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                  th 

proceedings 9 conference  

Graduation Lab Urbanism best papers from   the Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference, February 2012           


th

proceedings 9 conference  

Graduation Lab Urbanism best papers selected from   the Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference, February 2012 

edited by  Remon Rooij and Ana Maria Fernandez Maldonado 


Colophon

Scientific review committee Dr.ir. Ana Maria Fernandez Maldonado Prof.dr.ir. Han Meyer Dr.ir. Stephen Read Dr.ir. Remon Rooij Drs. Herman Rosenboom Dr. Diego Sepulveda Dr.ir. Stefan van der Spek Ir. RenĂŠ van der Velde

Editorial board & course coordinators Dr.ir. Remon Rooij Dr. Ana Maria Fernandez Maldonado

cover: Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology These papers are part of the third semester of the MSc program Urbanism of the Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology and they are developed within the course Theory of Urbanism (AR3U022_4ects_September 2011-February 2012). The contents of these proceedings may be used when accurately referred to.

Published by Š the department of Urbanism, Delft University of Technology Delft, February 2nd 2012


Preface Students of the MSc Urbanism program at Delft University of Technology are asked to write a literature review paper as a part of their graduation year. Students develop the theoretical underpinning of their graduation project by critically reviewing the body of knowledge of their graduation project theme. This book presents the best review papers of the student cohort September 2011 – June 2012. The review paper is part of the student’s midway presentation after half a year of ‘graduating’. The papers are presented in these proceedings as they have been submitted by the students. The Urbanism graduation year is the second year of the MSc Urbanism program and consists of two semesters, MSc3 (30ects) and MSc4 (30ects). Both semesters are completely dedicated to the graduation project and give the student therefore a unique opportunity to do an in-depth research and design project in the field of urbanism. The graduation project is developed individually by each student within the graduation lab Urbanism. In MSc3, the lab work is closely connected to and supported by three courses, Graduation Orientation (2ects), Methodology (4ects) and Theory (4ects). The Urbanism graduation lab consists of several (so called) project-based graduation studios (20ects in MSc3). The themes and research contents of the studios are closely linked to the research portfolio of the Urbanism department, research projects of the Urbanism department, and the Urbanism research staff. MSc3 consists of 3 courses and the graduation lab Urbanism. MSc3 (among others) focuses on: The definition and development of a research framework for the graduation thesis/project by means of collective and/or individual research, analysis and design work. The development of a theoretical framework for the research & design proposal. The development of a methodological sound approach for the research & design project. MSc4 is fully dedicated to the lab (design&research) and is thus entirely focused on the development of the individual graduation project. The papers in these proceedings are from students coming from all our different graduation studios:  Urban Regeneration, focusing on urban transformation from both a design and planning point of view in the context of the European city. The studio is organized by dr. Paul Stouten and ir. John Westrik;  Delta Interventions, focusing on the influence of climate change on the urban development and transformation of delta regions. The studio is organized by ir. AnneLoes Nillesen;  Complex Cities, focusing on spatial strategies for globalizing city regions. The studio is organized by dr. Roberto Rocco, dr. Diego Sepulveda and dr. Stephen Read.  The Field Academy, focusing on urban renewal in the Rotterdam South city district. The studio is organized by dr.ir. Machiel van Dorst.


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Hybrid Buildings, focusing on the relation between urban design & planning and architecture (double graduation track Urbanism and Architecture). Students study the applicability of both small-scale urban design interventions and large-scale architectural designs in the process of urban revitalisation. The studio is organized by ir. Maurice Harteveld and dr. Roberto Cavallo. Design as Politics; In the Ghetto, focusing on socio-political processes and their effects on urban design and planning. The studio is organized by prof.dr. Wouter Vanstiphout.

Delft, February 2nd 2012 Remon Rooij Graduation coordinator department of Urbanism


Table of Contents Emilia Machedon Airport-driven urban development. A reading of current spatial planning models and critiques.

Complex Cities studio

Saba Golchehr Complex Cities studio Spatial concentration; problem or opportunity? The socio-spatial concentration and integration of ethnical groups in the Netherlands.

Complex Cities studio Angela Bedoya Ruiz Urban planning in the fragmented city. A review on spatial fragmentation and segregation in Latin American cities.

Remco van Dijk Complex Cities studio Strategies for green belt governance in emerging metropolitan regions. The potential of strategies that aim to have directive influence on collaborative networked processes in spatial planning.

Jing Feng Transforming deprived public housing communities. From housing and community development perspectives.

Complex Cities studio

Complex Cities studio Robin Boelsums Living next to a flagship development. A literature review on the spatial and socio-economic benefits that flagship developments can generate for adjacent residential neighbourhoods.

Noor Scheltema Urban Regeneration studio Succesful public space for cyclists. Developing conditions for the design of a strong, consistent and attractive bicycle network from home to the railway station.

Jan Wilbers Urban Regeneration studio Reconfiguring landscapes. Changes in the use and perception of the landscape in the Netherlands.


Hannah Cremers Creating a creative-based urban environment. An investigation on the spatial characteristics.

Vera Konings Benefit from flooding in Southeast Asian delta cities. Combining water safety structures with better living conditions.

Urban Regeneration studio

Delta Interventions studio

Field Academy studio Jurrian Arnold How to co-create a city. Methods for citizen involvement in urban design, applicable in the context of deprived neighbourhoods.

Cunera Smit Hybrid Buildings studio Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood.

Wouter Hagers Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad. Recommendations for programme and their spatial consequences.

Hybrid Buildings studio

Esther Verhoek Design as Politics studio Enclosed residential domains in the Netherlands. A review on the causes and effects of an increase of private neighbourhoods in Dutch cities.


Airport-Driven Urban Development

Emilia Machedon

Airport-Driven Urban Development A reading of current spatial planning models and critiques Emilia Machedon 4119738 _ e.machedon@student.tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract – This paper investigates current planning literature on the spatial characteristics and spatial planning challenges of airport-driven urban development. Airports have had a historic role in shaping metropolitan form (Freestone & Baker, 2011). Thus offices, hotels, warehouses, shopping complexes and logistics facilities have emerged worldwide in the airports’ region (Güller & Güller, 2003). Although not thoroughly explored, the notion of airport-driven urban development encloses the role of airports as both ‘users and producers of urban space’ (Knippenberger, 2010: p. 210 in Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.263). This paper explores three authors who promote spatial planning models of airport-driven urban development: the aerotropolis (Kasarda, 2000), the airport corridor (Schaafsma et al., 2008) and the airea (Schlaak, 2010), and three authors who criticise both the models (Freestone & Baker, 2011; Charles et al., 2007) and airport region planning itself (Donnet & Keast, 2010). The literature review concludes that although there is a knowledge gap in the area, existing literature provides pertinent information for understanding the characteristics and planning challenges of airport-driven urban development. The relevance of this information is explained in relation with the author’s graduation thesis.

Key words – airport-driven urban development; aerotropolis; airport corridor; airea; spatial planning

1 Airport-Driven Urban Development As a first step in understanding the implications of aviation for urban planning this literature review has the purpose to investigate the current planning literature on airport-driven urban development. A relatively recent phenomenon, civil aviation emerged as a public means of transport in the XXth century. Since then air traffic has been constantly expanding both its passenger and cargo target groups. Moreover airports have broadened their scope from transportation agents exclusively to also provide services, commerce, leisure, etc. Dutch planners briefly describe the process as: ‘The airport leaves the city. The city follows the airport. The airport becomes the city (Kasarda & Lindsay, 2011: p.20).’ These transformations, often enclosed in the airport city concept, apply to the territory within the airports’ fences. Furthermore airport surroundings have become attractive business locations for reasons such as close relation with air transportation, the availability of good regional transportation networks and the benefits of economies of agglomeration (Kasarda, 2000; Güller & Güller: 2003). Airports have been typically located outside urban areas because of

safety and pollution restrictions. However due to urbanisation incentives such as the ones mentioned above airports are now being surrounded by airportdriven urban development. Even though it is recognised that airports influence urban development ‘the planning literature has yet to address the forces and implications of these changes’ (Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.263). According to the authors in order to understand this reality it is necessary to look not only into urban transportation planning literature but also into metropolitan space structure literature. In this context this paper’s main research question is: What are spatial characteristics and spatial planning challenges specific to airport-driven urban development? This literature review will explore in a first part three spatial planning models of airport-driven urban development. In a second part it will look into critiques of spatial planning models and airport area planning. The conclusions section will firstly answer the research question. Secondly it will explain the role of this theoretic framework in the author’s graduation project.


Airport-Driven Urban Development

Emilia Machedon

Figure 1 Models of Airport-Driven Urban Development (source: Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.267)

2 Spatial Planning Models The choice of models that will be explored further on has been made following the review of Freestone and Baker (2011) on spatial planning models of airport-driven urban development (see figure 1). The chosen models are the ones which integrate the airports’ metropolitan context most thoroughly. These are: the aerotropolis (Kasarda, 2000), the airport corridor (Schaafsma et al., 2008) and the airea (Schlaak, 2010). 2.1 The Aerotropolis; Kasarda (2000) Kasarda is an American academic who is considered the leading developer of the aerotropolis concept. His areas of expertise include ‘aviation infrastructure, logistics, demographics, urban development and commercial real estate issues’ (Kasarda, 2011). One first essay to introduce his concepts was Aerotropolis Airport-Driven Urban Development published in 2000. A long series of scholarly articles and books led to the writing of a more comprehensive book on the subject Aerotropolis The Way We’ll Live Next. The book written together with Lindsay was published in 2011. According to Kasarda (2000: p. 32) one main argument supporting the pertinence of the aerotropolis concept is a classic transport-oriented development argument: ‘Transportation infrastructure has shaped urban growth and form since the days of the Roman Empire’. Following this historical perspective airports are seen by the author as a 5th wave of drivers of urban development in American history after seaports, the network of rivers and canals, railroads and highways. The incentives for airport-driven urban development are mainly related to new systems of economic

production. In the XXIst century a main economic competitiveness factor is speed or ‘survival of the fastest’ (Toffler in Kasarda, 2000: p.33). Therefore the new economic systems rely on reducing production and delivery times. Supply chains, business-to-business (B2B) or just-in-time logistics are therefore at the core of this new system (Kasarda, 2000). The role of speed helps understand the link between the economic production systems and the urban development process. It is because of fast access to air transportation that distributors seek locations in the vicinity of the airports that have extensive flight networks. Time sensitive good facilities are therefore clustering around airports: ‘perishables (either in the physical or economic sense), just-intime supply chains and emergency parts provision centres and reverse logistics facilities for the repair and upgrade of high-tech products such as computers and cell phones’ (Kasarda, 2000: p.35). ‘With intellectual capital supplanting physical capital as the primary factor in wealth creation, time has taken on heightened importance for today’s knowledge workers’ (Kasarda, 2000). With this reason in mind it becomes clear why there is also an important clustering of corporate headquarters, regional offices, professional services and service sector industries in the proximity of airports. In Aerotropolis The Way We’ll Live Next, Kasarda and Lindsay (2011) present in depth international case studies of airport-led urban development. Some examples focus on effects, such as LA, Washington and Dulles airports, which face limits to their growth without room for further expansion; or the Denver Stapleton Airport, which is hindered by its


Airport-Driven Urban Development

own success due to the expanding nearby residential developments. Other examples focus on causes such as Amsterdam Schiphol Airport, which grew substantially thanks to the local economy based on cold logistics, or Memphis and Louisville Airports, which owe their wellbeing to important logistics companies such as FedEx and UPS located in their vicinity. Kasarda also produced a spatially compressed model showing the current and likely future evolution of the aerotropolis (see figure 2). In his opinion existing developments have been ‘organic, spontaneous and haphazard’ (Kasarda, 2011) and he recommends strategic infrastructure and urban planning for future improved development. Among the recommendations he gives there are the need of creating dedicated expressways and express trains, of development with the criteria of time-cost accessibility as well as the need of clustering rather than stripping development or the need of separating goods process activities from white-collar service facilities and airport passenger flows. Kasarda and Lindsay (2011) also introduce elements of critique of the aerotropolis model. They mainly focus on the issue of sustainability in terms of potential oil price crisis and global warming effects of aviation. The arguments they bring counteract the criticism. The case of the peak whale oil which was

Figure 2 Aerotropolis Schematic (source: Kasarda, 2011)

Emilia Machedon

solved through the discovery of petroleum is an example of overnight life style change thanks to substitution. A similar solution is hoped for in the case of peak oil. As far as global warming is concerned the authors claim that housing, food and driving are causing much more environmental damage. They also state that ‘aviation’s contribution to our own well-being are larger and growing more rapidly than its carbon emissions’ or in a more simple way ‘aviation is doing less harm than good (Kasarda & Lindsay, 2011: p.338). 2.2 The Airport Corridor; Schaafsma, Amkreutz and Güller (2008) Urban planners with first-hand experience in the field contributed to the development of the airport corridor concept. Amsterdam Airport Schiphol’s main urban planner, Schaafsma, or Güller from the Güller and Güller urbanism office experienced in both research and design of European airports were involved in developing this model. The airport corridor model evolved from the airport city model in Dutch planning practice and literature. According to Schaafsma (2010) there were four main stages of development between the airport and the airport corridor concept: the airport as basic infrastructure, the airport as main logistics port, the airport city as service provider and the airport corridor as regional and societal point of interest.


Airport-Driven Urban Development

Airport-driven urban development captures how airports and cities now ‘melt together spatially and economically’ (Schaafsma et al., 2008: p.125 in Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.274). The airport corridor concerns the area between the central city and the airport with its infrastructure and real estate. From an administrative perspective this area is spread across different administrative units, both locally and regionally. The ambition of this concept is to see the area as an integrated economic zone despite the administrative fragmentation. There are several factors which contribute to the working of an airport corridor such as the size of the airport, land transportation networks or institutional cooperation. Examples of such spatial organizations are found in regions where major airports are close to the CBD (Sydney), where governance structures are tailored for the purpose (Paris and Zurich) and where there is major public investment in infrastructure (Singapore and Hong Kong) (Schaafsma et al., 2008 in Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.260). According to Schaafsma (2010) the main challenges of airport corridor development are synergy, spatial integration and governance. Synergy refers to the different stakeholders involved and their possible better performance if they collaborate. Spatial integration acknowledges the fact that airport corridors are spatially segregated from the surrounding areas and that they must be better physically and socially connected to their direct environments. Governance also introduces the importance of the presence of various stakeholders in the development decision making process.

Emilia Machedon

city, the aerotropolis, the airport corridor and the airport region (see figure 3). According to the author, the airport city is a marketing product of airport authorities and it is doubtful whether it can really be called an airport city. Similarly the aerotropolis promotes ‘unorganised extensive development and urban sprawl’ (Charles, 2007 in Schlaak, 2010: p.115). The airport corridor, favours fragmentation because it does not allow for crosswise development along the corridor and finally, the airport region, is a ‘shared political planning vision […] stretching around a centrally positioned airport’ (Schlaak, 2010: p.116). In order to provide a more open analytical research approach in regional sciences and urban planning, the airea tool was developed. The airea refers to the ‘various fragmented islands of development within a certain space of opportunity in relation to the airport’ (Schlaak, 2010). It is also characterised by higher investments than the rest of the metropolitan region and a clear global – local interaction. There are three main steps which shape the tool. The first is to characterise the airport area as a whole regarding function, form, stakeholders and interrelations. The second step is to define the interactions between the city and the airport and the third step is to give recommendations for the integration of each component in its surroundings. The purpose is to explore and describe processes of airport-driven urban development in metropolitan areas in order to be able to propose strategic spatial planning concepts for integrating the area in the wider metropolitan region (Schlaak, 2010).

3 Critiques 2.3 The Airea; Schlaak (2010) Schlaak is a lecturer at TU Berlin and director and coordinator of the Berlin Brandenburg International Airport City Planning Laboratory. She proposes an analytical model of urban development stimulated by the airport’s presence. The tool should be applicable in any context. ‘The concept of the Airea delivers an approach, a toolkit and a new spatial and functional category to analyse and describe processes of airport related development within the metropolitan region’ (Schlaak, 2010: p.117). The reasons for developing this tool are the limitations and flaws of previous models, the airport

Both the spatial planning models and the urban planning process in airport areas have been criticised. In the following section three critique texts will be reviewed. The three chosen texts present different attitudes which range from objective assessment of sustainability dimensions (Freestone & Baker, 2011) to denunciation of environmental dimensions (Charles et al., 2007). Overall this review highlights the range of implications of aviation for urban planning which vary from environmental to governance issues.

Figure 3 Schematic diagram of different airport area development concepts. (source Schlaak, 2010: p.115)


Airport-Driven Urban Development

Emilia Machedon

Figure 4 Comparison of airport area planning models on sustainability dimensions (source: Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.274)

3.1 Spatial Planning Models of Airport-Driven Urban Development; Freestone & Baker (2011) The Airport Metropolis international collaborative research project initiated by the Queensland University of Technology (QUT) seeks to ‘investigate the changing role of city airports to that of airport cities: The Airport Metropolis’ (QUT, 2011). In their literature review two of the research project main investigators look at six spatial planning models of airport-driven urban development and compare them on four sustainability dimensions: economic, environmental, social and governmental. Out of the six reviewed models, three of them are the airport corridor (Schaafsma et al., 2008), the aerotropolis (Kasarda, 2000) and the airea (Schlaak, 2010). The economic parameter refers to the ‘prospects for enduring employment generation’ (Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.269). All six models present airports as economic growth generators. However it is recognized that it is not only the airport’s presence that matters but there are also other factors involved ranging from physical infrastructure to governance. Moreover the ‘build and growth will come’ optimistic attitude needs some tempering (Freestone & Baker, 2011). Likewise the aerotropolis model is criticised for ‘lacking realistic economic assessments and presenting an unduly optimistic and simplistic outlook in prospects regarding benefits’ (Prosperi, 2007 in Freestone & Baker, 2011). The potential diversion of jobs in the larger economic region demonstrates that there can also be disadvantages of such economies of agglomeration. Moreover the type of economies generated by the fast growing freight transport is highly automated and therefore creates little employment growth. The environmental dimensions the authors discuss apply to ‘the spatial implications of extensive airport-led development’ (Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.269). Main environmental concerns such as

climate change, carbon dioxide emission or peak oil are easily linked to airport-related development by critiques. The urban forms promoted vary between extensive land use, the aerotropolis, linear compaction, the airport corridor and polycentric development, the airea (Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.271). While there is no consensus there also seem to be confusions such as that between the aerotropolis as an analytical model versus the aerotropolis as a normative model (Blau et al., 1983 in Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.271). The social dimension refers to the ‘redistributional implications of airport-centric development’ (Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.269). The authors evaluate the airport corridor and the airea as having the highest potential to integrate social goals as contrary to the aerotropolis which mainly serves high income people. Case studies also show that social-spatial fragmentation is a worldwide issue of airport-driven urban development. One main division is that between business travellers, top end tourists and the suburban community (Graham and Marvin, 2001: 367 in Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.271). Governance incorporates the planning frameworks addressing airport-led development areas. An airport area challenge is to accommodate the ambitions of very different actors such as ‘airport owners and operators, investors and developers, local authorities, infrastructure providers, and regional and national agencies’ (Güller & Güller, 2003: 144 in Freestone & Baker, 2011: p.272). According to the reviewers all models fail to propose convincing solutions for governance conflicts. Even the recommendations of the aerotropolis model seem to lose their power once the author acknowledges that most airport area planning frameworks are ‘politically localized and functionally fragmented’ (Kasarda, 2011).


Airport-Driven Urban Development

3.2 Airport Futures: Towards a Critique of the Aerotropolis Model; Charles et al. (2007) Kasarda’s aerotropolis model has been explicitly criticised in the planning literature. Charles and all (2010) the authors of one of these critiques are also part of Australian academic environment. Main arguments they bring regard the environmental dimension of aviation, the safety dimension of the aerotropolis urban form and the economic dimension of aerotropolis activities. Their thesis also tempers the idea that the aerotropolis is the ultimate answer to economic development in a globalising world.

Emilia Machedon

making protocols (see figure 5). For example cities set strategic development goals which they apply through zoning and building codes. They aim for growth, environment and lifestyle changes. Developers, who work within the city and state regulations, must meet their clients’ shareholders’ needs. Some of their tasks are to provide proof for their initiatives, lobby influential decision makers or deliberate with the authorities.

Considering the fact that ‘aircraft propulsion will remain dependent on fossil fuel (kerosene) for the foreseeable future’ (Upham, 2001: p. 724 in Charles et al., 2007: p. 1014) and that the moment when more than half of the world’s oil resources will be consumed (peak oil) will be reached between 2004 and 2061 (Charles et al., 2007) it becomes clear that the future of aviation is under question. Moreover due to the geographical concentration of critical infrastructure and high value assets, the aerotropolis risks becoming a terrorist attack target or being affected by small disturbances causing high detrimental repercussions (Charles et al., 2007; Perrow, 1984 and Turner 1978 in Charles et al., 2007). According to the authors there is an embedded assumption in the aerotropolis concept that ’air transport will replace sea transport as the dominant mode of transportation’ (Charles et al., 2007: p. 1022). However they argue that other forms of transport, notably maritime but also road and rail, will continue to remain very important in international economic development. 3.3 Cities in the Airports’ Shadow: Underlying Interests and Discretionary Power in Airport Region Development; Donnet and Keast (2010) The paper presented by Donnet & Keast (2010) at the 12th World Conference on Transport Research was also carried out through the Airport Metropolis project of QUT. The authors look into the overlap of different stakeholder interests in airport regions from an urban planning perspective. The case study they use is Australian, the Brisbane Airport Region, however except for situations very specific to the local legislation their observations can be generalised. The thesis of the paper is that all interests have to be taken into consideration by stakeholders in order to prevent conflicting situations. Donnet and Keast (2010) identify three main actors present in airport regions: the airport, the city and the developers. Each actor has their own perspective on the airport region development as the three have their individual interests, authority and decision

Figure 5 Overlapping interests and arrangements for airportregion development (source: Donnet & Keast, 2010: p.6)

Different decision makers are influenced by the airports in their region (Donnet & Keast, 2010). Common examples arise when looking at the multiple restrictions imposed by airports on surrounding developments: building heights need to be limited for safety reason, residential areas cannot be built in the airports’ noise footprints and office buildings need expensive insulation materials. The main questions raised by the authors from a planning perspective are: how authorities currently integrate the building decisions and what needs to be done to facilitate integration in order to achieve better outcomes for both cities and airport.

Figure 6 Mandated areas of influence and areas of discretionary influence. White: core area where interests and protocols must be adhered to. Grey: peripheral area where enforcement/protection of interests is discretionary. (source Donnet & Keast, 2010: p.20)


Airport-Driven Urban Development

The authors conclude that although the actors know it is possible to influence development projects they do not always do it but they choose when to cast their institutional shadow or not (Donnet & Keast, 2010). Institutional power ‘remains a tool to be used strategically for influencing the actions of others’ (Scharpf, 1994 in Donnet & Keast, 2010: p.18). Moreover although actors know that they should cooperate they do not invest enough in networking. An overlap of interests does not always coincide with an institutional arrangement overlap. The challenge is the greatest in the ‘eclipse area’ (Donnet & Keast, 2010: p.20) where all interests meet but where it is not possible to ensure all needs are taken into account (see figure 6).

4 Conclusions From a spatial planning perspective airport-driven urban development is a notion raising many debates. The spatial planning model review showed that diverse people deal with the subject: a sociologist with a background in economics and business: Kasarda; urban planning professionals: Schaafsma and Güller; and an urban planning academic: Schlaak. The models developed by them are also either normative, the aerotropolis and the airport corridor, or analytical, the airea. Their position on airport-driven urban development ranges from full support and promotion (Kasarda, 2000, 2011; Kasarda & Lindsay, 2011), to acknowledgement and support (Schaafsma, 2010, Schaafsma et al., 2008) to objective evaluation (Schlaak, 2010). However there is only one model which goes into more depth in dealing with airport-driven urban development spatial characteristics, the aerotropolis. The model provides a schematic representation of the infrastructural links and distribution of functions around the airport. According to the model the close vicinity of the terminal area has an airport city character but the influence spreads on a larger range through industrial and business districts, research centres or residential areas. Both the airport corridor model and the airea focus more on the relation between airport-driven urban development and the metropolitan context. The models depict mainly the regional scale although they also reflect on the more specific urban forms within this context. The critiques review pointed out the wide range of spatial planning issues in relation to airport-driven urban development. Governance appears to be one of the most challenging tasks for both planners and airport authorities (Donnet & Keast, 2010) especially with regard to the scale of cooperation, the regional setting (Freestone & Baker, 2011). Environmental and economic sustainability are the main dimensions for which airport-driven urban development is contested (Charles et al., 2007; Freestone & Baker, 2011). Socio-spatial

Emilia Machedon

fragmentation is also identified as a worldwide issue for this type of development (Freestone & Baker, 2011). A main recommendation concerns the need for better network collaboration between the different actors involved in the airport region development (Donnet & Keast, 2010; Freestone & Baker, 2011).

5 Recommendations Although all authors debate the nature of airportdriven urban development with very different approaches their remarks remain on a general level. Also there is no consensus on an urban form model. The way the airport gave birth to the airport city concept which later on evolved into the airport corridor model proves that concepts remain dynamic and a critical view is needed whenever dealing with any of them. Nevertheless the authors provide useful insights into the nature of airport-driven urban development. The increasing interest in the subject indicates that the body of knowledge in spatial planning will continue to grow on these foundations. The information gathered through this literature review will be used by the author in order to build the theoretical framework of the graduation thesis entitled From Lake to Airport Corridor. One of the main challenges of the project is to deal with the relation between the space of flows and the space of places as defined by Castells (2002) in an airport region context. Castells recognises the importance of ‘fast computerised transportation systems’ such as planes in creating nodes in global networks of cities because they ‘allow for a simultaneous spatial concentration in huge areas and thus for decentralisation’ (2002: p.550). The nature of airport-driven urban development unveiled in this review in more detail will help understand the spatial processes mentioned by Castells in his work.

Bibliography Castells, M. (2002). Global and Local: Cities in the Network Society. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 93(5), 548-558. Charles, M.B., Barnes, P., Ryan, N., & Clayton, J. (2007). Airport Futures. Towards a Critique of the Aerotropolis Model. Futures, 39, 28. Donnet, T., & Keast, R. (2010). Cities in the Airports’ Shadow. Underlying Interests and Discretionary Power in Airport Region Development. In The Proceedings of World Conference on Transport Research 2010, Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisbon. Freestone, R., & Baker, D. (2011). Spatial Planning Models of Airport-Driven Urban Development. Journal of Planning Literature, 26, 16. Güller, M., & Güller, M. (2003). From Airport to Airport City. Barcelona, Gustavo Gili.


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Kasarda, J.D. (2000). Aerotropolis. Airport-Driven Urban Development. ULI on the Future: Cities in the 21st century, 9. Kasarda, J.D. (2011). Aerotropolis. Retrieved December 4, 2011, from: www.aerotropolis.com . Kasarda, J.D., & Lindsay, G. (2011). Aerotropolis The Way We’ll Live Next, Great Britain, Allen Lane. Queensland University of Technology. (n.d.). Airport Metropolis: Managing the Interfaces. An international collaborative research project. Retrieved December 10, 2011, from http://www.airportmetropolis.qut.edu.au/. Schaafsma, M., Amkreutz, J., & Gßller, M. (2008). Airport and City. Airport Corridors: Drivers of Economic Development. Amsterdam, Schiphol Real Estate. Schaafsma, M. (2010). From Airport City to Airport Corridor. Airport and city, sustainability and economy. In Ute Knippenberger, A. W. (Eds.) Airports in Cities and Regions. Research and Practise. (2009). Karlsruhe: KIT Scientific Publishing, 192. Schlaak, J. (2010). Defining the Airea. Evaluating urban output and forms of interaction between airport and region. In Ute Knippenberger, A. W. (Eds.) Airports in Cities and Regions. Research and Practise. (2009). Karlsruhe: KIT Scientific Publishing, 192.

Emilia Machedon


Spatial concentration: problem or opportunity?

Saba Golchehr

Spatial concentration: problem or opportunity? The socio-spatial concentration and integration of ethnical groups in the Netherlands

Saba Golchehr 1268732 _ s.golchehr@student.tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract – The number of non-Western migrants coming to the Netherlands will increase in the future, in fifteen years their share of the population will increase from 11 to 13 percent. The CBS expects that from 2015 there will be a constant influx of about 125,000 migrants per year (van den Broek et al., 2008). The largest groups of migrants are very strongly concentrated in the four big cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The Hague). At the same time these cities attract the new migrants, for they offer a high number of social rent housing, which is by far the main housing provider for these groups (Lindner, 2002). As a consequence the concentration of migrants in the neighbourhoods with a high number of social rent housing will increase. This ethnical concentration is perceived as a problem in the Netherlands (van Bruggen, 2000). By introducing mixing schemes in renewal plans for these areas, the current policy tries to break up this undesired concentration. However the policy merely focuses on an intervention in the housing stock. Through a physical mix of the housing offer they hope to automatically bring about a social mix of the different socioeconomic groups in the neighbourhood (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). This social mix however does not occur naturally, if it occurs at all (Smets and den Uyl, 2008). The aim of this paper is to reflect on the current renewal policy and to advance the migration issue from different perspectives in order to make recommendations for a new direction in the urban renewal policy in the Netherlands. This recommendation I will use in my graduation project, since it will form the theoretical base for the regional strategy I will propose. The current renewal policy originated from a fear of ghettofication of the neighbourhoods of concentration. This has steered the policy towards idealistic ideas of a mix of society on a neighbourhood level. Furthermore some cities apply a policy (Wet Bijzondere Maatregelen Grootstedelijke Problematiek) that allows them to deny access to housing in certain neighbourhoods to socio-economic weak groups (Ministerie van Justitie, 2005). In real practice this has become a municipal instrument to regulate the arrival of migrants in the city. This policy does however not consider the long term effects of this regulation and merely shifts the problem towards other (smaller and middle-sized) cities (Musterd and Ostendorf, 2009). A solution is needed for a more successful way of receiving and integrating the newcomers. The conclusion of this paper is that the urban renewal policy needs revision. The policy needs to include the trend of the growing migration and aim for a policy that understands the inter- and intra-ethnic dynamics (Smets and den Uyl, 2008). The studies that are addressed in this paper (Bolt et al., 2006: Nannestad et al., 2006: Marcuse, 1997) show us that spatial concentration can be a very positive and helpful tool in the process of social and spatial integration. Key words – migration, socio-spatial integration, spatial concentration, ethnical segregation, urban renewal


Spatial concentration: problem or opportunity?

1 Introduction: Trend, statement and approach

Saba Golchehr

problem

In the year 2025 11,000 more people will be coming to the Netherlands than leaving, according to current national prognosis of CBS (van den Broek et al., 2008). Population growth will be entirely due to migrants. On January 1st 2007 the Netherlands retained 1,7 million non-Western immigrants, mainly from Turkey, Morocco, Suriname, the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba. By 2025 this number will increase to 2,2 million. Their share of the population will increase from 11 to 13 percent. Most of the non-western immigrants lived in the Randstad in 2007. The highest concentrations is found in the cities Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague; here one in three people were from nonWestern origin. Also the CBS expects that from the year 2015 the migration to the Netherlands will stabilize at an average of about 125,000 people per year. From this prognosis we can conclude that the influx of migrants will be a constant factor in the future of the Netherlands. The migrant issue is a great, and constant, force of transformation of the urban context. However in the regeneration process of these neighbourhoods this issue is not being addressed. It would be obvious that in the restructuring process attention should be paid to the needs of current and future residents. Yet this is mostly not the case (van Bruggen, 2000). Therefore the aim of this paper is to review the current renewal policy in the Netherlands and to address the migration issue from different perspectives to find what is lacking in the current policy and how it can be advanced. In this paper first the ethnical concentration in these areas is handled more elaborately. After critically reviewing the current restructuring policy, a closer look is then taken into the motives for this policy. Next the spatial concentration will be addressed from several opposing perceptions. Also the phenomena of ethnical concentration will be approached from different theoretical perspectives. From this recommendations can be made for a new direction for the spatial policy concerning neighbourhoods with a high ethnical concentration.

2 Spatial concentration and urban renewal As stated before the largest groups of migrants are very strongly concentrated in the four big cities. In 1992, 57 percent of Surinamese, 48 percent of Moroccans, 37 percent of Turks and 31 percent of Antilleans lived in these cities. The existing concentrations of migrants are strengthened through new migrants which are strongly directed to the big

cities. In 1997, 63 percent of Surinamese migrants, 53 percent of Moroccan migrants, 45 percent of Turkish migrants and 41 percent of Antillean migrants arrived in the four big cities. Thus the orientation of new migrants in the four big cities is even higher than that of the ethnic minority groups already living there (Bolt et al., 2002). As we saw migrants constitute a large (and growing) part of the urban population in the Netherlands. A large number of these migrants live in post-war neighbourhoods (van Bruggen, 2000). The main cause of this is the housing offer in these neighbourhoods. A great number of the houses in these areas are in the social rent sector, which is by far the main housing provider for new migrants and also for their offspring (Lindner, 2002). Post-war housing estates have drawn a lot of attention since the late eighties because of the problems in many of these neighbourhoods such as poor quality housing, decay of the living environment and social problems. But not only the post-war housing areas are the areas that are facing concentration of the migrant population. In the 1990s the Dutch government realised that increasingly fewer households were able to pursue their housing careers within their own neighbourhood. This particularly took place in the residential areas with an overrepresentation of affordable (social) rent housing. These were noticeably areas that were originally built in the second half of the nineteenth century, the first half of the twentieth century and the aforementioned early post-war period (1945-1960). The amount of owner occupied housing in these areas was very limited and the quality of the housing stock was quite poor. This low quality and homogeneous housing stock led to an acceleration of the departure of the well-to-do households. Subsequently their place was taken over by low-income households in many cases (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). With this the socio-economic profile of the residents in these areas became increasingly homogeneous over time. This increasing concentration of low-income households in these areas were however not unexpected. Moreover this concentration was caused by the basic philosophy of urban renewal in the 1970s and early 1980s. The principle idea under the title ‘building for the neighbourhood’ was that inhabitants of demolished housing had the right to be re-housed in the same neighbourhood (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). The aim of this policy was to stabilise the social structure of these neighbourhoods. As an effect of the renewal lowincome households were particularly inclined to stay, due to the generally inexpensive new dwellings.


Spatial concentration: problem or opportunity?

Now in many of these neighbourhoods part of the solution to the concentration is again sought in restructuring projects (van Bruggen, 2000). In 1997 the Memorandum on Urban Renewal (Nota Stedelijke Vernieuwing) was brought out to bring an end to the undesired development of concentration. The aim of the new urban policy (Ministerie van VROM, 1997) is to create vital cities. By reducing unemployment, increasing the liveability, public safety and entrepreneurship in the weakest neighbourhoods of the cities, social and economic vitality of the city should be increased. This ‘Big Cities Policy’ aims specifically at the restructuring of the physical environment with its urban restructuring policy. In the next chapter this policy will be handled more in depth to see if the measurements of this policy are effective.

3 Dutch housing policy 1997: physical mix is social mix? Extending the choice opportunities of the city’s population can be pointed out as the main aim of the policy. It also makes it possible that all residential environments are accessible for potential residents. The most important mean to achieve this was considered to be the break-up of the monotonous housing stock in the neighbourhoods that was characterised by an over-representation of lowpriced (social) rent housing. This physical intervention, the replacement of the old housing stock by new buildings of a higher price class, would retain and attract residents of the middle and higher income house-holds, counteract spatial segregation (of income-groups, but not in terms of ethnicity), and enhance the quality of living in residential areas (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). The reason for this distinguishing between ethnicity and income is due to a longer discussion of several political parties about de-concentration of ethnic minorities. A discussion about forced deconcentration took place in the 1970s, which was followed by the selective migration policy of Rotterdam. Most likely the Ministry did not want to start this discussion anew and therefore focused its policy on the mix of incomes instead of ethnicity. The physical mix of the policy is expected to improve the spatial quality of the neighbourhood concerned. But also it will create a more diverse population distribution on socio-economic levels (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). The policy makers believe that a differentiation of income groups should contribute positively to the social quality of the neighbourhood, it would bring an end to the segregation of incomes and enhance the quality of living. Also an increase in the social integration is hoped for, due to the arrival of the

Saba Golchehr

new residents which could function as positive role models for the deprived residents. This tendency of policy-makers to counter urban segregation, and its negative consequences, by employing mixing schemes lacks of scientific support for the planning strategies. According to Smets and den Uyl (2008: p.1456) the planners have ‘underestimated the complexity, potential and force of interethnic dynamics’. In their research on two urban renewal plans in the Netherlands and the effect on the neighbourhood level, they found that the urban restructuring strategies do not achieve the desired results. The planners hoped that the social mix would automatically occur when there would be a physical mix. This is however not the case, for the complexity of the role of ethnicity is highly underestimated.

4 Socio-spatial concentration: disadvantage or benefit? The concentration of the migrants in the post-war neighbourhoods causes a spatial segregation between different socio-economic groups in the society. According to van Kempen et al. (1998) we speak of spatial concentration of a group, if an area displays an overrepresentation of this group. So in the case of the post-war neighbourhoods with a high concentration of migrants, we can speak of spatial concentration, which by definition implies spatial segregation. In turn spatial segregation can have negative effects on the integration of the migrants into society (van Kempen and şule Özüekren, 1998). But is the concentration of ethnical minorities necessarily a negative occurrence? As we now know the Dutch government perceives the homogeneous social structure of neighbourhoods and the spatial concentration of low-income groups as a problem. The fear of the neighbourhood with concentrations of socioeconomic weak groups frequently appears in literature on American ghettos. For example Wilson (1989) stated that the combination of unemployment, the departure of the middle class, the influx of lowincome population groups, the relative increase of (poor) elderly residents, and the impoverishment of the remaining population puts pressure on the social organization of such areas. Socio-economic weak residents of these areas are restricted in their choices as individuals and are also much more dependant of their immediate environment (the neighbourhood) than other people from mainstream society. In this way their daily life is dominated by the neighbourhood, and therefore the neighbourhood influences strongly the behaviour and attitudes of its residents. According to this literature it is very difficult for the residents to escape such districts, for


Spatial concentration: problem or opportunity?

they do not have the financial means to move away. But also discrimination plays an important part in the housing market. The areas with a concentration of ethnic minorities have a bad name among the general public. A lot of the residents of these areas believe that the quality of life in these areas has declined which is mainly caused by the arrival of ‘foreigners’. In the research of Tesser et al. (1998) a division is made between migrants who live in the concentration areas temporarily and permanently. For the first group the concentration areas are mere the area of arrival which is followed by sprawl and societal integration. The second group however are the migrants who stay and live in the concentration areas more or less forever. In this case the fear of concentration areas developing into ghettos of poverty arises. However it can be stated that another possibility is not considered: some migrants might see their housing situation as a desirable one. In this perspective the area might turn into a kind of ethnic enclave (Marcuse, 1997). We will return to this concept of the cultural enclave in the next chapter. The neighbourhood can most certainly have a positive effect on its inhabitants. Forrest and Keans (2001) propose that over time individuals might attach more importance to the neighbourhood, due to macro-developments as for example globalisation. Also the social solidarity of neighbours within a neighbourhood is seen as an important phenomena. The neighbourhood can in this case be seen as an enforcement of local ties and networks. It is widely acknowledged that good social contacts are considered a basic need. In this line of thought it is logical that people like to live in neighbourhoods where they can find people like themselves. This behaviour is examined by Bolt et al. (2006) by studying moving dynamics, I will return to this research in the next chapter. For now I want to put forward the idea that the neighbourhood becomes a key place in the definition of the social world of its residents (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). Furthermore the quality of these neighbourhoods and affiliated contacts strengthen the capacity of residents to participate abundantly in society (Healy, 1998 in van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). So concentration of certain groups according to their background (for instance ethnicity) is not necessarily a negative phenomena. In fact the concentration of these groups can have beneficiary effects in relation to bonding and bridging capital of its residents (Granovetter, 1973). This theory on the ideas of bonding and bridging and the two other aforementioned concepts will be handled in the next chapter as recommendations for a different perspective on ethnical concentration.

Saba Golchehr

5 Recommendations concentration

for

beneficial

5.1 Moving dynamics based on the Chicago School The spatial segregation of migrants has been studied for over eighty years (Bolt et al., 2006). The most renowned studies originate from researchers within the Chicago School (Park and Burgess, 1925). These researchers can be seen as socio-ecologists. In their descriptive studies the spatial patterns of migrant groups in Chicago and the dynamics of these patterns were researched. The terminology used for their research stems from biology. The process of the moving dynamics is threefold in their studies. They consist of invasion, succession and dominance. The similarity between the ecosystem in biology and the ‘homo sapiens’ can be explained as follows: inhabitants of a neighbourhood will leave when there is an influx of new groups of residents (invasion). As a result of this new dwellings become available for the members of the new groups of residents (succession). Eventually the last stage (dominance) may occur: the new group has replaced the other group for a great part, and is therefore dominant in the neighbourhood. In research on segregation in the four big cities in the Netherlands (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Den Haag and Utrecht) the philosophy of the Chicago School is proven to be right. A study on (ethnical) segregation in these cities (Bolt et al., 2006) shows the three stages. First the indigenous (Dutch) population moves away from the area when groups of migrant population move into the neighbourhood (invasion). Then succession follows, for migrants prefer living in an area where they find their own culture. The research shows that these groups mostly move to neighbourhoods where 50-100 percent of the population exists out of migrants. With these moving dynamics eventually a state of dominance is achieved in the neighbourhood by the migrant groups. This process resulted in neighbourhoods we now recognise as (problem) areas of concentration of migrants. The urban renewal policy thrives to break this natural process by the physical mix of the housing stock. The question is however, if the invasion-successiondominance is in truth a natural process, which results from housing and moving preferences of individuals, will this policy be successful in the mixing of different groups on a neighbourhood level? Is it not more realistic to adjust the goal of the policy according to this process? We shall continue this line of thought throughout the next two theories.

5.2 Bridging and bonding theory The theory of bridging and bonding social capital and its effects within (American) society is handled to a great extend in the work of Putnam (2000). Here bridging social capital is defined by open


Spatial concentration: problem or opportunity?

networks, an external orientation that links people across social systems. Bonding on the other hand is the internal network that reinforces the social ties within the homogeneous group. In this paper however I want to emphasize on the role of social capital on improving integration of migrants. In this context the bridging social capital is defined by contacts between the ethnical group (the migrant) and the indigenous population (so inter-ethnic contacts) and bonding are the social ties within the ethnical group (so intra-ethnic contacts). So if integration means positive interaction, a mixing and an ongoing communication among groups (Marcuse, 1997), then what is needed to facilitate integration is bridging social capital. A research on non-Western migrants in Denmark (Nannestad et al., 2008) shows that bonding social capital contributes to bridging social capital. Positive bonding capital has a ‘spill-over’ effect on the amount of bridging capital. Also bonding capital is important for (ethnic) social integration because it enables migrant families to receive support and directions from other families and associations within the ethnic group. With this community standards are created and reinforced among the groups members, who may otherwise fall into an underclass subculture (Zhou and Bankston, 1994). So not only is bonding important for the integration of migrants, it also has a positive effect on the bridging social capital which is necessary for a good integration into mainstream society.

5.3 The cultural enclave In the previous chapter I briefly introduced the ethnic enclave of Marcuse (1997). He defines three categories of group settlements in his work on the Post-Fordist U.S. City. These groups are classified as the ghetto, the enclave and the citadel. The classic ghetto is defined as the result of an involuntary spatial segregation of a group that beholds an inferior relationship with the society in terms of politics and social capital. The enclave is explained as a voluntarily developed spatial concentration of a group which supports and contributes to its member’s welfare. The last category (the citadel) is defined as a concentration created by a dominant group so their superior position can be strengthened and protected. In the case of the concentration of migrants in the Netherlands the first two categories are of importance. As stated before, the ghettofication of the neighbourhoods with concentration of non-Western migrants is the fear of policymakers in the Netherlands. What is not considered however are the benefits this concentration can have for the migrant groups. The ethnical/cultural enclave of Marcuse (1997) describes these positive effects of ethnical concentration.

Saba Golchehr

Historically migrants have settled in separate communities of their national origin. By composing enclaves, an orientation to the new country of residency and mutual support among the migrants was ensured. In many of these cases the migrant networks supported the contact between new migrants with the mainstream society. Examples are the Chinese restaurants catering to non-Chinese clientele, or Korean grocery-stores opening stores in non-Korean neighbourhoods (Marcuse, 1997). The enclave therefore is a source of strength working bottom-up towards equality and integration and counteracts processes as gentrification.

6 Conclusions The aim of this paper was to reflect on the current renewal policy in the Netherlands and to look at the migration issue from a different perspective. This theoretical research will function as a base for the regional strategy I will propose in my graduation project that responses to the trend of increasing migration in a pro-active instead of a re-active way. The latest renewal policy in the Netherlands strives to bring about a social mix on the neighbourhood level by intervening in the physical structure (that is differentiating the housing market). This has been an unsuccessful policy in way, for the mixing of different groups has not automatically brought about a mix of social relations between the different groups of residents (Smets, 2006). The policy lacks understanding of inter-ethnic dynamics on a neighbourhood scale (Smets and den Uyl, 2008). From the movement dynamics of the migrants we see that living in a neighbourhood where one can find their own culture is preferred (Bolt et al., 2006). This preference occurs even stronger among new migrants arriving in the Netherlands (Bolt et al., 2002). The bridging and bonding theory shows the importance of social capital for the sake of integration. As stated before, socio-economic weaker groups (in this case: the migrants) are more dependant of the neighbourhood for their social contacts than the stronger groups. The bonding social capital of these groups can contribute to their bridging capital and with that also to their integration into mainstream society (Nannestad et al., 2008). Finally also the theory of Marcuse (1997) shows that the cultural enclave is beneficial for the integration of ethnical groups, and strengthens their position in society. In my graduation project I propose a different strategy for the renewal of the neighbourhoods of ethnical concentration. A shift is proposed from the fear of ghettofication in the policy, towards an approach according to the cultural enclave of


Spatial concentration: problem or opportunity?

Saba Golchehr

Illustration 1 Taxonomy of the ghetto, the enclave and the citadel by Marcuse (1997) showing the proposed shift of renewal policy: instead of the fear of ghettofication, a new approach of ethnical concentration as cultural enclaves

Marcuse (1997) (see illustration 1). Here the focus lies on strengthening bonds between new and old residents within the same culture (bonding social capital). By creating cultural enclaves that are at the same time strongly imbedded in the city, the integration of new migrants and the societal position of all residents can be improved.

MINISTERIE VAN VROM 1997. Nota Stedelijke Vernieuwing, Den Haag.

Bibliography

PARK, R. E. & BURGESS, E. W. 1925. The City, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press.

BOLT, G., HAM, M. V. & KEMPEN, R. V. 2006. Allochtonen op de woningmarkt; Ruimtelijke segregatie en verhuisdynamiek. In: TUBERGEN, F. V. & MAAS, I. (eds.) Allochtonen in Nederland; in internationaal perspectief. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. BOLT, G., HOOIMEIJER, P. & VAN KEMPEN, R. 2002. Ethnic Segregation in the Netherlands: New Patterns, New Policies? Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie, 93, 214-220. FORREST, R. & KEARNS, A. 2001. Social Cohesion, Social Capital and the Neighbourhood. Urban Studies, 38, 2125-2143. GRANOVETTER, M. S. 1973. The strength of weak ties. American Journal of Sociology, 78, 1360-1380. LINDNER, L. 2002. Ruimtelijke segregatie van afkomstgroepen in Den Haag; wiens keuze?, Den Haag, Bureau Discriminatiezaken. MARCUSE, P. 1997. The Enclave, the Citadel, and the Ghetto. Urban Affairs Review, 33, 228-264. MINISTERIE VAN JUSTITIE 2005. Wet bijzondere maatregelen grootstedelijke problematiek, Den Haag, Minister van Justitie.

MUSTERD, S. & OSTENDORF, W. 2009. Problemen in wijken of probleemwijken?, Assen, Van Gorcum. NANNESTAD, P., SVENDSEN, G. L. H. & SVENDSEN, G. T. 2008. Bridge over troubled water? Migration and Social Capital. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 34, 607-631.

PUTNAM, R. D. 2000. Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American Community, New York, Simon & Schuster. SMETS, P. 2006. Living apart or together? Multiculturalism at a neighbourhood level. Community Development Journal, 41, 293-306. SMETS, P. & DEN UYL, M. 2008. The Complex Role of Ethnicity in Urban Mixing: A Study of Two Deprived Neighbourhoods in Amsterdam. Urban Studies, 45, 1439-1460. TESSER, P. T. M., DUGTEREN, F. A. V. & MERENS, J. G. F. 1998. Rapportage minderheden 1998, Den Haag, Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau. VAN BECKHOVEN, E. & VAN KEMPEN, R. 2003. Social effects of urban restructuring: a case study in Amsterdam and Utrecht, the Netherlands. Housing Studies, 18, 853-875. VAN BRUGGEN, R. T. 2000. Groen wonen en allochtonen; een literatuurverkenning, Wageningen, Alterra, Research Instituut voor de Groene Ruimte.


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VAN DEN BROEK, L., DE JONG, A., VAN DUIN, C., VAN HUIS, M., BOSCHMAN, S. & VAN AGTMAAL-WOMBA, E. 2008. Regionale bevolkings-, allochtonen- en huishoudensprognose 2007-2025, Den Haag, Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving/Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek. VAN KEMPEN, R. & ŞULE ÖZÜEKREN, A. 1998. Ethnic Segregation in Cities: New Forms and Explanations in a Dynamic World. Urban Studies, 35, 1631-1656. WILSON, W. J. 1989. The underclass: Issues, Perspectives, and Public policy. In: WILSON, W. J. (ed.) The Ghetto Underclass: Social Science Perspectives. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. California: Sage Publications. HOU, M. & BANKSTON, C. L. 1994. Social Capital and the Adaptation of the Second Generation: The Case of Vietnamese Youth in New Orleans. International Migration Review, 28, 821-845.

Saba Golchehr


Urban planning in the fragmented city

Angela Bedoya

Urban planning in the fragmented city A review on spatial fragmentation and segregation in Latin American cities.

Angela Bedoya Study number 4112997 / a.m.bedoyaruiz@student.tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012 Abstract - Urban fragmentation is commonly accepted when understanding the spatial organization of cities from developing countries (Balbo and Navez Bouchanine, 1995). Contrasts between the planned city, illegal settlements and slum areas confirm the fragmented state of their space (Balbo, 1993). Although urban fragmentation in that context has been defined according to different approaches, several authors associate it with social dynamics and the evident differences among social stratums of these countries’ societies. Moreover, social marginalization and exclusion of social groups is referred to be related to this fragmented condition of space (Coy, 2006; Janoschka and Borsdorf, 2006). Two streams were identified in the relation between urban fragmentation and social dynamics. On one hand, fragmentation understood as the sum of fragments that may imply different social and morphological characteristics and different uses of the city (Balbo 1993; Balbo and Navez Bouchanine 1995). On the other hand, fragmentation related to segregation processes in the city induced by gated residential projects (Coy, 2006; Janoschka and Borsdorf, 2006). The main objective of this paper is to reflect on urban fragmentation in cities of developing countries specifically large Latin American cities, and the relation that this fragmented state of space has with segregation processes. Key questions addressed in this paper are: How is fragmentation understood? What are the spatial features? What are the causes behind it? How is related with segregation? And what kind of measures can be implemented in order to cope with it? By the means of literature review, this paper is aiming to clarify some concepts like spatial fragmentation and socio-spatial segregation (Sabatini, 2003; Sabatini and Brain, 2008; Jaramillo, 1999; Marcuse, 2005). The paper concludes stating that further detailed spatial conceptualization of fragmentation and clarification of its relation with segregation needs to be done in order to identify segregated population groups and city areas that need special attention for the development of planning policies and strategies. The conclusions extracted from this paper are meant to provide a theoretical framework on how to approach fragmentation and social integration in Latin American cities. Key words - Latin American cities; urban fragmentation; socio-spatial segregation; social integration.

1. Introduction: Latin American cities and the challenge of dealing with the new and the old. It is undeniable the importance of comprehending urban processes of cities today, especially the ones of cities in developing economies. It is well known that these cities deal, like Castells puts it for the case of Latin America, with ‘old and new problems at the same time’ 1 (2000: p. 51). Along with the process of consolidating economic competitive scenarios, Latin American cities still struggle with spatial issues originated in the last century namely lack of infrastructure, housing shortage, uneven urban development (including both formal and informal) and poverty (Balbo and Navez Bouchanine, 1995; 1 All quotations of this bibliographic source are translated by the author of this paper.

Castells, 2000; Gilbert, 1995). Even so, the setting of those ‘last century problems’ in a new and global context makes them emerge somehow as new problems (Castells, 2000: p. 51). Dealing with ‘the old and the new’ (ibidem) simultaneously comes as a challenge when setting out appropriate policies for the improvement of these cities urban environment. Therefore the importance of comprehending urban processes in specific contexts like Latin America relies on the responsibility of politicians, urban planning professionals and academics, of understanding their context and its dynamics in order to respond in an adequate way. The stated above becomes relevant in the study of spatial fragmentation and the relation this one has with segregation processes in Latin American cities. In the current academic and professional spheres, it is not contradicted that the urban space of Latin


Urban planning in the fragmented city

Angela Bedoya

American cities has developed in a fragmented way (Balbo, 1993; Balbo and Navez Bouchanine, 1995; Coy, 2006, Jaramillo, 1999). Indeed contrasts between the planned city, illegal settlements and slum areas confirm the fragmented state of these cities urban space (Balbo, 1993). Moreover, this fragmented condition is often related with social exclusion and segregation processes (Coy, 2006; Janoschka and Borsdorf, 2006). However, diverse definitions and uses of fragmentation 2 created confusion in understanding the link this one has with social issues and consequently with the proper measures to tackle it.

Bouchanine (1995), urban space fragmentation can be recognized in the ‘distinctive spatial patterns’ (1995: p. 571) displayed in cities from developing countries. That is how, the planned districts, illegal settlements and slums areas appear as different morphological entities: ‘An aerial view of the city shows a spatial structure made of many different pieces drawn together in a rather accidental way’ (Balbo, 1993: p. 24). The author’s hypothesis is based on the study of different fragments in relation with different ways of living or experiencing the city: ‘Each fragment appears to live and function autonomously’ (ibidem: p. 25).

The following questions arise: How is the fragmentation understood? What are the spatial features of this phenomenon? What are the causes behind it? How is related to segregation? And what kind of measures can be implemented in the urban planning sphere (strategies, policies, projects) to cope with it?

The most recognizable reason to spatially define the fragment according to Balbo is to be found in the built environment (1993). Each fragment of the city displays a different pattern, based more in terms of morphology (Balbo and Navez Bouchanine, 1995). To name a few: ‘the ‘‘modern’’ centre, the historic city, the planned districts, the various types of illegal settlements and the slum areas’ (Balbo, 1993: p. 26). Moreover there are different conditions of services and infrastructure among fragments linked often with the level of legality of each of them. In that way, aspects like tenure are, according to the author, drivers for new spatial patterns and therefore new fragments.

This paper is aiming to answer these questions by studying two theoretical streams on urban fragmentation. On one hand, fragmentation understood as the sum of fragments that may imply different social and morphological characteristics and different uses of the city (Balbo, 1993; Balbo and Navez Bouchanine, 1995). On the other hand, fragmentation related to segregation processes in the city induced by gated residential projects (Coy, 2006; Borsdorf, 2003). Further, the postulates extracted from these authors will be challenged according to the studies made by Sabatini (2003; 2008) and Jaramillo (1999) on socio-spatial segregation in Latin American cities and the clarification of concepts proposed by Marcuse (2005) on segregation. In the development of this paper the above mentioned variables: spatial features, causes, relation with segregation, and measures or solutions will be used in order to expose what has been proposed by the authors. Further in the conclusions, these same notions are considered to end with recommendations on how to approach fragmentation and segregation in Latin American cities.

2. Urban fragmentation: not conceived as a unitary concept. 2.1. Urban fragmentation according to morphology: the whole as a sum of fragments. Balbo (1993) recognizes urban fragmentation from a spatial perspective. For Balbo and Navez

2 Some authors refer to the phenomenon from a spatial perspective, but others refer to fragmentation from a social, cultural or even economic perspective (Michelutti, 2010).

For Balbo (1993; 1995), a direct and main cause for urban fragmentation was the spatial organization developed in the colonial period of developing countries. Two cities had to be developed according to ideological and political arguments in that time: one for the incoming population and one for the natives. Although this ‘dualistic’ development was the reflex of a ‘dualistic’ (1993: p. 27) society, the author also mentions that it is more difficult to establish a direct relation between the current urban society and spatial fragmentation. Nonetheless, Balbo defines four other causes (1993: p. 27-29) namely: ‘(a) the extremely rapid urban population growth’ and the demand of services and facilities that neither the public nor private sectors managed to provide in adequate conditions. As a consequence, substitute (or informal) mechanisms participated in the supply of these facilities, contributing to spatial fragmentation. ‘(b) the functioning of the urban economy’, where he stresses how little attention and further study has received the impact of informal activities in the spatial distribution of the city. For the author ‘fragmentation could be a response to the organizational needs of informal activities, not simply the consequence of an informal housing and land market’ (1993: p. 28).


Urban planning in the fragmented city

‘(c) the ideology of urban planning’ that based on the European conception of the city as an homogenous object, denies unique and incomplete modernization processes of cities in developing countries. ‘(d) the role of the state’ and the limited acting capacity of this one to cope with the development and provision of services in the city, but still pretending to control and produce everything. As it was said before, Balbo (1993) explains segregation or (social fragmentation according to him) is not directly involved in the fragmentation of space or vice versa. As an example, in the case study of spatial fragments in Rabat Salé (Africa), Balbo and Navez Bouchanine (1995) discover that different and opposing urban spaces coexist without necessarily causing societal conflicts. These conflicts can be related more to household, social and economic conditions. Moreover, it was observed that ‘the past social cohesion brought about by the concentration of analogous populations, has evolved into a different type of homogeneity’ (1995: p. 580) leading towards the concentration of population groups that seek some degree of residential segregation. The approach of Balbo (1993; 1995) questions the current role of urban planning in developing countries. According to the author, ‘the notion that the ideal city should be an integrated, well-balanced space’ should be re-examined (Balbo and Navez Bouchanine, 1995: p. 573). In that sense, shaping

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appropriate urban policies comes from understanding ‘to what extent the fragmented city of the developing world is the accidental outcome of conflicting forces, the result of a lack of planning, or the way the urban society and economy copes with the constraints of underdevelopment’ (ibidem: p.574). Although no concrete spatial strategies or policies are proposed by these authors, they emphasize for deeper knowledge of informal dynamics due to fragmentation could be a way of balancing uneven distribution in these societies. 2.2. Urban fragmentation according to geography: islands of wealth. Coy, in his article Gated communities and urban fragmentation in Latin America: the Brazilian experience (2006), does not refer specifically to urban fragmentation. He refers to a particular manifestation of it, gated housing areas developed mainly from the 70s until today. According to him, these gated residential developments ‘have to be seen as an essential part of far reaching socioeconomic changes and the resulting socio spatial differentiation of the Latin American city which can be described as a process of increasing urban fragmentation’ (2006: p. 121). Gated residential areas or gated communities as Coy calls them are one of the many existing fragments of Latin American cities urban development (2006: p. 122) (See Illustration 1). The author makes a radical distinction among fragments. Ones are occupied and used by wealthy social groups as shopping and entertainment centres; ‘islands of wealth’, and

Illustration1. The fragmentation of Latin American cities (Coy, 2006: p. 123)


Urban planning in the fragmented city

others by low incomes population like places of informal activity and low-cost housing projects; ‘Oceans of poverty’. Coy specifies this social and spatial structure, ‘islands of wealth in oceans of poverty’ (ibidem), is not new as Latin American societies have always been characterized by social inequality. For Janoschka and Borsdorf (2006) urban fragmentation and the development of gated communities are seen from an historical perspective. (See Illustration 2), urban fragmentation is linked with the actual stage of the Latin American city structure. In addition, Borsdorf (2003; 2006) mentions how gated residential projects, were aimed commonly to be occupied by high middle incomes groups but later other residential projects occupied by lower social classes were enclosed as well. The main spatial expression of fragmentation to Coy (2006), Janoschka and Borsdorf (2006), is embedded in the privatization of communal space and declining of public one. Coy explains how gated communities ‘follow the principles of privacy and exclusivity’ (2006: p.122) and in that way, they become the ‘extreme opposite to public accessibility, which constitutes an important element of the sociocultural qualities of urban life at least in the conventional perception of the city’ (ibidem). Although this approach is not entirely spatial, the author explains how gated communities are helping to develop cities of walls through the development of ‘new extraterritorial spaces beyond public management and control’ (ibidem), permitting ‘self-

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segregation’ (ibidem) of privileged groups. The main cause for fragmentation is to be found in the reduction of State intervention in socioeconomic and space development (Coy, 2006; Janoschka and Borsdorf, 2006). Policies oriented towards deregulation, flexibility and privatization, permitted the entrance of private capital interests and in that way, private developers and real estate companies gained more power in urban development. Also the increasing fear of criminality and ‘globalized’ (Coy, 2006: p. 122; Janoschka and Borsdorf, 2006: p. 94) wealthy and exclusive lifestyles were seen by these stakeholders as an opportunity for innovative real estate products. Simultaneously, the development of these residential projects was supported by the construction of new car-based mobility infrastructure (ibidem). According to Coy (2006) these islands of wealth, where ‘no-entrance areas’ and ‘no-go areas’ are established, permit to link different fragments in the city and its surroundings as a network of residential and entertainment places, used exclusively by the wealthy population (2006: p. 123.). For Janoschka and Borsdorf (2006), social exclusion is not seen strictly in the construction of walls, but in terms of accessibility. Closed spaces or ‘islands of consume and leisure’ only have access by car and exclude the ones that cannot participate in private transport (2006: p. 96). In terms of solutions or approaches the authors do

Illustration 2. The Model of the actual Latin American city structure. (Janoschka and Borsdorf, 2006: p. 95)


Urban planning in the fragmented city

not take a strong position on planning programs or policies addressed to cope with fragmentation. Nevertheless, Coy (2006) defines three scenarios for urban development. The first one -the fragmented city- constitutes a scenario where private market takes control and public authorities are powerless regarding urban development. The second one -the correcting city- is a scenario where authorities become more aware and create solutions attempted to integrate and regulate the informal city and renewal processes. The third one -the (re-) integrating city- is based on principles of solidarity and respect with emphasis in participatory strategies of enablement and empowerment and aims towards social integration. However, the author specifies the last one depends on good urban governance conditions and it is according to him almost a utopian vision.

3. Social and spatial segregation: a spatial phenomenon linked with social inequalities. A different academic stream is taken in the study of social and spatial segregation processes. In this one, residential segregation is studied as a phenomenon. In the following paragraphs the work of Sabatini (2003) who studies residential segregation for Latin American cities will be presented, and complemented with definitions developed by Marcuse (2005) who has studied it for North American cities. Sabatini (2003) defines social segregation of urban space or residential segregation as a changing spatial phenomenon related in a complex way with social inequalities. Social inequalities can be grounded on racial, migration or economic aspects although in the Latin American context the studies conducted so far have been focused on the last kind (ibidem). In addition, the author explains residential segregation study is related to the scale where it is analyzed. For instance in large Latin American cities, segregation is high on the city scale. On the contrary, on high rent neighbourhoods scale, segregation is low due to the existence of diverse middle and high incomes social groups residing in these neighbourhoods. The general definition of the phenomenon defined by the author is ‘clustering of families of the same social condition’ 3 (2003: p. 7). Three dimensions of this general definition are also stated by Sabatini, in order to develop a specific definition: 1) the degree of the social groups’ spatial concentration; 2) the degree of social homogeneity of one group

3 All quotations of this bibliographic source are translated by the author of this paper.

Angela Bedoya

accommodated in certain areas of the city; and 3) the prestige or lack of prestige those areas (ibidem). Moreover, Sabatini (2003) specifies residential segregation has positive as well as negative effects according to the predominance of the above mentioned dimensions. The positive effects are mainly associated with families that cluster to strengthen social identities (the first dimension). The negative ones are associated with lesser interaction in the urban space among diverse social groups and the involuntary cluster of low incomes population groups in less-served city areas (a transition from the first to the second dimension). In addition, the relevance of the third dimension (of subjective character) defined by Sabatini is crucial to understand the negative effects of residential segregation. Lack of prestige or negative stigmas constructed collectively for some areas of the city strengthens spatial exclusion of groups that live in those areas. In that way, ‘the isolation of discriminated and poor population groups and the perception they have on their own condition is what favours social disintegration’ (2003: p. 9). Marcuse (2005), defines clustering and segregation as separate concepts. Clustering is understood as ‘the concentration of a population group in space’ and constitutes the ‘generic term for the formation of any area of spatial concentration’ (2005: p.16). And segregation is understood as ‘the process by which a population group, treated as inferior (generally because of race), is forced, that is, involuntary, to cluster in a defined area, that is in a ghetto. Segregation is the process of formation and maintenance of a ghetto’ (ibidem). Marcuse (2005) defines two types of segregation: one based on racial and other based on real estate market grounds. Due to the differentiation Marcuse (2005) elaborates between segregation and clustering, notions like the one of ‘self-segregation’ (used often by Coy) are considered to be contradictory to him. The differentiation between clustering and segregation made by Marcuse (2005) can be roughly assimilated with the differentiation Sabatini (2003) makes among the negative and positive effects of segregation. In any way, the authors’ definitions both entail positive and negative aspects of social clustering in space, mainly based on the voluntary or involuntary properties of this one. Looking into the causes of residential segregation, Sabatini defines as the main cause the land market dynamics and its relation with segregation (2003). First, due to land prices are determined by land use contributing to the exclusion of specific functions in inner city areas like social housing. And second, due to city developers -public, private and informaloperate according to this land prices structure. This


Urban planning in the fragmented city

means that the families who cannot pay for privileged conditions in the city are forced to locate in poor developed areas where the access to facilities and centralities is limited and the population is ‘socially homogeneous’, (Sabatini and Brain, 2008). In that way, Sabatini (2003; 2008) recognizes the role of the public sector in increasing or diminishing socio-spatial segregation, aspect also recognized by Marcuse (2005). As a response to these segregation negative effects and after recognizing the role the State has had in increasing these ones, Sabatini (2003) proposes the development of a public policy where social integration becomes the main objective. In that way, key goals of that policy would be first a more physical interaction among different population groups; second a higher access of the poorer groups to the city; and third the weakening of negative stigmas developed for city areas. The author specifies this policy should aim to shorten the distance between low and high incomes population groups through the transfer of poor families into other areas of the city, mandatory percentages of social housing in real estate projects and upgrading of peripheral informal areas. In addition, special attention has to be made to the importance of land management and public transportation strategies.

4. Conclusions: Understanding the social and spatial aspects of fragmentation. After reviewing different approaches on urban fragmentation, divergent and convergent aspects of what the authors have established will be pointed out. In addition, special attention will be put on the relation of fragmentation with socio-spatial segregation. Relating the different theories is a complex task due to all the authors seem to talk about different aspects of two main issues displayed in large Latin American cities. First the existence of diverse forms of space production and second, social inequalities in these societies and what that means for vulnerable population groups in terms of access to certain opportunities. It needs to be said firstly that on the study of urban fragmentation, there are several approaches (more than the ones presented in this paper). Moreover, already some authors have underlined the lack of precision in the conceptualization of the fragmentation concept leading towards confusion with social and spatial phenomena (Michelutti, 2010). ‘Thus, fragmentation has become part of a “liquid” lexicon (in the Zygmund Baumann’s meaning of the word) that includes the words “dualism”, “segregation”, “segmentation”, etc. without enhancing a precise definition’ (ibidem: p. 1).

Angela Bedoya

Equally important the diverse approaches on the definition of urban fragmentation, leads towards vagueness when spatially defining a fragment. For Balbo (1993; 1995) the reasons to define the fragment seem to be found in urban morphology differentiation and possible disconnection from services and facilities. In the case of Coy (2006) and Borsdorf (2003), urban fragmentation is a given fact and they concentrate in the further analysis of one of those fragments: gated communities. For those last authors, the fragment is mainly defined in spatial terms by the walls or enclosure of gated complexes and their link to car-based mobility, aspects imported from North American models. When it comes to defining the causes of urban fragmentation, the authors establish as definitive the role of the State, aspect also very relevant in the work of Sabatini (2003) and Marcuse (2005) about socio-spatial segregation. The authors mention two main aspects of public intervention: for Balbo (1993; 1995), the capacity of the State to provide services and facilities and for Balbo (1993; 1995), Borsdorf (2003) and Coy (2006), the capacity of the State to control informal processes and private development. In addition, social dynamics are related to the fragmented state of space but there is no specific consensus in this matter. Balbo (1993; 1995) refers initially to the dualistic configuration of the colonial society and how fragmentation originated as a direct cause of this divided society. In addition, he stresses on the functioning of urban economy and how informal dynamics could be related to the fragmented distribution of space, aspect not studied in depth. Coy (2006) establishes urban fragmentation as a consequence of Latin American societies ‘disparities’ (2006, p: 122), but overall is very vague in specifying the link between this two aspects. Leaving aside the multiple interpretations of the phenomenon, on the matter of spatial fragmentation and the relation that this one could have with social conflicts no direct relation is proved. As Balbo and Navez Bouchanine (1995) realized in the study case of Rabat Salé (Africa), social conflicts are more likely to appear when the existence of social or economic differences, more than the existence of urban fragments. Moreover, behaviour or mobility within the city does not necessarily vary from one fragment to the other. Although segregation and exclusion are mentioned by Balbo (1993; 1995) and Coy (2006) as cause and sometimes as consequence, aspects analyzed by Sabatini (2003; 2008) in the study of socio-spatial segregation for Latin American cities were barely or not at all taken into account by these authors. Those aspects would be dealt briefly in the following two paragraphs: first the land market dynamics and second the


Urban planning in the fragmented city

importance of studying segregation in different territory scales. As it was mentioned before, according to Sabatini (2003; 2008) land prices formation according to land use and the actions of urban development stakeholders (public, informal and private) according to this structure of prices is what is causing higher segregation on the scale of the city. Also, other authors like Samuel Jaramillo (1999) who has studied land market and the relation of this one with Latin American cities spatial configuration, states the importance of land market role in the development of different kinds of built space production. To Jaramillo, the accentuated fragmentation of space is to be found in the different forms of space production and in the relatively weakness of the State to provide infrastructure and control urban processes what contributes to the speculation with land prices (1999: p. 112). Also, according to Sabatini (2003) the territory scale determines the degree of segregation in the study of Latin American cities. While in the scale of the city the distance between low and high incomes population is increasing, in the scale of the high rent neighbourhoods diverse middle incomes and high incomes population inhabit. Moreover, the emphasis of Sabatini’s (2003) policy proposal stresses the fundamental role that the location of social housing fulfils in the access to opportunities for the low incomes population groups. In that sense, the presence of walls in gated residential complexes and increasing fragmentation is to this author an expression of exclusion on a lower scale, but a way to reduce the distance between diverse social groups, aspect treated superficially by Balbo (1993: p. 33).

5. Recommendations: Towards social integration. When social inclusion or integration is set as the goal of planning strategies and design projects, no discussion arises from spectators. However, it becomes necessary to understand how this social inclusion can be achieved and this is only possible through deeper understanding of processes like urban fragmentation and socio-spatial segregation. Moreover, understanding causality and correlation of spatial and social dynamics of these phenomena is fundamental to respond in an adequate way. For further urban fragmentation studies, detailed spatial conceptualization and clarification of its relation with segregation needs to be done. This can be realized through the superimposition of different spatial environments, organization of population groups and the causes and conditions of facilities and infrastructure distribution at different city scales. The study in depth of these variables relies on

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identifying segregated population groups and city areas that need special attention for the development of planning policies and strategies. List of references BALBO, M. 1993. Urban planning and the fragmented city of developing countries. Third World Planning Review, 15, 23-35. BALBO, M. & NAVEZ-BOUCHANINE, F. 1995. Urban Fragmentation as a Research Hypothesis: Rabat-Salé Case Study. Habitat International, 19 (4), 571-582. BORSDORF, A. 2003. Cómo modelar el desarrollo y la dinámica de la ciudad latinoamericana. Eure (Santiago) [Online], 29 (86). Available: http://www.scielo.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S 0250-71612003008600002&lng=es&nrm=iso [Accessed 15-12-2011] CASTELLS, M. 2000. Globalización, sociedad y política en la era de la información. Revista Bitácora Urbano Territorial, 1 (4), 42-53. COY, M. 2006. Gated communities and urban fragmentation in Latin America: the Brazilian experience. GeoJournal, 66, 121-132. GILBERT, A. 1995. The Latin American mega-city: An introduction. In: GILBERT, A (Ed.) The mega-city in Latin America. Ann Arbor: United Nations University Press. JANOSCHKA, M. & BORSDORF A. 2006. Condomínios fechados and Barrios privados: the rise of private residencial neighbourhoods in Latin America. In: GLASZE, G.; WEBSTER C. & FRANTZ K. (Ed.): Private Cities: Global and local perspectives. Oxon: Routledge. JARAMILLO, S. 1999. El papel del mercado del suelo en la configuración de algunos rasgos socioespaciales de las ciudades latinoamericanas. Territorios, 2, 107-129. MARCUSE, P. 2005. Enclaves yes, ghettos no. Segregation and the State. In: VARADY, D. (Ed.) Desegregating the city. Ghettos, Enclaves & Inequality. Albany: State University of New York Press. MICHELUTTI, E. 2010. An analytical framework for urban fragmentation analysis in the Global South city: Questioning urban planning practices through an institutional approach. 11th N-AERUS Conference. Assessing and exploring the state of urban knowledge: its production, use, and dissemination in cities of the south [Online]. Brussels: Network-association of European Researchers on Urbanization in the South. Available: http://www.naerus.net/web/sat/workshops/2010/Brussels_2010.htm [Accessed 27-12-2011] SABATINI, F. & BRAIN, I. 2008. La segregación, los guetos y la integración social urbana: mitos y claves. Eure (Santiago) 34, 5-26.


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SABATINI, F. 2003. La segregaci贸n social del espacio en las ciudades de Am茅rica Latina. Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo BID. Available: http://www.iadb.org/intal/intalcdi/PE/2008/01437.pdf [Accessed 11-01-2012]

Angela Bedoya


Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions

Remco van Dijk

Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions The potential of strategies that aim to have directive influence on collaborative networked processes in spatial planning Remco van Dijk 9209819 _ remcovandijk@aim.com Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract – Green belts have become part of an universal planning canon that is being used to control urban growth in different cities around the world (Amati, 2008). As a result of a global process of urbanization that can be characterized by the formation of a new global spatial configuration in the early the 21st century, the very effectiveness of the green belt concept becomes questionable. These metropolitan regions are not just new because of their exceptional size. It is a new form because it has within the same spatial unit the supposed opposites urbanized areas and agricultural land and the opposite of open space and highly dense residential areas: there are multiple cities in a discontinuous countryside (Castells, 2010). As green belts are becoming part of the same spatial unit as for instance highly dense urban areas, it becomes questionable whether or not green belts can continue to be a tool to make a clear separation between urban and rural areas. Moreover as Innes et al. (2011) point out, these metropolitan regions have few linkages in terms of governance. This problem of complex overlapping formal and informal governance structures in metropolitan regions has generally a larger impact on green belts as they are almost always located at the outskirts of cities, in the in-between of these metropolitan regions. As a result the implementation and conservation of green belts has become a complicated, if not, impossible task. The aim of this paper therefore is to investigate potential (spatial) governance strategies for metropolitan regions, that can effectively contribute to the implementation and conservation of green belts. As possible solution the suggestion made by Innes et al. (2011) that collaborative network processes are capable of doing many of the needed tasks for regional governance will be taken into account. Two strategies, the actorrelational-approach (Boelens, 2009, Boelens, 2010) and the relational planning approach (Healey, 2007), seem to have potential to deal with these problems of governance, as they take into account collaborative network processes and will therefore be reviewed.

Key words – metropolitan regions; green belts; governance; regional planning; collaborative planning; relational planning; actor-relational approach

1 Introduction “Spatial planning is best viewed as a set of interdependent processes involving multiple actors that seek to create more liveable, life-enhancing cities and regions”(Friedmann, 2005:213). As planners began to struggle with the side effects growth, environmental overload, increasing traffic of urban growth at the course of the twentieth century, green belts gave them a tool to make a clear separation between urban and rural areas. Green belts became part of an universal planning canon being used to control urban growth in different cities around the world (Amati, 2008).

As a result of a global process of urbanization that can be characterized by the formation of a new global spatial configuration in the early the 21st century the very effectiveness of the green belt concept becomes questionable. According to Castells (2010) this spatial transformation is a fundamental dimension of a new social structure that he calls network society, which he regards to be global as networks have no spatial boundaries. Accordingly it is constructed through global networks connecting major metropolitan regions and their influence. These major metropolitan or mega regions are configurations of metropolitan areas increasingly growing together, with interdependencies in their economies, infrastructure,


Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions

natural resources, and prosperity (Innes et al., 2011). There are several other sources exploring and confirming the development of these metropolitan regions (Hall and Pain, 2006, Florida et al., 2008, Soja, 2011, Fishman, 1990). Based on a cooperative empirical study of contemporary metropolitanisation in western Europe, Hall and Pain (2006) have for instance identified several, what they call, polycentric megacity regions. Florida et al. (2008) identify forty mega regions across the globe defining them as integrated sets of cities and their surrounding suburban hinterlands. These metropolitan regions are not just new because of their exceptional size. It is a new form because it has within the same spatial unit the supposed opposites urbanized areas and agricultural land and the opposite of open space and highly dense residential areas: there are multiple cities in a discontinuous countryside (Castells, 2010). As a result the rural and the urban are no longer opposed but intrinsically linked in these metropolitan regions (Burdett et al., 2011). As green belts are as a result becoming part of the same spatial unit as for instance highly dense urban areas, it becomes questionable whether or not green belts can continue to be a tool to make a clear separation between urban and rural areas. Moreover as Innes et al. (2011) point out, these metropolitan regions have few linkages in terms of governance. They refer to the fact that these metropolitan regions have hundreds of jurisdictions, federal, state, and regional sectoral agencies and regulatory bodies that make independent and conflicting decisions. Guven,et al. (2011) call this the ‘regional gap’, the mismatch between the region, the scale at which human activities are increasingly taking place and the scale at which these activities are organized . The result is a complex system of public and private players that have no incentive or possibilities to cooperate and address shared problems (Innes et al., 2011). Metropolitan regions therefore are not capable of building synergies among diverse components, adapt to changing conditions, or address issues concerning the region (Innes et al., 2011). This problem of complex overlapping formal and informal governance structures in metropolitan regions has generally a larger impact on green belts as they are almost always located at the outskirts of cities, in the inbetween of these metropolitan regions. As a result the implementation and conservation of green belts has become a complicated, if not, impossible task, which is strengthened by the fact that neoliberal strategies are fading the systems once enabling planners to make green belts become a successful planning tool (Amati, 2008). The aim of this paper therefore is to investigate potential (spatial) governance strategies for metropolitan regions, that can effectively contribute to the implementation and

Remco van Dijk

conservation of green belts, located in emerging metropolitan regions. This review paper is part graduation project ´green belts revisited´ at the Delft University of Technology. In this project an answer will be sought to the question what the role of the originally as green belts defined areas can play in today’s emerging north west European metropolitan regions, considering the impact of the shift from metropolitan to regional urbanization. These green belt areas have as a result of being policy instruments remained relatively open spaces, representing a certain quality that can still have potential added value for metropolitan regions. As elaborated on above connected to this question is the search for a governance capacity that is capable to implement and maintain this new envisioned role for green belts, which is subject of this review paper. As possible solution the suggestion made by Innes et al. (2011) that collaborative network processes are capable of doing many of the needed tasks for regional governance will be taken into account. According to Innes et al. they fill the gaps where government fails to operate, cross jurisdictional and functional boundaries engage public and private sector actors on common tasks, and focus on the collective welfare of a region. Metropolitan regions therefore need systems of governance that will involve not only governments and the public sector, but also profit and nonprofit entities, civic organizations and representatives of a larger public (Innes et al., 2011). In order to set a frame in the next chapter, on the bases of writings by Healey (Healey, 1997, Healey, 2004, Healey, 2007) governance of place and how it relates to spatial planning will be elaborated on. Followed by a review of two potential strategies that take into account collaborative network processes representing different point of views, but both of them using empirical examples. In chapter 3 the relational planning approach as proposed by Healey (Healey, 2007) will be reviewed. Healey reinterprets the role of planning frameworks in linking spatial patterns to social dynamics. In chapter 4 the Actor-Relation-Approach (A.R.A.) as developed by Boelens (Boelens, 2009, Boelens, 2010) will be reviewed. Boelens asseses actor-oriented experiments in planning practices. Experiments which deal with the daily planning practice. In the fifth chapter I conclude by elaborate on the outcomes of the reviews and will make an argument for the use of collaborative network processes in the governance of metropolitan regions. Finally I will make some recommendations for my graduation project.


Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions

2. The (spatial) Governance of place In the mid-twentieth century there was a clear distinction between government and the work of the public sector and that of the private sector, like businesses and the economy (Healey, 2007). Within this frame an urban area had some kind municipal level of government, or maybe within a larger political unit like a province or county, that was expected to aim for a coherent approach to the management and development of its territory. Spatial planning activities could easily fit in this kind of government organization, as it provided a spatially coherent development approach (Healey, 2007). In contrary nowadays it is as difficult to give a clear definition of what makes up urban government as it is to find an objective definition of what an urban area is (Healey, 2007). As stated above this accounts even stronger in the case of metropolitan regions, as it is made up out of an incoherent web of governance relations. These new forms of governance relations are often operating in largely self-organizing and decentralized manners, reacting to the complexity that cannot be fully controlled or understood by a single form of government (Innes et

Remco van Dijk

al., 2011). Therefore governance of metropolitan regions will ask for the construction of linkages across the fragmented, multi-scale decision system and developing capacity to have directive influences outside formal government (Innes and Booher, 2003). This should be done in a tailor made manner responding to the unique characteristics of each metropolitan region, using and building upon existing strengths, while addressing its future challenges (Innes and Rongerude, 2006). In an almost parallel trajectory the planning tradition has also considerably changed, and at the course of that it became more interlinked with the governance of place. For the most part planning has been dealing with the interrelation between “fixity and mobility”(Healey, 2007:2) the last 100 years. Traditionally this was referred to in terms of the traditional physical planning terms as land-use and infrastructure. As Healey points out this has changed since the influential work of Castells (1996) and it is now understood in the terms ‘places’ and ‘flows’, which are inspired by network thinking. In this manner it emphasizes the complex ways in which places are affected by networks that overlap each other and connect to others in distinct spatial units. Fig 1. shows a more explicit explanation of

Figure 1. From traditional land-use planning to strategic planning, Source: Albrechts, 2004


Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions

this transformation in spatial planning. It also makes clear that it has had a huge impact on green belts planning, as it is as a planning tool very much linked to the land-use tradition. As a result the places of cities, urban areas and the recent developed metropolitan regions could no longer be understood as integrated and holistic units, with a clear defined territory (Healey, 2007). Instead they are ”complex constructions created by the interaction of actors in multiple networks who invest in material projects and who give meaning to qualities of places” (Healey, 2007:3). It follows that activities focused on the strategy making for urban regions are part of this material and imaginative attempt to make an understanding of the complexity of urban life are. Therefore, as Healey puts it, the planning project, pervaded with this understanding of socio-spatial dynamics, has become a governance project focused on managing the dilemmas of “coexistence in shared places”(Healey, 1997:3). At the core of this planning project stands spatial planning, which can be defined as follows: “self-conscious collective efforts to re-imagine a city, urban region or wider territory and to translate the result into priorities for area investment, conservation measures, strategic infrastructure investments and principles of land use regulation. The term `spatial' brings into focus `the where of things', whether static or in movement; the protection of special `places' and sites; the interrelations between different activities and networks in an area; and significant intersections and nodes within an area which are physically co-located” (Healey, 2004:46). Most current spatial planning activities have gone beyond a simple physical understanding of urban areas. According to Healey (2007) spatial strategymakers are now trying to understand and act upon the “dynamic diversity of the complex co-location of multiple webs of relations that transect and intersect across an urban area, each with their own driving dynamics, history and geography, and each with highly diverse concerns about, and attachments to, the places and connectivity’s of an urban area” (Healey, 2007:4). It requires much more than an analysis of the spatial patterns of activities in a twoway dimension. Instead, as Healey continues, it asks for attention to the interdependencies of economic, socio-cultural, environmental, political and administrative dynamics within an urban area. This means that planners from the planning tradition, with their initial focus on place qualities, have to encounter analysts and policy-makers concerned with other foci of policy fields. In this reaching out to and joining up with, people involved with the field of spatial strategy-making are becoming part of widespread effort to re-think government and governance, which involves searching new ways of doing government (Healey, 2007). It therefore becomes increasingly important for spatial strategy-

Remco van Dijk

makers to understand and deal with the governance of place.

3. Acting strategically for urban futures Healey (2007) states that her book about spatial strategy-making is concerned with strategies that appreciate urban areas not simply as demarcated containers in which activities take place, but as ”a complex of nodes and networks, places and flows, in which multiple relations, activities and values coexist, interact, combine, conflict, oppress and generate creative synergy” (Healey, 2007:1). It focuses on formal government arrangements as well as on directive influencing of social-spatial relations in urban areas, to serve manifold objectives and to aim at added value. With its understanding of urban areas as complex of nodes and its focus on directive influence of social-spatial relations these kind of (spatial) governance strategies it seems to have potential with regard to the governance of metropolitan regions. In the book three cases of spatial strategy-making are reviewed. On the bases of this some recommendations for spatial strategy making are made. Healey (2007) stresses that these should not be interpreted as a guidebook, but as she refers to it as “probes for thinking” (Healey, 2007:283). These recommendations are presented in six boxes, the prioritization of the different issues depend on specific localities, but in themselves the six boxes do not represent a specific ordering. As these recommendations seem to have potential for metropolitan governance strategies in the next paragraph I will shortly go through the by Healey defined boxes of issues . The first issue, imagining the urban, stresses a relational understanding of the multiplicity of webs of relations that intersect and overlap in urban areas. Healey emphasis the complexity and multiplicity of emergent trajectories arising in urban arenas. Accordingly the ability to correctly diagnose these dynamics and to read emerging potentialities and conflicts is a critical capacity for spatial strategymaking if it seeks to have some effect. The second issue, creating arenas for strategy formation and review, refers to the fact that spatial strategymaking takes place in what Healey calls governance arenas, which are more or less specific alliances within the total governance landscape. The capacity to map these arenas and the so-called relational webs followed by an analyses of where new governance relations and arenas may be needed is important here. Therefore it is important to understand what different actors can and under what conditions they are willing to actively engage in spatial strategy-making. It also becomes clear where different kinds of conflict and tension may appear. The third issue, creating frames of reference and specific strategies, involves interpreting urban dynamics in terms of specific spatial qualities and


Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions

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potentialities that represent a certain value, by means of which it creates a frame of reference to make specific choices that will have a huge influence on future trajectories. As Healey points out this should not be a technical exercise carried out by one single policy-community. Instead it to try to take into account the multiplicity of experiences and values in the regions in all the phases of strategy-making, and acquire legitimacy through a range of forms of consultation with actors as well as in the public realm. In this manner it is both shaped by, and contributes to shape the governance processes and landscape of its contexts. The fourth issue, generating mobilizing force, stresses the fact that spatial strategy-making is intrinsically political. It involves stressing specific connections or features as strategically important and leaving others in the background. It involves building networks of support for a specific strategy. Within this process of spatial strategy-making it is important to maintain a critical attitude towards the strategy and in that sense allowing, in continual interaction of different groups of actors, the strategy to evolve. The fifth issue, nourishing strategic understanding, deals with the fact that spatial strategy-making may take place at a certain time and place, dynamic processes shaping an urban area will not stop. Therefore attention will have to be given to keep “multiple ways of reading emergent trajectories from multiple positions”(Healey, 2007:283). The issue needs a capacity for imaginative skills as well as systematic analysis. The final issue, nourishing a vigorous public realm, is stressing to keep in focus multiple connectivity’s, both with an urban area and with other forces and other areas. This knowledge is not only produced in so-called think tanks, it is also been done by public debate as experiences are exchanged, issues tested and possibilities explored. Besides that according to Healey an ethical responsible polity will consider how what is pursued within its area may impact on others elsewhere and at the same time keep in watch the potentials and dangers of evolving external forces. Therefore spatial strategy-making need to understand how it is contributing to sustaining and transforming the governance landscape in which it is operating (Healey, 2007).

which are defined as “those actors who have the capacity and incentive to invest in the local environment, doing, moreover, for reasons of more or less self-interest” (Boelens, 2009:188). According to Boelens these leading actors can be divided into leading actors within the business society (focused on profit-making), leading actors within the public society (focused on electionwinning) and within the civic society (focused on specific partnership interest). Although they have different focal points, the idea is to eventually bring their interests together and as they converge more, the relationship will become more durable (Boelens, 2009). This also contributes to the sustainability that is central to the approach. With sustainable a complex sense in this case as it refers to “sustainable economics (profit-generation), a sustainable social structure (broadly supported), a sustainable social structure (well embedded form a evolutionary, relational point of view), and sustainable environmental solutions”(Boelens, 2009:188). The joint determined unique core values of the specific region are included as core (f)actors. They become the central focal points to which the constructed planning associations continually are being evaluated. The actor-relational-approach aims to act beyond formal government. This is in accordance with the urban and regional regime approach and in order to get around governmental path dependencies. From the start private or semiprivate organizations should be commissioned to coordinate and initiate the planning process. The government is envisioned to have a more facilitating role by Boelens. Finally the actor-oriented approach is primarily focused on building effective actornetwork associations around meaningful themes or issues as a starting point, a working method and a objective. In this manner it is supposed to gap the bridge between state and civic and business society and aims to promote the democratic governance by offering a bottom-up model of organizational selfefficiency. In a same manner the approach seems to be capable of filling the gaps where government fails to operate, cross jurisdictional and functional boundaries and therefore to contribute to the governance of metropolitan regions. Therefore briefly this actor relational approach is reviewed.

4.An actor relational approach

By means of a ‘learn as you go manner’ Boelens (Boelens, 2010, Boelens, 2009) developed a working scheme. Exemplary cases were being theorized and, as the projects progressed, the resulting theories were being tested by practicing them. The final outlines for the working scheme is build up out of seven steps. In short these seven steps will be recapitulated now. The first step consists of the identification of the primary problem or stakeholders, followed by an analysis and determination of the unique core features of the region or issue concerned . Boelens refers to these

In his book ‘The Urban Connection’ Boelens (2009) explains that his actor-relational approach does not focus on a specific plan or a specific formal institution as the fixed central objective or subjective. Instead it has a focus on “a more neutral moderator and an open medium to sketch opportunities” (Boelens, 2009:188). It is about identifying opportunities and connecting them to actors that are willing to link up with these shared opportunities from the start of. The approach focuses first on so-called leading or focal actors


Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions

unique core features as unique selling points (USPs), which should finally be internalized by the leading actors and can be seen as of the greatest importance. These unique selling points are crucial to the planning process, as they give meaning to it and without them, according to Boelens, the planning issue does not exist. Next other possible leading actors who feel associated with these core values will be identified. These leading actors can be part of the locality , but leading actors only distantly connected to these planning issues can also be involved. It is consistent with the view that actornetwork associations are fundamentally open and cut across different scales, sectors and institutionalized fields of expertise (Boelens, 2010). Based upon the internal motives of the identified leading actors, with their own view on the conservation, reinforcement or employability of the unique core values, opportunity maps will be compiled in the third step. Boelens states that it should be future oriented and proactive proposals, that are able to secure the identified leading actors commitment. In the next step the compiled opportunity maps will be discussed with the leading actors. Within this fourth step the objective is to see if the opportunity maps are tempting and therefore create the willingness to invest. This process brings about what Boelens calls distinction between pullers and pushers. Pullers take initiatives and are more committed on the further development of the opportunity maps, whereas pushers, based on their status and/or orientation, have a somewhat more passive approach. The actor-networkassociation, that can be established at this point of the process is the basis for the rest of the process. If it necessary to create more commitment the opportunity maps can be updated. In step five the opportunity maps will be used to be translated into real business cases. The final positions of the different actors will become more clear now. Moreover the several leading actors will have to make clear whether or not they are prepared to invest and at this point it becomes clear whether or not the project will succeed. If the previous step has led to a range of successful and promising cases, the next question will be if it is possible to accomplish a project-transcending spatial planning strategy that corresponds to the unique core values of the issues or region in question. Boelens uses the term ‘regime’ here, referring to the broader and durable planning networks described in Fainsteins urban regime theories (Fainstein and Fainstein, 1986). As a final step an attempt will be made to anchor this new spatial development democratically by means of a made-to-measure democratic association.

5. Conclusion It can be concluded that planners have key roles to play in metropolitan region governance, but they will have to step away from designing and

Remco van Dijk

controlling outcomes (Innes et al., 2011). As a metropolitan region is too dynamic and complex for these to be feasible. Strategic spatial planning can be seen as a possible solutions to (spatial) governance of metropolitan regions. Albrechts (2004) recapitulates strategic spatial planning as a public-sector-led, sociospatial process through which a vision, actions and means for implementation are produced that shape a frame what a place is and may become. Both reviewed approaches can be framed in this definition, with the exception of the actor relational approach in the case of public-sector-led, and have as important element “framing activities of stakeholders to help achieve shared concerns about spatial changes”(Albrechts, 2004). Both reviewed approach seem to be able to contribute to the implementation and conservation of green belts in the emerging metropolitan regions, as they seem suitable as potential (spatial) governance strategies for metropolitan regions. They involve not only governments and the public sector, but also profit and nonprofit entities, civic organizations and representatives of a larger public (Innes et al., 2011). Moreover they both fill the gaps where government fails to operate (Innes et al., 2011) although Boelens may have a stronger case here as Healey has, as he stresses that you should surpass governmental institutions, whereas Healey is more sensitive to existing governance arenas. Moreover formal government is still at the core of the spatial strategy making envisioned by her. In that case collaborative networks are joint up in the process, with the danger of getting trapped in path dependencies of formal government. Boelens really puts the leading actors in the center of the planning process, with at the other hand, the danger that the process will be blocked by existing governance arenas. However his plead to start from a problem definition, and opening up to a more issue oriented approach is especially interesting in the case of green belts. By looking at the leading actors that are of concern to this issue, a better and more realistic understanding of the forces dealing with green belts will be made possible. Especially in the case of green belts in emerging metropolitan regions, in which case a myriad of diverse overlapping networks of actors and governance relations is involved. His working scheme is also very practical and ready for use, whereas Healey’s suggestions are more abstract and suggestive.

6. Recommendations for the graduation project With regards to my graduation project I conclude that the working scheme of Boelens can be a good starting point. However as I belief that collaborative planning is too complex to integrate in the timeframe of a graduation project, the proposed bilaterals with leading actors should be replaced by


Strategies for Green Belt Governance in Emerging Metropolitan Regions

interviews with leading actors or, if not possible, questionnaires. The focus in this case will be more about understanding the incentives and needs of the actors and how to take that into account in a planning process than the process of collaboration itself. I will balance his working scheme with the suggestions made by Healey. It is for instance important to acknowledge the imagining that is fundamental to green belts policies, as it blocks every other possible future. The same goes for governance arenas, not taking these into account will create the danger of failing before even having started.

Bibliography ALBRECHTS, L. 2004. Strategic (spatial) planning reexamined. Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 31, 743-758. AMATI, M. 2008. Green Belts: A Twentieth-century Planning Experiment. In: AMATI, M. (ed.) Urban Green Belts in the Twenty-first Century. Burlington: Ashgate Publishing. BOELENS, L. 2009. The urban connection an actorrelational approach to urban planning, Rotterdam, 010 Publishers. BOELENS, L. 2010. Theorizing practice and practising theory: Outlines for an actor-relational-approach in planning. Planning Theory, 9, 28-62. BURDETT, R., OVINK, H. & HAJER, M. 2011. The regional imperative. In: BURDETT, R., OVINK, H. & HAJER, M. (eds.) The tale of two regions, a comparison between the metropolitan area of South East England and the randstad in Holland. London: London School of Economics and Political Science. CASTELLS, M. 1996. The rise of the network society, Oxford, Blackwell. CASTELLS, M. 2010. Globalisation, networking, urbanisation: Reflections on the spatial dynamics of the information age. Urban Studies, 47, 2737-2745. FAINSTEIN, S. S. & FAINSTEIN, N. I. 1986. Regime Strategies Communal Resistance, and Economic Forces. In: FAINSTEIN, S. S., FAINSTEIN, N. I., CHILD-HILL, R., JUDD, D. & SMITH, M. P. (eds.) Restructuring the City: The Political Economy of Urban Redevelopment. New York: Longman. FISHMAN, R. 1990. America's New City. Megalopolis unbound. Wilson Quarterly, Winter 1990, 24-45. FLORIDA, R., GULDEN, T. & MELLANDER, C. 2008. The Rise of the Mega Region. Cambridge journal of regions, economyand society, Volume 1 FRIEDMANN, J. 2005. Globalization and the emerging culture of planning. Progress in Planning, 64, 183-234. GUVEN, A., HAMERS, D. & EVERS, D. 2011. Regions revisited. In: BURDETT, R., OVINK, H. & HAJER, M. (eds.) The tale of two regions, a comparison between the metropolitan area of South East England and the randstad in Holland. London: London School of Economics and Political Science.

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HALL, P. & PAIN, K. 2006. The polycentric metropolis learning from mega-city regions in Europe, London, Earthscan. HEALEY, P. 1997. Collaborative planning : shaping places in fragmented societies, Basingstoke, Macmillan. HEALEY, P. 2004. The treatment of space and place in the new strategic spatial planning in Europe. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 28, 45-67. HEALEY, P. 2007. Urban complexity and spatial strategies towards a relational planning for our times, London, Routledge. INNES, J. E. & BOOHER, D. E. 2003. The Impact of Collaborative Planning on Governance Capacity. Berkeley: University of California. INNES, J. E., BOOHER, D. E. & DI VITTORIO, S. 2011. Strategies for megaregion governance: Collaborative dialogue, networks, and selforganization. Journal of the American Planning Association, 77, 55-67. INNES, J. E. & RONGERUDE, J. 2006. Collaborative regional initiatives: Civic entrepreneurs work to fill the governance gap. Working paper WP2006-04. Berkeley: University of California. SOJA, E. 2011. Beyond postmetropolis. Urban Geography, 32, 451-469.


Transforming deprived public housing communities

Jing Feng

Transforming

deprived public housing communities

From housing and community development perspectives Jing Feng 4122623 _ jfeng@tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract –‘A central feature of recent economic Junerestructuring 24th 2010 is the development of new spatial patterns of unemployment and worklessness throughout advanced industrial economies’ (North & Syrett, 2006, p.6). On the spatial term, it resulted in deprived public housing communities both in the city centres like the United States and in the new towns on the periphery of the city like UK and Hong Kong. Because these deprived public housing areas are cut off from spatial connection, economic opportunities and social resources of the mainstream network, the residents there lost the opportunities to upward social mobility. The aim of this paper is to illustrate two types of theory that might bring light to the transformation of deprived public housing communities: housing solutions and community development strategy. The conclusion is that the combination of two theories on different scales might be a more comprehensive solution for the problem. Finally, if different experts could sit together, talk with local residents, encourage and help residents improving their living environment on different scales and perspectives, more valuable theory will come out in the future.

Key words – deprived public housing communities; de-concentration; social mix; community development; public space; local economy development

1 Introduction Under the background of globalization and neoliberalism economic system, many cities in developed world emphasis on free economy, competitive environment and service-oriented development. As a result, ‘a central feature of recent economic restructuring is the development of new spatial patterns of unemployment and worklessness throughout advanced industrial economies’ (North & Syrett, 2006, p.6). In the spatial term, the outcome is uneven geographical development, which is described as the ‘fourth world’ (Castells, 2010) where the low-income people without professional skill and knowledge are thrown into. There are five causalities of urban poverty based on the theory of Bradshaw (2007): 1) poverty caused by individual deficiencies; 2) poverty caused by cultural belief systems that support subcultures of poverty; 3) poverty caused by Economic, political and social distortions; 4) poverty caused by geographical disparities; and 5) poverty caused by cumulative and cyclical interdependencies. ‘In some urban districts, the homogeneity of the housing stock has resulted in significant concentrations of

low-income households and, indirectly, minority ethnic groups that are over-represented amongst the urban poor’ (Bolt, Phillips & Van Kempen, 2010, p.130). In this paper, the poverty problems of deprived communities with public housing are caused by mainly socio-economic distortions or geographic disparities. In most cases, these deprived communities locate both in the city centres like the United States and in the new towns on the periphery of the city like UK and Hong Kong. ‘When socially deprived individuals and households live in the same neighbourhood, this clustering of poverty, unemployment, and welfare dependency could create a local climate, a neighbourhood culture, generating attitudes and practices that would further deepen the social isolation of the local residents’ (Bolt, Burgers & van Kempen, 1998,p.86). Because these deprived public housing areas are cut off from spatial connection, economic opportunities and social resources of the mainstream network, so the residents here lost the opportunities to upward social mobility. The aim of this paper is to find some practical


Transforming deprived public housing communities

solutions to transform deprived public housing communities after a brief review of related theories and methods. It is a very complicated problem that needs spatial, economic and social considerations. Also, it is a very practical problem that is strongly context based. So, there are no ready-made theories just for the topic, especially the one that could fit into my graduation project in the next step. However, after a broad range of literature review searching for a theory, I found two fields that bring light to deprived public housing communities: social mix housing and community development, because they are more likely to be realized in my project area. Of course, there are also other fields that could contribute to the problem like spatial segregation, regional development, etc. This short paper could be the beginning of the big problem. Following the introduction, two sections will be unfolded to illustrate theories and methods in: 1) Housing solution in way of de-concentration and social mixing 2) Community development in way of local economy development and social integration. In this paper, social integration will be discussed in terms of the need for public space. In the last part, some evaluation of the above theories and methods will be given in the conclusion part. Also, a recommended theoretical strategy will be shown for my graduation project. Finally, several recommendations will be added to further reflect on the transformation of deprived public housing communities.

2 Housing solution At first glance, the problems of deprived public housing communities are housing problems. In other words, high rate of public housing with low-income people caused social-spatial problems. So, two kinds of housing solution came up following this logic, one is de-concentration, the other is social mixing. Inspired by the classic work by Wilson who studied the inner city poverty concentration, development strategies and programs of ‘De-concentration’ of poverty appeared (Stal & Zuberi, 2010). Deconcentration is to de-concentrating poor residents of deprived communities to better developed areas. ‘In the US, Federally sponsored de-concentration attempts to disperse poverty via two linked federal policy initiatives. First, through the demolition of public housing and, second, through the use of housing vouchers intended to provide the displaced residents of public housing with greater economic opportunity through increased residential choice.’ (Crump, 2002, p.586). However, Crump (2002) argued that the strategies of these de-concentration programs were not for the interests of local residents of the deprived communities, but merely for the

Jing Feng

area’s economic benefits. There are also some other opponents (Goetz, 2003 cited by Stal & Zuberi, 2010) think that de-concentration programs should be used to promote local neighbourhoods and bring more chances to upward social mobility of local residents on local scale. In European countries, ‘the creation of areas of mixed housing tenure, sometimes called ‘balanced communities’ became a popular strategic intervention to transform deprived communities’ (Bolt, Phillips & Van Kempen, 2010, p.130). Musterd and van Kempen (2007) argued that social mixing housing strategy has the good wish that if there are diverse housing types and residents from different social class, some affluent households would remain in these areas and bring more socioeconomic dynamics. Strategic interventions to attract more affluent households may include demolition of some public rental housing, construction of higher quality housing and mixed tenure dwellings (Bolt, Phillips & Van Kempen, 2010). After studying on collection of papers on social mix housing strategies, Bolt, Phillips & Van Kempen (2010) concluded that such social mix policies rarely reach the goal, because, ‘first, residential mixing cannot be assumed to enhance community cohesion or people’s social capital. On the contrary, urban renewal policies have been found to disrupt communities. Displaced households experience difficulties in establishing new social ties. Second, tenure diversification does not always lead to more opportunities for a housing career within the neighbourhood’ (Bolt, Phillips & Van Kempen, 2010, p.132). Both de-concentration and social mixing housing policies simplified the complexity of deprived community problems as housing problem rather than urban problem. So, housing solutions alone couldn’t solve the problem of deprived communities. Moreover, they are very effective in deflecting attention away from the main causes of the ‘urban problem’ (Bolt, Phillips & Van Kempen, 2010).

3 Community development As mentioned in the introduction part, there are different causalities of urban poverty, so different anti-poverty programs in community development are implemented. For poverty types studied in this paper, several suggestions were made by Bradshaw (2007): 1). change the socio-economic system by grassroots social movement, independent institution willing to help the poor and change the policies; 2). Build self-sustaining communities through good visioning and planning and create opportunities for local resident. But, how to implement these suggestions in reality is a hard question for urbanists


Transforming deprived public housing communities

Jing Feng

and planners. After some literature review, I found that there are two aspects that are more relevant for urbanism studies: local economy development and social integration by public space. 3.1 Local economy development ‘If the global economy no longer provides at affordable prices then we increasingly have to refocus on how things can be done (with less energy input) at the local level—and, it is contended, rethinking what kind of consumption processes are realistic and appropriate for these circumstances’ (Atkinson, 2005, p.292). This is especially true for deprived communities. For the resident of deprived communities, some might rely on government welfare subsidy, a stable job or economic opportunity in local or regional area might be the most crucial issue that can directly upgrade their living condition. Although employment and economic development are the central issue of policy initiatives to regenerate deprived neighbourhoods, but there are quite a few strong economic dimension in the current renewal projects, and this lack of consideration is seriously constraining the efficiency of current projects (North & Syrett, 2006). For deprived communities, who lack of optimal combination of resources, how to make good use of existing and hidden assets through bottom-up approaches is crucial element for local economy development (Squazzoni, 2008). Following this staring point, there are several new ideas to think about local economy development in deprived areas. One idea is the reconsideration of marketplace. Burkett (2011) argued that, people normally had a binary interpretation of the markets that people living in poverty access, as shown in Illustration 1. It means residents of deprived communities either gets goods and service for free or funded, or they access from fully commercialized providers. However, Burkett suggested that there is a broader spectrum of ‘marketplaces’ that people can potentially access – that is, places and spaces where people are able to access goods and services that they need to survive. If people would develop the potential marketplaces like mutual aid market, family market, informal market and social market shown in Illustration 2, there would be much more opportunities and spaces that can contribute to the development of deprived communities and finally improve the living quality of local residents.

Illustration 1. Binary interpretation of the markets that people living in poverty access. source: (Burkett, 2011)

Illustration 2. A more complex understanding of the many different ‘marketplaces’ with which people living in poverty engage. source: (Burkett, 2011)

The second idea is to develop local economy on different spatial levels. North & Syrett (2006) noted that it is the central concern to effectively linked deprived areas into the process of economic growth that the interventions should best operate on different spatial levels. On the neighbourhood level, although economic initiatives are not able to create large scale employment opportunities, however, some bottomup initiatives could develop local capacities, encourage mutual aid and self-help on community and individual scale, and finally promote the quality of quality of everyday life, social inclusion and political participation (North & Syrett, 2006). ‘The poor people are experts in making the most of scarce resources under adverse circumstances, and have always used institutions of mutual support and risk- sharing in order to do so [...] Self-help approaches can and should be part of strategies to tackle exploitation and marginalization … to accessible public services and the redistribution of income and wealth’ (Berner & Phillips, 2005,p.19, 27). The failure of some top-down interventions by the government might because the real need of local poor residents is never the first priority but behind other socio-economic interests. However, local residents will not realize self-help programs alone because community is neither ‘havens of


Transforming deprived public housing communities

cooperation’ nor ‘homogeneous’ group (Berner & Phillips, 2005, p.27) but a complicated urban area. So, the guide and suggestions from both public sector and private sector, like the government, NGOs, and independent organizations, would help to realize self-help programs. On the regional level, ‘the challenge is to extend the market area beyond the local arena, or to focus on people who will bring money into the area (tourists)’ (Marais & Botes, 2007, p.391). For example, industry area disappeared or decayed in some developed areas, tourism might become a new development potential if it has good natural or cultural resources, and this will bring new opportunities to local residents, especially for people without professional skills and knowledge to work in other areas. The important thing here is to reveal the potentials on regional scale and surrounding areas that could make direct connections to the resident of deprived communities. This could be implemented by both big projects and small interventions. 3.2 Social integration by Public space If local economy development could improve the living condition of low-income groups by material revenue, then social integration will improve the quality of their social life through more communication and connection to the outside world. In the project called ‘promoting the mobilization of low-income people to reduce and eliminate poverty’ in Canadian cities, several recommendations were listed. The first recommendation is ‘Provide opportunities and spaces for people living in poverty to come together, and name, explore, and address issues’. Shared community spaces are strongly needed from the participants. This includes a range of physical spaces: gathering places, artistic places or ‘cultural sanctuaries’, recreation places (including lower priced recreation centres, access to local schools in summer, and bike lanes), green space and community gardens (with sheds and bathrooms), and places for children (Ravensbergen & VanderPlaat, 2009, p.398).

Jing Feng

functions, on the one hand, to reproduce existing social relations and facilitate community bonding and, on the other hand, to create the conditions to support local economic activity. As such, the economic potential of public space is entwined with and may even be dependent on social and environmental features’ (Grodach, 2009, p.477). ‘When public spaces are successful [...] they will increase opportunities to participate in communal activity. This fellowship in the open nurtures the growth of public life, which is stunted by the social isolation of ghettos and suburbs. In the parks, plazas, markets, waterfronts, and natural areas of our cities, people from different cultural groups can come together in a supportive context of mutual enjoyment. As these experiences are repeated, public spaces become vessels to carry positive communal meanings’ (Carr, Francis, Rivlin & Stone, 1993, p. 344). So, if the public space in deprived communities can develop into a place with lively social and economic activities. It will greatly improve the living environment of the whole area and even became a precious value to attract other people. Finally, it could promote the social integration of deprived communities into larger urban area.

4 Conclusions Transforming deprived public housing community is a complicated and practical issue. It needs varieties of research disciplines and studying fields both in theory and practice. So, it is important to realize that the problems will not be solved by a solution within one studying field, but need interdisciplinary cooperation. As illustrated in this short paper, after a limited literature review, the theory of housing solution and community development might bring light to the transformation of deprived public housing communities. Illustration 3 shows the basic finding of this paper. It will be illustrated in the next paragraph.

Public space in deprived communities could contribute to the regeneration of deprived communities in several terms, like the space for social communication, the space for local economy development, and the space for leisure activities with nice landscape. ‘As Jacobs (1961) long ago emphasized, specific physical characteristics of streets and land uses (e.g. relatively dense, mixed use spaces) can bring together people engaged in a diversity of activities at all hours of the day and night. This, in turn, creates a safe and pleasurable environment, which

Illustration 3. Theories and methods of Transforming deprived public housing communities illustrated in the paper.


Transforming deprived public housing communities

Housing solutions, evolved from sociology studies, derived from de-concentration of poverty in the United States to social mix housing strategies in Europe. Till now, it is still a popular development strategy in urban regeneration project. There seems no doubt in the research field that social mix is the right goal to achieve. Social mix means communities built up with public housing at a proper rate and residents with different socioeconomic background and ethnics. Indeed, social mix could bring more diversity and dynamic to the neighbourhoods. But, will social mix solve the basic living problems of poor residents who are eager to find a job and find someone to talk in the time of economic recession? As mentioned above, to some extent, housing solutions are deflecting attention away from the main causes of the ‘urban problem’. Generally speaking, housing solutions are top-down projects on a higher level and the aim is not to help the real poor. So, some other strategies should concentrate help the poor residents on a lower level. For example, urban strategy could be community development. Kotval (2006, p.87) argues that the goal of community planning is to ‘create a better physical, social and economic environment for communities and the people that invest their social and economic capital in a place’. There are many ways for community development, and two aspects are more relevant for urbanism studies: local economy development and social integration by public space. Several new ideas in local economy development brought new light to deprived communities. First, the broader definition of market place, including mutual aid market, informal market, social market, would bring more life chances to poor residents who need cheap consumption. Second, different levels of spatial interventions should coordinate to achieve economic development. On the neighbourhood level, bottom-up initiatives, like self help programs, would not only create employment and additional sources of income, but also build social networks, local participation and cooperation, and develop community and individual capacities. On the regional level, links to regional context should be built up. For example, attracting people who will bring money to the area, like tourists. For many socially segregated residents of deprived communities, social integration will improve the quality of their social life through more communication and connection to the outside world. This could happened in public space, where enables lively social and economic activities.

Jing Feng

Illustration 4.Recommended strategy for transforming deprived public housing communities.

Illustration 4 shows the recommendation strategy for transforming deprived public housing communities: the combination of housing solution by more top-down approaches on larger scale and community development by more bottom-up approaches on local scale. These two methods should compensate and promote each other. Finally this recommended strategy would become a more comprehensive theoretical solution for my graduation project. Under the context of social mix with diverse socio-economic sources on larger scale, local economy development and social integration could promote each other on local scale in the process of development. Since most of the theories available are under the context of western cities. It is still a question whether these theories and methods could be directly used in other areas, especially Chinese cities. However, the basic concept of these theories should have a universal meaning that only by giving priority to the needs of local residents during the development process, can the problems of deprived public housing communities be solved on root.

5 Recommendations Through the limited reading, it is quite a pity to find that, sociology researchers have great ideas to development communities but constrained on the spatial level; urbanists have strong spatial analysis but lack of small but smart ideas; policy makers have ambitious plan for economic development but forget the poor people. If different experts could sit together, talk with local residents, encourage and help them improve their living environment from different scales and perspectives, maybe in the future, more valuable and strong theory and methods will come out in the knowledge body of urbanism.


Transforming deprived public housing communities

Acknowledgements Writing this review paper is not an easy task, especially without the help of our theory tutors Ana Maria Fernandez-Maldonado and Remon Rooij. Thank you for teaching us how to write a review paper. I also would like to show my faithful gratitude to my studio mentors, Qu Lei and Gregory Bracken, who helped me finding the right theories. This short paper will show my respect to all your help.

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Jing Feng

75-88. Retrieved Dec, 2011, from Oxford Journals database MARAIS, L. & BOTES, L., 2007, Income generation, local economic development and community development: paying the price for lacking business skills? Community Development Journal, Vol 42 No 3, pp. 379-395. Retrieved Dec, 2011, from Oxford Journals database MUSTERD, S. & VAN KEMPEN, R., 2007, Trapped or on the springboard? Housing careers in large housing estates in European Cities, Journal of Urban Affairs, 29(3), pp. 311–329. NORTH, D. & SYRETT, S., 2006, The dynamics of local economies and Deprived Neighborhoods. London: Department for Communities and Local Government RAVENSBERGEN, F., & VANDER PLAAT, M., 2009, Barriers to citizen participation: the missing voices of people living with low income. Community Development Journal, Vol 45 No 4, pp. 389–403. Retrieved Dec, 2011, from Oxford Journals database SQUAZZONI, F., 2009, Local economic development initiatives from the bottom-up: the role of community development corporations. Community Development Journal, Vol 44 No 4, pp. 500-514. Retrieved Dec, 2011, from Oxford Journals database STAL, G.Y., & ZUBERI, D.M., 2010, Ending the cycle of poverty through socio-economic integration: A comparison of Moving to Opportunity (MTO) in the United States and the Bijlmermeer Revival Project in the Netherlands. Cities 27 (2010) pp.3–12.Retrieved Nov, 2011, from http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S026 4275109001115


Living next to a flagship development

Robin Boelsums

Living next to a flagship development A literature review on the spatial and socio-economic benefits that flagship developments can generate for adjacent residential neighbourhoods Robin Boelsums 1275267 robinboelsums@gmail.com Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference

Abstract – Over the last decades flagship regeneration emerged as an answer to neoliberalism and deindustrialisation in developed countries. Flagship development can be described as prestigious land that catalyses urban regeneration (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.252). This paper consists of a literature review, answering the following question: what are the possible benefits that flagship development can generate for the local communities living in adjacent neighbourhoods and how can these benefits be exploited? Cities in which industry has taken a big part of, and therefore suffered the most from de-industrialisation, were the first cities in which flagship developments appeared. These cities suffered from e.g. high unemployment, poor image and declining public revenues. (Doucet, 2009, p.102). Flagship developers aimed and still aim at attracting tourists and investment, revitalising an attractive image for the city and encourage private investment. Some municipalities that are involved in the projects, also consider local quality and benefits as important. Often, the local community mainly suffers from the developments, because projects cause fragmentation and have an alien and unwelcoming appearance (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.254; Doucet, 2009, p.105; Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.305). However, it is possible for flagship developments to generate beneficial possibilities for the adjacent residents. The benefits that flagship developments can give on a local scale are for example catalysing regeneration in adjacent neighbourhoods and providing urban spaces, amenities and recreational facilities. These benefits can only be exploited if flagship developers reposition their goals and if the negative effects, that prevent the local community from benefiting, will be diminished or taken away. This paper can be used as a theoretical background when developing a flagship project. The future challenge is to examine what the characteristics of the project should be in order to ensure the beneficial possibilities.

Key words – flagship development; waterfront development; de-industrialisation; spatial fragmentation; residential neighbourhood

1. Introduction: global flagships, local effects

areas became abandoned when the industrial businesses moved out. Waterfronts in industrialised cities became a perfect location for flagship regeneration, stimulated by the new ideas of neoliberalism.

As a result of increasing globalisation of economies, in the 1980s neoliberalism established in developed countries. This system focuses among others on a market-driven economy, privatisation of the public sector and deregulation by reducing the role of law and state. (Jessop, 2002). Many local companies have disappeared; global companies established and play important roles in national economies. When a strong de-industrialisation process took place in European cities, many social and spatial changes were the result. Structural unemployment followed. (Kesteloot, 2006, p.129). Many harbour

Flagship development can be defined as “significant, high-profile and prestigious land and property developments which play an influential and catalytic role in urban regeneration” (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.252). Flagship developments are places where global and local influences intertwine. The global deals with a focus on tourists, investment, global

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companies; and also on image building for (inter)national relations. On the contrary, the local focuses on users and residents of the area, the spaces that are located in a specific urban fabric. (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.254)

revenues, e.g. Baltimore, Newcastle and Bilbao. (Doucet, 2009, p.102) The prestigious flagship projects tend to be confined to areas with the highest development potential, such as the city centres, locations with significant heritage value or waterfronts. (Bianchini et al., 1992; Loftman and Nevin, 1995). “It was a response to both the cataclysmic shifts in cities brought about because of de-industrialisation and as an example of neoliberal strategies being developed and implemented at this time.� (Doucet, 2009, p.101) Flagship projects aimed at creating more wealth for the city under neoliberal ideas. The projects were a necessary answer to the declining industries. The developers aimed at diversifying the city's economic base and encouraging private investment (Bianchini et al., 1992; Healey et al., 1992; Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.304). Declining city economies led to a 'flight' of the affluent households, because there were not enough possibilities to move into owner-occupied, high quality housing and high unemployment existed. Flagship projects aimed at attracting affluent households by building according to their housing needs. The projects facilitate the physical restructuring of certain areas to meet with the changing demands of the production and consumption services. (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.304) Another need for the regeneration was the worsening image of the city, another effect of declining industries. The prestigious projects aimed at revitalising an attractive city image (Doucet, 2009; Smyth, 1994). Flagships became icons for the city, such as the Guggenheim museum in Bilbao or the Erasmus Bridge in Rotterdam.

The first flagships, emerging in the 1980s and 1990s, were implemented on vacant land. This land was empty because de-industrialisation made the industries declining or moving out of the city. The first flagship developments arose in the cities that suffered the strongest from de-industrialisation and associated problems. The developments have many proponents and many opponents. Despite the economic advantages the projects can bring to the city, negative impacts should not be underestimated. Flagship projects often are isolated instead of fully integrated with their surroundings and the wider city, they worsen social and spatial segregation. Despite the many critiques on the developments that exist, flagships are still being built nowadays. Urbanists have the task to rethink the spatial and socio-economic relation between flagship projects and their adjacent neighbourhoods. The aim of the paper is to answer the following question: what are the possible benefits that flagship development can generate for the local communities living in adjacent neighbourhoods and how can these benefits be exploited? The structure of the paper is as follows. In the next part, section 2, the rationale behind flagship development will be described in general, with the critiques over the years. The third section gives a description of the goals flagship developers aim for. By understanding their aims, we can see whether they have the intention that neighbourhoods should benefit from the projects, or if the aims should be adjusted in order to create beneficial possibilities. The fourth section discusses critiques for and against the developments, by pointing out the actual local effects of the developments according to literature. The fifth section reflects on the main question. This section ends with recommendations on what to research on this issue in the future. The author will use the outcome of the paper as a theoretical framework for the research on how the residential neighbourhoods in in Amsterdam North can benefit from the adjacent flagship development Overhoeks.

Besides economic reasons, we can find political rationales behind the emergence of flagship projects. Deregulation and privatisation of urban policy making was an important phenomenon, which empowered the shift to a post-Keynesian mode of urban intervention (Gaffkin and Warf 1993 in: Rodriguez et al., 2001, p.168). This mode stresses the dynamic nature of an economy which uses money and which is subject to uncertainty. (Pearce, 1989) After the first flagships arose in declining cities, many other cities copied the development. The prestigious projects appeared to be successful in numerous cities. The places seemed economic attractive and the planned physical transformation took place. (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.302)

2. A brief overview of flagships 2.1 The first flagships The cities where the first flagship projects emerged, were the cities where the industry had taken a major part in, and that therefore suffered the most from deindustrialisation. These cities dealt with high unemployment, poor image and declining public

2.2 Contemporary flagships Flagship projects are still being built nowadays. The developments have changed somewhat, but the most

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important effects and critiques remain the same. Thanks to negative critiques, the attitude of municipalities towards flagships projects has changed. For example in the UK: in 1998 the social exclusion unit reported that there has been too much emphasis on physical renewal, instead of better opportunities for people. Helping people out of poverty has become a goal of contemporary urban regeneration, e.g. in the UK, the Netherlands and Spain. (Doucet, 2009, p.102) Another change is the use of local community input and participation, that exists in a few contemporary projects. This is a major shift from the former property-led development, and meets partially with critiques, as can be read in paragraph 4.2. However, it is not true that the ideas of the 1980s and 1990 have disappeared. Several authors have argued that the neoliberal winner-take-all approach has continued. There are many examples of flagships in Europe that are nowadays still being built along the lines of traditional flagships. Much regeneration is “still predicated on iconic, consumption-led projects that are aimed at a higherincome or visitor audience�. (Doucet, 2009, p.103) Despite the fact that some developments now also pay attention to less fortunate residents, most of the other goals remain present. Critiques remain similar.

Amsterdam.

3.

Aims of flagship developers

3.1. General aims Developers formulate aims when planning the flagship projects. The most important aims were previously mentioned, the flagships should: attract tourists, jobs and investments revitalise an attractive image for the city create more wealth for the city encourage private investment It is important to notice that none of these aims are focused on residents living in adjacent areas. They focus respectively on the regional and global scale, on the city as a whole, or on the flagship area itself. More aims will be discussed in that order, plus aims that focus on adjacent areas and the local community. Developers put forward a lot of aims that focus on the large scale. They want the prestigious projects to put cities on the map (Rodriguez et al., 2001, p.167), so they become more attractive for different target groups and investments. The project should attract regional and (inter)national visitors. Also should it attract people with high incomes to buy or rent a residence in the area (Doucet, 2009). Moreover, an economic aim of the project deals with the inter-city competition that became important from the start of neoliberal activities. It should make possible that the city defends its position in the global economic hierarchy (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.304). These approaches consider the city as a whole; this is typical for the aims. In this sense, other aims are present. One of these is to boost municipal revenues (Grodach, 2010, p.353), although this is widely discussed and definitely not always the case. In fact, sometimes the project costs more for the municipality than it yields. Furthermore, the projects should change local perceptions (Smyth, 1994). During the deindustrialisation, many waterfronts became vacant, causing bad perceptions for residents of the city, but also for (possible) tourists and investment.

2.3 Examples of flagship projects Flagship developments are located near the city centre, geared to an outside audience of possible residents, investors or tourists. The area contains mixed functions; often housing, offices and facilities. Well-known examples of flagship projects are London's Canary Wharf, Dublin's Docklands and Rotterdam's Kop van Zuid. Many of the projects also contain a cultural landmark such as a museum. Examples of these are the Guggenheim in Bilbao and the National Museum of Photography, Film and Television in Bradford. These developments function as catalysts for further development nearby. The flagship projects are visible signs of renewal, with a landmark designed by 'starchitects' to attract visitors.

Other aims are explicitly focused on the flagship area itself. One of the most important goals here, is place-marketing (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.248; Doucet, 2009, p.104; Grodach, 2010, p.353; Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.303). Place-marketing then contributes to other goals of higher scale levels, such as the attraction of tourists and investment. Attracting private sector finance is an important aim for developers as well (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.248; Healey et al., 1992, p.218; Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.299), because the development in most cases needs private financing since the costs for such a large urban project are very high.

The flagship areas are most often in enormous contrast with adjoining areas. The adjoining areas used to be located next to an industrial area; typically they were built for the working class. Small houses, of which much is social housing, are a characteristic of these neighbourhoods. The neighbourhoods are inhabited by low-income households, and can be problem or attention areas. Because many inhabitants used to work at the industrial companies, the unemployment-rates of such neighbourhoods are typically high. This is for instance the case in neighbourhoods adjoining Canary Wharf, the Kop van Zuid or Overhoeks in

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Living next to a flagship development

Robin Boelsums

Nonetheless, there are aims that focus on adjacent neighbourhoods. An important one is for the flagship to catalyse regeneration in adjacent neighbourhoods (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.249; Grodach, 2010, p.353; Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.299). Also, the project should promote growth (Smyth, 1994). This often leads to gentrification of areas located nearby. Gentrification also sometimes is a goal of developers, like the Kop van Zuid in the Netherlands. Regeneration is a tenuous notion that can have many different effects on neighbourhoods, positive but also negative when for instance talking about gentrification. Gentrification is a widely discussed subject, that will not be discussed in detail here. One of the critiques on gentrification can be mentioned, in the sense of residential benefits. This is the fact that residents of adjacent neighbourhoods will not be able to benefit from the flagship if they are displaced from the area. This happens often when gentrification takes place, then it means that the effects of the development are still focused on outsiders: residents from elsewhere that move into the adjacent areas once the flagship has been built.

so people living in and around the developments will feel proud of the newly built area. This argument is supported by research that measured resident perceptions of the Kop van Zuid, a flagship in Rotterdam, the Netherlands. The results show that residents from the entire city feel more or less proud of the developments. It does not matter if residents live in a deprived area or in an affluent area. Residents living closer to the Kop van Zuid do experience a bit more positive effects than people living farther away, but this is not a significant difference. (Doucet et al., 2010) An economic, positive effect caused by flagships is the boost of business confidence. By building visible symbols of renewal, businesses feel more confident to invest in the area or in adjoining areas. It has been stated that “the potentially beneficial impacts of flagships on local economies should not be underestimated� (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.251). A rise of development activity in adjoining areas can be seen, for example in the UK where Bradford's National Museum of Photography, Film and Television functioned as a flagship that was crucial for the tourist industry in the city of Bradford. The flagship project was responsible for increasing the annual number of tourists from virtually none in 1980 to around six million in 1988. Flagships can catalyse tourism and convention industries, which can have positive spin-off effects on local consumer service industries, both in and close to the renewed area. (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.251) Another economic effect proponents see, is the raising of property values (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.303). However the question remains for whom this is a positive effect. Many neighbourhoods adjoining flagships were built decades ago for the working class that lived next to industrial businesses. This means that the dwellings are relatively small, and mainly for low rent-prices. Only house and land owners can actually benefit from rising property values. Proponents state that the benefits of the flagships are for all residents, although this is not widely accepted in literature. Proponents claim that all residents benefit from the creation of wealth and jobs and the use of new public spaces and facilities. The flagship provides many jobs in the service sector, but also supporting jobs for which a lower education is needed. The latter can be filled by the often low educated people in adjoining neighbourhoods, they say.

3.2 Municipal aims Many flagship developments are led by a collaboration of municipality and private developers. Some municipalities seem to add local quality and benefits to the list of aims (Manchester Council in: Doucet, 2009, p.104). Municipalities also try to help people out of poverty with the flagship projects, but exactly how they try to reach this goal remains unclear (Doucet, 2009, p.104). Nevertheless, governments in e.g. the UK, the Netherlands and Spain are shifting their attention towards helping deprived communities with the new developments (Doucet, 2009, p.104).

4. Effects of flagship development In this section several effects that are mentioned in literature will be pointed out. These effects are the ones that developers do not specifically aim for, but that are being noted by critics. First effects that plead for the development of flagships will be discussed, second effects against it. At the end of this section, several phenomena that threaten successful flagship development will be discussed. 4.1 Positive effects of flagship development Several arguments plead for the building of flagship projects. Social, economic and spatial arguments will be mentioned in that order.

Also, as a spatial argument, proponents state that new urban spaces and facilities will be designed, which all residents would be able to benefit from. However, fragmentation (which will be discussed in the next section) and strong barriers around the

A social effect that flagships have, is the boost of civic pride among city residents (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.303). The flagship is a prestigious project, showing clearly the renewal that takes place,

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Robin Boelsums

flagship area, make it hard to believe that all residents can use spaces of the new-built area easily. The facilities of the new development often aim at an affluent audience, so the costs to make use of them are too high for the lower income groups that live nearby.

of the city, not only caused by barriers like infrastructure or water, but also caused by the immense spatial and perceptional differences that exist between flagship projects and their adjacent areas. Several authors emphasise the effects of fragmentation in the city. Fragmentation threatens daily social practices and leads to a lack of social cohesion. Having poor social cohesion in a neighbourhood increases crime and blocks residents from opportunities and resources. (Bowers and Hirschfield, 1997) Moreover, Andersen argues that segregation, exclusion of places and social and spatial inequality are causes of deprivation in neighbourhoods. The inequalities that exist between flagship area and residential neighbourhood can be enormous. (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.252) The effect of fragmentation in cities caused by flagships is of high importance, and can have extensive negative consequences for residents. This can for example be seen in Glasgow, where the establishment of prestigious projects has been accompanied by growing deprivation in other parts of the city. Also, high unemployment rates still remained present after the new developments. (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.307) Individual planning contributes to fragmentation, and can often be seen in flagship projects. The planning of the flagship is often poorly integrated with planning the entire city, causing fragments in the city that have poor relations with each other. (Eisinger, 2000, p.333; Temelová, 2007, p.97) Urban places that are created in the flagship area, are not easy to be enjoyed by all residents. Fragmentation between neighbourhoods prevents this. Moreover, the newly built flagships are not similar to their surroundings, and people that live nearby have no relation with the area. This makes it hard for them to appreciate new affluent urban places. Imitation effects contribute to this, because the characteristics of the city are not visible in the contemporary projects.

4.2 Negative effects of flagship development The most important negative critiques can be divided into spatial and economic effects. Starting with the economic effects, several disadvantages can be mentioned. First of all, flagship projects have a high financial risk (Loftman and Nevin, 1995; Temelová, 2007, p.97). The construction needs investments of several project developers, and often also of municipalities. The economic returns take a long time, and are not always as high as predicted (Bianchini et al., 1992, p.253; Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.308) . Moreover the financial risks are high (Eisinger, 2000, p.323). This goes together with other economic disadvantages. The investments are concentrated on a few places only, which has the effect that benefits are unevenly distributed (Parkinson & Evans in: Bianchini et al., 1992, p.252). It has been argued that the people benefiting from the flagships are mainly tourists and middle or high class residents. Low-income residents living close by the newly developed area benefit the least. Since the projects are often supported by municipal funding, this keeps resources from going to deprived neighbourhoods and other much-needed improvements of public services (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.306). This can also lead to people believing that the expenses of government are unevenly distributed. Residents will start to distrust the municipality's expenses (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.306). Proponents say that flagships create benefits for all residents, like wealth and jobs. Critics argue that these benefits cannot be enjoyed by all residents for different reasons. The creation of wealth focuses on the city as a whole, and not on the local community, they argue. Studies have shown that there is often a mismatch between job offers and education of residents. E.g. in Canary Wharf, London, only 1800 of the 47,000 jobs go to local residents, and over 70% of these jobs are low-skill, part-time and lowpaid (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, pp.306-307).

Imitation effects have been briefly discussed, and can be used as an argument against the development of flagships. Imitation results in “the proliferation of standardised models of flagships which do not take the characteristics of the locality where they are built into adequate consideration” (Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.307). This has the effect that flagships can seem alien and unwelcoming to local residents.

Regarding the spatial effects, one of the most important disadvantages caused by flagships is fragmentation within cities. Many flagship areas function as an island inside the city. (Doucet, 2009, p.105; Loftman and Nevin, 1995, p.305; Wilkinson, 1992, p.206). They are often separated from the rest

4.3 Threats for successful flagship development The following three phenomena threaten the success of flagship projects. These notions are the ones that developers do not have in control, but can be taken into account when planning and developing such large projects.

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First of all, flagship projects are susceptible of the instability and unpredictability of the national market and economy. This is an often mentioned critique on property-led regeneration in general. (Doucet, 2009, p.106) Besides market forces in general, more importantly, economic recessions play a crucial role in the success of flagship projects. When an economic recession takes place, this can lead to the curtailment, delay or failure of the entire project. It can lead to stagnation of the construction of the site. If the site is completely built, it can easily prevent the buildings to be occupied, and thus causes the project to fail. A third threat that can be mentioned is the oversupply of prestigious projects. The relation between supply of flagship projects and the demand is tenuous. This can lead to an oversupply of the prestigious developments, built in optimistic times (Loftman & Nevin, 1995, p.307). This is fed by the imitation effects.

disadvantages of lower income households and parts of the city. In order to let the local community exploit the beneficial possibilities, the challenge for the future is two-fold. On the one hand the aims of flagship developers and actors involved in the project should be repositioned to be more economically and socially inclusive (Doucet, 2009, p.106). Only then, flagships can offer benefits for people other than tourists, developers and high income households. Only then, flagships can affect adjacent neighbourhoods and their residents in a positive way. On the other hand, several effects of flagship developments prevent the local community from benefiting from the project (figure 2). These effects need to be taken away or diminished in order to make the flagship beneficial for residents of adjacent neighbourhoods.

5. Conclusions and future challenges To conclude, an answer will be given to the main question 'what are the possible benefits that flagship development can generate for the local communities living in adjacent neighbourhoods and how can these benefits be exploited?'. In the previous sections several benefits for the local community have been mentioned, which are listed in a scheme (figure 1).

Fig. 2 Effects that prevent exploitation of benefits

Now that the theoretical part is set, the challenge for the future is to explore the practical part of this issue. How can flagships be developed and designed in such a way that they ensure adjacent neighbourhoods and their residents to benefit from it? The paper puts forward a list of beneficial goals, now the tools to reach them need to be explored. The author will use the outcome of this literature study for a graduation project in urbanism. With the help of interviews and case studies, more effects will be added to the two schemes. The schemes function as a guide for developing a strategic plan and an urban design for the flagship project Overhoeks in Amsterdam North. The goal of redeveloping the project is to make the local community of the adjacent neighbourhood benefit from it.

Fig. 1 Benefits for local community

It can be seen that flagships do have the ability to function as a catalyst for important local benefits such as urban regeneration, local economic development and the use of urban spaces. Now the second part of the question remains: how can the possible benefits for local residents be exploited? In the paper it has been put forward that not only the aims of developers lack focus on adjacent neighbourhoods, also the negative effects described in literature seem to worsen existing

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BOWERS & HIRSCHFIELD 1997. The Effect of Social Cohesion on Levels of Recorded Crime in Disadvantaged Areas. SAGE Journals, 34, 1275-1295.

WILKINSON, S. 1992. Towards a new city? A case study of image-improvement initiatives in Newcastle Upon Tyne. In: HEALEY, P., DAVOUDI, S. & TAVSANOGLU, S. (eds.) Rebuilding the city; property-led urban regeneration. London: Spon.

DOUCET, B. 2009. Global flagships, local impacts. Urban Design and Planning, 162, 101-107. DOUCET, B., VAN KEMPEN, R. & VAN WEESEP, J. 2010. Resident perceptions of flagship waterfront regeneration: the case of the Kop van Zuid in Rotterdam. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 102, 125145. EISINGER, P. 2000. The politics of bread and circuses: building the city for the visitor class. Urban Affairs Review, 35, 316-333. GRODACH, C. 2010. Beyond bilbao: Rethinking Flagship Cultural Development and Planning in Three California Cities. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 29, 353-366. HEALEY, P., DAVOUDI, S. & TAVSANOGLU, S. 1992. Rebuilding the city; property-led urban regeneration, London, E & FN Spon. JESSOP, B. 2002. Liberalism, Neoliberalism, and Urban Governance: A State-Theoretical Perspective. Antipode 34, 452–472. KESTELOOT, C. 2006. Urban Socio-Spatial Configurations and the Future of European Cities. In: KAZEPOV, Y. (ed.) Cities of Europe changing contexts, local arrangements, and the challenge to urban cohesion. Oxford: Blackwell. LOFTMAN, P. & NEVIN, B. 1995. Prestige projects and urban regeneration in the 1980s and 1990s: a review of benefits and limitations. Planning Practice and Research, 10, 299-316. PEARCE, D. 1989. The MIT Dictionary of Modern Economics, Cambridge, MIT Press. RODRIGUEZ, A., MARTÍNEZ, E. & GUENAGA, G. 2001. Uneven redevelopment: new urban policies and socio-spatial fragmentation in metropolitan Bilbao. European Urban and Regional Studies, 8, 161-178. SMYTH, H. 1994. Marketing the city: the role of flagship developments in urban regeneration, London, E & Fn Spon. TEMELOVÁ, J. 2007. Flagship developments and the physical upgrading of post-socialist inner city: the Golden Angle project in Prague. Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography, 89, 95–195.

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Successful public space for cyclists

Noor Scheltema

Successful Public Space for Cyclists Developing conditions for the design of a strong, consistent and attractive bicycle network from home to the railway station Noor Scheltema 1305441 _ noor@recyclecity.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract - Cycling is part of everyday life in the Netherlands. More than ninety percent of the Dutch has a bicycle and more than five million people use the bicycle every weekday for one or more trips in the Netherlands (Fiets Filevrij, 2011). More than forty percent of all train passengers arrive at the railway station by bicycle. The combination of bicycle and train will become even more important in the future (Venhoeven, 2010). However, the bicycle network from home to the Dutch railway station is often weak, uncomfortable and incoherent. The cyclist’s perspective is not central in even the most comprehensive work of urban design (Forsyth & Krizek, 2011). This paper answers the question: “What are the conditions for successful public space for cyclists to strengthen the bikeability from home to the Dutch railway station?” This question is answered by a literature review of leading authors in the field of public space for cyclists. The aim of this paper is to present a list of conditions for a successful public space for cyclists to strengthen the bicycle network in the city in general, and the bicycle route from home to the railway station in particular. This paper provides a literature review on public space for cyclists by studying literature of authors’ work in the field of public space quality for pedestrians and cyclists. Gehl’s theory forms the base for a conceptual framework for successful public space (Gehl, 2010). This framework is grounded on the fundamentals of the Pyramid of Maslow (1943) and Van Hagen (2010). Furthermore, the framework is adjusted to cyclists specifically. This leads to a set of conditions for successful public space for cyclists, namely Safety, Directness, Comfort and Attractiveness. Safety is the most fundamental condition and forms together with Directness the ‘dissatisfiers’. These conditions are pre-conditions for the others and must be met to be able to appreciate a place. The other conditions, Comfort and Attractiveness are ‘satisfiers’. They can only be fulfilled if the previous conditions are met. The result of this paper sets the base for a benchmark for successful urban environment for cyclists. The outcome of this paper will be used in the graduation project ‘Recycle City’ to test the current quality of the bicycle network by case study research. Finally, a design proposal is made for one of the cities to improve the bicycle network from home to the railway station. Key words - active transportation; cycling; public space quality; bikeability; spatial design interventions

1.

Introduction

In the Dutch culture, cycling and walking are the most common ways of active transportation within the cities (Heinen, 2011). But the cyclist's perspective is not central in even the most comprehensive work of urban design (Forsyth & Krizek, 2011). The last decades a lot has been written about the quality of public space. Many authors have tried to define what it is that makes a public space successful. It may sound easy to assess public space, but the many attempts that have been done show different.

This paper addresses the question: "What are the conditions for successful public space for cyclists to strengthen the bikeability from home to the Dutch railway station?" This question is answered by a literature review of leading authors in the field of public space for cyclists. The aim of this paper is to present a list of conditions for a successful public space for cyclists to strengthen the bicycle network in the city in general, and the bicycle route from home to the railway station in particular.


Successful public space for cyclists

Noor Scheltema

The literature review starts with an overview of literature of the well-known work on the quality of public space for pedestrians (Cullen, 1961; Jacobs, 1961; Lynch, 1961). Their theories are adapted and adjusted to successful public space for cyclists in specific (Forsyth & Krizek, 2011). Then theory and practice are both translated into design recommendations (Bach, 2006; Gehl, 2010). This leads to a conceptual framework that is grounded (Van Hagen, 2009; Maslow, 1943). Furthermore, the outcome of the conceptual framework is finetuned by means of other work on quality of public space for cyclists (Bach, 2006; Borgman, 2006; EC, 1999; Ewing & Handy, 2003; Rietveld & Daniel, 2010). The results of this literature review are a list of conditions for successful public space for cyclists. The list of conditions forms will be used as direct input for the thesis. It sets the base for a benchmark for successful urban environment for cyclists. The outcome of this paper will be used in the graduation project ‘Recycle City’ to test the current quality of the bicycle network by case study research.

2.

Existing body of knowledge on successful public space for cyclists

With his book ‘The Concise Townscape’ Gordon Cullen belongs to the first group of authors who approaches public space from the perspective of the pedestrian (Cullen, 1961). With sketches and photos Cullen shows what people see when they walk through a network of public space. Cullen mainly focusses on the physical perspective of public space. Figure 1 shows that Cullen draws a diverse view of streets, squares, courts, alleys, gateways and the different experience of designed details and landmarks from several distances. It provides a first insight in the ‘mind mapping’ of a city.

Fig. 1 Sketches of the view when walking through town (Cullen, 1961, p.17)

Kevin Lynch also belongs to this first group of architects and urban designers. With his book ‘Image of the City’ he addresses the ideas that every human being has the need to recognise and pattern the surrounding they are in (Lynch, 1961). According to Lynch the city should have a clear image; it should be legible. This could be fulfilled by a clear city structure and by providing meaning and identity to places. Figure 2 shows that he distinguishes five different elements that contribute to a better image of the city: paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks.

Reflection on Cullen (1961): ‘ T h e C o n c i s e To w n s c a p e ’ c a n contribute to the development of conditions for successful public space for cyclist since this book gives insight in the visual aspects of routing in the urban environment. Although this book focusses on pedestrians, it can be also usable for the understanding of the cyclists’ visual experience of the city since they look from almost the same angle at public space.

Fig. 2 Lynch’s analysis of Boston using of the five key elements (Lynch, 1961, p.145-146)


Successful public space for cyclists

Reflection on Lynch (1961): ‘Image of the City’ provides insight in the legibility of the city by means of studying the five key elements (paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks). Lynch’s study can contribute to the development of conditions for successful public space for cyclist to the extend that it focusses on legibility. It builds further on the study of Cullen that only considers public space from the view of the pedestrian. ‘Image of the City’. But Lynch draws no conclusions on the relation between physical and visual quality of public space.

Jane Jacobs stresses in her book ‘Death and Life of Great American Cities’ that activity is the key condition for successful public space (Jacobs, 1961). With her view on successful public space Jacobs corresponds, like Lynch, with the first groups of authors who focus on the urban design quality in general. Jacobs points out diversity as the most important aspect of public space. The main street and sidewalk network is seen as the essence of the existence of a city. It creates a public space where people are able to see and meet each other wherever and whenever they want. According to Jacobs the informality of these sidewalks creates diversity in a city. She explains her point of view by four rules for the urban environment. First, the district should serve at least one primary function. In the second place, the building blocks should be short of length and frequently interrupted by side streets. Third, the buildings in the district should have a different age and appearance to stimulate the local economy. Finally Jacobs points out there should be an effective concentration of dense and less dense areas. Reflection on Jacobs (1961): ‘Death and Life of Great American Cities’ provides a detailed study on the role of building blocks and districts on the activity in a city. Jacobs’ book can be helpful in the development of conditions for successful public space for cyclist since she carefully underpins the physical aspects of how to organise building blocks in the districts and the functions that are to be assigned. The book does not provide much insight in the visual aspects of public space.

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Although Jacobs mainly focusses on pedestrians, the conclusions of the book can also be taken into account for cyclists in the way they experience the districts and building blocks in public space.

Further on, Forsyth and Krizek use the theory of the previous authors in ‘Urban Design: Is there a Distinctive View from the Bicycle?‘ which discusses the differences and similarities in urban design approaches based on cyclists, vehicles and pedestrians (Forsyth and Krizek, 2011). They state that cyclist’s view is typically not central in even the most comprehensive work on urban design. Forsyth and Krizek conclude there should be a more radical reconceptualization of urban design given the speed, height, exposure, lighting requirements and parking needs of cyclists. The authors share the view of Lynch that a city network should be clear and legible. Besides they point out that facilities and the design of the public space can very much contribute in the physical comfort and mental experience of a place. Finally Forsyth and Krizek summarise the theory of Lynch in a conceptual framework. Figure 3 shows their set of four key dimensions for urban design from the perspective of the cyclist .

Four key issues to create a urban design that satisfies the needs of cyclists: 1. Networks & layout should be seamless and continuous and it should be taking into account that cyclists have various skills and speeds. 2. Facilities should be appropriate to the level and place in the network. 3. Processes should be adjusted to the cyclist’s experience of today and tomorrow, including the expertise fields of transportation and urban design. 4. Detailed design should be considered from the experience of the built environment at a speed beyond the pedestrian but slower than the car, with adapting the physical and social needs of the cyclists.

Fig. 3 Key dimensions of Forsyth and Krizek for urban design that fits the needs of cyclists (Forsyth and Krizek, 2011, p. 544-545)


Successful public space for cyclists

Reflection on Forsyth and Krizek (2011): ‘Urban Design: Is there a Distinctive View from the Bicycle?’ provides findings on the relation between cyclists, pedestrians and motorised vehicles in public space. The paper addresses the different interests of participants in public space in an integral design process. This paper can be used in the development of conditions for successful public space for cyclists. It provides an understanding of the common and different interests of cyclists, pedestrians and motorised vehicles in public space. An overview of design issues is given. But this paper remains too superficial to be used as a design tool.

Urban designer and traffic engineer Boudewyn Bach studied years on the relation between traffic and public spaces. He is the first author who summarises this knowledge and experience from both fields into a book ‘Urban Design and Traffic, A Selection from Bach’s Toolbox’ (Bach, 2006). He shares the idea that public space needs human scale and should always fit the pedestrian. And he emphasises that urban design should always take the lead in the interdisciplinary design process. Bach combines his knowledge from his study in urban design and traffic engineering by creating a design toolbox consisting of four layers: patterns of land use, networks of connections, spaces in which everything occurs and siting of activities within these places. Each of the four layers consists of different icons that explain the urban structure of the urban design. With this tool he attempts to show the weak and strong point of various case studies and stressed the relation between the characteristics and a certain transport mode. Bach addresses in his book special attention to cycling in the urban environment. Figure 4 shows a list of eight design guidelines he composed, that should fit the needs of slow traffic:

Noor Scheltema Design tools for slow traffic: 1. Pattern of land use

2. Networks of connections

• Concentration of land use: Clustering activities create opportunities for better amenities and generates traffic peaks. • Gateway-market axes: Activities frontages (‘urban plinth’) which enliven pedestrian routes, in turn improving urban safety. • Centripetal network: Roads leading to a single point shorten pedestrian/cycle routes, but encourage congestion. Rail links to a single point make it easier to change trains.

3. Spaces in which • Axis and long lines: Improves everything occurs orientation. Often used with main axes for car traffic, but also with car-free axis for shopping, public transport, bicycles and/or green space. • Street frontage: Continuous frontages can lend significance to spaces and give the roadscape an urban character. 4. Siting of activities • Activities on the road within these places together: Pedestrians and cyclists follow the same route to the centre. This shortens routes, generated more passers-by for shops and improves public safety. • Short main route: Shortening routes stimulates permitted traffic and increases possibilities for orientation within the urban structure. Route shortening for nonmotorised traffic increases public safety because of the extra activity generated (‘more pairs of eyes’). • Route clustering: Clustering makes a zone busier and safer for public. An expensive engineering structure, such as a footbridge, is then more feasible.

Fig. 4 Bach (2006, p.42-45)


Successful public space for cyclists

Noor Scheltema

Reflection on Bach (2006):

much less space than other transport modes and add greatly to an active, healthy and green public space. These active forms of transportation meet all the objectives for good quality of city life according to Gehl. Furthermore, Gehl addresses that bicycles should be part of integrated transport thinking. Possibilities to combine the bicycle as access and egress mode for public transport are needed. And good parking options along streets in general and facilities such as schools, offices and shops should be part of integrated transport policy. He mentions that the possibility to park the bicycle securely at railway stations and traffic hubs should not be forgotten.

‘Urban Design and Traffic, A Selection from Bach’s Toolbox’ provides a detailed insight in the design methods of public space with special attention to urban design and traffic planning. In this book Bach gives an overview of the different design styles, tools and processes that exist. By means of a design tool he strives to explain the essence of various example projects and the different needs of the participants in public space. This book can contribute a lot to the development of conditions for successful public space for cyclists. Bach translates the physical needs in public space to a set of design instruments. He also pays attention to pedestrians and cyclists and composes a design tool for slow traffic. Bach even compiled a list of cycle route quality requirements. But in his book he only addresses the physical aspects of public space. The visual aspects are less discussed. In his book ‘Cities for People’ Jan Gehl sees cities as meeting places (Gehl, 2010). He stresses that public space should always be approached from the human dimension, with attention to the sense of place, scale and dimension. According to him, this view is in many cities neglected the past decades. He points out that better conditions for public space create a better city life. As main example he uses Copenhagen. He approached good quality of city life by means of four key objectives: lively, safe, sustainable and healthy. For a lively city it is important that there are logical routes, small spaces and a clear city hierarchy. Lively cities also need a active ground floor plan and activities on the edges. Safe cities provide more city life and are therefore desirable. Especially pedestrians and cyclists, the slow traffic, contribute in a lively city. They take

Gehl argues that there are three quality factors that form the base for a successful pedestrian landscape: protection, comfort and delight. Figure 5 shows these quality factors, elaborated in a list of 12 quality principles for achieving this successful pedestrian landscape. The 12 quality criteria for successful pedestrian landscape 1. Protection • Protection against traffic and accidents – feeling safe • Protection against crime and violence – feeling secure • Protection against unpleasant sensory experiences (rain, snow, pollution, noise, etc.) 2. Comfort

• Opportunities to walk (room for walking, good surfaces, etc) • Opportunities to stand/stay • Opportunities to sit • Opportunities to see (reasonable viewing distances, interesting views, lighting when dark) • Opportunities to talk and listen • Opportunities for play and exercise

3. Delight:

• Scale (buildings and spaces designed to human scale) • Opportunities to enjoy the positive aspects of climate • Positive sensory experiences (good design, materials, trees, plants, water)

Fig. 5 Gehl (2010, p. 238-239)

Fig. 6 The Pyramid of Requirements for Pedestrian Landscape (Gehl, 2006, p.238-239)


Successful public space for cyclists

The first criterion - protection - is the basic element. If this stays unmet then the other qualities are meaningless. The second criterion - comfort - is to ensure the place offers good comfort and invites people to use the place. The third and last quality factor - delight - makes the place complete. Figure 6 shows this subdivision in a hierarchic pyramid. Reflection on Gehl (2010): In ‘Cities for People’ Gehl explains the importance of the human’s perspective in public space. He mentions the city as a place to meet. With a lot of practical examples, the book describes twelve quality criteria for successful pedestrian landscape. Besides the focus on pedestrians, this book goes specifically further into the advantaged of cyclists in public space. This book can certainly contribute to the development of conditions for successful public space for cyclist. Through the book, he describes various design solutions for which public space should meet. This is done with special attention for pedestrians and cyclists. Gehl underpins the need of cities for pedestrians and cyclists as active slow transport mode. Therefore, the quality criteria for pedestrians can also be adapted for the quality of public space for cyclists. And he even goes further into the importance of combining cycling and public transport and the special attention that should be given to the urban design. This can be very helpful in developing the conditions.

3.

A conceptual framework for successful public space for cyclists: the Pyramid of Needs

Gehl’s design concludes that the quality of a place can be considered in terms of Protection, Comfort and Delight, is based on fundamental earlier work. The principle of dividing the criteria in such a way dates back from earlier research in the psychology of the human being. In this chapter, the origin of the division of quality criteria will be discussed. Furthermore, the literature on quality of public space for cyclists from the 21st century is addressed.

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The origin of Gehl’s quality criteria descend from psychologic research in the 1940’s. In a paper ‘A Theory for Human Motivation’ Maslow describes the psychological and physical needs of the human being (Maslow, 1943). He portrays these needs in a pyramid which he names the ‘Pyramid of Needs’ as shown in figure 7. Maslow introduces ‘deficiency needs’ (or D-needs) that form the basic four needs of the pyramid. The most fundamental need is shown in the grey bottom of the pyramid. If these physiological needs - air, food, water, shelter et cetera - stay unmet a human being simply is not able to function. The other three needs - safety, love and esteem - can only be fulfilled if the physiological needs are met. The top of the pyramid - self-actualisation - contains the ‘being need’ (or B-needs) represent the need of becoming everything that one is capable of becoming. In order to reach this need all four ‘deficiency needs’ should be fulfilled. Maslow’s theory has proven to be useful in other research fields too. It has been used in marketing studies to understand the needs of customers. Van Hagen used Maslow’s pyramid of needs for his study in customer needs at railway station platforms (Van Hagen, 2006). Figure 8 shows that he translated the requirements of customers in a pyramid of customers needs. Instead of using the so called deficiency and being needs of Maslow, he introduces other definitions. Van Hagen’s pyramid is based on the theory of satisfiers and dissatisfiers. He emphasises that people have a basic needs for doing or using something. Safety and reliability are the first essential requirements for customers. The second and third basic conditions are ‘ease’ and ‘speed’. These time aspects become of more importance when people are moving from one place to another. When the basic conditions stays unmet, the service is worthless. Van Hagen calls these first three criteria the ‘dissatisfiers’. These ‘dissatisfiers’ are the ‘must haves’, the precondition for the ‘satisfiers’. The conditions that belong to this second group according to Van Hagen are ‘comfort’ and ‘experience’. These ‘satisfiers’ can only be fulfilled if the ‘dissatisfiers’ are met. When that is the case, the service will be valued even higher.


Successful public space for cyclists

Noor Scheltema

Fig. 7 The Pyramid of needs for human being (Maslov, 1943, p. 370-396)

Fig. 8 The Pyramid of Needs for Customers (Van Hagen, 2010, p. 10-11)

4.

Reflecting Gehl’s theory of successful public space for cyclists in literature

The design requirements list of Gehl is actually an elaboration of Maslow’s pyramid. The design criteria are divided in the same hierarchic way and are comparable with the fundamentals of Maslow’s theory. Gehl’s design conclusion that the quality of a place can be considered in terms of Protection, Comfort and Delight has proven to be applicable also for other work. In the following, literature on the quality of public space for cyclists is discussed. For each author is shown for which of the three conditions their theory corresponds. In the research ‘Measuring the Unmeasurable’ Ewing and Handy provide an understanding in the relation of the built environment and the pedestrians using it. They summarised their findings in a conceptual scheme, as shown in figure

9, that shows the objective and subjective aspects of this relation. The authors state that the urban design qualities of public space, affected by physical features, influence the general walkability of a city. This study addresses all three conditions for successful public space according to Gehl and corresponds with the hierarchy he uses. The fundamental element ‘protection’ matches with the physical features and the ‘comfort’ with the urban design qualities. Forsyth and Krizek emphasise that the network and layout are preconditions for good public space for cyclist. In their scheme they show their special attention to safety, coherence and directness of the bicycle network (figure 3). Furthermore they address the importance of good bicycle parking facilities and detailed design in public space.

Fig. 1.9 Objective & subjective criteria for cyclists (Interpretation of Ewing & Handy 2009, p.67)


Successful public space for cyclists

Noor Scheltema

A first example of organisation is the European Network for Cycling Expertise. They state that people are not willing to cycle unless the public space is safe (ECF, 2003). They go along with Gehl’s conclusion that protection, or safety, is the precondition for the overall appreciation of public space. According to the organisation motorised traffic has dominated the streets. The organisation sees ‘protection’ as the main objective in public space from the perspective of the cyclist. It can be seen as precondition for the rest. Furthermore, they emphasise the need of good cycling facilities such as bicycle parking in city centres, stations and schools.

Routes should be coherent, connected, legible, short and direct. Furthermore, the public space should be attractive with well-designed bicycle infrastructure and public space. This corresponds with the ‘delight’ criterion of Gehl. He also mentions the road safety as requirement. Good cycling tracks are separated, lighted, with smooth pavement and safe junctions. Bach also addresses the convenience of the bicycle route. The routes are suggested to be designed smooth, without slopes and free of obstacles along the track. This matched Gehl’s view on ‘comfort’ in public space. Bach’s requirements of ‘consistency’ and ‘directness’ are new compared to the theory of Gehl.

As urban designer and traffic engineer Bach studies years on the relation between the design of traffic in public space. In the book ‘Urban Design and Traffic, A Selection from Bach’s Toolbox’ he provides a list of guidelines for bicycle route quality, as shown in figure 10, that is developed together with CROW (‘National Knowledge Platform for Infrastructure, Traffic, Transport and Public Space’ in the Netherlands). They state that public space for cyclists should be consistent and direct.

A third example are economics Rietveld and Daniel who did research commissioned by the VU University of Amsterdam. They provide insight in the decision-making of people choosing for cycling. By analysing the determinants in cycling, the authors attempt to find if and how national and local policy making can influence bicycle use (Rietveld & Daniel, 2010). Figure 11 shows the general framework that explains the needs of cyclists.

The cycle route quality requirements: Consistency

• coherent route • connected route • legible route

Directness

• short route • direct route

Attractiveness:

• well designed bicycle infrastructure • good lighting • presence of shelter • clear signage • short waiting time at crossings

Road safety

• • • •

Convenience

separate cycling tracks smooth pavement lighting removal of dangerous junctions

• smooth and convenient traffic flow • smooth and skid-resistant pavement • no steep slopes or long stretches slightly sloping pavement • stay clear off walls or busy traffic arteries

Fig. 10 Bach (2006, p. 250)

Fig. 11 General framework of factors explaining bicycle use (Rietveld & Daniel, 2010, p. 533)

They conclude that the competitive assessment is the most fundamental in the decision for people to cycle. If you want people to take the bicycle, cycling should be faster and cheaper than other transport modes. These conditions are shaped by local policy, in which they decide in what state the public space is and what the pricing and service is for bicycling, public transport and car use. Another important aspect they state is the need for protection for injuries, theft and violence. The determinants shown in the scheme consider both the element of protection and comfort of the


Successful public space for cyclists

cyclist. In addition to Gehl’s theory the authors mention the time aspect of cycling as requirement. The Dutch Cyclists’ Union is the second example of an organisation that did research on the quality of public space for cyclists. This organisation stands up for the cyclist in public space and puts a lot of effort in creating more and better conditions for cycling in the Netherlands. By means of a literature study and a lot of field studies, the Dutch Cyclists’ Union states that the bicycle should be competitive with other transport modes (Borgman, 2003). In terms of time, safety and comfort. They emphasise cyclists should be offered a direct, attractive, comfortable and safe route within a coherent network. To test the bicycle network of a city, they developed a measuring tool called the ‘Cycling Balance’ in which all the conditions incorporated. Included in this tool are also the local policies and cycling satisfaction. Figure 12 shows the result of an analysed city is shown in a Cycle Balance scheme. The organisation corresponds with all the conditions - protection, comfort and delight - of Gehl. However, they also address ‘time’ by mentioning the bicycle network should be direct and coherent. The ‘delight’ condition of Gehl is also considered by the Dutch Cyclists’ Union in terms of ‘attractiveness’ of public space. The fundamental need of safety is confirmed by the European Committee responsible for the environment that publishes their research in a booklet ‘Cycling: the way ahead for towns and cities’ (EC, 1999). This last organisation devotes itself to the promotion of cycling in the European Union. Ritte Beggejaard, researcher at this

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Fig. 12 Example of a Cycle Balance score of Veenendaal (Borgman, 2003, p. 5)

committee, emphasises the significance of providing well-designed safe street for cyclists. He shows the many individual and social benefits of cycling in terms of economic profit, health and quality of the environment. Like the other organisations, they also mention the importance of directness of the bicycle network.

5.

Fine-tuning the conceptual framework

So far, studies have shown that the quality of public space can be divided in three key conditions: Protection, Comfort and Delight. From the studies of organisations we can see that the hierarchy fits not only pedestrians, but also cyclists. However, some authors mention a condition that is not included yet: the ‘directness’ of the bicycle

Fig. 13 The development of a new pyramid for Successful Public Space for Cyclists (by the author)


Successful public space for cyclists

network. This condition is directly linked with the time aspect and the degree of coherence of the bicycle network. The ‘directness’ is considered as precondition for comfort and delight. The authors have shown us that improvements can be made to the conceptual framework for quality of public space for cyclists. First the condition Directness can be added to the model, above the fundamental element of Protection. Second, the Protection element is by many authors considered as the ‘safety’ of public space. This condition is used in terms of traffic, social and personal safety. The same counts for the Delight condition. By many authors this is considered as attractiveness. Therefore, we can change the naming of Protection into Safety and Delight into Attractiveness. The main objective of this paper is to develop a list of conditions for successful public space for cyclists. Summarising the conceptual model for pedestrian landscape of Gehl together with the outcome of the literature study we can now create a new pyramid model adjusted on public space for cyclists (figure 13). The fundamental elements of the Maslow pyramid can be recognised in the development of the new pyramid.

6.

Conditions for successful public space for cyclists

Concluding the studied work so far, we can consider four key conditions for successful public space for cyclists, as showed in figure 14. In the following, each of the four conditions is set apart. Safety. The most fundamental condition of the four is safety. This is meant by means of social, environmental and personal safety. If this condition is not met, the other conditions cannot be fulfilled and the public space will be valued worthless. Safety refers to the cyclists feeling and being safe

Noor Scheltema

in public space. Since cyclists are one of the weakest links in public space, they need protection against fast motorised traffic. Cyclist should be given their own bicycle lane if possible and the pavement should be smooth. But the presence of other people, eyes on the street, is also crucial for the safety of the cyclist. And especially during night the lighting along the cycling path is important for the safe well-being of the cyclist (Bach, 2006; Borgman, 2003; Forsyth & Krizek, 2011; Gehl, 2006; Rietveld & Daniel, 2010). Directness. The second condition of the four is Directness. This condition is like Safety a precondition for the ones standing above in the pyramid. As we have learned, the coherence and consistency of the bicycle network are of main significance for the directness of the public space. Linearity, continuity and orientation of the route are also crucial. It is also important that the distance of the bicycle route from origin to destination is as short as possible. And the route can easily be followed by logical directions and signage (Bach, 2006; Borgman, 2003; Forsyth & Krizek, 2011; Lynch, 1961). Comfort. The condition Comfort is the first that counts as ‘satisfier’ aspect in the pyramid. When the conditions Safety and Directness are fulfilled, public space is even more appreciated if this ‘satisfier’ condition is also met. The use of the place during the day is an important aspect to the comfort of public space. And the maintenance plays a significant role such as the presence of amenities like bicycle parking. Also the traffic is expected to be comfortable by giving the cyclists right of way as much as possible (Bach, 2006; Borgman, 2003; ECF, 2006; Forsyth & Krizek, 2011). Attractiveness. The last condition of the four plays a significant role in the overall liveliness of public space. This has to do with the scale of the buildings and the options to take an alternative route. But also the

Fig. 14 The pyramid for Successful Public Space for Cyclists (by the author)


Successful public space for cyclists

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detailed urban design can make a place even better than it already is. Making a place more attractive greatly influences the image of the city. Therefore, this condition is a task on itself. This last condition can only be fulfilled if all the other conditions are met (Bach, 2006; Borgman, 2003; Forsyth & Krizek, 2011; Gehl, 2006).

The most fundamental element, safety, is placed at the bottom of the pyramid. If this condition is not met, the other conditions cannot be fulfilled. Together with the second, directness, it forms the group of dissatisfiers. The third and fourth condition, comfort and attractiveness, are the satisfiers. Cyclists value a place even higher if also the lasts condition are met.

7.

The answer to the question of this paper is shown in figure 15. After developing the conditions, the relevance of each of them is checked to be applicable for the bicycle network from home tot the railway station. All conditions proved to be applicable. Figure 16 sketched the outcome to the question.

Conclusions

This literature review answers the question: What are the conditions for successful public space for cyclists to strengthen the bikeability from home to the Dutch railway station? To tackle this question, literature on public space quality for pedestrians and cyclists is studied. This resulted in a conceptual framework for successful public space. The scheme is based on the Pyramid of Needs that is elaborated by Gehl to a model applicable for public space quality. Gehl’s pyramid has undergone some changes after literature study has shown that the condition directness was missing and the naming Delight and Protection were not meeting the essence. This resulted in the development of the pyramid for public space for cyclists as shown in figure 14.

1.

2.

3.

4.

Safety a. Road division b. Clear view on crossings c. Eyes on the street d. Pavement e. Lighting Directness a. Linearity b. Continuity c. Orientation d. Bikeability e. Fluency of the route ---------------------------------------------------Comfort a. Right of way to cyclists b. Bicycle amenities c. Mixed use along the day d. Maintenance e. Flatness of the route Attractiveness a. Advantages of cycling b. Alternative routes c. Human scale d. Streetscape e. Experience

Fig. 15 Conditions for successful public space for cyclists (by the author)

The result of this paper sets the base for a benchmark for successful urban environment for cyclists. The outcome is used as evaluation tool in the graduation project ‘Recycle City’ to test the current quality of the bicycle network from home to the railway station by case study research. Finally, a design proposal is made for one of the cities to improve the bicycle network from home to the railway station.

1. The bicycle route to the railway station needs to be safe.

2. And the route has to be short and fast.

3. The public space should also be comfortable. The environment should fit the human scale.

4. Public space should be attractive and inviting. Fig. 1.16 Principle schemes for successful public space for cyclists on the way from home to the railway station (by the author)


Successful public space for cyclists

Bibliography krizek Bach, B. (2006). Urban Design and Traffic; A selection from Bach’s Toolbox, CROW, Utrecht. Borgman, F. (2003) The Cycle Balance: benchmarking local cycling conditions, Utrecht: Dutch Cyclists’ Union. Cavallo, R. (2008) Railways in the Urban Context: an architectural discourse, PhD thesis: Delft University of Technology. Cullen, G. (1961) The Concise Townscape, London: Architectural Press. EC European Commission (1999) Cycling: the way ahead for towns and cities, Brussels: European Commission DG XI - Environment, Nuclear Safety and Civil Protection. ECF European Network for Cycling Expertise (2003) Cycling and Transport, Brussels: ECF. Ewing, R. & Handy, S. (2009) Measuring the Unmeasurable: Urban Design Qualities Related to Walkability, Journal of Urban Design, 14(1): 65-84. Fiets Filevrij (2011). Bereikbaarheid door snelle fietsrouten [Accessibility by fast bicycle routes], Available at: http://fietsfilevrij.nl [accessed 8 September 2011] Forsyth, A. & Krizek, K. (2011). Urban Design: Is there a Distinctive View from the Bicycle? Journal of Urban Design, 16(4): 531–549. Gehl, J. (2010) Cities for People, Copenhagen: Danish Architectural Press. Hagen, M. Van (2010) Waiting Experience at Train Stations, Doctoral thesis: University of Twente. Heinen, E. (2011) Bicycle Commuting. PhD Thesis: Delft University of Technology. Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, 4th ed. New York: Random House. Lynch, K. (1961) The Image of the City, Cambridge (MA): MIT Press. Maslow, A.H. (1943) A Theory of Human Motivation, Psychological Review 50 (4): 370-96. Rietveld, P. & Daniel, V. (2004) Determinants of bicycle use: do municipal policies matter? Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice, 38(7): 531–550. Venhoeven, T. (2010). Duurzame Stad 2040; Vijf ontwerpen, vijf gesprekken [Sustainable City 2040: Five Designs, Five Discussions], Den Haag: Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving.

Noor Scheltema


Reconfiguring Landscapes

Jan Wilbers

Reconfiguring Landscapes Changes in the use and perception of the landscape in the Netherlands Jan Wilbers 1223763_ j.j.wilbers@student.tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference 2 February 2012

Abstract – Agriculture landscapes in the Netherlands are in transition. Agriculture is moving away from a modernized and strictly regulated industry based on production (Kristensen et al., 2004), made possible through land consolidation projects in the second half of the twentieth century (Janssen and Knippenberg, 2008, Daalhuizen et al., 2008, Andela, 2000). Rather, it will become more diverse (Vos and Meekes, 1999, Pols et al., 2005) with changes in the agriculture business itself (Wilson, 2001, Holmes, 2006, Daalhuizen et al., 2008) as well as new land uses including leisure, energy and climate issues (Vos and Meekes, 1999, Pols et al., 2005). Modern society’s perception of the landscape will increasingly play a role in the development of the landscape. This creates a complex situation both spatially and socially, which will play out in the agricultural landscapes of today. The aim of this review paper is to give an oversight of the broad range of aspects that affect the spatial characterisation of the agriculture landscape today and in the near future in order to develop a position towards it. The review will offer a meaningful contribution to a larger understanding of the spatial effects of transformation processes on agricultural landscapes, and as an underpinning for re-developing agriculture landscapes. The literature study will first assess the shift from a production based agriculture landscape, established in the twentieth century to a more diverse multifunctional agriculture landscape, starting towards the end of the twentieth century and continuing today. For this research on the post-productivist (Wilson, 2001, Marsden, 1998, Kristensen et al., 2004) and post-modern landscape (Vos and Meekes, 1999, Antrop, 2008a) will be used, and related to current trends in landscape transitions. Second, the literature describing the processes steering this transformation will be assessed (Holmes, 2006, Antrop, 2008b), to establish the factors that influence this shift. Third, the social and spatial implications of transformation processes in agriculture landscapes are exposed, to show the complexity of such processes, starting with research on the perception of nature and landscape (van Koppen, 2002, Buijs et al., 2006) The outcomes of this review paper will be applied as the basis of the theoretical framework in a research by design project on area development in agricultural landscapes in the Netherlands. The review paper forms the position of the spatial designer towards landscape development in light of coming transformations.

Key words – agriculture landscapes; post-productivist landscapes; post-modern landscapes; leisure landscape; energy landscape; landscape perception; arcadian landcape

1 Introduction Agriculture landscapes in the Netherlands have undergone major change throughout the twentieth century, and will continue to do so in the coming decades (van Leeuwen, 2008, Vos and Meekes, 1999, Antrop, 2006). Especially the post war era, starting in the 1950s, which led to large scale land consolidation projects to modernize agriculture have

increased the output severely (Andela, 2000, Daalhuizen et al., 2008, Janssen and Knippenberg, 2008). This has also affected the spatial characteristics of the landscape, as the land was made more efficient and therefore homogeneous (ibid.). Depending on the landscape type, as one type is more suitable than another, agriculture landscapes will continue to change in one direction


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or the other (Pols et al., 2005, Wilson, 2001). This depends severly on international policy developments (Silvis and de Bont, 2005) and changes in European subsidies, currently moving towards more sustainable and green agricultural policy (Postma, 2011). Landscape types that are less equipped for expansion, whether caused by low soil quality or the vicinity to urban areas will change too. Here new developments are occurring that replace the once dominant position of the agriculture industry within the landscape. More multifunctional landscapes will emerge in these landscape types (Pols et al., 2005, Vos and Meekes, 1999, Antrop, 2008a). According to van Leeuwen (2008) the agriculture industry, despite of being responsible for only a small portion of the workforce (3-10 per cent in the Netherlands), agriculture in Western Europe has always been responsible for a large share of the land use (57 per cent in the Netherlands) and an important part of the GDP (10 per cent in the Netherlands), taking into account the many industries linked to agriculture. Agriculture will remain the biggest land user in the Netherlands by far, despite suburbanisation processes (Silvis and de Bont, 2005) As the agriculture industry continues to change due to global economic processes, inevitably so will the landscape. This includes economic, social, and spatial changes, which as van Dam et al. (2006) state go hand in hand. At the same time, new and renewed forms of land use are emerging in the agriculture landscape that will bring about a more diverse multifunctional landscape, as opposed to the more monofunctional agriculture landscape of the twentieth century, summarized by Daalhuizen et al. (2008). This will however be a gradual process (Vos and Meekes, 1999, Wilson, 2001). Firstly, this review paper will investigate the rather broad definition of the changing landscape, in light of the twentieth and the twenty-first century. It is a deliberate choice to largely omit the underlying philosophical debate about the role and significance of the landscape in modern society. Apart from the broad scope it presents the spatial implications are unclear, and therefore not useful in a research by design project, for which this review paper is the theoretical underpinning. Secondly, the underlying forces that steer the many facets of the changing landscape will be described in accordance with relevant literature. These underlying forces present themselves differently depending on local conditions. Thirdly, the spatial characteristics of the changing landscape are related to the experience of the landscape as perceived by modern society. This brings it closer to the realm of the spatial designer, or design science, balancing between possibilities, desirabilities and probabilities (De Jong and van der Voordt, 2002).

Jan Wilbers

2 A changing landscape An overview of the broad definitions of the changing landscape can be useful to start with. The landscape is in a continues state of change in a more or less chaotic way (Antrop, 2006). Nonetheless the Dutch agriculture landscapes have made the most severe jumps in the twentieth century (Andela, 2000). The post war land consolidation projects largely changed the functioning, production and characteristcs of the landscape (Andela, 2000, Daalhuizen et al., 2008, Janssen and Knippenberg, 2008). Apart from economic needs there were other motivations to apply these methods. According to Janssen and Knippenburg (2008): “…agricultural and rural planning became a major political issue in the Netherlands, partly because of the still very vivid memory of the big agricultural crisis in the 1930s, partly because of the remembrance of the acute shortages of food in the last winter of the war.” (Janssen and Knippenberg, 2008, p4) Either way, agricultural landscapes were becoming more industrialised. 2.1. The agriculture landscape as it was The land consolidation program was perhaps the pinnacle of a longer running process. Vos and Meekes (1999) argue that this process started with the industrialisation in the nineteenth century. Industrial landscapes here are considered productive land that is largely monofunctional. Furthermore they are described as under strict control; meaning water systems, production mechanism, etc., are all tightly regulated. A similar description of a ‘landscape of intervention’ is given by Lörzing (2001) cited in Janssen and Knippenburg (2008) to describe the governmental interference present in the later stages of this industrial era. Janssen and Knippenburg (2008) refer to this as “…a result of conscious government policy based on the idea of a society that could be planned.”(p11) According to Ilbery and Bowler (1998) as interpreted by Kristensen et al (2004), this landscape can be considered ‘productivist’, which characterisations are intensification, specialisation and concentration. Marsden (1998) refers to the productivist landscape as one where the certainties of agricultural production function as the ‘rural hub’.


Reconfiguring Landscapes

Jan Wilbers

“…towards extensification, diversification and dispersal, indicators of the postproductivist farming period.”(Ilbery and Bowler (1998) in Kristensen et al., 2004, p231) This shift did not occur on its own. It can be read in the description of Marsden (1998) who uses the shift from productivist to post-productivist to:

Figure 1. Before and after of land consolidation in Haerst-Genne (1955). Source: Land Consolidation Service, Utrecht in Janssen and Knippenberg (2008, p4)

Despite different descriptions, scholars agree that the production landscapes that emerged over the course of the twentieth century led to largely monofunctional, highly regulated landscapes focusing on production and efficiency. Most literature describing this production landscape is written from an agricultural or ecological point of view, as those were the main players in the agricultural landscape, although it is suggested that government influence to create a modern society along with a modernized landscape must not underestimated (Janssen and Knippenberg, 2008). 2.2. The agriculture landscape as it is becoming So much for the production landscape based on agriculture alone, for some time now the production landscape is itself undergoing change. This can be described as a towards the postmodern landscape (Vos and Meekes, 1999, Antrop, 2008a), which is characterised as “a complex mozaic of different landscape types.” (Vos and Meekes, 1999, p7) They claim there is no single direction in the development of the landscape any more, but rather a multitude of actors influence the developments. The strict control over the landscape to produce the ideal modernized landscape is replaced by a range of landscape types that each present a different level of control, from landscape as a wilderness to landscape as an industry. The authors argue these are all desired by the ‘shopping society’, the multitude of end users of the landscape. The concept of the productivist landscape as described above has a follow-up; namely the postproductivist landscape. Focusing primarily on the agricultural use of the land it is described as a transition

“…connote the changes in national and European wide agricultural policies during the 1980s and 1990s. From the mid 1980s European agricultural policy has shifted from its previous priorities associated with the encouragement of food and farm production to one which also attempts to deliver other environmental and consumerbased benefits.” (p289) It is made clear here that the shift to a postproductivist landscape has to do with changes in national and European policy. The previous European policies for instance led to surpluses of production, because a minimum price for production was ensured (Postma, 2011, Silvis and de Bont, 2005). The notions of the postmodern landscape and the post-productivist landscape first and foremost argue from the perspective of the agriculture industry, and the changes therein. These are inevitably related to social and economic changes and, as Marsden states, policy too has played a big role. 2.3 Leisure economy and the landscape However, there are other factors that influence the changes in the landscape. Metz (2002) describes a shift from the production landscape to a consumption domain when discussing the increase in tourism and leisure in the landscape. The landscape is increasingly used for recreation. In addition to that she argues that the countryside is no longer the domain of the farmer alone. Complex social issues and conflicts of interest emerge as the number of city dwellers in the countryside and the landscape increase. This phenomenon is referred to as rural living, which is likely to increase in coming decades, as noted in a study by the Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency on that topic (van Dam et al., 2003). Van Leeuwen (2008) adds that forms of leisure taking place in the landscape increase as more people work less and therefor spend more free time in the outdoors, for example walking, cycling, horse riding or playing golf. Vos and Meekes (1999) refer to this leisure landscape as the ‘landscape as a supermarket’, calling it an ‘overstressed multifunctional landscapes’. This emphasises the role of modern society in agriculture landscapes.


Reconfiguring Landscapes

“In areas with an increasing urban population, the market most recently demands `a la carte' from our landscapes a broad spectrum of functions: food production; industrial use; recreation; housing; water extraction; nature conservation; global environmental control, etc.” (Vos and Meekes, 1999, p7) Although this largely refers to areas close to urban regions, it can be argued that this is the case in most of the Netherlands. Van Leeuwen (2008) explains that according to the definition of the OECD (2008), which states that rural areas have less than 150 inhabitants per km2, the Netherlands has no rural areas. This is due to the high level of urbanization in the Netherlands, some 85 per cent of the population lives in urban areas. Therefore agriculture landscapes in the Netherlands are always in the vicinity of urban areas, with few exceptions in the North of the country (OECD, 2008). 2.4 Climate, energy, and the landscape Aside from leisure, climate and energy issues are also increasingly influencing land use in agriculture landscapes. As stated by Nadaï and van der Horst (2010) this has in fact been the case for quite some time now: “There can be very little doubt that energy will remain the number one driver for landscape transformation in the twenty-first century, directly with regard to energy extraction, transporation and use, as well as indirectly through the emission of greenhouse gasses causing climate change.”(p144) Number one driver or not, energy is undisputedly important. Wind energy for one is most effective in largely empty landscapes with plenty of wind (Gordijn et al., 2003), and studies have been made to integrate large scale wind energy parks into the agricultural landscape (Feddes, 2010, Sijmons, 2007). This integration is argued to be necessary due to the scale of modern day wind turbines (Schöne, 2007), up to 120 meters, which is noted as the most efficient size (Feddes, 2010). Public acceptance of wind turbines is declining, resulting in a strong ‘not in my backyard’ effect (Sijmons, 2007). Studies from around Europe have concluded it is difficult to embed large wind turbines in the landscape in accordance with social demands (Schöne, 2007). Climate and water issues will also add to the multifunctional character of the landscape, through the need for creating water storages in case of heavy rainfall, and sweet water reservoirs to ensure fresh water supplies (Sijmons, 2002, Deltacommissie, 2008). This will occur mainly in the lower parts,

Jan Wilbers

around rivers and in urban areas (Daalhuizen et al., 2008). 2.5 Multifunctional agricultural regime Not only are new functions and land uses added to the pallet of the landscape, others are changing. As noted before the agriculture characterised as intensive and monotone is diversifying and become more extensive. This is not a definitive switch from one system to another. In his critique on the productivist and post-productivist division Wilson (2001) claims that: “…we are dealing with a spectrum of different views rather than two easily definable and ‘separate’ conceptual entities on their own.” (p96) He illustrates the complexity of the transition from the productivist system, which is agreed on by scholars, to the much looser and less well defined post-productivist system. He argues this term does not capture the complexity involved with this transition, which involves more parties and actors than agriculture alone, and is a gradual multidimensional transition, not a sudden shift. To conclude it is stated: “…that the notion of post-productivism should only be used in the context of the post-productivist transition, and that the notion of a multifunctional agricultural regime better encapsulates the diversity, non-linearity and spatial heterogeneity that can currently be observed in modern agriculture and rural society.”(ibid.) Considering the various changes occurring in the agricultural landscape today, despite of the terminology or angle, it can be said that the landscape is in fact in transition, influenced by numerous processes and actors, and moving in a multitude of directions simultaneously. Although productivist agriculture still exists, it is no longer the dominant land user over the whole, but rather part of a complex mix that determines the eventual land use.

3 Influences on the landscape today According to Antrop (2006) landscape transitions include both gradual changes as well as sudden and complete changes caused by natural or human disturbances. Agriculture landscapes in specific are no exception. Considering agriculture landscapes, Holmes (2006) derives that: “…at its core, the multifunctional transition involves a radical re-ordering in the three basic purposes underlying human use of


Reconfiguring Landscapes

rural space, namely production, consumption and protection.” (p142) To clarify the multifunctional transition of Holmes, which describes once again the gradual shift away from the productivist landscape, the description by Daalhuizen et al (2008) is used. They describe the underlying purposes of Holmes as the following three themes: an increase in prosperity, which stands for consumption; an increase in environmental awareness and an increased public interest in nature and landscape, which stands for protection; shifts in the agriculture production, which stand for production. 3.1 Consumption, production, protection These three themes will be further discussed hereby. The increase in prosperity has led to increase in car use and mobility. More time off has meant an increase in tourism (van Leeuwen, 2008). Breman et al. (2009) argue that the tourism sector in the Netherlands is partly influenced by accessibility, touristic mobility and spatial quality. This has made the countryside more accessible and suited for recreation and living (van Dam et al., 2003). Increased prosperity has not only increased accessibility and mobility, but has also affected the spatial quality of the landscape (Daalhuizen et al., 2008). The increased public interest in environmental awareness, nature and landscape has influenced biological and ecological agriculture and the need for nature reserves. This has resulted in concepts as new nature, which can be seen as the ultimate form of social engineering (Metz, 1998). Lastly, Daalhuizen et al. (2008) distinguish the shifts in agriculture production, which include technological improvements, land consolidation and the industrialisation of the Dutch agriculture industry; again, traits of the productivist landscape. This has largely influenced the view of the landscape and thus the spatial configuration of it. Although not mentioned by Daalhuizen et al. (2008) or Holmes (2006), previously discussed issues dealing with climate and energy can also be placed in this categorisation, in this case under the heading of protection. It should be noted that as the landscape is continuously mutating, the model by Holmes is a snapshot of the current transition. Also, in each location the balance between production, consumption and protection presents itself differently (Holmes, 2006). 3.2 Polarization and fuzziness The differing balance between the three aspects can be explained through the division by Antrop (2008b), who offers a different view on the influences on the landscape today and states:

Jan Wilbers

“Two forces are apparent in the actual changes of the landscape, polarization between intensification and extensification and the distinction between urban and rural becoming diffuse and fuzzy.”(p83) The first, polarization between intensification and extensification explains that the differences between urban and rural are increasing, with more activity concentrating in smaller spaces, and the rural fringe areas are declining. This condition means that processes happening in the agriculture landscape present themselves differently depending on their position in relation to urban areas. The distinction between urban and rural becoming fuzzy describes the unclear boundaries between rural and urban that are emerging. This aspect is twofold. For one the urban fringes of larger urban agglomerations are becoming more complex in land uses: “…creating a complex and diverse landscape consisting of a highly fragmented mosaic of different forms of land cover and a dense transport infrastructure.” (Antrop, 2008b, p83) On the other hand remote villages and towns in rural areas are affected by urbanization processes, becoming influenced by urban values and habits. This changes the spatial and social structure of these settlements (ibid.). Concluding, Holmes (2006) describes the processes that shape the transitions in agriculture landscapes today. Antrop (2008b) adds to this the different forms in which this presents itself in accordance with the urban or rural characteristics of the location. Despite the differences this brings about, all agriculture landscapes are affected by these transition processes.

4 Reconfigured landscape In today’s agriculture landscapes spatial configurations and social perceptions of the landscape come together. A multitude of transitions is occurring in the agriculture landscape. It has been recognized that this changes the spatial configuration of the landscape. Some authors argue this creates a complex patchwork of different land uses (Antrop, 2008b, Vos and Meekes, 1999), although this is mostly applicable in landscapes near to urbanized areas. 4.1 The Arcadian and the perceived Beyond the spatial complexities, others focus on the need to deal with heritage issues that bridge the gap between old and new landscapes (Janssen and Knippenberg, 2008) in a time in which European


Reconfiguring Landscapes

cultural landscapes are in ‘profound transition’ (Van Eetvelde and Antrop, 2004). Ton Lemaire (2002) cited in Antrop (2008a) argues that the transformation into an advanced industrial society after WWII has left many people incapable to adapt to the new formed landscapes, due to the high pace of changes. Van Koppen (2002) in a thesis on the perception of nature claims that modern citizens experience nature as a combination of two parts: - First, as systemic nature, based on technology and industrial production. This includes agriculture production landscapes. - Second, as idealised nature, or Arcadian, based on the idealised representation of nature. This represents the appreciation of nature, and can be seen as a counterpart to the industrial production. These two parts are both linked to a third part, the ‘lifeworld’, or physical world. This is based on the actual sensory and emotional experiences of that which is actually there, the physical nature. Although this concerns the concept of nature, the difference between nature and landscape is often diffuse, with items associated with the agricultural industry being seen as characteristic of nature (Buijs et al., 2006). Furthermore in the Netherlands landscapes are often perceived as nature (Buijs et al., 2006).

Figure 2. The modern appearance of nature in its context. Systemic nature, idealised nature, and physical nature. Source: (van Koppen, 2002, p99)

The incapability of modern citizens to adapt to rapid changes in the landscape as described by Ton Lemaire cited in Antrop (2008a) means modern citizens hold a much more traditional view of the landscape than is actually currently present (Luiten, 2011, Sijmons, 1998). This can be seen as the Arcadian view, which is no longer in balance with what is actually present in the landscape, the physical view, due to the modernisation and industrialisation of the landscape, the systemic view.

Jan Wilbers

What this shows is a division between two parts. On one hand there is the spatial representation of the postmodern landscape, to use the term by Vos and Meekes (1999); a ‘complex mozaic of different landscape types’. This deals mainly with ‘production’, according to the definition of Holmes (2006) as worked out by Daalhuizen et al. (2008). On the other hand there is the experience of the landscape, as described by van Koppen (2002), which relates to ‘consumption’ and ‘protection’ (Holmes, 2006, Daalhuizen et al., 2008). In its current condition these parts are out of balance.

5 Conclusions and recommendations To summarize, what can be concluded from the literature is that the complexity of the current state of the landscape, both in perception as in actual representation, is the result of modernization and industrialization processes steered by technology, and an increase in prosperity and awareness. The twentieth century landscapes, intensively modernized and industrialized through land consolidation radically changed the layout of the countryside, which was up to that point multifunctional in nature (Andela, 2000, Janssen and Knippenberg, 2008, Pols et al., 2005). The transitions apparent in the agricultural landscapes involve many different actors (Wilson, 2001) which has led to numerous descriptions for these transitions. These transitions, although manifold, can be categorized according to three basic forces; consumption, production, protection (Holmes, 2006), whereby the balance between the three is context dependant (Antrop, 2008b). The clearness of these forces stands in contrast with the complexity of reality, both in the spatial terms of the transitions (Antrop, 2008a, Vos and Meekes, 1999), as in the social terms affiliated (Antrop, 2008a, Luiten, 2011, van Koppen, 2002). Up until now in this review paper, agriculture landscape transitions have been described as a given. However, changes of and in the landscape are ongoing and never ending (Antrop, 2006). Therefore new developments will continuously have to balance between complex demands of society on one hand, and increasingly complex spatial claims in land use, to achieve the best possible result (Hajer et al., 2006). Most literature used in this review focuses on partial aspects such as agriculture, leisure, climate or energy in relation to the spatial implication of each separate aspect. Spatial design, I would like to argue, is there to give shape to the complex mosaic that is the result of combining all these transitions, and thereby essential for reconfiguring the landscape.


Reconfiguring Landscapes

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voor-1000-windmolens/ [Accessed 12-012012]. GORDIJN, H., VERWEST, F. & VAN HOORN, A. 2003. Energie is ruimte, Den Haag/Rotterdam, Ruimtelijk Planbureau / NAi Uitgevers. HAJER, M., SIJMONS, D. & FEDDES, F. 2006. De politiek van het ontwerp. In: HAJER, M. & SIJMONS, D. (eds.) Een plan dat werkt. Rotterdam: NAi Uitgevers. HOLMES, J. 2006. Impulses towards a multifunctional transition in rural Australia: Gaps in the research agenda. Journal of Rural Studies, 22(2), 142-160. JANSSEN, J. & KNIPPENBERG, L. 2008. The Heritage of the Productive Landscape: Landscape Design for Rural Areas in the Netherlands, 1954 – 1985. Landscape Research, 33(1), 1-28. KRISTENSEN, L. S., THENAIL, C. & KRISTENSEN, S. P. 2004. Landscape changes in agrarian landscapes in the 1990s: the interaction between farmers and the farmed landscape. A case study from Jutland, Denmark. Journal of Environmental Management, 71(3), 231244. LUITEN, E. 2011. Epilogue: Taking Position. Atlantis, 22(3), 60-62. MARSDEN, T. 1998. New rural territories: Regulating the differentiated rural spaces. Journal of Rural Studies, 14(1), 107-117. METZ, T. 1998. Nieuwe Natuur, Amsterdam, Ambo. METZ, T. 2002. Fun! Leisure And The Landscape, Rotterdam, NAi Publishers. NADAÏ, A. & VAN DER HORST, D. 2010. Introduction: Landscapes of Energies. Landscape Research, 35(2), 143-155. OECD. 2008. OECD Rural Policy Reviews: the Netherlands [pdf]. Paris. Available: http://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documentenen-publicaties/rapporten/2008/07/29/oecdrural-policy-reviews-netherlands.html [Accessed 12-01-2012]. POLS, L., DAALHUIZEN, F., SEGEREN, A. & VAN DER VEEKEN, C. 2005. Waar de landbouw verdwijnt: het Nederlandse cultuurland in beweging, Rotterdam, Den Haag, NAi Uitgevers, Ruimtelijk Planbureau. POSTMA, R. 2011. Vergroenen of verzuipen - de boer moet kiezen. NRC Handelsblad, 8 October 2011. SCHÖNE, M. B. 2007. Windturbines in het landschap [pdf]. Wageningen: Alterra. Available: http://www.alterra.wur.nl/Wever.Internet/T emplates/Standard.aspx?NRMODE=Publis hed&NRNODEGUID=%7b38E1B05ED96F-4E59-8AA0-


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C8C563351697%7d&NRORIGINALURL =%2fNL%2fpublicaties%2bAlterra%2fAlt erra%2brapporten%2f&NRCACHEHINT= Guest [Accessed 08-01-2012]. SIJMONS, D. 1998. =Landschap, Amsterdam, Architectura&Natura Pres. SIJMONS, D. 2002. Landkaartmos en andere beschouwingen over landschap, Rotterdam, 010. SIJMONS, D. 2007. Windturbines in het Nederlandse landschap; Achtergronden [pdf]. Den Haag: Atelier Rijksbouwmeester. Available: http://www.windenergie.nl/sites/windenerg ie.nl/files/documents/achtergronden_bij_ad vies_sijmons_2007.pdf [Accessed 21-122011]. SILVIS, H. & DE BONT, K. 2005. Perspectieven voor de agrarische sector in Nederland [pdf]. Wageningen: Wageningen UR. Available: http://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documentenenpublicaties/rapporten/2005/11/01/perspecti even-voor-de-agrarische-sector-innederland.html [Accessed 02-01-2012]. VAN DAM, F., DE GROOT, C. & VERWEST, F. 2006. Krimp en ruimte: Bevolkingsafname, ruimtelijke gevolgen en beleid, Den Haag, Rotterdam, Ruimtelijk Planbureau, NAI Publishers. VAN DAM, F., JOKOVI, M., VAN HOORN, A. & HEINS, S. 2003. Landelijk wonen, Rotterdam, NAi Uitgevers. VAN EETVELDE, V. & ANTROP, M. 2004. Analyzing structural and functional changes of traditional landscapes—two examples from Southern France. Landscape and Urban Planning, 67(1–4), 79-95. VAN KOPPEN, C. S. A. 2002. Echte Natuur; een sociaaltheoretisch onderzoek naar natuurwaardering en natuurbescherming in de moderne samenleving. PhD, Wageningen Universiteit. VAN LEEUWEN, E. 2008. Towns Today; Contemporary Functions of Small and Medium-sized Towns in the Rural Economy. PhD, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. VOS, W. & MEEKES, H. 1999. Trends in European cultural landscape development: perspectives for a sustainable future. Landscape and Urban Planning, 46(1-3), 3-14. WILSON, G. A. 2001. From productivism to postproductivism and back again? Exploring the (un)changed natural and mental landscapes of European agriculture. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 26(1), 77-102.

Jan Wilbers


Creating a Creative Urban Development

Hannah Cremers

Creating a Creative Urban Environment An investigation on the spatial characteristics Hannah Cremers 4024559 _ hannahcremers@gmail.com Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract – The decreasing amount of industrial labour in the western society and the rise of new economies in the rest of the world has led to a shift in the western economy. The post-industrial Western society is no longer able to produce for low costs anymore (Cerutti, 2011). Innovation and adding value by thinking creative is becoming more important to remain competitive (Romein and Trip, 2010). Creative workers are seen as ‘agents of neighbourhood revitalization and as enhancing urban competiveness in increasingly knowledge-based urban economies’ (Smit, 2011:22). Ever since the book of Florida (2004) was released it seemed that almost all selfrespecting policy makers and planners were trying to elaborate the concept of the creative city (Trip and Romein, 2010;Saris et al., 2008a). The spatial development of this creative city concept remains vague in a lot of research. In this research we aim to investigate according to what spatial characteristics a district in a western city could be (re-) designed so that it attracts creative urban development. Literature shows that there are three main reasons for creative workers to agglomerate together. This is because a) he or she than is within the proximity of a network and cultural gatekeepers b) he or she than can be inspired by the characteristic and sense of place c) he or she can benefit from the creative reputation the district has.(Heebels and van Aalst, 2010). In the paper we further elaborate these three perspectives. Next to that we search in literature for spatial characteristics. For example; the spatial characteristics like historic ‘raw’ buildings, flexible space and the use of third places seem to be stressed by many authors as important attractors for creative workers. Research of Smit (2011) and Heebels & van Aalst (2010) show that the spatial conditions that are appreciated by creative workers shift during the course of their career. By finding spatial characteristics for creative urban development it becomes possible to apply these characteristics in designing a new creative urban development. This could be helpful for designers and policy makers dealing with urban regeneration.

Key words – Creative City, urban regeneration, city development, design tools, Creative Urban Development, Creative Worker, entrepreneurship,

1 Introducing the search to spatial characteristics by literature review The decreasing amount of industrial labour in the western society and the rise of new economies in the rest of the world have led to a shift in the western economy. The post-industrial Western society is no longer able to produce for low costs anymore. Economical growth is to be found in other ways than producing goods (Cerutti, 2011). Innovation and adding value by thinking creative is becoming more important to remain competitive (Romein and Trip, 2010). Florida (2004) argues that the shift in society is not only towards a knowledge-based economy but also into a society where the creative ethos is becoming dominant. Ever since the book of Florida was released it seemed that almost all selfrespecting policy makers and planners were trying to elaborate the development of the creative city (Trip and Romein, 2010;Saris et al., 2008a).

Creative workers and the revitalisation of former industrial area are seen as a booster for spatial and social transformation (Cerutti, 2011). This creative city development also needs to be applied in a spatial manner (Smit, 2011;Heebels and van Aalst, 2010). What spatially attracts creative workers to a certain area? In this literature review we aim to investigate according to what spatial characteristics a district in a western city could be (re-) designed so that it attracts creative urban development. This paper will first investigate what we define under creative urban development. After forming the definition the paper will search in literature how, and if, creative workers benefit from agglomeration in a district. Next we search for spatial characteristics that could attract creative workers. In the conclusion an overview of the found characteristics is given.


Creating a Creative Urban Development

By finding spatial characteristics for creative urban development it becomes possible to better understand what the creative worker wants. This knowledge could be applied when designing a new creative urban development. Next to that it is helpful for designers and planners who are dealing with attracting and keeping creative workers.

2 Defining creative urban development In this literature paper we search for spatial characteristics that could attract creative workers to a certain urban development. Therefor we need to define the creative urban development. We define creative urban development by the people who will be using it, namely the creative workers. There is a distinction between creative people and creative industry. Although the two definitions are not the same, they also overlap (Trip and Romein, 2010). What, for example, is attractive for people might not be attractive for the creative industry. In this literature review we will consider the creative people as the main perspective. We define creative worker as people who are ‘creating or identifying an opportunity to provide a cultural product, service or experience and bringing together the recourses to exploit this.’ (Rae, 2007: 55). When we mention a creative urban environment in this theory paper we define this as an area within the border of a city that focuses on creative workers and industries as mentioned by Rea and Scott.

3 Why creative workers agglomerate Most studies on creative industries depart from the notion that there are advantages for creative firms for clustering in a district (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010). Many authors stress the importance of place for creative workers despite globalisation processes (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010;Landry, 2008;Hall, 1998). Marshall (1920) explains why economies are spatially clustered. He states that there are three main reasons why similar companies are clustered in the same region. First of all it is to make the most of the information and ideas that are present in an area. Secondly this way companies can tap into, and add, to the presence of non-traded input: This way companies can reduce transportation and transaction costs. Thirdly companies can benefit of the availability of specialized labour (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010). This last reason is according to Scott a reason for creative workers to locate themselves in clusters (Scott, 2004). Creative clusters can provide for a ‘flexible workforce possessing expertise and creativity, low labour costs, and high productivity’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 349). Heebels and van Aalst explain that other researchers like Crewe and Beaverstock, Gordon and Mc Cann, Pratt and Banks et al. argue that creative clusters can provide a ‘contexts of trust, socialization, knowledge exchange, innovation, and inspiration for creative

Hannah Cremers

firms and it can act as safe havens in an uncertain and competitive business climate’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 349). Overviewing the literature Heebels and van Aalst (2010) conclude that are three main reasons, or perspectives, for creative workers for agglomerating. First of all it establishes contacts with cultural gatekeepers. Second it is because being in a creative cluster shapes the identity as a worker. And as third it builds a reputation within the community. In the next three chapters we will further elaborate these main perspectives, and give them a spatial meaning.

4 Perspective One; Contacts, importance of third places

the

The first perspective on clustering deals with the added value face-to-face contact. Florida (2002) was one of the first to argue that social meeting places are crucial for the development of the creative worker. In cafes, bars and galleries new cooperation’s are started. Assignments are not obtained through conservative channels. They are obtained through networking in the so-called third places. Being within a creative community is crucial according to Currid (2007) because of the high level of insecurity in job searching. Meeting in third places are therefor crucial for creative workers to obtain assignments and network. Research done by Smit & Schutjens (2011) and Heebels & van Aalst (2010) both nuance that the face-to-face is crucial for creative workers. The addition they make as a result of their research is that these third places are of different importance for different phases in the career of the creative worker. The research of and Heebels & van Aalst (2010) shows that already established contacts was of more importance than the opportunity to network for the location choice of creative entrepreneurs. But once established, the starting creative workers needs the third places for meeting sparring partners, getting feed back, and obtain new assignments. ‘In my early years I shared a studio with three other illustrators. We worked together on a number of comic books. These were inspiring and educational years and reflection was paramount.’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 357). The more established creative workers the face-toface contact and public opportunities are less relevant. They still benefit from the reputation of the area, but their assignments and network are obtained on a bigger scale. The creative cluster is a valuable asset to their business but their personal needs like parks, playgrounds and grocery shops are becoming more important. ‘Nowadays, I would rather work alone or I choose who I co-operate with. When I see


Creating a Creative Urban Development

people’s work in magazines, in the Internet or at exhibitions and I would like to cooperate with them, I phone them’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 357). For the local face-to-face network it is crucial to design meeting places in the public space where there is space for social gatherings; cafes, bars, restaurants, galleries, museum and art fairs. Clients are entertained in the area; creative workers feel a certain pride in showing the inspiring neighbourhood. ‘ I enjoy it when clients visit us and see the Ocean Liners. I like it when they see that we are located in an industrial area with a creative vibe. I like it when clients arrive, or leave inspired… It is nice when a client from Hoorn or Oss visits us, and leaves with a little bit of allure.’(Smit, 2008: 28)

5 Perspective two: Identity, or the crucial sense of place Next to above-mentioned perspective that clustering is important for creative development because of the opportunity to meet; there is also another perspective. The first perspective emphasizes that clustering in a creative district is beneficial because of proximity to facilities and people. The other perspective emphasizes the experience and the symbolic value of the built environment that is beneficial for the creative worker. The look and feel of places are crucial for the location choice of creative workers (Helbrecht, 1998). Somehow it seems that creative workers are drawn to area where there is a certain sense of place(Florida, 2002;Franke and Verhagen, 2005;Heebels and van Aalst, 2010;Smit, 2011;Rae, 2007;Landry, 2006). It seems that a ‘buzz’, ‘vibe’ or ‘something in the air’ is the reason for locating in a certain area. Studies show that many creative workers value the built environment as crucial in their location choice. Cerutti (2011) stresses that successful transformations of industrial sites into creative factories are the ones that are embedded in the local DNA or genius loci of the site. Historic ‘raw’ buildings Creative workers value old industrial buildings, and feel connected to the look and feel of the physical environment. They appreciate the rawness of the area and the historical presence of the industrial heritage. The symbolic values of the local look and feel of the area. A combination of the presence of history, monumental buildings, special constructions, the authenticity and incomplete roughness of the built environment is often mentioned as inspiring and crucial for the sense of place(Smit, 2011;Heebels and van Aalst,

Hannah Cremers

2010;Hutton, 2006;Saris et al., 2008b;Cerutti, 2011). ‘The history, which is still visible in the buildings, inspires me. Many things are still open, not finished yet, anything could happen and I can contribute to his. There are still so many unspoilt corners; you can live here just as you want’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 358).

Distinctive new architecture Besides rough unfinished buildings, buildings with distinctive architecture are also highly appreciated. The modern architecture is appreciated by creative workers when it is ‘distinguishing architecture, diverse and original in size, style, and use of materials. Such architectural elements gave a sense of uniqueness to the overall district appearance.’ (Smit, 2011:176). The contrasts and styles of old and new buildings end up in a inspiring décor that is symbolic for the development of the site (Cerutti, 2011). Terms used by respondents in the research of Smit (2008) for good urban space are “creative appearance” or “progressive, dynamic, authentic, edgy, indeterminate, and rugged”. Bad urban space is defined as “over completed, boring, or can be anywhere”. ‘ I often make appointments for work in the Music Hall. Then I feel a certain pride… I find the Music Hall very attractive. It is huge, it fits in this setting: In this way it does justice to the grandness, the roughness and the sturdiness of the surrounding district…. The magnificence of the building. The enormous overhang of the roof… It is in balance, it matches, it is a coherent whole with its surroundings.’(Smit, 2011: 177)

6 Perspective three: Image, or the reputation of being creative The last perspective on agglomeration deals with the influence of the reputation of the area on creative industry. In a creative cluster, the presence of other creative workers is essential for the majority of the creative workers (Hutton, 2006). By being in a creative cluster they are provided with a certain image or creative reputation (Drake, 2003). The ‘place becomes a marketing device. Presence here not only amounts to an opportunity to establish local contacts and to access localized resources, it takes on the qualities of a strategic tool that enables the worker to reach out beyond the neighbourhood’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 357). This was according to the research of Smit (2011) also a reason for creative workers to locate them at a


Creating a Creative Urban Development

specific place. The mix of old and new architecture functions as inspiration and a business card. It provides inspiration for both the creative workers as for the clients (Saris et al., 2008b). The distinctive architecture functions as a showcase for the company. Creative workers use their environment to strengthen and reproduce their creative reputation (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010;Hutton, 2006) ‘One can really show this location off. It isn’t as though you have to hide it. We just say in our brochure: good location, good people.’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 359). Cerutti (2011) mentions in her book that this sense of pride also works for the local inhabitants. When festivals of renowned firms house themselves in the area, the local inhabitants, who often felt ashamed of the industrial heritage of the area, feel a new sense of pride for the area. Besides this the old industrial site becomes a symbol for a new image for a whole area, and that way contributes to the cultural and economical development of an area.

7 Other characteristics to attract creative industries Now we know what spatially is important from the three perspectives of advantages in agglomerating as a creative worker. Besides these characteristics there are some other important characteristics that are important for creative workers. We will discuss some of them in the following paragraphs. 7.1 Following Jacobs: Tolerance and diversity Florida (2002) explains that the creative class benefits from an environment in the city that has the three T’s; Talent, Technology and Tolerance. Creative workers feel inspired, and are drawn to tolerant urban environments with a diversity of people. Jacobs (1961) already pleads for a ‘compact city’, with mixed functions, diversity in population, building and facilities. According to her diversity and interaction are the main components for an economically and liveable city. Both Florida and Jacobs emphasize the presence of tolerance in (amongst others) the diversity in population. It is interesting to find in the research of Heebels and van Aalst that tolerance for the respondents’ means that they are located in an environment where they are tolerated themselves. The tolerance and diversification in population as mentioned by Florida and Jacobs is not as important (Hutton, 2006;Smit, 2011). ‘ The freedom van be found in the tolerance. You could wear green shoes here and nobody would look twice at you.’ (Heebels and van Aalst, 2010: 359).

Hannah Cremers

Creative people work hard; there is a thin line between work, leisure, deadlines and living. Research of Smit (2008) mentions that respondents in her research mention that they would never like to work in a mono-functional industrial site, but also not in a mono-functional residential area. This is because often starting creative workers work at home most of the times. The combination of big houses or the presence of working space near the house is for many respondents a primal reason to establish in a certain area. The mix of new and old building is found to be very appealing. ‘ It’s nice to see boats here, the atmosphere of the old harbour; you do see where the tracks were. That really appeals to me. That part of history here […] Because if everything is new, it is not attractive.’ (Smit, 2011: 178)

7.2 Design a flexible environment Flexibility is a word mentioned often in the research of Smit and Heebels & van Aalst. Saris mentions that you should design the area so the space can grow and adept to changes in the working environment (2008b). He argues that creative businesses grow fast, but are also flexible in hiring free lancers. The space they use should be able to adjust to their demand with relatively little means. Next to that the flexibility in the architecture is symbolic for the dynamic image of creative people (Saris, 2008). The temporality in urban structure and architecture stimulate the creativity people can make their own mark on their space 7.3 Keeping it cheap? Many authors stress the importance of offering cheap space for creative workers. They argue that creative workers are often starting businesses and therefor have a limited budget. Research of Heebels & van Aalst (2010) show that the more established creative firms have others wishes and demands for the urban space and architecture than starting firms. The more established firms use the creative atmosphere as their proof of creativity towards the client, but have a higher standard when it comes to their working space.

7.4 Accessibility is important The accessibility of the place is important. According to Smit (2008) the respondent in the research carefully consider a creative place that is also good reachable for themselves and their clients. But the accessibility is not as important as the sense of place. Cerutti (2011) adds to this that good accessible public space is crucial for the development of the area. The area should be public, but with a limited amount of entrances. This way the


Creating a Creative Urban Development

enclosed character of the meeting function is enhanced. This emphasizes the social cohesion, safety and maintenance of the area. The regeneration of former industrial sites usually opens up former isolated area in the urban tissue. Implementation of new routes from surrounding area is a crucial process. 7.5 Designing in contrasts Cerutti (2011) in her book has done research to the reason why people are drawn to old industrial sites. She thinks the reason is in the combination of contrasting elements. Old and new, green and industrial, open closed, big small and rough and smooth. Smit (2011)also mentions that creative workers appreciate contrasting elements. In the regeneration of an old industrial site these contrasts could be further emphasized.

8 Conclusion In this literature review we aimed to find what spatial characteristics could attract creative workers. Literature first of all indicates the importance for creative workers to agglomerate. This is helpful for the creative worker because a) he than can get in contact with a creative network and cultural gatekeepers b) he than can be inspired by the characteristic sense of place c) he can benefit from the creative reputation and image the district has. Spatial characteristics creative workers appreciate are: - Third places for meeting and networking - Historic ‘raw’ buildings - Distinctive architecture - Mix of old and new buildings - Diverse mix in functions - Tolerant climate - Flexible environment - A mix in cheap and more representative office space - Accessibility - Easy but limited entrances - Contrasting elements in the built environment - Waterfront development Interesting to see is that the research of Smit and Heebels & van Aalst show that there is a distinction between starting creative workers and the more established firms. Starting businesses need the network, face-to-face contact and access to cultural gatekeepers more than the established firms. Starters highly appreciate and use of the so-called third places for networking. Their resources are limited so, flexible cheap workspace is crucial. Later in the development of the creative firms you see that the assignments are obtained in a bigger network. Third places are now appreciated on a personal level. Other spatial elements like parks, shops, and kindergarten are now more appreciated. The office

Hannah Cremers

space should be more representative. Accessibility is more appreciated as well. The established creative firm use the creative vibe or climate from the district for their own reputation. The district functions like a business card. This evolution in wishes and demands might be an interesting research for further research. For now the results of the literature review could be helpful for designers and planners dealing with regenerating urban areas.

Bibliography CERUTTI, V. 2011 Creatieve fabrieken. Waardecreatie met herbestemming van industrieel erfgoed, Utrecht, C2Publishing CURRID, E. 2007 The Warhol Economy: How Fashion, Art, and Music Drive New York City, Princeton, Princeton University Press. DRAKE, G. 2003. 'This place gives me space': place and creativity in the creative industries. Geoforum, 34, 511-524. FLORIDA, R. 2002 The rise of the creative class ... and how it's transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life, New York, Basic Books. FRANKE, S. & VERHAGEN, E. 2005 Creativiteit en de stad hoe de creatieve economie de stad verandert, Rotterdam, NAi Uitgevers. HALL, P. 1998 Cities in civilization culture, innovation, and urban order, London, Phoenix. HEEBELS, B. & VAN AALST, I. 2010. CREATIVE CLUSTERS IN BERLIN: ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND THE QUALITY OF PLACE IN PRENZLAUER BERG AND KREUZBERG. Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography, 92, 347-363. HELBRECHT, I. 1998. The Creative Metropolis: Services, Symbols and Spaces [Online]. Grainau: Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft für KanadaStudien. Available: http://www.tu-

cottbus.de/theoriederarchitektur/wolke/Xpositionen/Helbrecht/helbrecht.html [Accessed 02-11 2011]. HUTTON, T. A. 2006. Spatiality, built form, and creative industry development in the inner city. Environment and Planning, 38, 1819 - 1841. JACOBS, J. 1961 The death and life of great American cities, New York, Random House. LANDRY, C. 2006 The art of city making, London, Earthscan. LANDRY, C. 2008 The creative city : a toolkit for urban innovators, New Stroud, UK; London ; Sterling, VA, Comedia; Earthscan. MARSHALL, A. 1920 Principles of Economics: An Introductory Volume, London, Rec. edn. MacMillan. RAE, D. 2007. Creative industries in the UK: cultural diffusion or discontinuity? . In: HENRY, C. (ed.) Entrepreneurship in the Creative Industries: An International Perspective. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. ROMEIN, A. & TRIP, J. J. 2010. The creative economy in CCC cities and regions. SWOT Analysis Report 6.2. written within the framework of the


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NSR INTERREG IVB project Creative City Challenge. Delft: OTB Research Institute for the Built Environment, Delft University of Technology. SARIS, J. 2008. Creatieve economie en architectuur. In: SARIS, J., DOMMELEN, S. & METZE, T. (eds.) Nieuwe ideen voor oude gebouwen Rotterdam: NAi. SARIS, J., DOMMELEN, S. & METZE, T. (eds.) 2008a. Nieuwe ideen voor oude gebouwen Rotterdam: NAi Uitgevers. SARIS, J., DOMMELEN, S. & METZE, T. (eds.) 2008b. Nieuwe ideen voor oude gebouwen; creatieve economie en stedelijke ontwikkeling, Rotterdam: NAi. SCOTT, A. J. 2000 The Cultural Economy of Cities. Essays on the Geography od Image-Producing Industries, Londen/Thousand Oaks/New Delhi, SAGE. SCOTT, A. J. 2004. CULTURAL-PRODUCTS INDUSTRIES AND URBAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Prospects for Growth and Market Contestation in Global Context. Urban Affairs Review, 39, 461-490. SMIT, A. J. 2008. NICIS onderzoek 2008: Creatieve werkmilieus in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Groningen. NICIS. SMIT, A. J. 2011. The influence of District Visual Quality on Location Decisions of Creative Entrepreneurs. Journal of the American Planning Association, 77, 167-184. SMIT, A. J. & SCHUTJENS, V. 2011. Locatiefactoren in creatieve clusters. ESB Economisch Statistische Berichten, 96, 746. TRIP, J. J. & ROMEIN, A. Creative city policy: bridging the gap with theory. . In: TÖDTLING, F., ed. Eighth European Urban and Regional Studies Conference ‘Repositioning Europe in an era of global transformation’, Vienna, 15-17 September 2010, 2010 Wenen. Vienna University of Economics and Business. , 1-15.

Hannah Cremers


Benefit from flooding in Southeast Asian delta cities

Vera Konings

Benefit from flooding in Southeast Asian delta cities Combining water safety structures with better living conditions Vera Konings 1316737 _ vera.konings@gmail.com Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract – Cities in Southeast Asia are facing rapid urban changes. With an annual urban population growth of 3%, cities will almost double in population in the coming 20 years (World Bank, 2010). These expanding cities are located in fertile, but flood prone river deltas. Flooding has great advantages for the local agriculture, but becomes increasingly harmful when areas get more urbanised (Tran and Nitivattanon, 2011). The region is currently experiencing a rapid shift towards a liberalised economy and from a traditional society to a modernised one, resulting in a migration towards the cities. Traditionally, Southeast Asian delta cities were established on the high levees along rivers, as these were the safest places against flooding. Current city expansions show poor, high dense areas in low lying city regions which are the most vulnerable to flooding (Pham and Pham, 2011). An average annual sea level rise of 3mm and larger fluctuations in wet- and dry seasons will cause even more extreme inundation for the future of Southeast Asia (Deltares, 2011). The aim of this review is to explore the possibilities of water defences as an environmental and urban quality in expanding areas to prevent flooding and improve living conditions. This is presented in the context of the expansion of Southeast Asian delta cities where the need to develop flood protection and suitable city expansion is high. The study answers the question on how water can be used as a structuring element to improve the living environment in the expanding regions of Southeast Asian delta cities. The results of this study contribute to my graduation project on the development of a concept for expansion areas of Can Tho, a rapidly urbanising city in the Mekong delta, Vietnam. Firstly, this review elaborates on the way how water shaped the urban structure of cities in the past. This is followed by descriptions of the social, hydrological and landscape challenges occurring in this region reviewing among others Friedmann (2007), Spencer (2010), Pham and Pham (2011) and Norberg-Schulz (1979). Later on, several integrated solutions are shown. Spatial flood defence structures have the potential to play an important role to structure urban growth and improve the living quality. This paper promotes the relevance of this topic, stimulate interdisciplinary thinking and increase the awareness for climate change in developing countries.

Key words – Delta cities; Southeast Asia, urban expansion; water defence structures; socio- spatial segregation; multidisciplinar approach.

Southeast Asia and China, with Indonesia as the big leader (United Nations, 2005). The delta cities in this region are threatened by climate change and rapid urban growth. Climate change predicts an extra average sea level rise of 3mm a year and brings growing fluctuations in dry and wet seasons. As currently half of the world's population live in densely populated delta city regions (Unesco-IHE,

1 Tension between climate change and urbanisation Southeast Asia is experiencing a rapid urbanisation and population growth. Annually, cities grow with 3%, implying that some cities will almost double in size in the coming two decades (World Bank, 2010). Worldwide, the urbanisation rate is the highest in

-1-


Benefit from flooding in Southeast Asian delta cities

Vera Konings

2010) and this amount will keep increasing, it is one of the main challenges for the future to plan and design sustainable expansions of these floodthreatened delta cities. These developments will take place in the tension field of climate change and urban growth.

2 From working to fighting against the water Through the years, delta areas have always been very favourable places for urbanisation due to their fertile soils, fishing possibilities and good trade opportunities. The backside of living in these areas is the danger of flooding from the sea and rivers (World Delta Summit, 2011). The people living in the delta areas were used to live with a dynamic and unpredictable delta and the advantages of living in these areas outweighed the threats. That is why adaptation to the environment has always been a key way to survive in deltas areas.

Meyer (2009) explains this challenge shortly: "The urbanized deltas can be considered as areas with a double complexity: the complexity of the delta, as the meeting of rivers and sea, and with the complexity of urban pattern, as a condition and result of economic, cultural and social life." Pham and Pham (2011) add rapid urban growth to the list and asks for new ways in which we can design our cities to maintain the standards of living and avoid future natural disasters. In order to do this, several authors (Shannon, 2009; Stalenberg and Vrijling, 2009; Wilson and Piper, 2010) plead for better integration between disciplines of urbanism, landscape- and civil engineering in order to find solutions for the future as the problem tackles all these fields.

In Southeast Asia, people first settled along slightly higher terraces and sandy ridges. Later on, naturally formed levees along rivers also became favourable places due to their higher grounds and strategic transportation possibilities at the waterside. Housing typologies and urban forms were shaped by the delta landscape, this is still visible in the current delta cities. This pattern is changing dramatically during recent decades because of two specific conditions. Firstly, the development of hydraulic works for agriculture and to protect human settlement areas and secondly, the development of a land-based infrastructural network. (Pham and Pham, 2011). The development of hydraulic works changed the landscape of the Red River Delta and Bangkok into polder landscapes. The French built a huge amount of canals in the Mekong delta which completely changed the hydraulics and landscape of the delta. In Dhaka irrigation to reclaim lands for agriculture changed the hydraulics of the landscape.

However, there is a lack of knowledge on how these issues can be combined in integrated solutions which cover both water safety and improve urban living conditions. The World Delta Summit 2011 (2011) urges world leaders and policy makers to seek practical, innovative and sustainable solutions to adapt to the impacts of climate change in urban and rural areas. The aim of this review is to explore the possibilities of environmental and structural solutions in expanding Southeast Asian cities, which can be used both as hydrological and as urban elements in order to provide water safety with good living conditions.

In the sixties the process of transformation from water cities into road cities started and landscapes transformed further. The traditional boat transport made place for upcoming motorised traffic, mostly scooters, which are able to move to dry places in times of flooding. Since then, fundamental changes in the urban landscape take place. Firstly, heightening of dikes transforms the dikes into 'fences', preventing citizens from easily accessing open water. Along these dikes floating houses were removed and reoriented towards the road (Pham, 2010). Also current city expansions show changes in the urban landscape. In Bangkok, Dhaka and Ho Chi Minh City some new expanding areas are constructed on heightened up land constructed with deposited sand loosing the structure of the landscape. (Tabula rasa). These examples show that the relationship between water and the city is disappearing. The old adaptive way of 'living with water' is slowly changing into 'fightening against the water.' Water safety is currently seen as a purely technical engineering issue (Shannon, 2009).

This paper is based on literature review. First, the paper shortly describes the development history of Southeast Asian delta cities and continues with the fundamental problem of how and why cities grow, reviewing Hall. The review continues with the three topics covering the problem: 1. Social problems appearing in growing cities according to Friedmann; 2. Water safety 3. The presence and importance of the landscape in delta areas. In the end, these three topics come together on how water structures can be used in order to combine water safety with good living conditions. The paper ends with conclusions and recommendations for future city development in expanding Southeast Asian delta cities. This review is the theoretical underpinning of my graduation project on the Vietnamese city Can Tho which is threatened by flooding and rapid urban growth. This paper promotes the relevance of this topic, stimulates interdisciplinary thinking and increases the awareness for climate change in developing countries.

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Benefit from flooding in Southeast Asian delta cities

Vera Konings

Friedmann (2007) states that the basic needs of the people that live in a city should be its main asset. Secure and adequate housing, access to healthcare and opportunities for education are the first fundamental rights of people and these points should be the aim of every development. In the perspective of the Southeast Asian delta cities, danger of flooding and rapid urbanisation are two points which threaten this. In the ideal city of Friedmann (2007), the wishes and needs of 80% of the city inhabitants should be the basic starting point for development. The 15% which need proper roads for their daily activities should not be the standard. If a wave of industrialisation or economic growth leaves the city, a strong basis will remain. This all show the presence of a strong government, guiding the private market well, can decrease social and spatial inequality.

3 Social challenges Research done by Ravallion (2002) for the World Bank indicates urban poverty will increase due to the growth of cities. Spencer (2010) argues the long term trend towards a growing social inequality is currently in its initial stages in the fast-developing cities of Southeast Asia. His research focussed on settlement patterns and the risk of the appearance of a permanent segregated urban underclass. This potential social inequality is lurking due to several reasons. Firstly, the weak governments cannot take their responsibility in providing basic infrastructure as water, sanitation and infrastructure. (Spencer and Meng, 2008). This is because the metropolitan growth outgrows investments in basic infrastructure. This stagnation affects the poorest people of the community which results in growing poverty, ill health, social tension and pollution of the environment.

Furthermore, in growing cities the maintaining of a human scale is another social challenge. When cities grow in size, the inhabitants need to find a community or neighbourhood for their long-term stay. These things make the new urban landscapes more human scale and these identities fill the economic and social gaps appearing with the rapid urban development and changes which Friedmann also calls 'place making'. (Friedmann, 1995).

Furthermore, weak governments lead to unplanned and uncoordinated urbanisation outside the authority of the state, the so-called peri-urbanisation. The appearance of new settlements, slum areas and new towns are the first steps towards a more socially unequal world. Actually, the absence of basic infrastructure (sanitary and fresh drinking water) in the appearing slum areas are not the biggest problems. The long-term consequences threaten the society the most because this social and spatial segregation is harder to solve for governments in the future (Spencer, 2010).

4 Hydrological challenges The location in delta areas makes the rapidly growing cities in Southeast Asia a special case. Higher population densities and new infrastructure makes citizens and their economy suffer more from inundation than those who live in less urbanized districts or the countryside in which flooding has great advantages for the agriculture (Tran and Nitivattanon, 2011). As mentioned in the introduction, the city expansion is taking place in the lowest and most flood prone areas because the higher places are already urbanised which makes the poorest people the most vulnerable for flooding (Pham and Pham, 2011). The areas that are affordable to the poor are typically on hazardous lands, in areas that are deemed undesirable for others. (World Bank, 2011). Climate change predicts a sea level rise of 3mm a year and brings growing fluctuations in dry and wet season. Water related challenges in Southeast Asia distinguish in three effects: Flooding, rain water monsoons and the availability of fresh drinking water.

Thirdly, the upcoming private market and political reforms without a strong government further increases the inequality. Shatkin (2007) describes how the growing private market gives countries a stronger global position which makes scholars increasingly concerned about the growing inequality in Southeast Asia. As globalisation creates polarised cities divided in a wealthy and professional class and an poorer service sector class (Friedmann, 1995 and Sassen, 1998). This causes unequal development resulting in the spatial form of the city, which is possible due to the weak governments (Marcuse, 1997). Gated communities are already appearing in among others Ha Noi, Bangkok and Jakarta. Even whole new communities appear around companies on cheaper grounds outside cities (Spencer, 2010). Finally, political inequality appears because urban politics becomes dominated by the people whom benefit from growth-oriented policies over the interests of neighbourhoods. (Logan and Molotch, 1987). Furthermore, globalisation creates competition between countries which makes the state, influenced by private investors, invest in an attractive business climate instead of providing basic infrastructure for the labour class.

4.1 Rain water More seasonal fluctuations predict wetter monsoon seasons. The urban growth has resulted in the transformation from permeable land surfaces to large areas which are rain water impermeable. The results are that many inner city areas face major problems with drainage. Although the sewage system has expanded, the areas with no storm drains

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Benefit from flooding in Southeast Asian delta cities

Vera Konings

at all quickly become small rivers after even modest rainfall. (Pham and Pham, 2011). More green in cities, water storage areas and well working sewage systems provide solutions, although the last one would be hard to implement.

environment and the balance between man and nature is very important. That is why analysis and understanding of the landscape is very important. The landscape formed themselves the best to the conditions of the environment and can give solutions for building the city.

4.2 Fresh drinking water Together with wetter monsoon seasons, the dry seasons will become dryer. With lower discharges in dry season due to climate change, but also due to upstream power plant dam projects in China, salt water intrusion in delta areas threatens the fresh water supply. Furthermore, growing urbanisation and factories along the rivers also gives pollution. In the delta areas, ground water extraction is also no option because ground water extraction results in soil subsidence what increases flooding further.

6 Structural elements In the developing world the current building stock has not yet reached its final form and much of their urbanisation and investments in this building stock is to come in the next few decades. It is a huge task to do this properly. As each city has an unique context, there is no single solution for successful planning in response to sustainability, climate change and flood risk (Zevenbergen, 2011). Although, there are solutions which have the potential to combine flood defences and at the same time improve living conditions. After discussing the three challenges of social inequality, landscape and hydrology in Southeast Asia several of elements which can combine them are found in literature study.

4.3 Flooding Flooding has great advantages for the local agriculture, but citizens and their economy suffer more from inundation than those who live in less urbanized districts (Tran and Nitivattanon, 2011). In Southeast Asia, flooding is caused by high river discharges upstream, from storm and typhoons from the sea and from heavy rainfall described above. Mangroves, functioning as natural storm surges along the shore, are decreasing due to human activities which increases the vulnerability of delta cities for typhoons and storms (Pham and Pham, 2011). Besides economical and social damage flooding can cause, the flooding of polluted rivers causes more health problems. With an eye on the future, urban areas have to protect themselves against flooding, whilst agricultural still need (controlled) flooding.

Firstly, the development of waterway developments like boulevards along coasts and rivers are able to strengthen the public domain (Shannon, 2008). Through this urban element, different areas are interconnected. Waterway developments can be easily combined with hydraulic structures like a dike or the unbreakable, more broader super levees. The interconnection and interaction between areas can prevent or decrease social and spatial segregation. The design can allow places for trade along the waterside to re-strengthen the traditional relation with the water for the lower class people and provide space for the middle- and upper class people to enjoy the cultural water side. Although you can probably write a whole book about multifunctional dikes, examples are a viewpoint, (public) transport, terraces and recreation to bring citizens together.

5 Landscape challenges As mentioned before, the last decennia urban expansion in the South eastern delta regions often takes place on tabula rasa manner, starting with a blank sandy sheet. Although, one of the most important functions in architecture is the expressing of one’s own civilisation, stated with the word 'genius loci' (Mumford, 1962) in order to keep the identity of a place. In the past our chances of survival had a close relation to the place and landscape in which one lived. They gave shape to architecture and urban form. Through time, when cultivating the land (described at the beginning of the review) people took into account the flooding together with the structure of the landscape to form their built environment (Norberg-Schulz, 1979). Also today the landscape, soil and spatial conditions give the rules how to built (Palmboom, 2010).  In order to define principles for urban extension in these harsh environments also Lusterio (2009) states that sustainable settlement development in coastal and river areas requires a high respect for the

Secondly, rainwater, fresh drinking water and social cohesion can be combined. Rainwater is cleaner compared to water from rivers and collected rainwater in basins in the wet season can be used in dry season. Flooding due to rainfall in impermeable cities can be reduced if the rain water can be drained well. In Bangladesh and India very old 'water squares' were already in use. People gathered around these places for daily activities like washing, fishing, drinking and trade. (Shannon, 2009). This way of urban drainage can also be implemented in urban (landscape) parks which functions as a place for interaction. Besides, with the current knowledge of helophyte filter plants, water can be cleaned in a natural manner. Open (water) places in the city also counters urban heat effects.

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Benefit from flooding in Southeast Asian delta cities

Vera Konings

In cities along shores, the use of a pier can provide wave breaking and can also be an icon or characteristic of a the city. The pier of Scheveningen, The Netherlands is the main characteristic for the seaside and decreases the force of waves entering the shore (Vermeulen, 1999). Such a structure can strengthen the identity of the place what is important reviewing Mumford (1962).

in the future and to strengthen social cohesion in order to prevent lurking social and spatial segregation, based on the logics of the landscape. This paper maps the future challenges of the area and explores possibilities to challenge them.

Bibliography DELTARES. (n.d.). (2011). Towards a Mekong Delta Plan. Retrieved October 20, 2011, from http://www.partnersvoorwater.nl/wp-content/uploads/ 2011/09/Annex5_mekongdelta-assesments_synthesis.pdf.

A last point to mention is that the landscape should form a starting point when developing flood defences. It does not only give identity to a place, but also provides natural guidance to a suitable solution.

FRIEDMANN, J. (1995). Where we stand: a decade of world city research. In: Knox, P.L., Taylor, P.J. (Eds.), World Cities in a World System. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 21-47.

7 Conclusion The tension between climate change and urbanisation is growing in the expanding cities in Southeast Asia, giving huge hydrological and social challenges for the future. Engineers, designers and planners ask for a better integrated design process in order to make plans for flood prone areas (Shannon, 2009; Stalenberg and Vrijling, 2009; Wilson and Piper, 2010). The plans should not just provide water safety, but should also be used in a multifunctional way to improve living conditions. The aim of this paper is to turn this wish into practice and give urban structures which have the potential to play an important role in providing water safety and also improve the future living quality.

FRIEDMANN, J. (2007). The wealth of cities, towards an assets based development of newly urbanizing regions. In: Development and Change, vol.38, no.6. (p. 987-998). Retrieved at December 27, 2011, from Scopus database. HALL, P. (1977). World Cities. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson JUMSAI, S. (2009). Urban aquatics. In: Feyen, J., Shannon, K. and Neville, M. (Eds.). Water and urban development paradigms, towards an integration of engineering, design and management approaches, proceedings of the international urban water conference, Heverlee, Belgium, 15-19 September, 2008. (pp. 67 - 74). London: CRC Press. LOGAN, J.R. and MOLOTCH, H.L. (1987). Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place. Berkely: University of California Press

The social challenge for the future is the lurking social and spatial segregation in Southeast Asian cities. This is lurking due to current globalisation and industrialisation without the guidance of a strong government (Spencer, 2010). Future hydrological challenges are the protection against floods due to the rise of sea levels, increased monsoon rainfall and a growing shortage of fresh water supply.

LUSTARIO, A.C. (2009). Living with water: The settlements of Vietnam Mekong Delta. In: Feyen, J., Shannon, K. and Neville, M. (Eds.). Water and urban development paradigms, towards an integration of engineering, design and management approaches, proceedings of the international urban water conference, Heverlee, Belgium, 15-19 September, 2008. (pp. 67 - 74). London: CRC Press.

Several solutions show that water defence structures, besides flood defence, are able to be used in multiple ways. Boulevards can give interaction between different layers of the population. Rainwater storage can ensure the availability of drinking water and gives opportunities for recreation and as gathering point. Big hydraulic structures can function as an image or icon for a city. These multidisciplinary solutions provide ways to guide the urbanisation in the cities of Southeast Asia, while keeping the importance of a place (Mumford, 1962) and let landscape, soil and spatial conditions give rules how to built (Palmboom, 2010).

MEYER, V.J. (2009). Reinventing the Dutch Delta: Complexity and Conflicts. In: Built Environment, Vol. 35, No. 4, 432-451. MUMFORD, L. (1962). De zaak tegen 'moderne architectuur'. In: Heynen, H., Loeckx, A., De Cauter, L. and Herck, van, K. (Eds.). (2001). Dat is architectuur, sleutelteksten uit de twintigste eeuw. (pp. 530-533). Rotterdam: Uitgeverij 010. NORBERG-SCHULZ, C. (2001). Genius Loci. Naar een fenomenologie van de architectuur. In: Heynen, H., Loeckx, A., De Cauter, L. and Herck, van, K. (Eds.). (2001). Dat is architectuur, sleutelteksten uit de twintigste eeuw. (pp. 530-533). Rotterdam: Uitgeverij 010.

This literature review contributes to my graduation project about the rapidly growing city Can Tho in the Mekong delta, Vietnam. The city expansion needs an approach to protect the city against floods

PALMBOOM, F. (2010). Getekende grond, gelaagde tijd. In: De Architect Vol. 41 no. 71, 78 - 83.

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WILSON, E. and PIPER, J. (2010). Spatial planning and climate change. New York: Routledge

PHAM, D. Q. (2010). Duo network transport strategy for the sustainable urban growth of delta cities. PhD article, TUDelft, not published.

WORLD BANK. (n.d.). (2010). Countries and economies. In: World Bank: Data. Retrieved at Oct. 21, 2011 from http://data.worldbank.org/country.

PHAM, D. Q. and PHAM, T. T. T. (2011). Urbanizing Mekong Delta in Vietnam: the challenges of urban expansion adapting to floods. Article for the 5th International Conference of the International Forum on Urbanisation, Singapore.

WORLD BANK. (n.d.). (2010). Countries and economies. In: World Bank: Data. Retrieved at Dec. 21, 2011 from http://data.worldbank.org/region. WORLD BANK. (n.d.). (2011). Climate Change, Disaster Risk and the Urban Poor Cities Building Resilience for a Changing World. Retrieved at December 29, 2011 from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ INTURBANDEVELOPMENT/Resources/3363871306291319853/Summary.pdf

SASSEN, S. (1998). Globalisation and its discontents. New York: The New Press SHANNON, K. (2008). Water urbanisms. Amsterdam: Uitgeverij SUN SHANNON, K. (2009). Water urbanism: Hydrological infrastructure as an urban frame in Vietnam. In: Feyen, J., Shannon, K. and Neville, M. (Eds.). Water and urban development paradigms, towards an integration of engineering, design and management approaches, proceedings of the international urban water conference, Heverlee, Belgium, 15-19 September, 2008. (pp. 55 - 65). London: CRC Press.

WORLD DELTA SUMMIT. (n.d.). (2011). In: Indonesian Netherlands Association : World Delta Summit. Retrieved at Dec. 22, 2011 from http://www.ina.or.id/inaweb/files/WDS/BASIC_ DOC_1_ WDS_PROFILE_en-11-10.pdf ZEVENBERGEN, C. (2011). Managing urban flooding in the face of continuous change. In: Atlantis vol. 22 no. 3, 36-37.

SHATKIN, G. (2007). Global cities of the South: Emerging perspectives on growth and inequality. In: Cities. Vol. 24, no. 1, 1-15. Retrieved at December 27, 2011, from Scopus database. SPENCER, J.H., Meng, B., Nguyen, T.H. and Guzinsky, C. (2008). Innovations in local governance: meeting millennium development goal number 7 in Southeast Asia. In: Development, Vol. 53, no. 1. 245-251. Retrieved at December 28, 2011, from Scopus database. SPENCER, J.H. (2010). An emergent landscape of inequality in Southeast Asia: cementing socio-spatial inequalities in Vietnam. In: Globalizations. Vol. 7, no.3. (p. 431-443). Retrieved at December 28, 2011, from Scopus database. STALENBERG, B. and VRIJLING, H. (2009) The Battle of Tokyo and Dhaka against floods. In Built Environment, Volume 35, no 4, 452 - 470. TRAN, T. T. and NITIVATTANON, V. (2011). Adaptation to flood risks in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. In: International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and Management. Vol. 3, no. 1, 61 -71. Retrieved at December 14, 2011, from Scopus database. UNESCO-IHE. (n.d.). (2010). The Delta Competition 2010. In: Unesco- IHE : Delta city of the future. Retrieved at Dec. 21, 2011 from http://www.unesco-ihe.org/DeltaCity-of-the-Future/Students. UNITED NATIONS. (2005). (n.d.). World urbanization prospects: the 2005 revision population database. Retrieved at January 2, 2011 from http://www.un.org/esa/population/publications/WUP2005/ 2005WUPHighlights_Final_Report.pdf VERMEULEN, M. (1999). Attractie was zo dood als een pier. In: Stedebouw. No. 558, 28-29.

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How to co-create a city

Jurrian Arnold

How to co-create a city Methods for citizen involvement in urban design, applicable in the context of deprived neighborhoods J.M.J. Arnold 1538764 _ j.m.j.arnold@student.tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012 nd

February 2 2012 Abstract – Today’s urban renewal is more complex than ever, because of the cumulation of interlinked socio-economic mechanisms and because of improved accessibility of information, increase of mobility, individualization and cultural diversity. Recent trends in urban development therefor increasingly let users take initiative in urban development. Big challenges lie however in the urban redevelopment of deprived neighborhoods.

The aim of this paper is to give approaches, methods and instruments for urban design in urban redevelopment, where citizen involvement is an essential aspect. Therefor we discuss old as well as new notions of participation, the concept of voice and choice by Qu and Hasselaar and look at the notion of self-organization described by Boonstra and Boelens. In addition this paper puts up the notion of co-creation. Outcomes are that, in order for the urbanist to take a position in between the two, he has to design modes of freedom and instigate user participation at the same time. For this we look at Rapoport's ideas of pluralistic design, Boelens actor-netwerk approach and Urhahn's principles for subsidiarity. Furthermore in designing open-ended frameworks there should be space for the various upcoming forms of (collective) private commissioning of houses. Key words – Urban redevelopment; participation; self-organization; co-creation; pluralistic urban design;

1 Introduction At this very moment the professional debate on urban design and planning in the Netherlands is all about scaling down projects and handing over the initiative in urban development to smaller private parties. The theme of the annual conference, the ‘Dag van de Ruimte’ (Day of Spatiality), organized by Nirov (Netherlands Institute for planning and housing) is ‘Do-it-yourself’ (Nirov, 2011) and urban design practitioners fuel the debate with their own publications on the matter like ‘the Spontaneous City’(Urhahn Urban Design 2010) or exhibition on temporary plot-use by ‘Temp.architecture’ (Tuijl & Bergevoet 2011). Trending terminology in the debate is: organic growth, tailor-made, bottom-up, small scale, private individual development, decentralization, or even laissez-faire. In any case

the initiative for urban development is put by smaller and more differentiated actors. It comes, not coincidentally, at a time when, due to the crisis and budget cuts, large scale urban development has come to a halt and the government has proven to be a less reliable client. This poses the question on how urbanists should operate in the context of complex client ship, user involvement and users as cocreators. Academic debate on how the urbanist should approach citizen involvement in urban design started already in the sixties (Boelens 2006; Schurch 1999; Toker 2007; Shirvani 1985). The debate revived recently, partly because of the financial crisis of 2008, but also because new challenges are to meet in urban redevelopment in an ever increasing divers and complex society (Stouten


How to co-create a city

2010; Qu & Hasselaar 2011; Boonstra & Boelens 2011; Wittebrood et al. 2011). Especially challenging is the redevelopment of deprived neighbourhoods. The complexity of the interwoven social, economic and environmental problems, demand an ever more strategic and innovative approach to design than previous attempts (Stouten 2010). Situated in this context, this paper tries to answer the question: What kind of approach, methods and instruments for citizen involvement can be applied in urban design for the redevelopment of deprived neighbourhoods? By answering this question this paper aims to provide theoretical underpinning for the empirical research in my design project which deals with urban redevelopment in the Rotterdam South area. Moreover discussing different design approaches will give criteria for case-study research, as well as exploring the ethical dimensions of the design approaches. This paper starts by addressing the need for citizen involvement in the urban environment of deprived neighborhoods. Following, the balance between participatory approaches and self-organization will be discussed and the resulting notion of co-creation. Finally to make the connection to urban design and planning this paper addresses design approaches and methods applicable to deal with citizen involvement appropriate for urban redevelopment.

2 Context of deprived neighbourhoods Dutch deprived neighbourhoods are characterized by a high concentration of low-income population who are often low educated (Wittebrood et al. 2011). The accompanying lack of financial means of owners to maintain their property or unwillingness by speculators trying to maximize profit from tenant’s, results in physical deterioration (Stouten 2010). Consequently the fall of property values and the bad image created makes people who have the chance to move out to other places. This results in a high turn-over rate of people moving and selling houses. Moreover this process, combined with increase of immigrant influx, results in a highly differentiated social setting (Musterd & Ostendorf 2009). The rich cultural diversity also enhances feelings of alienation and a decline of social control in the public domain. The cumulation of these interlinked socio-economic mechanisms mentioned above make it a very complex setting to operate. All the mechanisms are interlinked despite the order. The increase of complexity of today’s challenges in urban redevelopment is two sides however. The other aspect is todays improved accessibility of information, mobility of people and increasing individualization of society (Boonstra & Boelens 2011).

Jurrian Arnold

This gives an idea of contemporary circumstances in which the urban designer must operate. It is too complex to solve the problems in a linear way when dealing with the social dynamics described. Renewed insights in opportunities for urban redevelopment might be given, however “when residents themselves bring forward spatial and functional problems and shortcomings related to their interests and concerns” (Stouten 2010, p.226). Moreover citizen involvement has positive effects according to Boonstra en Boelens (2011): on a social level, it helps enhancing social cohesion and a mutual learning process due to extension of social network. On an environmental level it increases accountability and awareness and on an economic level it will cause more robustness, due to willingness to invest on a local level and diversity of initiatives and self-employment. Therefor “involvement is part of the strategy to create neighbourhoods that can deal with conflicts, within periods of economic crisis and loss of reputation by stimulating actions” (Qu & Hasselaar 2011, p.16). To sum it up: “participation is needed in a true democratic society where it supports empowerment of people and stimulates active citizenship and steps taken from providing information to facilitating communication and finally cooperation and coproduction” (Qu & Hasselaar 2011, p.13) Sustainable urban development Many agree that the aim of citizen involvement is the increase of the quality of live (Qu & Hasselaar 2011; Boonstra & Boelens 2011; Stouten 2010; Toker 2007; Shirvani 1985; Arnstein 1969). An important social indicator of sustainable urban development is the length of staying in the same neighbourhood (Stouten 2010). To what measure are people satisfied in the neighbourhood? Do they move out on the moment they can afford a house somewhere better? When de mutation rate is high social capital, high educated middle-income families move out of the neighbourhood, leaving a stigmatized area behind (Musterd & Ostendorf 2009). Focusing on binding these ‘social climbers’ and letting them make housing career in the neighbourhood area is crucial. Research to this group living in the Rotterdam lower-income neighbourhoods, shows that especially these people are charmed by a heterogeneous physical and social environment (Karsten et al. 2006). Conditionally the living environment needs to feel trusted, recognizable and safe. To achieve this, the face of the neighbourhood should have a familiarity instead of anonymity, personalized by themselves but also by their neighbours showing variety and diversity. Personalization and asserting control on the living environment can itself have a place-attaching effect on people (Sanders & others 2006).


How to co-create a city

3 citizen involvement Participation To deal with these issues, citizen involvement has been since the sixties a known topic in urban planning and design. It came up as activist movement in numerous places in the western world. In The Netherlands it started by leftist students in the urban renewal period in the seventies. It was a radical movement to change the system on planning the living environment. “It is the means by which they can induce significant social reform which enables them to share benefits of the affluent society” (Arnstein 1969, p.216). Arnstein's ladder “juxtaposes powerless citizens with the powerful in order to highlight the fundamental divisions between them” (1969, p.217). The aim was to cleanse the debate of false pretences on which people are involved in the planning process. The ladder ranges from non-participation to total citizen control (figure 1). Later, participation was incorporates in general policies for urban redevelopment (Qu & Hasselaar 2011). Urban Renewal focused on modernizing, mostly privately owned, housing stock in the inner-city neighbourhoods, often on a small scale level (Stouten 2010). Through the liberalization of the housing markets in the nineties the redevelopment strategy for low-income neighbourhoods changed to urban regeneration. The focus was put on largescale restructuring of neighbourhoods and economic vitality, giving more influence to the private sector. In this period citizen involvement was put to the background. Market mechanisms were ought to ensure enough choice for ‘consumers’ to buy appropriate housing (Hasselaar 2011) and adopt a living environment suited to their lifestyle (Karsten et al. 2006; Pinkster & van Kempen 2002).

Jurrian Arnold

Voice and Choice To adapt Arnstein’s ladder of participation to today’s situation, Qu and Hasselaar distinguish the concepts of ‘voice’ and ‘choice’ as a gamma where both ends of the spectrum are important to ensure an “open view of the complexity and dynamism of processes for which the context is ever changing and where all levels of influence and stakeholders coincide” (Qu & Hasselaar 2011, p.14). Choice is the capability to choose between alternatives; the more passive attitude linked to customization of the market. Voice describes an assertive attitude by people in order to actively change things; associated with citizenship and civil responsibility. (see figure 1) Comments to Participation Criticism on participation has been there from the start. Arnstein already pointed out some pitfalls of participation processes. For instance that it is hard to combine it with professionalism and it can be more time consuming (Arnstein 1969). An ethical issue is that the level of representation of the population can be compromised which makes the process vulnerable for misuse by dominant groups to exclude other groups (Shirvani 1985). More fundamental, Arnstein’s ladder and to a lesser degree the ‘voice’ and ‘choice’ concepts both have the starting point of a divide between government and society, between top-down and bottom-up. This has the effect according to Boonstra and Boelens that, while planning remains a choice by governmental institutions, participation will always be subjected to three forms of inclusion: (1) procedural inclusion as the government sets out the steps along which influence is allowed, (2) inclusion by problem definition as they take initiative to formulate what the problem is. Finally (3) geographical inclusion; as the problem definition is

Figure 1: Adaptation by Qu and Hasselaar of Arnstein's ladder of participation (Qu & Hasselaar 2011, p.14)


How to co-create a city

accompanied with specific area-based boundaries often along administrative borders (Boonstra & Boelens 2011). Self-organization To counter these fundamental problems in conventional citizen involvement processes in urban redevelopment, Boonstra and Boelens plead for selforganization. Self-organization is about “situations in which citizens and /or stakeholders contribute to urban development out of their own motivation and interests in specific actor-networks, if necessary to be facilitated by planners and governments” (2011, p.108). This is in line with Urhahn's quotation of the principle of ‘subsidiarity’ (2010): “the organizing principle that matters ought to be handled by the smallest, lowest or least centralized competent authority” (Van Dale 2010). What this lowest authority should be is still a political decision. Therefore according to Boonstra and Boelens the definition of the problem should lie with the initiative of the actor-network which determines the spatial and administrative reach on the matter (Boonstra & Boelens 2011). Co-creation It becomes clear that dealing with citizen involvement is depending strong on the perspective from which the need for development comes. On one end there is an institutionalized dichotomy between bottom-up and top-down, on the other hand is the autonomous self-organization. In both views there is an overlap and that is the ‘co’-spectrum: codesign, co-production, co-housing, co-governance. Everything can be combined with ‘co’-… as long as it happens on the basis of equal value and shared contribution. To sum this up I would like to use the term ‘co-creation’. The term co-creation originates from the management field introduced by Venkat Ramaswamy (Prahalad et al. 2009). In connection with urban development however, it mainly pops up in Dutch professional literature. In the following part I would like to use the term under the definition: “Co-creation is what happens when individuals, groups and organizations that mutually face complex challenges create solutions together which serve the common interests” (www.cocreatie.net n.d.). Moreover, the mandate lies with those who take initiative and collaboration is always focused on achieving more than if all practitioners would act independently.

4 Designing for Co-creation To recapitulate, citizen involvement is a necessity in the complexity of urban redevelopment. Voice and choice including different participation concepts are compromised due to their submission to government procedures. Therefor more self-organization should be a driving force in urban redevelopment. This can be based on the notion of subsidiarity. The

Jurrian Arnold

combination of these aspects can be described as urban co-creation. Let’s consider the implications on how to approach urban design. Conventional planning and design methods fail because of their inability to deal with the pluralism of society (Shirvani 1985). Also the often used methods in Dutch practice like the SAR fabric method and 3-tracks method haven’t got any principles that involve users in the process (Westrik et al. 1989), while the plead for ways of selforganization makes a strong case, it doesn’t give direction on how to approach design. Thinking in the sense of co-creation – small scale actors take initiative out of their own interests together with opportunities for scale benefits laid-out on a higher scale level – I will address several approaches, from abstract to the practical. The Actor-network approach To start: the post-structuralists view on urban design and planning proclaimed by Luuk Boelens. He opts for the actor-network approach to design (2006). Not the geographical criteria for planning are important, but the dynamic reach of the potential actors playing a role in development. “Plan and design elements still play a role here, although not in the form of a pre-defined plan with abstract appeals for public-private collaboration, but in the form of opportunity maps, images and references, triggering key players and leading actors to elaborate concrete action plans themselves” (Boelens 2006, p.38). Therefor investigating the actor-network is of great importance with socioeconomic development in deprived neighbourhoods. Open-ended frameworks Considering that one of the aspects of urbanredevelopment is exactly the geographic aspects that create the necessity for change – obsolete existing housing stock, lack of amenities and lack of accessibility – an affective design approach should be place-bound dealing with physical condition on the spot. This means there should be congruence between the actors, the place or living environment and the activities happening there (Rapoport 1977). From an environmental psychological perspective Rapoport’s view on design for cultural pluralism is that people should be able to assert active control on their environment. He calls for design of openended frameworks that are flexible enough to deal with the dynamics of the city. Open-ended design puts the focus on what parts can be determined and what parts can be left over for “unforeseen things to happen spontaneous” (1977, p.360). The task for design will be more of “creating a framework of common, neutral, and shared areas and designing ever more specific and open-ended areas at ever smaller scales” (Rapoport 1977, p.360).


How to co-create a city

Design for subsidiarity In agreement, Urhahn elaborates on the notion of subsidiarity by stating four principles for design (2010), starting with (1) Zoom in: downscaling projects to the spatial and temporal size individuals or small organizations can relate to. (2) Organize flexibility: as in Rapoport’s call for open-endedness this principle leaves open what can be filled in later, but also asks acceptance for the order of the process. This means a less deterministic view on making plans. (3) Create collective value: try to look for the potential developments that can attract stakeholders over site specific feature and values. And (4) of course, work ‘user-centered’. Self-organized commissioning The other side of ‘user-centered’ is users creating their own housing. Making space in development plans for the many forms of individual and collective housing development – Self-construction, collective client controlled development (CCCD), (collective) private commissioning (C)PC and selfmanaged co-housing – will therefore be an important instrument in urban co-creation. Especially when restructuring existing housing stock (Boelens & Visser 2011) . It is shown that design processes can be an instrument in bettering the social cohesion and sustaining it. A precondition is that it doesn’t stop with realization of the project, but continues in collective responsibility for maintenance and management of the buildings and places (Hasselaar 2011). Social cohesion appears to be the strongest where communal gardens and amenities are present (Boelens & Visser 2011).

Figure 2: different power models for urban design.

Jurrian Arnold

Patterns for communication Finally, in a co-creative urban design process communication between actors, layman and professionals, is very important. In order to interlink and share design concepts, Alexander’s Pattern language (1977) can be an appropriate instrument. The pattern language is a set of patterns which relate a design problem to scale, use and form, with the aim to “capture the invariant property common to all places which succeed in solving the problem” (Alexander et al. 1977, p.13). The pattern language doesn’t lead to a design itself, but is a way to systematically approach design problems on different scales and communicate them with a larger audience (Westrik et al. 1989). Moreover the pattern language itself is an open-ended system and therefore fit to adaptation and extension to deal with any specific design situation. It serves as a means for communication as well a source for inspiration (Dorst 2005).

5 Conclusions To recapitulate, the current challenges for design in urban redevelopment in deprived neighbourhood are to deal with social dynamics of multi-ethnic low educated population. Involving the population in the urban redevelopment process will enhance consciousness of the urban environment, create place-attachness and stimulates intercultural relationships. Conventional ways of organizing citizen involvement lack spontaneous contributions of actors. These approaches are prone to bureaucratic and political misuse and less effective. Notions of self-organization (Boonstra & Boelens


How to co-create a city

2011) and the actor-network approach (Boelens 2006) already show the potential of the influence of spontaneous coalitions of actors in urban redevelopment. Although incorporating this in design practice isn’t evident, several design methods give some clues on how to approach design that is able to absorb user initiatives. So in order to answer the research question: what kind of approaches, methods and instruments for cocreative (earlier described as ‘user-involvement’) can be applied in urban design for redevelopment of deprived neighbourhoods? Urban design and planners have to consider the paradox of being a professional discipline operating on scales where collective matters are organized that suggests an automatic top-down function. However above reviewed notions seem to address 3 different power models in which the designer should find the balance of co-creation (see figure 2). Firstly the society - government model: where, through participation and advocation, the urbanist can instigate user influence at a policy making level. Secondly, a framework model in which different degrees of freedom are organized varying between public and private. And thirdly, a very dynamic model in which the framework is incorporated, but is also subjected to change from different actors in different formations on different scales with- or without government interference. To do so, it is important to make in-depth actor-network analysis in order to find out the potential actors with interesting ideas and initiatives and linking them together. Furthermore in sharing knowledge about design concepts Alexander’s pattern language can be used as instrument for communication and should be extended with new ways of citizen involvement vital to urban redevelopment. Now we come to criteria for case-study research. Based on the actor-netwerk approach we have to asses urban redevelopment plans on the basis of what kind of actors are involved and how they relate to each other. Furthermore, studying the basis of the initiation of the redevelopment process may provide insights in which direction urbanists should look to start up future developments. In terms of pluralistic design, an assessment has to made on what kind of framework is installed that can absorb user initiatives. Also an important criterion is the measure in which the plan leaves room for future initiatives and is flexible and adaptable. Furthermore referring to the notion of subsidiarity we can assess plans on how they provide room for small scale organization of collective values and communal spaces, taking into account the various models for private commissioning. Considering the ethical aspects, there is the danger of dominant groups excluding other groups. This

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makes collective values and the public domain more precious, which might make self-governance of public space more difficult. Another aspect is that while the call for flexibility in open-ended design plans is very strong, a stronger place-attachness of residents, due to participation process, obstruct this effect and may cause serious conflicts.

Bibliography Alexander, C., Sara, I. & Silverstein, M., 1977. A Pattern Language; Towns, Buildings, Construction, New York: Oxford University Press. Arnstein, S.R., 1969. A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the American Planning Association, 35(4), pp.216–224. Boelens, L., 2006. Beyond the plan: towards a new kind of planning. DISP-ZURICH-, 167, p.25. Boelens, L. & Visser, A.-J., 2011. Possible futures of self-construction. In Making Room for People: Choice, Voice and Liveability in Residential Places. Techne Press. Boonstra, B. & Boelens, L., 2011. Self-organization in urban development: towards a new perspective on spatial planning. Urban Research & Practice, 4(2), pp.99-122. Van Dale, 2010. Van Dale Groot woordenboek van de Nederlandse taal / druk 1, Dale Lexicografie, Van. Dorst, M. van, 2005. Een Duurzaam Leefbare Woonomgeving; fysieke voorwaarden voor privacy regulering, Delft: Eburon. Hasselaar, E., 2011. Market dominance and participatory planning in new housing developments. In Making Room for People: Choice, Voice and Liveability in Residential Places. Techne Press. Karsten, L., Reijndorp, A. & Zwaard, J. van der, 2006. Stadsmensen: levenswijze en woonambities van stedelijke middengroepen, Het Spinhuis. Musterd, S. & Ostendorf, W., 2009. Problemen in wijken of probleemwijken?, Uitgeverij Van Gorcum.


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Nirov, Samen ruimte maken - Projecten - Dag van de Ruimte - Over de Dag van de Ruimte Over het thema DOE-HET-ZELF. Available at: http://www.nirov.nl/Home/Projecten/Dag_ van_de_Ruimte/Over_de_Dag_van_de_Ru imte/Over_het_thema_DOE_HET_ZELF.a spx [Accessed December 6, 2011]. Pinkster, F. & van Kempen, R., 2002. Leefstijlen en woonmilieuvoorkeuren, Utrecht: Urban and Regional Research Centre, Universiteit Utrecht. Prahalad, C.K., Ramaswamy, V. & Roozenboom, T., 2009. De toekomst van concurrentie: waarde creĂŤren samen met de klant, BusinessContact. Qu, L. & Hasselaar, E., 2011. Making Room for People: Choice, Voice and Liveability in Residential Places, Techne Press. Rapoport, 1977. Human aspects of urban form; towards a man-environment approach to urban form and design, Pergamon. Sanders, F. & others, 2006. Reflecties op het woondomein, Eindhoven: Technische Universiteit Eindhoven. Schurch, T.W., 1999. Reconsidering urban design: Thoughts about its definition and status as a field or profession. Journal of Urban Design, 4(1), pp.5-28. Shirvani, H., 1985. The urban design process, Van Nostrand Reinhold New York. Stouten, P., 2010. Changing contexts in urban regeneration: 30 years of modernisation in Rotterdam, Amsterdam: Techne Press. Toker, Z., 2007. Recent trends in community design: the eminence of participation. Design Studies, 28(3), pp.309-323. Tuijl, M. van & Bergevoet, T., 2011. temp.architecture. Available at: http://www.temparchitecture.com/ [Accessed January 12, 2012]. Urhahn Urban Design, 2010. spontane stad, Amsterdam: BIS. Westrik, J., BĂźchi & TU Delft, 1989. Stedebouwkundige ontwerpmethoden, Delft: TU Delft.

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Wittebrood, K., Matthieu Permentier & Fenne Pinkster, 2011. Wonen, wijken & interventies - krachtwijken in perspectief, Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau. www.cocreatie.net, de cocreatieve benadering. Available at: http://www.cocreatie.net/index.php?option =com_content&view=article&id=3&Itemi d=3#_ednref12 [Accessed January 2, 2012].


Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood

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Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood Cunera Smit 1314300 / C.J.Smit@student.tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2th 2012

Abstract – Within the structure of a city, two kinds of activities take place: moving activities and stationary activities (Gehl, 2010). These activities define the use of the public space and especially in the more developed countries, like the Netherlands, the stationary activities are mainly influenced by optional instead of the necessary activities. “People walk, stand and sit where the quality of city space invites them to do so” (Gehl, 2010: 134). We see that especially the spaces where mobility flows interconnect have the potential to provide human interaction. These mobility environments, like station areas, are considered as the “upcoming central places within network cities” (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003: 40). However, the question is if those station areas are only playing a central role within the city, or are they also capable of being a central place for the neighbourhood. Can those station areas function as an entrance, like an urban gateway or central meeting place, to its direct urban surroundings? A station area should be a site that many different people can reach and where they can do many different things: it is an accessible node and an accessible place (Bertolini, 1999; Peek and Hagen, 2001). Therefore, the connection has to be made to the network city and to the surroundings, by creating a station area that is an urban gateway and a meeting place at the same time. This station area should be well accessible and visible from every line of approach, considering the station as an entrance to the neighbourhood and the city. The knowledge that arises from this review paper will be used for designing a secondary station area within the Netherlands, which is part of the Randstad (rail) network.

Key words – Urban gateways; meeting places; neighbourhood boundaries; boundary zone; station areas; accessibility of place; activity place; mobility environments; network city; neighbourhood entrance

The station as a central place Within the structure of a city, two kinds of activities take place: moving activities and stationary activities (Gehl, 2010). These activities define the use of the public space and especially in the more developed countries, like the Netherlands, the stationary activities are mainly influenced by optional instead of the necessary activities. “People walk, stand and sit where the quality of city space invites them to do so” (Gehl, 2010: 134). While defining several activity places within the city structure, we see that especially the places where mobility flows interconnect have the potential to provide human interaction. These mobility environments, such as station areas, are seen as the “upcoming central places within network cities” (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003: 40). However, the question is if those station areas are only playing a central role within the city, or can they also be a central place for the neighbourhood. Are those

station areas capable of functioning as an entrance, like an urban gateway or central meeting place, to its direct urban surroundings? The aim of this review paper is to find out which spatial conditions are needed, for gateways and meeting places around station areas, to let them function as an entrance to their surrounding neighbourhoods. By first defining the principles of mobility environments and the idea of the Network city, the role of the station area within the city structure is pointed out. Secondly, the definitions of an urban gateway and a meeting place are discussed, to sharpen the conditions for an entrance. Finally the criteria and the relation between the mobility environment and the role as an entrance is being explained. The outcome of this paper will be used as an assessment tool for a case study research to identify which spatial elements are responsible for a


Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood

station area to let it function as an entrance to its surroundings.

Mobility environments The city of today is increasingly becoming independent of his physical and administrative boundaries by for example fast transport systems and new interactive communication networks. Stating this, you could say that the city as a demonstrable physical place does not exist anymore. Is the city in this sense, then ‘everywhere’, or are there still places in the urban structure that can play an essential role? According to Bertolini and Dijst (2003: 29) there are a lot of ideas about the diffusion and dematerialization of the city, but “it appears that for many types of urban activities, physical contact maintains an irreplaceable value.” They say that the essential reason for cities to exist is this ability to provide opportunities for human interaction. Therefore, it is important to define which places can fulfil this role within the urban structure of the city. As Bertolini and Dijst (2003: 31) discuss “it is particularly places - and moments - where mobility flows interconnect that have this potential.” They call these activity places mobility environments and distinguish four types, including railway stations and areas around it. They say that the quality of those places depends on the features of the location and on the characteristics of the visiting people. It depends on several factors, whether any interaction and what kind of interaction will actually occur at these places (See figure 1). However, the potential for interaction is there and therefore these locations capture an essential urban quality (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003). TEMPORAL, SPATIAL  AND INSTITUTIONAL CONDITIONS *Transport  systems *  Activity  places *  Instisutional  arrangements

INDIVIDUAL CONDITIONS *  Needs *  Constraints

HUMAN INTERACTION (potential  for) *  Diversity *  Intensity *  Duration

Fig.1: Conditions for human interaction in mobility environments (Source : Bertolini and Dijst, 2003)

Bertolini and Dijst (2003: 40) see mobility environments, like station areas, as “up-coming central places within network cities” and say that NS Vastgoed considers station areas also as the meeting places of the future. Besides that, these station areas can play an important role within the

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urban structure of a city: they can function as an entrance to the neighbourhoods around it, but this is not always the case. An important element is then the accessibility of the place, because accessibility is not only a feature of a transport hub. This is also the feature of an activity place and of the users of this place (Bertolini and Dijst, 2000). An accessible mobility environment is in this definition a place where a synergy between staying and moving is achieved both on the level of the location and of the network (See figure 2). A site that many different people can reach and where they can do many different things: it is an accessible node and an accessible place (Bertolini, 1999; Peek and Hagen, 2001). Moving

Synergy

Staying

Network

Scale level

Centrality

Urban environment

Synergy

Tranfer quality

Accessibility

Environmental quality

Location

Movenment functions

Proximity

Stationary functions

Fig.2 Elements of synergy at stations (Source : Peek and Hagen, 2001)

The station within a Network city Connected to mobility environments, such as station areas, is the idea of the Network city, while networks have the capability to interconnect people rather then single places (Rooij, 2005). Cities are becoming network cities, within the network society that is emerging (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003). We speak of a network society, when the social, economic and cultural structures are determined by the connections of an individual actor (person, company or institution) with certain places, persons or activities (Rooij, 2005). Although, there are several perspectives on network cities, the interpretation in this paper is the ‘analytic’ approach. This perspective sees cities as “overlapping sets of physically connected (by transportation systems) and virtually connected (by telecommunication systems) activity places” (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003: 30). Within this network city each individual actor may create his or her own virtual city, which is has no set physical or administrative borders, while the city is becoming increasingly independent from these boundaries. However, this virtual city can be seen as “a specific, changeable combination of activity places, connected by transport networks, within definite socio-economic and behavioural constraints” (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003: 29). With the city seen as a network city and his mobility environments such as station areas, the accessibility of the network and the activity places is the most important factor. We call an activity place ‘well connected’ if little effort is needed to reach the specific activity place, because a good infrastructure


Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood

and good transport services are present. The accessibility of an activity place can also increase “if more people can reach this activity place within a certain amount of time” (Rooij, 2005: 16). Related to the idea of the network city is the theory of networks by Dupuy (1991), which describes the (re)organisation of the urban space in three levels of ‘operators’ of networks. “At the first level, there are the suppliers of technical networks, such as streets, highways, cables, wires, sewerage, and so on. They are in charge of providing the physical elements of the networks (infrastructure management) and the services on the networks (exploiting the infrastructure). At the second level there are the suppliers of the functional networks. They use the level immediately below to provide services –production, consumption, distribution – to the upper level. At this third level the operators are people in their daily life. They make use of the first two levels to create their personal networks by interpreting possibilities and linking activity places, spaces, services, desires and needs in a single personal (or household) behaviour” (Rooij, 2005: 5). Linked to this theory of networks is the definition of the activities and the programme at a certain level. The relation between the functional networks (second level) and the people (third level) can be addressed to the activities. Through activities people can make use of the facilities or have human interaction. The relation between the technical networks (first level) and the functional networks (second level) can be addressed to the programme. The programme determines the requirements for the realisation of the first level (the physical environment) in relation to the possibilities for the second level (the functional or social uses) to be available. Therefore, planned spatial actions cannot be part of the third level, but they are part of the first two levels. Still the knowledge of the characteristics of the third level is needed to shape a better environment for people (Rooij, 2005). This knowledge is needed to see which conditions are required for a station area, within a network city, to

Fig.3: Urbanism of networks (Source : Dupuy, 1991)

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function as an entrance to its direct urban surroundings.

Urban gateways and meeting places As stated before, station areas can be seen as mobility environments, which are part of the Network city with its network society. Looking more closely to the station areas and their integration in the surroundings, the question rises if station areas can play the role of an entrance to the neighbourhood. An entrance, which can function as an urban gateway or meeting place in the surroundings. To define if a station area can fulfil this role, it is important to understand what we mean by ‘urban gateways’ and ‘meeting places’ connected to these locations. Besides that, before we can talk about making an entrance, it is relevant to realize that different neighbourhoods (around station areas) are distinguished from each other by their boundaries. Therefore, it is interesting to see what the role is of these boundaries in relation to a gateway or meeting place for the neighbourhood(s). Alexander (1977: 87) points out that “the strength of the boundary is essential to a neighbourhood.” He argues that a neighbourhood can only maintain its own identifiable character if the boundary is strong enough. But on the other hand, gateways are needed at those points where the restricted access paths cross the boundary. Otherwise an interrelated system between neighbourhoods cannot be made and the boundary can then become a barrier. Besides that, the boundary zone has to be wide enough to contain meeting places for the common functions shared by several neighbourhoods. The meeting places within the boundary zone should consist of functions that invite gathering at these places. To distinguish the spatial conditions for an entrance, it is important to consider the meaning and definition of a meeting place. A place can be seen as that special site in space where people live and work and where, therefore, they are likely to form intimate and enduring connections. It is a site where activities may occur, a location that may furnish the basis for our sense of identity and connection to other human beings. This specific location provides an anchor and a meaning to who we are (Orum and Chen, 2003). Orum and Chen (2003: 11) also point out that “our sense of placeness” can get its meaning by natural and invariant connections. They distinguish four types of senses: (1) a sense of individual identity, of who we are; (2) a sense of community, of being a part of a larger group, whether a family or a neighbourhood; (3) a sense of a past and a future, of a place behind us and a place ahead of us; and (4) a sense of being at home, of being comfortable, of being, as it were, in place. A way to make the connection between people and places is by providing public areas where people can


Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood

gather and assemble together easily. Places where the facilities not only provide recreation, but that make it possible for people to socialize and to identify with this public space. Those places itself do not necessarily have to be beautiful or materially abundant to play an important role in the urban structure or the lives of the users. These public spaces just need to be designed “to enhance the natural connections between people and places” (Orum and Chen, 2003: 151). Gateways to a neighbourhood, on the other hand, should be solid elements, which are visible from every line of approach, while enclosing the paths and for example creating a sharp change of level (Alexander et al., 1977). The feeling of transition between neighbourhoods need to be emphasized while passing through the gateway by a change of light, view or surface, to make it feel like an entrance. But in the end, for these gateways and meeting places to function as an entrance to the neighbourhood, the most important element is the accessibility of this activity place. When looking at the activities that take place in the city, there are two main activities to distinguish: moving activities and stationary activities (Gehl, 2010). These activities can be seen as a contradiction to each other, as well as a gateway can be seen as a contradiction to a meeting place. But the fact is that at a station area, moving and stationary activities should take place, because it should be a node and a place at the same time. By combining the node and the place at one location, an entrance to the city (node) and the neighbourhood (place) can be made.

Criteria for the station area Within this paper, several criteria are discussed for mobility environments, like station areas, to be as well part of the larger network city as to fulfil a central role within the surrounding neighbourhoods. As said before, a station area should be a site that many different people can reach and where they can do many different things: it is an accessible node and an accessible place (Bertolini, 1999; Peek and Hagen, 2001). The criteria and relations between the several elements that determine the role of the station area in the larger network and in the surroundings are pointed out in figure 4 below. It is based on the theories from among others Alexander (1977), Dupuy (1991), Bertolini and Dijst (2003), Orum and Chen (2003), Rooij (2005) and Gehl (2010). From this framework the design criteria for a station area, as an entrance to the city and the neighbourhood, can be derived. This framework shows that a mobility environment, such as a station area, can be connected to the larger network city in three levels: The technical level (first), the functional level (second) and the people (third) that use the first two levels (Dupuy, 1991). This mobility environment functions as an accessible node by making the actor have a connection to a place, person or activity, while it can be an accessible place, when it has a central role of functions as a meeting point (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003; Rooij, 2005). These criteria make it possible for a station area to be a central and accessible place within the city structure.

Technical Functional

Network city

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Accessible node

Connection actor   to  place,  person   or  activity

Accessible place

Central place

Mobility environments Station  area

People Neighbourhood

Meeting place

Entrance Accessibility Visibility Meeting place

Urban gateway Solid  element Transition  between   neighbourhoods

Invite gathering Facilities

Moving activities Stationary  activities

Optional activities Necessary  activities Identity Socialize

Fig.4: Scheme of criteria for station areas

Human interaction

Individual identity Community Past  and  future Home


Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood

For a station area to also be an entrance to the surrounding neighbourhoods, the most essential factors are the accessibility and visibility of the location (Alexander et al., 1977; Bertolini and Dijst, 2003). Hence, it is important that this station area is not only an urban gateway (enhancing the node) or a meeting place (creating a place), but it has to be both a gateway and a place. Therefore, it should be a solid element, which marks the transition between several neighbourhoods and at the same time is a space that invites gathering and stimulates human interaction. These elements have to be brought together in the facilities at the location, capturing the possibilities for moving and stationary activities, for optional and necessary activities (Gehl, 2010). While carrying out these activities the users of the station area can socialize or identify with the public space. This sense of identity and connection to other human beings can be put out in a sense for individual identity (1), a sense of community (2), a sense for a past or a future (3) or a sense of feeling at home (4) (Orum and Chen, 2003). These senses determine eventually not only the facilities at the location but the elements that make it possible for a station area to be an entrance to the city and the neighbourhood, the gateway and the meeting place.

Conclusions “People walk, stand and sit where the quality of city space invites them to do so” (Gehl, 2010: 134). So when searching for activity places within the city structure, we see that especially the places where mobility flows interconnect have the potential to provide human interaction. Those places, like station areas, are called mobility environments and they are seen as the “upcoming central places within network cities” (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003: 40). However, those station areas can on one hand play a central role within the city, but on the other hand be a central place for the neighbourhood. For those Network city

Mobility environments Station  area

Neighbourhood

Entrance Accessibility Visibility

station areas to function as an entrance to the city and to the surrounding neighbourhoods, several criteria are relevant to take in mind. Firstly, a station area should be a site that many different people can reach and where they can do many different things: it is an accessible node and an accessible place (Bertolini, 1999; Peek and Hagen, 2001). Therefore, the connection to the network city has to be made on the technical and functional level, so the users of the activity place can be better related to the place, or a person or activity there. Secondly, a station area should be well accessible and visibly from every line of approach, considering the station as an entrance to the neighbourhood. Therefore, the station area should be as well an urban gateway as a meeting place, while it has to be a node and a place at the same time, to invite gathering and to transition between neighbourhoods. Hence, moving and stationary activities can occur, which can be optional or necessary activities related to the facilities that are present. These facilities should make it possible to socialize and give identity to the users. When talking about central station areas, these facilities and interactions can be embedded within the station itself, because there is a high transition of passengers every day and therefore the node stimulates the activity flow. While with secondary stations it is not always profitable to collect those facilities at the station itself, so a wider range around the station is needed for the facilities to provide an identity and stimulate interaction. Especially in neighbourhoods or districts that are lacking a central place or heart, this station area can fulfil this role and therefore be an entrance to the neighbourhood. These criteria mentioned above, to let a station area functions as an entrance to the city and to the surrounding neighbourhoods, will be used for designing a secondary station area within the Netherlands. This station area is positioned in a boundary zoned between several neighbourhoods and is part of the Randstad (rail) network. Because it is a secondary station, a wider range of facilities around the station is needed to provide an identity and stimulate human interaction. Therefore, a social and hybrid facility should be added near the station, which is part of the city structure and the neighbourhood at the same time. In this way, the station and this facility can be together the entrance to the city and the neighbourhood.

Bibliography Meeting place

Urban gateway

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Facilities Fig.5: Scheme linking the station area to the city and the neighbourhood

Alexander, C.,  Ishikawa,  S.,  Silverstein,  M.,  Jacobson,  M.,   Fiksdahl-­‐King,   I.   &   Angel,   S.   (1977).   A   pattern   language.  New  York:  Oxford  University  Press.    


Urban gateways and meeting places around station areas as entrances to the neighbourhood

Bertolini, L.  (1999).  Spatial  development  patterns  and   public   transport:   the   application   of   an   analytical   model   in   the   Netherlands,   Planning   Practice   &   Research,  14(2),  455–475.     Bertolini,   L.,   &   Dijst,   M.   (2000).   Mobiliteitsmilieus.   In:   Boelens,   L.   (eds.),   Nederland   netwerkenland.   Een   inventarisatie   van   de   nieuwe   condities   van   planologie   en   stedenbouw.   Rotterdam:   NAi   Uitgevers.       Bertolini,  L.  &  Dijst,  M.  (2003).  Mobility  Environments   and  Network  Cities.  Journal   of   Urban   Design,  Vol.   8,   No.  1,  27-­‐43.     Dupuy,   G.   (1991).   L’urbanisme   des   reseaux:   Theories   et   methodes,   In:   Rooij,   R.   (2005).   The   Mobile   City:   The  planning  and  design  of  the  Network  City  from  a   mobility   point   of   view.   Delft:   TRAIL   Research   School.     Gehl,   J.   (2010).   Cities   for   people.   New   York:   Island   Press.     Orum,   A.   M.   &   Chen,   X.   (2003).   The   world   of   cities:   Places   in   comparative   and   historical   perspective.   Oxford:  Blackwell  Publishing.     Peek,   G.   &   Hagen,   van   M.   (2001).   Synergie   op   stationlocaties:   Investeren   in   kwaliteit   geeft   meerwaarde.   Stedenbouw   &   Ruimtelijke   Ordening,   4,  48-­‐53.     Rooij,   R.   (2005).   The   Mobile   City:   The   planning   and   design   of   the   Network   City   from   a   mobility   point   of   view.  Delft:  TRAIL  Thesis  series.  

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Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad

Wouter Hagers

Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad Recommendations for programme and their spatial consequences Wouter Hagers 1302841 _ whagers@tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism & Department of Architecture 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract – The train is making a revival and railway stations have become important hubs within networks and centres for the areas in which they are located (Bertolini and Spit, 1998, Ross, 2000, Hermans et al., 2001, Kusumo, 2007). Stations and the surrounding areas have the potential to become the new city squares of the future, where new developments can be concentrated (Sanders et al., 1999, Bertolini and Dijst, 2003). In the Netherlands medium-sized secondary stations of cities have the possibility of densification and forming new centralities, something that has been rarely done up to now (Priemus et al., 1999). Aim of this paper is to find a set of recommendations for the programming of secondary stations within cities, and what the spatial consequences are when implementing them spatially, thus “activating” them. The focus is to find recommendations adaptable to the Dutch situation, especially the Randstad. The subject moves on the border of professional fields thereby connecting Urbanism with Architecture, which is directly applicable to the dual graduation assignment of Urbanism and Hybrid Buildings. Reviewed literature focuses on transport oriented development (TOD) as a way to improve Dutch station areas and transportation networks. Important is also the connection to the embedding in the city, as in the Netherlands many broken links make routing difficult (Kusumo, 2007, Brouwer, 2010). Directions for types of suitable of programmes evolve out of the desire to make stations more profitable and desirable places. Generally a station is a necessity and not a profitable element of the railway operation, the provision of facilities is part of providing train services (Ross, 2000). This balance between the topics of a location on the one hand and a network on the other will form the main line within this paper and is also an important part of the graduation project.

Key words – station programming; station areas; node; secondary railway stations; public transport network; transport oriented development 1 Introduction Since the 1980s high-speed trains have been introduced in Europe. With a gradually expanding network, this has caused a modal shift of passenger traffic and renewed interest in railway transport. Arguably ‘it is probably the most important development in European passenger transport in decades, and certainly an important one with respect to the spatial economic development of Western European cities’ (Trip, 2007; 3). As a result a lot of attention has been going towards the main international stations in the Netherlands over the last couple of years. Also dozens of smaller stations have been constructed or are planned along existing railway lines near urban centres in the Netherlands. In these processes the medium-sized secondary stations of cities have an important function of distributing passengers towards the main hubs and

to become sub centres within cities (Bertolini and Spit, 1998, Bertolini and Dijst, 2003). At the same time station areas also have to create cohesion with the neighbourhood and when deployed properly the medium-sized station functions as a centrality for a large group of people. A general strategy for the development of these station and surrounding areas could be a helpful addition to the general body of knowledge. Aim of this paper is to find a set of recommendations for the programming of mediumsized secondary stations, and how to implement these recommendations spatially. The following research question has been posed to search for: What are recommendations, and the spatial effects of the implementations, for programming and


Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad

embedding medium-sized secondary station areas in the Randstad? Secondary stations are medium-sized railway stations that are not the main station of a city, but still have an important function for some areas of a city. This usually means that the station forms a likely starting point for a new centrality (Kusumo, 2007) and that is next to the fact that the resulting building itself is usually hybrid, in which more functions come together under one roof, which makes it interesting for the combined graduation studio of Urbanism and Hybrid Buildings. A station area project balances on the border and incorporates elements from several fields of profession, especially Architecture and Urbanism. Because of this place, a station occupies in the field of profession, it can be debatable whether to use this subject for this paper; but when looking at the place a station takes within its context, many large stations can be seen as an extension of the direct urban surroundings. Although the form is that of a building, high multi-functionality and the place it takes within the routing of travellers and other people using the station, makes the interior equal to a(n) (un)covered station area and therefore also part of urban planning, albeit within the border area of the architectural practice. The literature research done in this paper focuses mainly on the situation of a medium-sized station in a Dutch metropolitan area. Different subjects are drawn into the research, for instance the question of suitable types of program and the embedding of a station area in the network and surroundings. Generally a station is a necessity and not a profitable element of the railway operation, the provision of facilities is part of providing train service (Ross, 2000). This balance between the two main topics of a (hybrid) building and de spatial implementation will form the main line within this paper and is also the main theme of the graduation project.

2 Vision on approaching station areas There are two important perspectives in developing a station area as Bertolini and Spit (1998) and Trip (2007) argue. On the one hand is the “node” from a transport development perspective, on the other hand is the “place” from a property development perspective. The first one is aimed at generating more passengers by good network connections. The second one tries to develop the station area with new real estate and functions that can generate income and might strengthen the neighbourhood. Especially within the part of place development, the time plays an important role, as its implementation can be spread over a long period of time.

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A few peculiar dilemmas are formed over the node and place approach both characterizing station areas. There are two main functional dilemmas in creating station areas. First there is the need for a clear situation-specific commitment to multi-functionality. Second is that bringing this multi-functionality into practice is often highly problematic (Bertolini and Spit, 1998). Physically there is the high complexity of multifunctional development, divided into two orders: (1) the physical integration of transport and (2) the development of property. ‘The answer to the physical dilemma has been to keep the two orders of development as separate as possible, breaking up the plan into several autonomous subprojects’ (Bertolini and Spit, 1998; 213). From an urbanistic view the composition and use of the area has to be directed to create a balanced result.

3 Node: Network embedding 3.1 Network embedding Public transport networks in developed countries are usually part of a larger transport network that often is multi-modal. This means that railways for example are complemented by metro, tram or bus networks to reach a substantial part of the population. This integration within the network is subject to design. ‘There is a need for a systematical composition of public transport on all geographic scales, but in the Netherlands this is especially problematic on the city-regional level’ (Priemus et al., 1999; 61). “Stads- and streekvervoer” (Local and regional transportation) needs to be integrated into one city-regional system as a similar integration has also happened in countries around the Netherlands, were local transport is seamlessly integrated with regional transport in the sense of fare collection and time tables. With high qualitative public transport the fare recovery rate can be higher, also for the outer reaches of the system that often have low occupancy factors (Priemus et al., 1999). In several cities measures like those needed in the Netherlands have been proved successful, with Strasbourg in France as one of the top examples. ‘Public transport needs a seamless integration in the urban environment [...] thanks to the exemplary public transport the visits to the inner city of Strasbourg have increased’ (Priemus et al., 1999; 44). Priemus et al. argue further that the synergy between urban vitalisation and improvement of public transportation made that the Strasbourg tram has a cost covering of 110 percent. Public transport is not a pure local matter, but a more metropolitan approach can cause a better integration of timetables, fare schedules and infrastructure. 3.2 Station locations Station locations have strengths and weaknesses that are influencing the policy making and developments


Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad

in these areas. Main strengths are the excellent accessibility by public transport, combined with high flows of people and public policy in support of development. Bertolini and Spit (1998) on the other hand also present a list of shortcomings in which low revenues and high development costs are on the top. Next to that there are generally few feasibility studies done in accordance with the ambitions leading low revenues, low quality of urban design, environmental constraints and difficulties and uncertainties in relation to legislation and ownership. They argue that all these points need to be taken into the right perspective when starting to work on a station area. A policy making tool aimed at classifying these stations was originally published in SVV 2 (Structuurschema Verkeer en Vervoer, Structural Action Plan Traffic and Transportion) and incorporated in the VINEX (Forth Nota Extra Land Use Planning). The ABC-policy was a categorisation of three different location types, in which A-locations were the central nodes of collective transport, B-locations were well accessible by car and collective transport and Clocations were only well accessible by car (Bach et al., 2000). B-locations, often medium-sized stations within larger cities have good examples in Rotterdam Alexander and Amsterdam Sloterdijk. The policy showed various short comings however, as the objective was too narrow, it was also too inflexible and it was too top-down regulated to be a realistic guiding policy making tool (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003). Despite the unsuccessful application as a tool for governmental policy making, the ABCclassification was a first attempt at classifying station areas and can still act as a helpful indication for characteristics of a station location. 3.3 Travelling time over distance An important notion is the Breever-law, the travelling time an individual is prepared to travel every day for a fixed activity. In the Netherlands the maximum travelling time for such an activity is 45 minutes (Bach et al., 2000). It means that not the distance but the travelled time is leading in determining accessibility goals. The structure vision of the city region of Rotterdam (1990 in Bach et al., 2000) set five different criteria to see what chances collective transport has to offer in the area. Two of these points are that within the area at least one interregional station needs to be accessible within 20-25 minutes and that a sub-centre with shops and amenities needs to be accessible within 20 minutes from everywhere outside the core. To understand this set goals for the accessibility of modes of travel Priemus et al. (1999) identify that there is an important difference between two forms of public transport; “feeding” and “connecting” transportation. Both have a different impact on the

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urban environment, as the feeding-net largely has to adapt to the existing urban context, while connecting transport has infrastructural consequences that can have a leading effect on the urban situation. It is good to think about this difference as has spatial effects on the design of a station area.

4 Place: Property development 4.1 Property development Places where besides trains also other transportation means halt are characterised by functionality in which the organisation of the process leaves its tracks on the phenomena and type (Hermans et al., 2001). Modern stations are almost without exception intermodal structures, as the feeding and connecting transportations need to be housed. On a large scale these structures can be called mainports. Mainports have exploded to become shopping centres with transport as just one of the products. The architecture is reduced to the interior and needs neutrality, although it should be majestic like a micro cosmos (Sanders et al., 1999). These mainports are the largest types of stations, the international hubs that connect high-speed trains and other forms of transport in the centres of the largest cities. The medium-sized stations do not require developments as big as described for mainports, but densification is also for these stations an important tool. ‘Retail is an important secondary activity that both adds to the income of station premises via rental payments and makes stations more useful and attractive to passengers and passers-by’ (Ross, 2000; 238). Major stations have evolved into large commercial centres comparable to airport terminals found in the large metropolitan areas around the world. For medium-sized stations other measures are more suitable as they will not attract the huge crowds found in the main central stations. Following Ross (2000) when large scale retail malls are not possible, the so called peripheral development needs to be applied. This takes the form of lines of shops as this has two main advantages: - Retail is a generator of primary and secondary income - Retail as ‘populator’ of secure stations Ross explains that the first advantage of retail is the extra revenue gained by renting out space to retailers; traditionally this has been seen as a useful income since overall profits of railway companies have been relatively low. A small percentage of renting income can immediately make an impact. But retail provision can also be focused on improving the quality of travel for passengers. In Japan retail and other provisions in and around the station are even used to generate new passenger flows, to fill trains during the off-peak hours


Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad

(Priemus et al., 1999). Bertolini and Spit (1998) and Van Nes (2002) confirm that commuters and students are the main group of train travellers and that people with other activities only form a small share of the total. They also put the question forward if public transport can capture a bigger market share if new target groups can be lured. The second advantage, following Ross’ line of thought is that stations, since they are rarely used outside the peak periods and especially during the night, can transform into unsafe places. By increasing the number of people even late at night in the station a more secure and convenient feeling can be created. To make this possible a wide range of services need to be offered, for example restaurants, bars and video rental. Ross argues that the best approach may be to use a reputable chain operator to attract the ‘right’ people into the station. The increase in scale of stations in the Netherlands is going on from about the end of the 1960s start of the 1970s. ‘A striking example of that time was Hoog Catharijne in Utrecht that with its covered pedestrian routes guaranteed a modern and pleasant climate between the inner city, the shopping mall and the station. The number of train passengers rose enormously as a result of the shops and the Jaarbeurs around the station Utrecht’ (Sanders et al., 1999; 19). After Hoog Catharijne densification in station areas continued, but mostly concentrated on medium-size stations. ‘Den Bosch, Groningen, Leeuwarden, Rotterdam CS and Alexander and Amersfoort are for the present the front runners of recently realised densification near stations’ (Sanders et al., 1999, 36).

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and cars this leads to negative effects of the experience of space in the station area by passers-by. An important factor that has to be taken into account is that growth is likely to happen unevenly spread. ‘Most demand would be concentrated at peak times in centrally located terminals with already severe spatial constraints’ (Bertolini and Spit, 1998; 35). This is an important side note when developing a station. Filling all space may have adverse effects, such as congestion, obstructing future developments and clashing architectural styles. ‘Development of stations must be replanned holistically, even if implementation is staged over time due to financial or operational constraints’ (Ross, 2000; 242). 4.3 Development concepts Unique development concepts are emerging to exploit the specificities of the location. Similarly to similar organisations elsewhere, NS-Vastgoed, the property division of the Dutch railways, sees stations as the meeting places of the future. It expects a growing demand for flexible office accommodation (Bertolini and Dijst, 2003). But as spatial claims are complex and often overlapping with realisation of desired offices, shops and dwellings, which then is combined with the extension of initial and terminal transportation (Sanders et al., 1999). It shows that the assignment is complex and usually more than one party is involved. In the next chapter examples are shown of what possible methods of combined development can be.

5 Combining: Activating station areas 4.2 Accessibility The accessibility of the station is a next step, very important for the success, although there is some culturally influenced behaviour. Tokyo has an incredible high train-use, in London most people travel by Underground and in the Netherlands 52 percent of the people come by bicycle to the station, while only 22 percent walks (Bertolini and Spit, 1998). Except for the importance of other forms of transportation cars and parking requirements stay important. Even in the above situations with highuse of transport modes other than cars, still many people are dropped off at or near stations and about an equal amount travels by car towards the public transport station. In total this can add up to 20 to 25 percent of the total amount of passengers (Ross, 2000). Also the station area is vulnerable to the traffic generated by people trying to access the station. Famous pictures are made of endless lines of bicycles being parked near stations in the Netherlands, often in areas not designated for doing so speaking from the author’s own experience. When there are not enough parking spaces for bikes

Stations have a social potential that currently is rarely exploited, while large public enclaves, like brain parks along highways and shopping or entertainment malls, replace public spaces meant for all population groups, for example the “stadspleinen” (city squares). Infrastructural nodes have the ability to become the city squares of the future and for that the function of transferring needs to be extended (Sanders et al., 1999). 5.1 Importance of scale The difference between the medium-level station areas and the other levels in scale can best be made clear out of the results from the promotional research by Van Nes (2002): properly designed transportation networks are required for an efficient multimodal transport system. The hierarchy in spatial structures and public transport networks is closely related, which leads to clear criteria for the location of intermodal transfer nodes. City centres offer access to higher-level public transport networks. Local centres offer access to cities by public transport. Edge locations near motorways offer access to city centres by urban public transport.


Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad

As such the location is an important factor in the scale and type of facilities for a multimodal transportation centre. 5.2 Transit Oriented Development (TOD) ‘Transit Oriented Development (TOD) requires a commitment to centres and to transit as its core ingredients together’ (Curtis et al., 2009; 13). It can be interpreted as the American or international version of the planning forms already in use in Japan and several European countries. The essence of TOD is creating a sustainable development, by combining transportation nodes with centrality development and the planning, financing and exploitation of the (to be) realised projects. This all is aimed at reducing car dependence, congestion, improving space utilisation and creating a base for future investment (Curtis et al., 2009). ‘Interesting is the close relation between public transport and real estate that in Japan is pursued and that goes substantially further than in the Netherlands’ (Van de Velde, 1999 in Priemus et al., 1999). Also Bertolini and Spit (1998) are considering Japan as an important learning ground for turning stations into places to be, instead of places to pass. Transport companies exploit besides public transportation services also real estate developments along public transportation lines, these real estate developments range from offices, dwellings and department stores to complete new neighbourhoods and even theme parks, complete sports centres and museums. As such it can be viewed as the ultimate form of TOD. The quality of transportation and real estate are bonded closely together and can be seen as a key factor of the success of public transportation in Japan, with a market share three times higher than in the Netherlands. Priemus et al. (1999) continues that a Dutch implementation could lay in consortia between real estate developers and public transport companies that can develop similar projects near transportation lines. The central city should direct the process on a regional level, while the province should administrate on the interregional level. Experiences from Japan show the importance of the relation between exploiting public transport, real estate development and real estate management. Priemus et al. say further that in the Netherlands the relation between real estate and public transport is weak, except when building offices. But these bring only one type of new traveller, the commuter that travels during the already congested periods of the day. Commuters are already forming more than half of the total of passengers in public transport (Priemus et al., 1999, Nes, 2002). ‘A sensible, differentiated approach (dwellings, shops, recreation) could just attract these costumers that are needed the most: travels that sit in empty trains during the off-

Wouter Hagers

peak or in the opposite direction of the peak hour’ (Priemus et al., 1999; 46). Garvelink director at engineering firm Holland Railconsult and De Vos (1999) in Priemus et al. (1999) add that real estate can be developed in every form and that as a result public transportation corridors need to be the starting point of new developments, as the corridor is a durable element that will be used for over a hundred years. 5.3 Stedenbaan Stedenbaan can be seen as the Dutch version of TOD. It is an interesting project in South Holland in which a regional transportation network is created on existing rail lines, where it combines with real estate development, in other words forming centralities in station areas. Better formulated; ‘The Stedenbaan programme consists of a combination of two strategies; a highfrequent, metro-like transportation service on the current rail network [...] and a regionally adjusted urbanization programme that presumes inner-city developments of the areas around stations’ (Balz, 2008; 98). The aim of the total project is to create a metropolitan network in South Holland with real estate developments in relation with stations of public transportation. As such it can be labelled as Transport Oriented Development. The development directions are not equal for all

Figure 1 - Station characteristics nine types of Stedenbaan-project stations (adapted from Balz, 2008; 99)


Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad

stations, but depend on location within the network and the metropolitan area. Nine typologies for development directions for Stedenbaan stations have been developed, as is shown in figure 1 (Balz, 2008). The connectivity and density of development are main influences in the definition of a Stedenbaan station. It shows in the figure that automotive accessibility downtown is low and less important than good connection to the public transportation networks and density of activities, while intensive business activities mainly take place in low-density areas along motorways. 5.4 Station convenience store concept Another concept to the approach of a station area is made by Ross (2000) who brings up the concept of the “station convenience store”, in which retail and transportation facilities are combined under one roof to strengthen one another. He states that work for London Underground has suggested that convenience stores would be commercially viable at metro stations with 6,000 – 10,000 daily passengers, and, with some extensions to the delivered services, even with smaller passenger totals. The medium sized stations in the Netherlands targeted in this research, like Amsterdam Sloterdijk and Rotterdam Alexander, have typical throughputs between 12,500 – 40,000 excluding transferring passengers (ProRail, 2006). As such these medium-sized stations comply easily with the concept of a station convenience store and a scale up can be even considered.

6 Case Studies 6.1 Euralille: a success? The opinions about implementing station areas can differ significantly. It has to be clear what is understood by a successful implementation of activities in a station area. ‘In determining the success of the station area we can examine many different factors. In order to determine the success of the location as a node we would have to examine the degree to which the station is a node in a network [...] We can examine the accessibility potential of a place, focusing on the activities in a location’ (Bertolini, 1999 in De Jong, 2009). Although widely considered a success De Jong (2009) is sceptical about the success of Euralille, a large scale intervention area around a new high speed rail station in Lille, France. Reminiscent to Hoog Catharijne in Utrecht, with large commercial areas, leisure, congress spaces, hotels, temporary housing and diverse public services like education and city and post offices, it has grown into an exemplary development around similar primary and secondary stations (Bertolini and Spit, 1998). De Jong says that ‘the station area is not the success many people consider it to be. On the contrary, local offices are rented out only for a bargain, nearby

Wouter Hagers

housing areas are not very popular, and the shopping centre “Euralille” has difficulty attracting customers’ (De Jong, 2009; 2). This can be one of the dangers of creating high-density developments to activate a station area, but on the other hand goals need to be set for a project. Bertolini and Spit (1998) argue that in Lille, as in many regions of France, a connection was sought with the TGV-network in order to boost the local economy and from that perspective Lille has been successful as it is one of the best known redevelopment projects in Europe. A critical view needs to be in place in regard to actual use and success of the developments themselves, but the project has been a success in regard to the image of the city as transportation hub, the regeneration of a central area and the upgrading of the place with interesting architecture and urban mass. 6.2 Delft, Leiden & Surabaya Based on case studies in Delft, Leiden and Surabaya Kusumo (2007) concludes that a station alone is not enough for the realisation of a qualitative and liveable environment with retail. For the case of Leiden counts that ‘in spite of being a highly accessible station (at regional scale) and having powerful attractor functions, it has been stated that Leiden Central Station would not be able to create an urban place for commercial activities without being plugged-in (via Stationsweg) into the existing main shopping street (Haarlemmerstraat)’ (Kusumo, 2007; 130). She says that the embedding within the city needs to be good, otherwise the different networks, the regional network of the train and the local network of the city, are not joined up enough to attract enough visitors. ‘A liveable space is understood as a public space for high-street retail activities, full of the bustle of people moving, buying and selling goods and services and interacting around the railway station’ (Kusumo, 2007; 8). That it is the basis for a successful activation of the station area. This is because over time the clustering effect of retail activities in urban areas is very stable and acts as the direct physical connection between the neighbourhood and the city. By creating an attractive environment for retail by a high accessibility to the core of the centrality and implementing sightlines a vicious effect can be created that attracts even more activity to the location because of the attraction of already established businesses.

7 Conclusions The conclusions of this research are not directly imposable upon every situation as ‘each railway station area is unique: not only because of its spatial qualifications, but also in its requirements for redevelopment. This sets limits to the potential for learning from one other. Also, comparison of


Activating medium-sized station areas in the Randstad

planning performance between railway locations is impeded by their uniqueness’ (Bertolini and Spit, 1998; 61). Albeit the individuality of every situation the conclusions can form a first step into defining a general strategy for a station area. The research and case studies have singled out preconditions important for a successful activation of a station area. There is an important difference in perspective when looking closer at station areas. First there is the node-perspective, in which the consistency of the network on a larger scale is important. Second there is the place-perspective in which the direct context and location specific elements are used as basis for further action. When combining these two perspectives some general recommendations for station areas surface. A metropolitan approach is preferred when striving to seamlessly integrate a node or new connection into the network, as the network is working on a bigger scale than just the location. Strasbourg is a very successful example of a good integration of a new public transport network in the existing situation. There is a difference between feeding and connecting transportation. The feeding network is likely to adapt to the context, while connecting transportation has large spatial consequences. Retail can function as an important generator of income for the exploiting transport company. This can concern rent but also extra passenger revenue, or attraction. It also helps by creating a secure feeling within the station as crowds are attracted. Accessibility to the surrounding neighbourhoods needs to be well, as Kusumo (2007) concluded that a station alone does not create enough basis for all retail development, embedding in the city is crucial. In Japan transport oriented development (TOD) has a historical basis; transport companies develop, exploit and manage besides public transportation also real estate and all kinds of other services. In the Netherlands this kind of development is currently weak, but projects like Stedenbaan are trying to create the same kind of centralities around public transportation facilities found in Japan. With the developments around public transportation optimisation during off-peak periods can be achieved. As most travellers at the moment are commuters high capacities are needed and trains stay largely empty during off-peak hours. Selecting the right functions can create a better balance and fill up trains throughout the day, generating more revenue and decreasing car dependency. Measuring success is possible when the selected aims are achieved.

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The recommendations have relevance for station areas on all scales, but are most relevant for medium-sized secondary stations as the main stations are normally located within busy city centres and thus often have broad functions in the area. Small stations can’t reach the minimum required amount of passengers needed for the exploitation of functions. Secondary stations have the potential of forming sub centres within cities, when development is adjusted to the situation.

Acknowledgements This review paper was written as part of the dual graduation programme A+U (Architecture and Urbanism) at the TU Delft, faculty of Architecture, part of the course Theory of Urbanism by Dr. ir. Remon Rooij and Dr. Ir. Ana María Fernández Maldonado.

Bibliography BACH, B., HOEVEN, F. V. D. & TU DELFT FACULTEIT DER BOUWKUNDE 2000. Stedebouwkundig ontwerpen en mobiliteit 2000+ samenhang tussen ontwerpaspecten stedenbouw en het urbanisatie-patroon, vervoer, infrastructuur *n verkeer; dictaat behorende bij Blok Stad, Delft, TU Delft. BALZ, V. 2008. Netwerken in zuidelijk Holland 1000 dagen Atelier Zuidvleugel, Den Haag, Provincie Zuid-Holland. BERTOLINI, L. & DIJST, M. 2003. Mobility Environments and Network Cities. Journal of Urban Design, Volume 8, 27–43. BERTOLINI, L. & SPIT, T. 1998. Cities on rails the redevelopment of railway station areas, London, Spon. BROUWER, I. 2010. Fixing the link. NS Poort. CURTIS, C., RENNE, J. L. & BERTOLINI, L. 2009. Transit oriented development making it happen, Farnham, Ashgate. DE JONG, M. 2009. Lille Europe: A Success Story? International Symposium “Railways, Real Estate & the Re-Making of Cities in the 21st Century - Rail Station Area Redevelopment Mega-Projects in Europe & Beyond”. Berlin. HERMANS, W., SPEK, S. V. D. & TU DELFT FACULTEIT BOUWKUNDE DE ARCHITECTONISCHE INTERVENTIE 2001. De Overstapmachine het perifere wegstation, Delft, DUP Satellite. KUSUMO, C. 2007. Railway station, centres and markets change and stability in patterns of urban centrality Online resource, S.n., S.l.


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NES, R. V. 2002. Design of multimodal transport networks a hierarchical approach Online resource, Delft, DUP Science. PRIEMUS, H., KONINGS, R., TU DELFT ONDERZOEKSINSTITUUT OTB & TRAIL ONDERZOEKSCHOOL 1999. Stadsgewestelijk openbaar vervoer sleutel tot de stedelijke vitaliteit, Delft, Delft University Press. PRORAIL. 2006. Monitoring Spoorgebruik [Online]. http://www.treinreiziger.nl/userfiles//Binder2.pd f. [Accessed 11 January 2012]. ROSS, J. 2000. Railway stations planning, design and management, Oxford, Architectural Press. SANDERS, W., REE, P. V. D. & HOLLAND RAILCONSULT UTRECHT 1999. Spoorlandschap een gids voor treinreizigers, Bussum, Thoth. TRIP, J. J. 2007. What makes a city?: planning for 'quality of place' the case of high-speed train station area redevelopment Online resource, Delft, TU Delft.

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Enclosed residential domains in the Netherlands

E.M.Verhoek

Enclosed residential domains in the Netherlands A review on the causes and effects of an increase of private neighbourhoods in Dutch cities Esther M. Verhoek 1227785_e.m.verhoek@student.tudelft.nl Delft University of Technology, Department of Urbanism 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism Conference February 2nd 2012

Abstract – The amount of enclosed residential domains (ERDs) in the Netherlands has been increasing over the past fifteen years. Policymakers, scholars and urban planners started a debate about privatisation of Dutch neighbourhoods, mainly focused on negative aspects of social segregation and the ending of the public domain as we know it. However, how enclosed are enclosed residential domains exactly? Frequently the arguments used refer to international debates on the global spread of gated communities. However, recent studies showed that Dutch ERDs differ from those in spatial, architectonical, organisational forms as well as in 'the social trend underlying the popularity of these domains' (Hamers and Nabielek, 2009). Therefore, this literature review aims to put knowledge of ERDs in the context of the Netherlands in two ways. This paper clarifies definitions that are used in literature differently or simultaneously. Besides that, the paper researches theories on ERDs relevant for the Netherlands in order to be useful for future urban design on ERDs. What are the assumed effects on the public realm of Dutch cities caused by ERDs? That is the main question of this paper. In order to link the lines of reasoning and the terms used, this paper is divided into three different underlying subjects, namely the spatial aspects, social aspects and legal aspects of ERDS. Besides defining the current state of ERDs, this paper also slightly touches upon theories on underlying legal and sociopolitical frameworks to explain influences on the Dutch cities. The consulted literature of this paper is both international and Dutch. International research on gated communities with local adaptations, for example written by R Le Goix and C. J. Webster, is compared with articles about Dutch ERDs, written by for example D. Hamers, P. Boelhouwer, J. van Eshuis or S. Lohof. Outcome of this review paper is an overview of advantages and disadvantages of ERDs on the public realm related to specified spatial, social and legal characteristics of ERDs. Key words – common-interest housing, gated communities, public realm, Dutch cities, privatisation, collectively governed residential domains, enclosed residential domains.

1. Introduction The amount of enclosed residential domains (ERDs) in the Netherlands has been increasing over the past fifteen years. Dutch ERDs are often mixed up with gated communities (GCs), a typology associated with projects in the USA, South-Africa, South America or China. GCs are actually a subset of a wider range of privately or collectively governed residential neighbourhoods, in other words GCs are a type of ERDs. Research on existing Dutch ERDs has shown that 'the Dutch and Belgian private and enclosed residential domains' differ spatially, in the 'social trends underlying the popularity of these domains' and also organisational from the international gated communities as well as from each other. (Hamers et al. 2007). Additionally, the

Netherlands has its 'own specific traditions in spatial policy, urban planning and design practice' which makes the effects caused by ERDs different of those abroad. (Hamers et al. 2007). Non-public residential domains differ from each other in for example their architecture, in their way of enclosing; in the motivations to live in one, in their organisational structures, in their relation to the urban network or in their enclosed facilities. Independent of the causes and effects, a project can be categorised also by its spatial, social and legal aspects. In general, a project can 1) be fenced of, enclosed or open; 2) have a strong community or not; 3) be privately, collectively or publicly owned.


Enclosed residential domains in the Netherlands

The continuation of my research after this literature review is a design that explores the effects of an increase of collectively owned residential domains in a Dutch inner city. Therefore the main question of this paper is: What are assumed effects on the public realm of Dutch cities caused by ERDs? This paper aims to give insight in the cloud of academic discussions around non-public residential neighbourhoods worldwide and in the Netherlands. Outcome of this review paper is an overview of effects of ERDs on the public realm related to specified spatial, social and legal characteristics of ERDs. In order to structure the lines of reasoning as well as the terms used, this paper is divided into three different underlying subjects, namely the spatial aspects, social aspects and legal aspects of ERDS. Chapter two covers the legal aspects of ERDs, including discussions of organisational differences and political, economical and legislation issues in the Dutch society. The third chapter explores research about the origin of Dutch ERDs, their spatial properties and their spatial effects of ERDs on cities. The fourth chapter on social aspects explores motivations to live in ERDs, social closeness, social cohesion within ERDs and the effects on the social structure of society.

2. ERDs and the Dutch society 2.1 Socio-economical context Social changes in society may directly have caused the increase of ERDs. Reijndorp (2009, p.81) paints a picture of 'commercial parties taking over public institutions' in the 1980s. This privatisation caused instability of the quality of citizens' living environment, education and healthcare. In his opinion, it makes sense that individual citizens create collectives in order to deal with these uncertainties and he explains that 'in this perspective the new collectivity is not a reaction to individualisation but the ultimate consequence of it.' (Reijndorp 2009, p.81) Before the 1970s the goal of emancipation of all citizens created the social domain in order to achieve a welfare state. In this period the town planning was strongly connected with education, health care and cultural policies. In the 1970s the determining factor of social groups switched from 'social-economic position' to 'life style'. (Reijndorp, 2009, p.81) In other words, the individualisation of the Dutch society made progress. This individualisation combined with the privatisation could be considered as the cause of collectively governed residential domains. Some scholars link these neoliberal changes to gated communities and state they are 'a physical expression of post industrial social changes (fragmentation, individualism, rise of communities).' (Le Goix & Webster 2008) In

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Europe in general is more interest in the empowerment of communities by 'reforming governance systems' the last decennia. (Baily & Manzi, 2010, p. 17) Stijnie Lohof indicates money as one of the main reasons of privatisation of public space. Due to the shrinking budget for public space and liberalisation, making money with privately owned public space became possible since the 1980s. She adds that 'decentralisation and liberalization' of the housing stock and public space caused a shift 'from rental housing to sale housing' and a 'shift from public owned collective outdoor space to a privately owned collective spaces. (Lohof, 2009, p.81) 2.2 Authority Privately ownership of former public space also implies a shift of authority from the government to the residents, while local authorities remain responsible in the end. (Eshuis & Klijn, 2011) Within a democratic society, three ways of governing can be distinguished: hierarchic governing, network governing and selfmanagement. During hierarchic governing the government rules the processes in society as the most important participant, while the government is an equal participant in the network governing model or even less important than other actors in the selfmanagement model. (Dam & Eshuis, 2005) In the Netherlands, housing policy recently was an example of strong and hierarchic governing with 'a culture of deliberation'. (Bailey & Manzi, 2010, p.16) A shift from hierarchic control to network control or even self-management will cause new interdependent relations between local governments and citizens. A high dependence on the municipality shall contradict the residents' ideas of ruling the neighbourhood by themselves. A high level of autonomy of the domain makes the residents state that the municipality interferes too much and the local taxes are not for them. Therefore, a balanced dependence is necessary. A shift of authority is also seen in policies the last decades. Policy may have its role in the increase of ERD projects. Baily and Manzi refer to the introduction of ‘a National Urban Renewal Policy' in 1997 'aimed at increasing the variation of residential environments'. (Bailey & Manzi, 2010, p.16) ERDs are clearly a search for renewing housing projects as mentioned in chapter 3. Moreover, Baily and Manzi state 'urban regeneration policies have aimed to replace affordable rented properties by more expensive, larger owner-occupied property.' Furthermore, 'local government agencies' and other private actors assume that ERDs 'meet a need for


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consumer choice' and that ERDs even make participation possible. (Lohof, 2009, p.81) Contrastingly, many Dutch ERDs bring disadvantages for their residents as well due to unexpected problems of private or collective governing of the neighbourhood. (Lohof et al., 2006) 2.3 Ownership Five forms of ownership of ERDs in the Netherlands can be found in Dutch laws (Lohof et al., 2006) namely 'appartementsrechten', 'mandeligheid', 'erfpacht op opstal', 'erfdienstbaarheid' and cooperations. All forms have advantages and disadvantages. Hamers and Tennekes (2008) conclude that ownership and management is not related to the degree of closing off an ERD. This means that analysing the layout of a project will not reveal its organizational set-up. Because the link between legal forms and their effects on the public realm is missing, the legal forms can be seen as irrelevant for this paper.

3. Spatial aspects of ERDs 3.1 The origin of Dutch ERDs The recent popping-up of ERDs in the Netherlands can be explained in different ways. Following the theory of global spread, the Dutch ERDs are a consequence of copy behaviour of US gated communities in other countries. This theory is a popular statement in the press on which researchers respond. Le Goix and Webster (2008: 1192) contradict the statement with the conclusion that “the discourse on gated urbanism seemed to spread from American sources, the phenomenon itself, had its own local history in every continent and country'. Furthermore they state that 'socially and physically defined urban enclaves are as old as cities themselves' in many countries. (Le Goix and Webster, 2008, p. 1195) In other words, the debates and research might have started in the US, but the phenomenon of private residential domains might be much more related to local habits than they are to the US context. Changing from a global spread point of view to an emergence point of view enhances the need for research on local ancient typologies of ERDs. The new ERD projects cannot be seen as a new trend in the Netherlands, because a common ancient ERD typology is the urban private courtyard. The culture of residential 'hofjes' started in the Middle Ages and the culture had its peak in the Netherlands during the 19th century with beguinages and charity courtyards. (Lohof et al., 2006; Hamers et al., 2007) This is a local example contradicting the global spread theory, to which Le Goix and Webster could refer. According to Reijndorp and Lohof (2007) the current private residential domains actually are in line with the Dutch tradition of urban design and planning.

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From a Dutch point of view, also Hamers and Tennekes (2008) are amased by the frequently made comparisons in the debates between Dutch ERDs and gated communities and common-interest developments abroad because the projects are just partly comparable. Also, Reijndorp and Lohof (2007) criticise the thoughtless use of the term gated communities for Dutch private domains. As mentioned earlier, it is evident the origin of Dutch ERDs differ from the international models in many ways of which one is their spatial layout. What exactly are the spatial characteristics of current projects in the Netherlands? 3.2 Spatial properties Dutch ERDs Dutch ERDs differ spatially from gated communities abroad. First, the Dutch examples are much smaller. (Hamers et al., 2006) Secondly, these examples have almost no other programme than living, which Hamers and Tennekes state as an important difference for their effect on the vitality of public space. Thirdly, the Dutch ERDs are build under defensive architecture but they are not fenced off. (Hamers et al., 2006; Lohof, 2009) Frequently they have soft edges as golf courts, heigth differences or water areas. There are some gated communities, but these are just a small part of all ERDs. This actually equals the situation in the US (Le Goix 2003 in Le Goix & Webster, 2008) Hamers and Tennekes (2008) explain that ERD projects are difficult to define by their legal properties, because of the differences in ownership and regulations per project. Therefore, they use the general definition of an ERD in the Dutch context formulated by Hamers (et al., 2007) based on three spatial elements. ERD projects are -1- physically enclosed, which creates -2- an common open air space which -3- becomes a collective domain. This domain not necessarily contains shared amenities. Import to note is that this does not define anything about the ownership structures; an enclosed residential domain does not necessarily have private or collective governance. In addition, Lohof (2009) takes the collective domain as a common characteristic of ERDS.

1. Courtyard at ChassĂŠpark Breda.


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In general, the range of private residential domains in our own country is wide' (Lohof, 2009, p. 81) as well as the locations. The ERDs Hamers refers to can be found in urban, suburban as well as in rural areas. Focusing on urban ERDs, one can say 'New large-scale inner-city projects' often are blocks with a closed of common territory (Hamers et al., 2007) Examples are Céramique in Maastricht, Paleiskwartier in Den Bosch or Chassépark in Breda. Examples of smaller inner-city projects are Mariaplaats and Wolvenhof, both located in Utrecht. Two publications of Dutch researchers set out a division of typologies for current Dutch projects. Both divisions are based on spatial characteristics of the projects. To compare their conclusions, the typologies of both reports are listed below. After their field research, Lohof (2006) has made a division (1) of typologies of private governed residential domains. Hamers (et al., 2007, p.38-39) also made a division (2) of ERDs based on literature, field research, project plans, analysis of advertisements, cadastral data, conversations with municipalities and residents. 1. – cul-de-sac; – garden; – courtyard; – park; – rural estate; – golf course.

2. - enclosed blocks; - enclosed streets/squares; - enclosed recreational parks; - new courtyards; - new castles - new rural estates.

The small differences in these two divisions might be caused by the difference in research subject. As the first list is a distinction of 'privately governed domains', the second is a division of 'enclosed residential domains.' The research of Lohof is focused on the spatial characteristics, but researched the term 'privately owned neighbourhood’, which refers to legal aspects. This is an example of a slightly different frame used for research that causes incomparable outcomes.

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3.3 Spatial effects Spatial differences in Dutch cities caused by ERDs can have advantages and disadvantages. Changes of travel behaviour within the city due to few access points in the urban network (Le Goix & Webster, 2008) are a disadvantage in case a city becomes hardly walkable due to the long distances or when the amount of possible routes decreases. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that relatively small Dutch ERD projects have less influence on travel behaviour. In addition, spatial segregation is less relevant because of its open structure. (Lohof, 2009) On the other hand, the empirical research of Lohof and Hamers showed the Dutch ERD projects have typologies such as cul-de-sac, courtyard or enclosed park. These typologies can be considered as deadend streets and pedestrian zones, which undoubtedly have their effects on the urban network, especially when these typologies would be increasing in the same area. In case the project itself has a lowdensity road network and few access points to the public environment, the distances to the outside world increases and therefore the use of cars will increase for sure. (Lohof et al., 2006) Another possible for its residents is the difficult entrance for police and emergency services. (Aalbers, 2001) Time-varying gating of ERD projects enhances flexibility in accessibility. Closing a gate can transform an ERD from a public park in a gated community every minute. Some effects of gated projects can therefore be time-varying too. An important remark not mentioned in the reports consulted.

2. Inner-city time-varying gated ERD Mariaplaats (Utrecht),

4. Social aspects of ERDs

1. All six typologies of list 2 located in The Hague

Why would people want to live in an ERD project? Already in 1998 Brandt had analysed the 'housing demand of the Dutch elite' in order to discover the reasons of a longing for ERDs. He pointed out 'desired safety', 'exclusiveness' and in some cases 'a sense of community' are causing the rise of gated communities in the Netherlands. Boelhouwer and Hoekstra recently made a report on the housing demand New Trends in the Dutch Housing Market .


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One of the three main socio-cultural trends, which are currently manifesting themselves on the Dutch housing market they write about, is a 'growing interest in living in communities and in commoninterest housing concepts'. (Boelhouwer & Hoekstra, p. 13) Lohof (2007) explains that privately governed domains offer a wide range of residential surroundings to different target groups, instead of meeting the demands of the average. She also adds that there is a need for collective spaces. Motivations of residents to enter ERDs in the Netherlands differ per project, especially for thematic housing projects. After a recently made small qualitative research on ERDs, Eshuis and Klijn (Bagaeen & Uduku, 2009; Eshuis et al., 2011) concluded that overall the main reason to move is not safety but a pleasant environment based on the quality of open and green spaces or quietness. Likewise, Hamers (2007) explains that feelings of security are a main reason to move and that real safety issues are not. Therefore, most of the ERDs are physically enclosed but still accessible. 4.1 Social properties Roughly three types of closeness of living communities can be distinguished from a social point of view (Dam et al., 2005). A community can be 1) physically enclosed 2) socially enclosed 3) cognitively enclosed In all three cases, one can say unwanted persons are excluded. In a physically enclosed community, the unattractiveness for strangers to enter the community area determines the level of spatial segregation. Social closeness is reached when, formally or informally, a selection process establishes a select group of members. Cognitive closeness includes restrictions of ideas. In this case, ideas are banned and preferable members with other ideas are banned too in order to prevent friction. Physical closeness implies social closeness, according to Dam and Eshuis (2005), because some people are unwelcome inside. Lifestyle and elite communities depend mainly on social exclusion and secure zone communities on physical exclusion. Thus, the statement that in Dutch privately owned residential domains feeling secure is more important than being safe matches the statement that the Dutch projects are lifestyle based ERDs, which are not literally gated and guarded. The enclosed residential domains already known in the Netherlands, for instance charity courtyards, were based on the differences in social class, while new ERDs are 'determined by lifestyle.' (Boelhouwer & Hoekstra, 2009, p.5) As with the spatial typologies, many terms are used to cover

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ERD typologies based on social aspects. This paper compares three examples of divisions. First, van Dam (2005) defined three types of gated communities in the Netherlands, referring to research of Blakely and Snyder. Blakely and Snyder wrote a book on their survey on gated communities the USA in 1997, which had a great influence on further international research on gated communities. 1) Lifestyle communities in which security by locking out and activities inside are the main characteristics. 2) Elite communities in which status and stability are important. 3) Secure zone communities, in which the fear of criminality is dominant. Secondly, the division of Manuel Aalbers (2001) who made a slightly different classification of gated communities in the Netherlands based on the same research of Blakely and Snyder and his own findings. 1) elite communities; 2) recreational communities; 3) urban security zones. ‘Recreational communities’ refer more to programme than its residents which makes the division of van Dam more useful. Since the definition of gated communities is unknown, both divisions are incomparable. Finally, a division used by Boelhouwer and Hoekstra. This division of Dutch common-interest housing is based on their social structure and a little bit on their spatial and legal set up. The table sets out the different projects and explains the underlying lifestyle and the location where projects are realised. Lifestyle, a mindset also discussed by Reijndorp, is a pillar of common-interest housing. In this table, golf resorts and new castles are not considered as enclosed housing domains, but as thematic housing. The other terms are not named in the research on spatial characteristics mentioned earlier. It is evident that common-interesting housing is a much broader term than privately or 'collectively owned residential domains' or 'enclosed residential domains'. The term common-interest stands literally for the common-interest of the members of the communities. This common interest is for instance their shared ethnic background, life phase or interest in leisure. Common-interest communities are an expression of the longing for living together with like-minded people. (Boelhouwer and Hoekstra, 2009) However, as table one shows, ERDs have a weak communality, all the residents share is their longing for a safe place to live.


Enclosed residential domains in the Netherlands

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rules of conduct. The need to live with people with the same mindset equals the need to feel secure again. Besides this they point out now the government is withdrawing from many responsibilities, people feel like they have to take care of themselves. Residents expect to be supported by like-minded neighbours more easily and therefore prefer to live together.

Table 1

4.2 Social cohesion within ERDs If the commonality is weak, is the sense of community lacking in ERDs? According to Eshuis and Klijn (2011), and an outcome of this literature review, it is difficult to conclude what social cohesion appears within Dutch ERDs because little research on the Dutch context has been done. Nevertheless, their report concludes the surveyed ERDs the social cohesion is relatively high. One has to be aware that the underlying research is based on a few responding homeowner associations, in which it is more likely to have a pleasant social coherence. Lohof and Reijndorp (2006) doubt about the community feelings in existing ERDs they visited, mainly because the residents rarely had influence on the development of the projects. This matches the reasons for moving into an ERD as explained before. The question is what comes first. Is there no need for active participation in the design process at the Dutch housing market? Or is the current developing process of ERDs not suitable for a type of dwellers who are therefore not willing to move in to existing ERDs? That is an important question for future research on future developments of ERDs. In case an ERD has many like-minded people, Boelhouwer and Hoekstra (2009: 5) 'believe that changes in neighbourhood composition are partly responsible’ They think problems with a changing population in some neighbourhoods caused neighbours to have problems to with their different

4.3 Effects on the social structure of cities If more and more ERDs appear in Dutch cities, what major changes could appear? Some policy makers and scholars fear a division between luxury enclaves for the rich and the left-over public space for the rest. One of these is Maarten Hajer who warned us for 'monocultural enclaves' in the Netherlands already in the 1990s, analysing a retreat of citizens in enclosed private domains. Another opponent of ERDs is the Belgian philosopher Lieven de Cauter, who wrote a book on 'cellular cities', expects 'capsules' to make public domain disappear, a development he reflects as an undesirable social consequence of capsular urban design and architecture. (Cauter, 2009) International researchers state that 'gated communities are no better or worse than society as a whole in producing a strong sense of community.' (Blakely and Snyder, 1999 quoted in Aalbers, 2001) Boelhouwer and Hoekstra (2009, p.13) share the fear and state 'enclosed housing domains could easily lead to exclusion and spatial segregation' but they add a contradictory possible positive effect. They state ERDs can 'help to keep families with children in the city' or even build 'a more integrated society' by establishing projects which 'enables likeminded people to live together within a larger socioeconomically and ethnically mixed district'. This means lifestyle based projects could help regenerating deprived city districts and therefore solve issues in urban planning. ERDs can be a way of maintaining or even attracting desired target groups to the (inner) city. In general, Boelhouwer and Hoekstra (2009, p.2) believe common-interest housing will have an important role in the future Dutch housing and they believe this 'will raise new dilemmas in spatial planning and housing policy and necessitate a different way of thinking.' Public space is a dominant element of Dutch urban design. Many researchers are interested in the exact impact of privatisation of space on Dutch cities due to ERDs. The role of public space as part of the social cohesion of a city depends on the point of view on the function of public domain. Hamers and Tennekes (2008) take three points of view on public domain into account to explain to impact of ERDs. Two of these points of view are normative political


Enclosed residential domains in the Netherlands

theories dominating the discussion about ERDs in the Netherlands: the liberal perspective and the republican perspective. The third point of view is a sociological perspective to understand the relation of public domain with behaviour of citizens. From a liberal normative-political point of view, public space is part of the public domain as a necessary part of the distinction between private and public. The government rules the public domain instead of the citizens for efficiency reasons and therefore interaction in the public space is set by rules. In this perspective, privatisation of the public domain is the privatisation of liabilities. 'Club goods' or 'club economy 'are terms borrowed from economic researches, often used in researches on ERDs worldwide. In short, club goods are goods paid by a group and reserved for the same group. (Le Goix and Webster, 2006; Glasze et al. 2006) In privately governed ERDs, homeowner associations take care of the neighbourhood and residents have to pay tax to this association. Private governance adds a layer of economy and policy between individual citizenship and the municipality. Reijndorp and Lohof (2006) show that private governing in the Netherlands still is in its infancy. From the liberal perspective, a possible advantage of privately governed housing is the self-regulation of citizens. The republican point of view makes public space the domain of dealing with conflicts, organising solidarity and giving identity. Hamers and Tennekes (2008) identify Hajer and Reijndorp as republicans, because of their ideas on the public domain as an extension of public space. The public domain requires display and exchange of ideas, backgrounds and preferences and this will cause a domain of surprise and reflection. Public space is not always the location of the interaction of citizens (anymore), citizens choose who to interact with and where. Local interaction is no longer needed due to new media. Enclosed living, in other words a decrease of public space, does not necessarily imply a decrease of the public domain in this perspective. In case homogeneity of neighbourhoods and a decrease of public space imply a decrease of confrontation possibilities, it has a negative effect on the public domain. In the republican perspective, ERDs can even increase the public domain by adding possibilities for identification and increasing open discussions in and between homogeneous communities. Thirdly, the sociological point of view describes the public domain as a place for interaction between strangers and therefore public space is part of the public domain, contrarily to the private domain and the parochial domain. Within a parochial domain, communication occurs between people of a community. The idea of the parochial domain gives

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us a different perspective than the division between private, collective and public. (Lohof et al., 2007) From a sociological point of view, the 'in between' domain of parochiality exclusively exists when people act like a community. Therefore, it is important to ascertain in what way ERDs stimulate the forming of parochies, or, in other words, are ERDs communities in a social sense? Many theories from social science can be applied to find out the commonality of ERDs, which will not be discussed in detail in this paper. From a sociological viewpoint, an increase of ERDs can lead to an increase of parochiality of former public domain. Parochiality in the public domain is the expression of the identity of a group in public, which could be a positive influence on the public domain. Le Goix (2008) sets out some effects caused by gated communites. Applying these possible advantages on Dutch ERDS in general, not all are relevant. The first effect is a decrease in burglaries in gated domains and an increase of crime in other neighbourhoods because of the gating and guarding. The increase of safety is not relevant, because it is based on the gating and guarding aspects of gated communities. This strengthens the idea that the Dutch ERDs are not that much safety orientated but sense of security, as stated by for instance Hamers (2007) Secondly, an advantage could be the positive effect on property value within the fenced of domain. This effect is difficult to value, because it is not exactly clear where it is depending on. If the outstanding living environment is the reason of the effect, it might by applicable in the Dutch context. If the gating is a much more important reason, it might not be relevant in the Dutch context. Another disadvantage could be the sustainability of the neighbourhood club economy due to homogeneity of gated communities. The effects on neighbourhood club economies might be relevant for Dutch cases, because it is based on the homogeneity of the residents. In the Netherlands, the homogeneity of existing neighbourhoods is rather small and therefore homogeneous residential domains definitely would cause a change. To conclude, some effects on the property value and the maintenance of a club economy might be relevant for some publicly accessible Dutch ERDs, depending on the projects' properties.

5. Conclusions Despite of its threefold structure, this paper might read like a patchwork of terms and theories. Unfortunately, that is the current state of research on this topic. Terms and theories are set in different frames and researchers use different words covering different types of projects. That makes it hard to compare theories and set research in line of reasoning without making false comparisons. The


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distinctions of categories of privately owned residential domains in literature vary, mainly depending on what is seen as the most important features of those domains. The causes and effects of ERDs in the Netherlands are various. From the legal point of view, ways of governing ERDs can have disadvantages for residents of ERDs, but the link with effects on the public domain is undefined. From a spatial point of view, ERDs can influence travel behaviour and accessibility of the public domain, possibly as a time-varying effect. Furthermore, the global spread theory can be considered as not applicable, since ERDs are possibly in line with Dutch urban design traditions. From a social point of view, the normative-political or sociological perspective taken defines the impact on the public domain. In a liberal perspective, the self-management is an advantage of privately governed ERDs. In a republican perspective, ERDs can have a positive effect in case ERDs create possibilities for identification of groups and individuals. In addition, ERDs will have a negative effect in case homogeneity and a decrease of public space decreases the total amount of possibilities to interact and deal with conflicts. The sociological perspective draws the same conclusions as the republican perspective, adding the forming of social parochies as a necessary condition. Based on this literature review, the following conclusions for designing Dutch inner-city ERDs can be drawn: 1) Maintain a low-density network inside and outside ERDs. 2) Use ERDs for identification of residents . 3) Avert homogeneity of neigbourhoods.

Bibliography Aalbers, M. (2001). The double function of gate Social inclusion and exclusion in gated communities and security zones. EUREX. Amsterdam, De Rooij. Bagaeen, S. and O. Uduku (2009). The Urban Form of Inner City Gated Communities: the Links with and Implications for the Debates Surrounding Social Sustainability. The 5th International Conference of the Research Network Private Urban Governance & Gated Communities. Santiago de Chile: 17-18. Bailey, N. and T. Manzi (2010). Governing through Community? A Comparative Study of Changing Management Practices in Mixed Tenure Housing Development. Comparative Housing Research – Approaches and Challenges in a New International Era. TU Delft, Netherlands, University of Westminster Eprints.

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Boelhouwer, P. and J. Hoekstra (2009). New Trends in the Dutch Housing Market, Delft University of Technology / OTB Research Institute. Cauter, L. d. (2009). De capsulaire beschaving. Over de stad in het tijdperk van angst, NAi Publishers. Dam, R. v., J. Eshuis, et al. (2005). Closed Communities. Een verkennend onderzoek naar geslotenheid van gemeenschappen in Nederland, Wageningen Universiteit en Researchcentra. Eshuis, J., E.-H. Klijn, et al. (2011). "Privaat beheerde woondomeinen: beloftevol of beangstigend fenomeen?" Beleid en Maatschappij, 38, 1. Glasze, G., C. Webster, et al., Eds. (2006). Private cities: global and local perspectives. Oxon, Routledge. Hamers, D., K. Nabielek, et al. (2007). Afgeschermde woondomeinen in Nederland. Rotterdam Den Haag, NAi Uitgevers/ Ruimtelijk Planbureau. Hamers, D. and J. Tennekes (2008). "Voor een beperkt publiek. De effecten van besloten wooncomplexen op het publieke domein in Nederland.",KRISIS, 2, 18-36. Le Goix, R. and C. J. Webster (2006). "Gated communities, sustainable cities and a tragedy of the urban commons." Critical Planning, 13. Le Goix, R. and C. J. Webster (2008) "Gated Communities." Geography Compass, 2010. Lohof, S. (2007) "Privaat beheerde woondomeinen en de veranderende verhouding tussen publiek en privaat." Ruimte in debat, 2-9. Lohof, S. (2009). Private Ownership of Collective Space within a Public Society. 5th International Conference of the Research Network Private Urban Governance & Gated Communities. Santiage de Chile: 81 Lohof, S., A.Reijndorp, et al. (2006). Privaat beheerde woondomeinen in Nederland. Rotterdam, NAi Uitgevers. Reijndorp, A. (2009). New Collectivity and Social Exclusion in The Netherlands. The 5th International Conference of the Research Network Private Urban Governance & Gated Communities. G. G. e. all. Santiago de Chile: 80.

Images 1. Photograph taken by author 2. Hamers, D., K. Nabielek et al. (2007).

Afgeschermde woondomeinen in Nederland. Rotterdam Den Haag, NAi Uitgevers/ Ruimtelijk Planbureau. p.59 3. Photograph taken by author


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Tables 1. Author and date unknown, VROM, 2009 used in Boelhouwer, P. and J. Hoekstra (2009). New Trends in the Dutch Housing Market, Delft University of Technology / OTB Research Institute, p.5

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Proceedings 9th GLU TU Delft Conference  

. These are the proccedings of the 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism TU Delft Conference. Every year, Remon Rooij and Ana Maria Maldonado promote...

Proceedings 9th GLU TU Delft Conference  

. These are the proccedings of the 9th Graduation Lab Urbanism TU Delft Conference. Every year, Remon Rooij and Ana Maria Maldonado promote...

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