyable connection between the two centres, people of Nine Elms are able to use the facilities of Brixton, what will result in an economic impulse for Brixton which will create in more work in the area. To make the route attractive, the mostly green public spaces along this route will be improved and public spaces will be added. Besides making the route more attractive, the people of the surrounding areas will profit from this improvements and will stimulate to use the green public space, when people start using the green, they will profit from the benefits green public space has on heath.
The relationship between the graduation project and the wider social context The project takes up the issue of gentrification and displacement in deprived areas caused by new built regeneration projects. Looking to past examples of those developments like the Docklands, it becomes clear that those developments improved the physical and economic aspects of those underprivileged areas, but because of this caused also polarisation and displacement of the original population. Because of this, the people from lower socioeconomic groups were forced to move to cheaper parts of the city, or even to other cities. This displacement has a big impact on the dispacees and affects them in multiple ways. The proposal described in this thesis uses the new built developments in order to increase the individual outcomes of the people that dwell in the area. When the individual outcomes increase, the inhabitants will be more resistant to displacement and will benefit from the regeneration. Since the principles of the proposal are translated into conclusions, the outcome of this thesis can be used in other projects that face similar conditions and will contribute to prevent people being displaced because of new built regeneration projects. The thesis proposed different interventions that will
affect the population in the area. One of those interventions is the addition of public green spaces to the urban fabric. Because of this intervention, residents of the surrounding area can make use of the space and will profit from the benefits of green on health.
The relationship between the theme and methodology of the studio and the subject The graduation studio urban regeneration in the European context focuses on ways to improve the physical environment to generate an increase of socioeconomic outcomes of the citizens. The theme of the thesis is in accordance with the general theme of the studio because it reacts on current changes in the urban fabric of London and aims to empower the current population by proposing physical interventions within the existing urban fabric. In order to do interventions in the urban fabric that will change socioeconomic outcomes of the population of the area, a good analysis is needed to understand the urban pattern and discover the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. Therefore an analysis executed that looked into multiple aspects of the project location. This revealed key patterns and processes of the area. Those findings are used to propose interventions that match the needs of the current population and will contribute to the increase of individual outcomes.
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The relationship between research and design The design that is made for the Nine Elms - Brixton is based on research that is executed during the graduation year. This research exists mainly out of two parts which are the literature research and the analysis. The literature research is used to find out what key authors think about gentrification and how displacement can be minimised. The findings of the research helped to set the scope of the project and provided some tools that are used. In this, the thesis is proposing a regeneration strategy that mainly focus on the empowerment of the current population by improving individual outcomes. In the Nine Elms - Brixton area this comes down to the improvement of health and employment. The analysis helped to understand the patterns and processes in the area and to find anchors for the design. This analysis is executed on multiple scales. On the bigger scale the analysis is used to get a better understanding of the role of Lambeth within the fabric of London and what current policy proposes for the area. On the smaller scale, the analysis provided a better understanding about the morphology of the urban pattern and the issues the area is facing on a smaller scale, like for example the kinds of deprivation. In addition, some other kinds of research are done, which helped to strengthen the argument for certain proposals. One example of this are the case studies that focussed on routing. In this, four case studies are analysed which resulted in concrete interventions that can be used to influence the movement patters of people. The outcome of these studies is used in the ideation on how the routes between Nine Elms and Brixton can be established.
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Booklet of master thesis Regreeneration that is composed to finish the master Urbanism at Delft University of Technology. Key words: Rogier...
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Booklet of master thesis Regreeneration that is composed to finish the master Urbanism at Delft University of Technology. Key words: Rogier...