Developing vocational skills of youths with incomplete schooling in Uganda

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DEDICATION

To Rebecca Nanfuka-Jjuuko

Though departed, Your diligent contribution and loving kindness Will forever be treasured!

i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am profoundly grateful to Dr. Elda Lyster, my academic supervisor for her unruffled, intellectually entrenched and unique mentoring that I gladly enjoyed throughout my study. I recall with gratitude her meticulous comments scribbled on the hundreds of pages that I wrote before this final piece that you are reading. Dr. Lyster provided and nurtured very exciting learning spaces that challenged and expanded my imagination and quest for career and academic growth.

I thank the Institute for International Cooperation of the German Adult Education Association (dvv international) for financing my travel, tuition, subsistence and related costs without which my dream to pursue this course of study would perhaps remain a distant dream for a long time. I extend my deep appreciation to Dr. Bernd Sandhaas, the former director for dvv International Eastern and Horn of Africa regional office for the encouragement and support.

I also thank DVV International Uganda Country Programme Coordinator and the finance department in Bonn for the efficient transfer of the scholarship funds.

I thank my mother for the unconditional love she has always extended to me; always being there for me. I thank God for the gift of a great mother. Special gratitude goes to my dear children, Brenda, Gloria and Reagan for being very understanding and cooperative during my absence, I recognize the gap that my absence created and promise to make up for the fatherly care and love you missed then.

My children continue to be a great inspiration and ii

encouragement for their endurance during my continued engagement in unending trips for work and further studies. This acknowledgement would not be complete without pointing out my nephews, Lawrence, Benjamin, Azedi and Steven who are part and parcel of the springs that keep blossoming the warmth of our happy family. I extend my heartfelt thanks to my dear friend Maria Nandago, for the emotional support and care. I recognize with joy her undying encouragement, inspiration and interest in my study since its inception.

I extend my most sincere gratitude to my entire social network of friends and family members without their diverse support and contributions in a variety of ways, the successful pursuit of this study would practically be a daunting task.

My colleagues at the Adult Education Centre and those at the Uganda Adult Education Network are specially thanked for the friendship, professional and logistical support.

I thank the research participants who provided the evidence without which this study would hardly merit a description of an empirical investigation. I thank the management of all the candidate case study centres who trusted me enough to intrude into the internal affairs of their operations at such a short notice.

Last but not least, I thank the staff of the School of Adult and Higher Education of the University of KwaZulu-Natal for the hospitality that I enjoyed while in Durban. I mention with happiness, the unique kindness with which Kogi Doorasamy, the school administrator, does her work.

iii

ABBREVIATIONS AfDB BTVET CTE DACUM DFID DIT EFA EFAG EMIS ESSP FBOs FET GDP GTZ HDI ICT IMF ILO INEE LSD MDGs MoES MoGLSD MoFPED NCDC NDP NGOs NORRAG OECD PEAP PEVOT PLE PPET

African Development Bank Business Technical and Vocational Education and Training Career and Technical Education Developing A Curriculum Department for International Development Directorate of Industrial Training Education for All Education Funding Agencies Group Education Management Information system Education Sector Strategic Plan Faith Based Organisations Further Education and Training Gross Domestic Product Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit Human Development Index Information Communication Technologies International Monetary Fund International Labour Organisation Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies Local Skills Development Millennium Development Goals Ministry of Education and Sports Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development National Curriculum Development Centre National Development Plan Non Governmental Organisations Network for Policy Research, Review and Advice on Education and Training Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Poverty Eradication Action Plan Programme for the Promotion of Employment Oriented Vocational Education and Technical Training Primary Leaving Examinations Post-Primary Education and Training iv

PRSP RPL SAPs SD SDIP TVSD TVET UACE UBOS UCE UGAPRIVI UGX UJTC UNEB UNESCO UNEVOC UK UN UNDP UPE UPPET USE UVQF VET ZPD

Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Recognition of Prior Learning Structural Adjustment Programmes Skills Development Social Development Investment Plan Technical and Vocational Skills Development Technical and Vocational Education and Training Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education Uganda Bureau of Statistics Uganda Certificate of Education Uganda Association of Private Vocational Institutions Uganda shillings Uganda Junior Technical certificate Uganda National Examinations Board United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNESCO International Centre for Technical and Vocational Education and Training United Kingdom United Nations United Nations Development Programme Universal Primary Education Universal Post-Primary Education and Training Universal Secondary Education Uganda Vocational Qualification Framework Vocational Education and Training Zone of Proximal Development

v

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ........................................................................................................................ i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................... ii ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................................... iv LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................ ix LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... ix LIST OF TEXT BOXES ....................................................................................................... ix CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION........................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background .............................................................................................................. 1 1.2 Problem Statement and Research Questions ........................................................... 4 1.3 Justification for the Study ........................................................................................ 7 1.4 Methodology .......................................................................................................... 11 1.5 Structure of the Thesis ........................................................................................... 11 1.6 Definition of Key Terms ........................................................................................ 12 1.6.1 Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) .......................... 13 1.6.2 Capabilities ..................................................................................................... 13 1.6.3 Work ............................................................................................................... 14 1.6.4 Adult Learners ................................................................................................ 15 1.6.5 Post-Primary Schooling .................................................................................. 17 1.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 18 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW.............................................................................. 19 2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 19 2.2 Key Theories ......................................................................................................... 19 2.2.1 Human Capital Theory ................................................................................... 20 2.2.2 The Capability Approach................................................................................ 28 2.2.3 Constructivism ................................................................................................ 38 2.3 Trends and Issues in TVET ................................................................................... 46 2.3.1. TVET and Poverty Eradication ...................................................................... 46 2.3.2 Organisation and Management of TVET Systems ......................................... 59 2.3.3 Image and Attractiveness of TVET ................................................................ 72 2.3.4 Curriculum and Pedagogy .............................................................................. 77 2.3.5 Work for TVET Graduates ............................................................................. 86 2.3.6 Summary of Trends and Issues in TVET ....................................................... 91 CHAPTER 3: THE NATIONAL RESEARCH CONTEXT ................................................ 94 3.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 94 3.2 Socio-Economic Context ....................................................................................... 94 3.2.1 General Socio-Economic Landscape ................................................................ 94 3.2.2 The Economy and Labour Force ...................................................................... 99 3.3 General Education in Uganda ............................................................................... 107 3.4 The TVET Sub-Sector .......................................................................................... 114 3.4.1 Policy and Institutional Framework ............................................................... 114 3.4.2 TVET Provision .............................................................................................. 123 3.4.3 TVET Curriculum Issues ................................................................................ 135

vii

3.5 Summary and Conclusion.................................................................................... 140 CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH DESIGN ................................................................................ 144 4.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 144 4.2 Research Design .................................................................................................. 144 4.3 Qualitative Case Study Methodology .................................................................. 147 4.4 Data, Sources and Methods ................................................................................. 152 4.5 Data Analysis ....................................................................................................... 164 4.6 Reliability and Validity ........................................................................................ 166 4.7 Ethical considerations .......................................................................................... 167 4.8 Limitations of the Study ...................................................................................... 168 CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS .................................................................... 170 5.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 170 5.2 The Case Study Centre ........................................................................................ 170 5.3 Demographics of the Respondents ...................................................................... 172 5.4 Biographies of the Graduates ............................................................................... 173 5.4.1 Nabukalu Lucy: Part-time Caterer and Small Shop Owner ......................... 173 5.4.2 Komakech Milton: Self-employed Carpenter............................................... 174 5.4.3 Nakazzi Sylvia: Tailor, Self-Employed ........................................................ 176 5.4.4 Namusoke Juliet: Tailor, Cutter ................................................................... 177 5.4.5 Owino James: Freelance Builder .................................................................. 178 5.4.6 Balikuddembe Jacob: Builder, Semi Sub-Contractor ................................... 179 5.4.7 Mubiru Joseph: Caterer, Room Steward....................................................... 180 5.4.8 Kalanzi Paulo: Carpenter, Boda-boda Rider ................................................ 181 5.5 Main Findings ...................................................................................................... 182 5.5.1 Organisation and Delivery of TVET Courses .............................................. 182 5.5.2 Stakeholders’ Experiences and Perceptions of TVET.................................. 217 5.5.3 Lived Experiences of Graduates ................................................................... 227 CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ................................................................... 250 6.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 250 6.2 Organisation and Delivery of TVET Courses ...................................................... 250 6.3 Stakeholders’ Experiences and Perceptions of TVET ......................................... 258 6.4 Lived Experiences of Graduates .......................................................................... 263 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..................................... 270 7.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 270 7.2 Rationale, Theoretical Framework and Research Design .................................... 270 7.3 Summary of Findings ........................................................................................... 273 7.4 Conclusions .......................................................................................................... 277 7.5 Recommendations ................................................................................................ 282 7.5.1 Policy Implications ....................................................................................... 283 7.5.2 Tackling Practice-related Challenges ........................................................... 285 7.6 Contribution of the Study and Areas for Further Research ................................. 293 7.7 Final Comment .................................................................................................... 296 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................... 298 APPENDICES .................................................................................................................... 316 Appendix 1: The Central Human Capabilities ............................................................... 316 viii

Appendix 2: Education for All Goals ............................................................................ 318 Appendix 3: Millennium Development Goals............................................................... 319 Appendix 4: BTVET principles..................................................................................... 320 Appendix 5: Open-Ended Interview Guide for Learners .............................................. 321 Appendix 6: Semi-Structured Interview Guide for Tutors ............................................. 322 Appendix 7: Semi-structured Interview Guide for Management Staff .......................... 323 Appendix 8: Biographical Interview Guide for Graduates............................................. 324 Appendix 9: Observation Schedule for Practical Sessions............................................. 325 Appendix 10: Documents obtained as primary data sources.......................................... 326

LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Social Constructivists’ View of Learning .............................................................. 43 Table 2: Basic socio-economic indicators of Uganda .......................................................... 96 Table 3: Monthly Earnings of Employed Labour Force, 2002/03 ..................................... 105 Table 4: Primary and Post-primary Education Indicators .................................................. 113 Table 5: Institutions offering TVET in Uganda ................................................................. 127 Table 6: Sub-Sectoral Budgetary Shares 2008/09 ............................................................. 134 Table 7: Respondents and Data Collection Methods ......................................................... 162 Table 8: Basic Data about Candidate Centres (All names are pseudonyms) ..................... 164 Table 9: Core and General Subjects offered at Ubuntu ...................................................... 195

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: UVQF Assessment and Training Packages for Beautician & Hair Dresser ....... 139 Figure 2: Assorted examples of stored training equipment ................................................ 172 Figure 3: A section of the practical session on 22nd Oct 2009 .......................................... 203 Figure 4: Filled industrial training appraisal form.............................................................. 209 Figure 5: Producing for sale: Carpentry students at work ................................................. 219 Figure 6: Twin houses under construction with Jacob's technical supervision .................. 233 Figure 7: Sylvia at work and her main capital equipment .................................................. 236 Figure 8: Side views of Milton's workshop ....................................................................... 238

LIST OF TEXT BOXES Text Box 1: A brief account of a practical lesion in session…………………….202

ix

x

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background The interwoven entitlements to learn and work are central issues not only in the human development and poverty eradication discourse but are also part and parcel of the architecture for economic growth (UNESCO International Centre for Technical and Vocational Education and Training, 2005; Fukuda-Parr, 2003; Psacharopoulus, 1997; Becker, 1964). Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) is considered to be one of the effective strategies to enable youth and adults, including those with incomplete post-primary schooling, to become skilled and economically active participants in the development process

(United

Nations

Education,

Scientific

and

Cultural

Organisation, 2010; King & Palmer, 2007b; Johanson and Adams, 2004; Gill, Fluitman & Dar, 2000; Middleton & Ziderman, 1993).

Uganda’s Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP) and its successor, the National Development Plan (NDP) recognize TVET as a priority sub-sector in meeting the economy’s need for a skilled workforce (National

Planning

Authority,

2010,

African

Development

Bank/OECD, 2008; Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004).

During the 2004 UNESCO International Experts Meeting on Learning for Work, Citizenship and Sustainability, one of the experts stated that “while education is a key to any development strategy, VET is the master key that can transform the world of work and the economy,

1

alleviate poverty, save the environment, and improve the quality of lifeâ&#x20AC;?

(UNESCO International Centre for Technical and Vocational and Training, 2005, p.18).

Rauner and Maclean (2008) observe that

â&#x20AC;&#x153;vocational education is considered a key factor for improving competitiveness of enterprises and national economiesâ&#x20AC;? (p.13). It is widely argued that TVET is a great equalizer of training and employment opportunities, and closely linked to poverty reduction (World Bank, 2006; King, 2006; King and Palmer, 2007).

Understandably, the Education for All Global Monitoring Report of 2010 articulates the basis for the renewed interest in TVET and the significance of EFA Goal Three of ensuring that the learning needs of all young people and adults are met through equitable access to appropriate learning and life skills programmes. The EFA report states, In recent decades, the rapid rise of knowledge-based economies, along with persistent youth unemployment and the marginalization of young people lacking skills, has prompted governments to review and revalue technical and vocational education (UNESCO, 2010, p.93).

There are, however, concerns that although there is increasing youth unemployment and deprivation, training and skill development programmes are hardly serving the poor sections of society (King & Palmer, 2006). UNESCO (2010) argues that vocational education is failing to target those who face the most acute disadvantages. Targeting the poor and those who need vocational education and training most is part of the perennial issues within the TVET discourse.

2

Since the 1960s when the World Bank and other international development agencies recognized TVET as an education and economic development strategy for Third World countries, several studies have been undertaken to provide a basis for TVET policy planning and implementation at international and national levels. For instance in 1985 and 1992, UNESCO administered major survey questionnaires involving 44 of its member states which yielded interesting findings on a multitude of issues related to the organisation, management and delivery of TVET (UNESCO, 2003). Equally, the World Bank and other development agencies such as the Department for International Development (DFID), International Labour Organisation (ILO), African Development Bank (AfDB) and European Training Foundation have supported a number of country, regional and/or inter-country case studies since the 1970s (King & Palmer, 2007; Gill et al., 2000; McGrath & King, 1995; Middleton & Ziderman,1993).

However in Uganda as elsewhere in many other African countries, little is known about TVET provision due to the dearth of detailed empirical research (Wirak, et al., 2003; Benell, et al., 1999). A few studies, surveys and reviews have been undertaken to provide a basis for education and training policy reform from the 1990s. However, most of these studies have been skewed to general primary and post-primary education. Moreover, as Wood (2000) put it, historically TVET has been given short shrift in the development of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education system. Further, the regular educational statistics generated by agencies in the Ministry of Education and Sports are basically quantitative in 3

nature and largely concerned with enrolment rates of public TVET provision.

Overall, while a few TVET-related quantitative surveys, inquiries and studies have been undertaken in Uganda since the 1990s, much more is yet to be done to fill the varied knowledge gaps within the sub-sector.

As Wirak et al (2003) put it, “there seems to be a need to undertake research and studies in order to create a better knowledge foundation for planning, strategy formulation and for implementation of (TVET) projects and programmes” (p.51). It is imperative that studies such as this present qualitative study are undertaken to capture the views and experiences of key local level stakeholders to inform policy choices and practice at the micro and macro levels.

1.2 Problem Statement and Research Questions With the introduction of the Universal Primary Education (UPE) programme in 1997 and the 2007 policy pronouncement on Universal Post-Primary Education and Training (UPPET), Uganda is making progress in reforming its education system. However, as indicated in Chapter 3, the country’s public education system is still predominantly inclined to general formal schooling. Moreover, as elsewhere in many Third World countries, the country’s system is deficient of adequate capacity to ensure real universal access to good quality post-primary education and training (Liang, 2002). Consequently, many prospective beneficiaries are left out; and some turn to TVET which, as already stated, has so far received insufficient public policy attention. Youths

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with incomplete post-primary schooling are among those who are left out, and therefore marginalized.

They face multiple deprivations, and are sidelined by the equally marginalized TVET sub-sector. There are limited official learning pathways within the public TVET infrastructure which are designed to meet the peculiar needs of this category of prospective learners. The majority of youths with incomplete schooling are served by private TVET providers (Programme for the Promotion of Employment Oriented Vocational and Technical Training (PEVOT), 2007).

Estimated at over 600, many of these private TVET providers are members of the Uganda Association of Private Vocational Institutions (UGAPRIVI), and are accredited by the Directorate of Industrial Training (DIT) and Uganda National Examination Board (UNEB) for purposes of assessment and certification (Wood, 2008; Wirak et al., 2003; Ministry of Education and Sports, 2001).

They are largely not-for profit non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and Faith-Based Organisations (FBOs) including a few profit-oriented ones from the private business sector. There are claims that private TVET providers are equally resource constrained which greatly affects the quality of provision (Wirak et al, 2003). The African Development Bank (2005) observes that there are currently many certifications of unknown value and utility with unclear procedures of award, nonuniform curricula and un-audited teaching and assessment across provision. According to the UGAPRIVI brochure, the private 5

institutions face many problems: there are widely differing standards, poor administration and many have failed to gain recognition by the government or by the people who should be benefiting from them (UGAPRIVI, n.d).

The purpose of this study is primarily to explore, describe, analyze and document the lived experiences of learners and graduates of a private TVET providing centre in Mukono district. The study examines the education and training that is being provided in relation to the social and economic characteristics of learners and their inherent quest for improved livelihoods and well-being.

The study also analyzes where

and how the graduates use the acquired capabilities to access and retain work within their context.

The study attempts to delineate the perception of current learners, graduates, tutors and managers in regard to the status and role of TVET vis-Ă -vis the prevailing economic and education realities.

The main research question addressed in this study is how TVET is developing capabilities to work amongst young adults with incomplete post-primary schooling in Uganda. The study attempts to respond to three key questions namely: â&#x20AC;˘ How are the TVET courses offered by the case study centre organized and delivered? â&#x20AC;˘ What are the experiences and perceptions of learners, graduates, tutors and management staff of the case study centre in relation to

6

the status and value of TVET; as well as the link between attaining TVET qualifications and obtaining work?

• What are the lived experiences of graduates with regard to exercising their capabilities to work?

1.3 Justification for the Study The study to explore how TVET is developing capabilities to work among youths with incomplete schooling in Uganda is clearly justified on several grounds. As stated elsewhere in this thesis, there is a worldwide concern over the plight of millions of unemployed young people.

As articulated by the World Development Report of 2007, “youth is a period of intense learning when people can acquire the human capital they need to move themselves and their families out of poverty” (World Bank, 2006, p.27-28). To further articulate the role of young people as a critical resource, the World Bank (2006) observes that building human capacity

early

has

a

multiplier

benefit

of

mitigating

the

intergenerational transmission of poverty. Therefore, the over 45 percent of Uganda’s total labour force of 9.8 million which is in the 1530 year group is a critical human resource whose education and productivity levels ought to be a matter of serious concern within the development discourse. It is also important to note that Uganda’s population is generally young with children below 14 years constituting about half of the estimated 30 million people (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2006). This means that the country’s youthful labour force should be able to contribute significantly to the economy.

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There are concerns about the low labour force participation rates among primary school leavers (Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, 2006; Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2003). The 2002/03 Labour Force Survey Report indicates that “persons with vocational training have higher participation rates than those without” (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2003, p.26). According to the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, the majority of primary school leavers entering the labour market have no productive skills considering that primary schools do not offer vocational skills training. The ministry maintains that Uganda’s labour force is characterized by a youthful, untrained and rural labour force.

In addition to economic considerations, the above scenario presents farreaching issues from the human development and social justice perspectives. Key among these is the impediment to entitlement of access to education and work by the majority of Uganda’s youthful labour force. According to the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, “unemployment is largely concentrated among the youthful groups, particularly those in the 20-29 age bracket” (2006, p.22). Yet, as pointed out by the Uganda Labour Market Status Report of 2006, work provides individuals with income to meet personal needs, to reduce social isolation and impart a sense of dignity and self-worth (Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, 2006). The interrelationship between education and work or employment plays out prominently reflecting multiple deprivations. As observed by the 8

Education for All Global Monitoring Report of 2010, young people who fail to cross the bridge from school to work often “face the prospect of long-term unemployment and social marginalization” (UNESCO, 2010, p.82).

The motivation to engage in the study can also be traced to my long engagement in education and community development work for and with adults and youths who are deprived of opportunities to access either initial schooling or full primary and secondary education. Over the years, I have felt that the short term education and development interventions such as health education classes, adult literacy classes, environmental education, and credit schemes are only helping adults to tackle survival needs, but lack substance as weapons for disengagement from the marginalization and deprivation caused by local and global social and economic systems. The basic capabilities obtained from these interventions ought to be supported by occupational competencies to consolidate

the

learners’

potential

for

social

and

economic

transformation. I am now involved in the running of a small-scale skills development centre in Uganda whose cardinal mission is to provide flexible training choices for out-of-school young people and adults to build their capabilities to work and earn.

TVET, as stated in the first part of this chapter, is considered to be one of the viable means for enabling the youth to escape the education and work deprivation trap. UNESCO (2010) argues that “designing flexible programmes for young people who have not completed secondary 9

school or gone beyond primary education can help to combat youth unemployment” (p.77). UNESCO (2010) furthers argues that, “no government can afford to ignore the importance of skills and learning in supporting economic growth, combating poverty and overcoming social marginalization” (p.93). However, inadequate education and economic policies at the national and global level greatly undermine this possibility. My study is intended to make a contribution to the debate for revisiting and revaluing TVET theory and practice in an effort to widen access and participation. This study moves beyond the dominant broad policy discussions to tackle real practical issues at the point of TVET service delivery.

Further, as already stated, Uganda’s TVET sub-sector has been marginalized and consequently haunted by varied knowledge gaps.

Since even most of the few TVET surveys, inquiries and research projects are skewed to the main stream public TVET provision, it is imperative that studies are undertaken to explore the education and training programmes that cater for the skills acquisition and development needs of a group that is facing multiple deprivations.

I undertook an exploratory case study to yield a comprehensive picture of the situation primarily from the point of view of the current learners and graduates supplemented by tutors and management staff. The study has generated useful field-based information and knowledge on how the learners are recruited, trained, assessed and certified. It has also generated interesting insights about the stakeholders’ perception of the 10

value, image and importance of TVET. It may contribute to a better understanding of how TVET operates amidst the wider education and economic realities.

1.4 Methodology A qualitative case study methodology befits the purpose of this study. It was chosen because it permits a consistent in-depth examination of a particular phenomenon. As Yin (2009) puts it, case studies are most desirable when how or why questions are being posed. This study of how TVET is developing capabilities to work among youths with incomplete schooling focuses on the experiences and perceptions of learners and graduates in order to make their voices understood and heard. Using a variety of non-structured interviews, the study provides rich insights into the life worlds of the current and past learners of Ubuntu vocational training centre. The study is situated within the interpretive paradigm as articulated in Chapter 4.

1.5 Structure of the Thesis The thesis begins with an introduction which lays the foundation for the subsequent six chapters. Chapter 2 provides the local research context providing background information on Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s socio-economic situation. In the same chapter, an examination of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy, labour force, education system, and the TVET sub-sector is presented.

In Chapter 3, I present the review of relevant literature on issues and trends in TVET particularly in the developing world since the 1960s. In

11

this chapter, relevant conceptual aspects are delineated from three theoretical models: the capability approach, human capital theory and constructivist learning theory.

Chapter 4 is the description of the research design. It highlights the methodological tradition and approach as well as the data types and sources. A description of the methods used to determine and select the population sample and to collect and analyze the evidence is also made in this chapter. In addition, issues of trustworthiness and credibility of the research process as well as study limitations are identified and presented.

Chapter 5 presents the outcome of the fieldwork which I carried out in accordance with a research design which is elaborated in Chapter 4.

This is followed by the discussion of the evidence in Chapter 6. In Chapter 7, I conclude the thesis by stating my observations and recommendations.

1.6 Definition of Key Terms Throughout the thesis, several key terms are used and it is important that their meaning within the context of the entire study is articulated. In this section, I present a brief discussion of these terms in relation to their conventional and professional use before a final comment that delimits their application in the study is made.

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1.6.1 Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) TVET is concerned with the acquisition of knowledge and skills for the world of work (UNESCO, 2009). This education sub-sector has been described variedly over time; and various terms have been used to describe wholly or some of its elements. These include: Skills Development (SD), Technical and Vocational and Skills Development (TVSD), Vocational Education and Training (VET), Career and Technical Education (CTE) (UNESCO, 2009; King, 2007; Gamble, 2003). During the 1999 Second International Conference on Technical and Vocational Education and Training, it was agreed to adopt the term ‘Technical and Vocational Education and Training’ to describe the combined process of education and training and recognize the common objective of employment as their immediate goal” (UNESCO, 2002, p.16).

In this study, I consider TVET as organized education and training provision which is designed to help learners develop the required knowledge, skills, attitudes and abilities for entering the world of work upon completion of the scheduled content. Specifically, the focus is on institution-based

TVET

delivery

for

developing

occupational

competence of youths with incomplete post-primary schooling.

1.6.2 Capabilities In the main research question, the term ‘capabilities’ is used within its traditional sense to connote abilities derived from taking part in education and training processes.

13

Capable people have confidence in their ability to (i) take effective and appropriate action, (ii) explain what they are about, (iii) live and work effectively with others, and (iv) continue to learn from their experiences, both as individuals and in association with others, in a diverse and changing society (Stephenson, 1992 cited in Tight, 1996, p.116).

Capability, according to Stephenson (1998), is having justified confidence in your ability to “take appropriate and effective action; communicate effectively; collaborate with others, and learn from their experiences within familiar and unfamiliar circumstance” (p.3).

I

intend to operate within an understanding of capability as a combination of knowledge, attitudes, skills and abilities which TVET graduates ought to possess so as to secure and retain work whether waged work or self employment, within their local and national socio-economic context.

It is important to distinguish the uses of the term by Capability Approach scholars as articulated in Chapter 2 and its application by educationists to denote a composite attainment and utilization of knowledge, skills and abilities.

1.6.3 Work Individuals, given their unique economic and social systems, define work differently. While its importance is relatively clear, work is not by any means a precisely delimited entity (Weiss & Kahn, 1960).

According to Braude (cited in England and Harpaz 1990), “work is simply the way in which a person earns a living” (p.255).

14

In developed economies wage, salary or contractual take-home-pay constitutes only a part of the criterion for good work or employment.

For instance, a good employment relationship is increasingly becoming an integral element of decent work (Lowe & Schellenberg, 2001).

According to Kincheloe (cited in Adams (2002) “good work means more than simply attainment of a job” (p.200). It is widely believed that good or decent work can contribute effectively to solving the problems of unemployment and reducing poverty; and ensuring equitable and sustainable development (International Labour Office, 2007).

In the poor economies of many developing countries, ensuring access to decent work in its broad sense is yet to be realized. People work hard in a variety of occupations most especially in the informal sector. The definition of work as “the various ways in which human beings attain their livelihoods” is of relevance in the context of the situation in Uganda (Miller cited in England & Harpaz, 1990, p.255). Therefore, it makes sense for one to consider as work, any trade, occupation or others means of livelihood that individuals engage in. I will therefore consider as work any undertaking by the TVET graduates that involves the use of acquired knowledge, skills, attitudes and abilities as a means of attaining well-being.

1.6.4 Adult Learners The known physiological and legal considerations in defining the term ‘adult’ notwithstanding, I intend to confine myself to the basic

15

characteristics that society and educators ascribe to persons that are assumed to be adults (Gravett, 2005; Tight, 1996). As articulated by Gravett (2005), the status of an adult is generally ascribed to persons based on the extent to which they fulfil the social role that is typically assigned to them as adults in a society; and the extent to which they assume responsibility for their own lives and livelihoods.

Once they enter into a learning activity, adults assume an additional responsibility as learners; and the adult learning branch of education has over time postulated a number of characteristics that distinguish them from child learners. As individuals, it is widely recognized that, adults: • have a wealth of life experience; • might have challenges related to memory, learning speed, visual and auditory abilities; • are goal-oriented and voluntary learners; • have

diverse

social

and

economic

backgrounds

including

reproductive and community roles and responsibilities; and that • their quest for learning is often impeded by situational, institutional and dispositional barriers (The West Virginia Adult Basic Education Progamme, 2007; Myers and Broucker, 2006).

According to the 1976 UNESCO recommendation on the development of adult education, an adult is any person who is regarded as such by the society to which he/she belongs (UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, 2009). This means that the definition of an adult is context-

16

bound. In the context of this study, young adults are understood to be persons whose age range is between 15 and 30 years who, due to varied circumstances, were not able to complete their schooling cycle.

1.6.5 Post-Primary Schooling In the context of this thesis, post-primary schooling refers to the immediate next phase of schooling after the initial 7 seven years of primary education. In Uganda, this means four years of study from Senior one to Senior four, a phase that I refer to as lower-secondary education in this thesis. Eligible entrants to lower secondary education must have passed and obtained a Primary School Leaving Certificate (PLE). Therefore the phrase ‘incomplete post-primary schooling’ in the research problem statement, describes a situation whereby the young adults completed seven years of primary schooling but could not proceed to lower secondary education due to various reasons. It is also a description of a situation where a primary school leaver succeeds in joining lower secondary education but fails to complete the cycle so as to continue with upper secondary education.

Therefore, this phrase ‘post-primary schooling’ in this context is not synonymous with post-primary education and training (PPET). PPET is inclusive of all learning opportunities for young people and it is more than just secondary schooling (Hoppers, 2008; Working Group for International Cooperation in Skills Development, 2008).

17

1.7 Conclusion This chapter lays the foundation for the thesis. I have introduced the research problem, the research objectives and key questions that guided the entire research process including the analysis and discussion of the findings. I have also provided the justification for the study pointing out a number of educational, economic and methodological considerations. The brief description of the methodology and the reason why I consider it to be the most suitable has been made. While I have presented the definitions, the study delimitation is provided under the section for unit of analysis in chapter four.

18

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction In the preceding chapter, I introduced the broad field of study, outlined the study problem, research questions and the justification. In this chapter, the theoretical dimensions identified through a review of related literature are presented. The review draws upon established theories and scholarly work of informed experts as well as empirical studies to build a frame of reference for the study and situate it in the general discourse of education, work and well-being. This chapter is organized under two main sections namely: key theories, and trends and issues in TVET.

2.2 Key Theories The case study draws relevant conceptual aspects from three established theories namely human capital theory, the capability approach and constructivist learning theory. Human capital theory and the capability approach are relevant because they closely link education, capabilities, work and well-being (Lanzi, 2007; Robeyns, 2005a; Sen, 1997; Becker; 1964). While acknowledging the current debate that often contrasts human capital theory and the capability approach, I justify my choice in this section. Constructivist learning theory is my frame of reference for the teaching and learning process since neither human capital theory nor the capability approach seem to adequately address the curriculum and pedagogical issues.

19

The case study is underpinned by three key assumptions: • TVET has the potential to connect youths to the world of work through developing their capabilities; • Capabilities to work are crucial for tackling youth unemployment and poverty; and; • In spite of the above, pathways to quality technical, vocational and skills development for youths with incomplete schooling in Uganda are limited and imprecise. A theoretical framework built largely on concepts drawn from the three established theories is useful in understanding the inconsistencies and tensions in education and development policy and practice that marginalize or give privilege to certain sections of society.

2.2.1 Human Capital Theory Human capital is inclusive of skills, knowledge and all capabilities that human beings acquire and use productively for economic development (Becker, 1992; Becker, 1964). Inherent within this understanding is the comparability of human beings as resources which like other factors of production, as Stevens (1999) puts it, “are capable of generating income” (p.17).

Justifiable human capital expenditures are those

services and activities that, as Becker puts it, “primarily affect future wellbeing and income by increasing resources in people” (1964, p.1).

He calls them ‘investments in human capital’ clearly differentiating them from those activities or expenditures geared toward immediate gratification.

20

Propounded in the early 1960s largely through the scholarly work of Schultz (1962) and Becker (1964), human capital theory is basically about the economic value of the resources: knowledge, skills, competencies and other attributes, which are embodied in people (Psacharopoulos, 2006; Messinis & Ahmed, 2008). Human capital theory suggests that ‘individuals and society derive economic benefits from investments in people’ (Sweetland, 1996, p.341). The basic proposition of human capital theory is the recognition of people as the most important resource for any country’s economic development.

Schultz cited by Bouchard (1998) was succinct when he postulated that the key to economic growth lay in the quality of the population that comprised the economic unit. According to Becker (1964) the main motivating factor for recognition of human resources has probably been the realization that the growth of physical capital, at least as conventionally measured, explains a relatively small part of the growth of income in most countries.

Rejecting the 1960s’ doomsday

predictions of diminishing natural resources and the eventual precarious world, Schultz insisted that human beings themselves represent the greatest potential for economic prosperity (Bouchard, 1998). According to Bouchard (1998), Schultz maintains that investment in people and in their education and training largely determines the future prospects of mankind.

21

Human Capital and Education Sweetland argues that “while human capital research has not been limited to education, it usually includes empirical measures of education and produces results that affect educators and education policy” (1996, p.341).

The outcomes of an evaluative study of the World Bank-

sponsored attempts to diversify secondary education with vocational curricula in Colombia and Tanzania (McGrath, 1995), which are discussed elsewhere in this thesis, are clear examples to support Sweetland’s assertion. Human capital economists distinguish among several types and means of education to facilitate empirical analysis (Becker, 1964). Sweetland delineates the following: formalized education from primary to higher levels; informal education at home and at work; on-the-job training and apprenticeships; and specialized vocational education at secondary and higher levels (1996, p. 341).

The human capital approach considers how the productivity of people is influenced and changed by investments in their education and training (Becker, 1992; Becker, 1964). It focuses on the instrumental and economic importance of education for employability and economic growth (Hiekkila, 2008). Becker cited by Xialo (2002) suggests that education increases the productivity of workers by developing useful knowledge and skills, thus raising workers’ future income by increasing their lifetime earnings. The theory “considers education relevant in so far as it creates skills and helps to acquire knowledge that serves as an investment in the productivity of the human being as an economic production factor, that is, as a worker” (Robeyns, 2006, p.4).

22

Bouchard (1998) contemplates that the general acceptance of the power of education and training; and its link with economic performance of nations is increasingly propelling interest in human capital theory. This rather contestable view is premised on the apparent consensus amongst educational economists that educated and skilled people have a higher ultimate contribution to productivity and national economy.

Related to the above is the commonly held view among some human capital theorists that investment in education mirrors the nation’s distribution of earnings and income opportunities. Mincer, cited by Sweetland (1996), for instance, maintains that “training and skill – human capital – importantly affected personal income dispersions” (p.345). Becker argues that, Inequality in the distribution of earnings and income is generally related to inequality in education and other training…and that unemployment tends to be strongly related, usually inversely, to education (1964, p.2).

Alluding to research on investment in human capital in the 1960s, Becker (1964) argued that there was evidence that more highly educated and skilled persons almost always tend to earn more than others especially in developed countries.

Becker’s view which implies that education increases the chances for upward job mobility and versatility in the labour market is characteristic of the general human capital theoretical assumptions regarding the

23

relationship between productivity and earnings as education outcomes (Sweetland, 1996). There are tendencies to speculate that higher earnings reflect the workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; level of training and possessed capabilities (Xialo, 2002). However, it is worth acknowledging the difficulty to predict and guarantee increased job earnings â&#x20AC;&#x201C; salaries or wages- on the basis of increased knowledge, skills and abilities.

Indeed there are quite number of unresolved debates within and outside the human capital field of inquiry. For instance, the assumption that education and training raise the productivity of workers is problematised by questions related to which specific type of education is potentially more effective in creating and enhancing human capital (Xialo, 2002; Sweetland, 1996). The capability approach takes this head on by articulating the several other determinants that either constrain or engender peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s freedoms and choices (Sen, 1999). I will often return to this debate elsewhere in this thesis.

Beyond the internal theoretical arguments, the application of human capital theory in education policy planning is characteristic of occasional tensions particularly caused by changes in the economy.

Generally when the economy is able to provide jobs for skilled workers, human capital theory is considered to be a powerful rationale that favours increased investment in education. However, as Sweetland (1996) puts it, when the economy becomes too weak to offer jobs the theory is severely criticized. This issue is explored a little further under the following subsection.

24

Limitations of Human Capital Theory While I recognize the theory’s applicability to the study, it is important to acknowledge and point out some of its limitations particularly in the context of the study. Let me deal with two which I consider to have a direct implication for my study. First, the qualitative benefits of investment in education are acknowledged but have largely been neglected by human capital empirical studies (Sweetland, 1996, Becker, 1964). Woodland cited by Sweetland (1996) attempts to provide an explanation for the practice by stating that while “qualitative benefits may represent the most important contributions made by education, each is difficult to measure quantitatively” (p.342).

Woodland’s

observation

provides

clues

about

the

theoretical

underpinnings of the preoccupation with quantitative economic outcomes of education. Becker (1964) maintains that “the most important single determinant of the amount invested in human capital may well be its profitability or rate of return” (p.37). Profitability or return to investment in education is measured by the part of monetary earnings attributable to education.

Economic considerations are the basis of numerous ‘rate of return’ studies on education in general and TVET in particular.

This

orientation has made a far-reaching impact on public policy planning and overall decision making on matters of investment in education at national and international levels (UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, 2009). In the section on issues and trends in TVET in this 25

chapter, I mention the influence of the findings of TVET rate of return studies in the 1970s and 80s on the subsequent development policy of the World Bank and other bilateral and multilateral agencies (Psacharopoulos, 2006; Middleton & Ziderman, 1997).

The second weakness can be defined as the failure of human capital theory to offer a comprehensive framework to understand the education-job gap (Livingstone, 1998). Education-job gap is a convenient phrase to explain the mismatch between the skilled manpower supply and the labour demand. The theory is being criticized for its deficiency

in conceptualizing and evaluating inequality; and

the social contexts which influence the utilization of attained education capabilities to improve well-being (Robeyns, 2005a; Unterhalter, 2001).

In many countries school enrolment rates have continued to increase while average incomes have stagnated, unemployment rates have worsened and underemployment of schooled people has been reported to be on the increase (Livingstone, 1998). The theoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inadequacy in explaining the phenomenon of the growing gap between education attainment and work availability triggers an acknowledgement of its failure to capture other important conditions and factors of economic development. It further strengthens the assertion that â&#x20AC;&#x153;human capital is a necessary prerequisite but cannot by itself alone lead to economic developmentâ&#x20AC;? (Oketch, 2006, p.554).

26

Levin and Kelly cited by Xialo (2002) argue that education can improve productivity only if complementary inputs exist. While education and training increases chances of obtaining work as well as levels of employability, education itself does not create jobs (Bouchard, 1998).

Livingstone (1998) arguably maintains that it is important to note that ‘it is not improved learning practices but economic reforms that hold the solution to the education-jobs gap’ (p. 12). Of course, Livingstone’s viewpoint in this context is highly contestable as the discussion in relation to the capability approach clearly puts in doubt the notion of social solutions lying in a single sector.

Conclusion Since the 1960s the human capital investment paradigm has received worldwide recognition and is exerting significant influence on education policy choices. It is implicit in Uganda’s public policy planning and poverty eradication frameworks (National Planning Authority, 2010; Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004). This phenomenon is not peculiar to Uganda, it is a general trend across many developing countries where western paradigms, fertilized through the policies and actions of bilateral and multilateral agencies, are influential in shaping economic development as well as education systems (Unterhalter, Vaughan & Walker, 2007; Lanzi, 2007; Watson, 1994).

True, its apparent neglect of the intrinsic value and social benefits of education, in addition to its failure to account for the ever-widening gap 27

between investment in education and economic rewards, is a genuine source of concern. However, down-playing the strong motivation to invest in education for economic benefit is to circumvent the reality particularly when one considers the place of TVET in poverty eradication and economic growth. Articulating the applicability of the theory, in the article ‘Human capital theory and UK vocational training policy’, Stevens states that: Compared with other forms of investment in human capital, the benefits from vocational education and training are more obviously ‘economic’; they consist mainly of productive skills which are traded in labour markets Perhaps for this reason, the concept of human capital has most often been applied, theoretically and empirically, to vocational training (1999, p.17).

2.2.2 The Capability Approach Catapulted by its implicit presence as the bedrock of values and principles in the first ever United Nations Human Development Report in 1990, the capability approach has received world-wide acclaim from theorists, mainly those within the human development paradigm (Robeyns, 2005a; Fukuda-Parr, 2003; Gasper, 2002; Unterhalter, 2001).

Amartya Sen is the most prominent scholar of the capability approach whose focus on the well-being of people and their entitlements signals his critical disposition towards

traditional development economics

(Sen, 1999; Sen, 1994). The prominent expression ‘expanding choices’ which is embedded in the Human Development Reports is clearly attributable to Sen’s philosophy of development (Sen, 1999; FukudaParr, 2003).

28

The capability approach emerged in response to the dominant emphasis on economic growth, measured by the Gross National Product which is considered to be a narrower view of peoples’ quality of life (Nussbaum, 2003; Shiva, 1994). It is a commonly held view that the capability approach grew as a critique to the mainstream welfare economics and utilitarian approaches to measuring well-being in terms of per capita income, aggregated benefits and total supply of goods rather than entitlements of people and the capabilities these entitlements generate (Saito, 2003; Sen, 1999). Sen (1994) maintains that “ultimately the process of economic development has to be concerned with what people can or cannot do” (p.220).

Within the capability approach there are two central concepts namely functionings and capabilities. Functionings ‘reflect the various things a person may value doing or being’ (Sen, 1999, p.75). Functionings represent multiple diverse aspects of life that people value (Alkire, 2005). Robeyns (2005a) observes that ‘doings and beings together constitute what makes life valuable’ (p.95). They are the things we may succeed in doing or being. They can be viewed as achievements or outcomes and are more directly related to living conditions (Saito, 2003). According to Sen (1999, p.75), “valued functionings may vary from elementary ones – such as being adequately nourished or being free from avoidable diseases – to very complex activities or personal states such as being part of a community and having respect”.

Capabilities comprise what a person is able to do or be. They refer to a person’s real or substantive freedom to achieve such functionings as 29

those mentioned above (Sen, 1999). Put differently, capabilities are the real opportunities that an individual may possess to be able to achieve the cherished outcomes. According to Sen (1999) the notion of capability is essentially one of freedoms. These include for example “freedom from illiteracy and innumeracy” (Sen, 2003, p.30)

The distinction between functionings and capabilities is not very explicit, and the literature seems not to dwell much on it. Robeyns (2005a), however, makes an attempt to demonstrate how the two differ.

She observes that the “distinction between achieved functionings and capabilities is between realized and the effectively possible” (Robeyns, 2005, p.95). It is a question of what has been achieved on the one hand and the available opportunities or freedoms from which one can choose, on the other.

The capability approach has received enormous attention and scrutiny

by Martha Nussbaum, the most outstanding contributor to Sen’s work (Robeyns, 2005a). Nussbaum is said to pay a clearer attention and consideration of knowledge and skills, derived from learning and training, as integral elements of capabilities (Gasper, 2002). In an apparent display of ideological disagreement with Sen, Nussbaum (2003) argues for the critical need to “specify a definite set of capabilities” to protect (p.33).

She argues that her central human

capabilities “are a necessity for every citizen, as minimum requirements for the conditions that enable a life worthy of human dignity” (Nussbaum cited in Maddox, 2008, p.201).

30

Nussbaum insists on a minimum list of human capabilities that should serve as a threshold of well-being (Robeyns, 2005b). She lists ten central human capabilities –“life; bodily health; bodily integrity; senses, imagination, and thought; emotions; practical reason; affiliation; other species – being able to live with concern for and in relation to animals, plants, and the world of nature; play; and control over one’s environment” (Nussbaum, 2003, p.42). This list touches on fundamental issues of development and social justice (see Appendix 1 for details).

However, Sen has always refused to endorse the idea of a fixed list of capabilities (Robeyns, 2005b). He says that the problem is not with listing but “insisting on one predetermined canonical list emanating from pure theory is to deny the possibility of fruitful public participation” (Sen, 2004, p.77).

Sen contends that it would be a

mistake to attempt building an absolutely complete list of capabilities.

He stresses that public discussion and reasoning can lead to a better understanding of the value and role of the specific capabilities as is the case with the human development index (Robeyns, 2005b; Fukuda-Parr, 2003). The intellectual conversation regarding the list of capabilities continues, but the core principles of the approach are intact and are only being enriched.

The capability approach provides a general normative framework for thinking about human development (Robeyns, 2005a). The approach “has in the past twenty years become an increasingly popular and influential approach to issues in global justice” (Berges, 2007, p.16).

31

The capability approach can, as observed by Robeyns (2005a), “be used to evaluate several aspects of people’s well-being, such as inequality, poverty, the well-being of an individual or the average well being of members of a group” (p.94). Immersed in the values of social justice, at its core lies the basic thesis that human capabilities and freedom provide the basis for thinking about the goals of development (Sen, 1999; Unterhalter, 2003; Berges, 2007). Sen (1999) maintains that assessment of development has to be informed by the notions of substantive freedoms.

As further clarified by Robeyns (2005b) Sen argues that “our evaluations and policies should focus on what people are able to do and be, on the quality of their life, and on removing obstacles in their lives so that they have more freedom to live the kind of life that, upon reflection, they have reason to value” (p.94). It is widely acknowledged by numerous scholars who subscribe to the capability approach that the approach requires an intensive inquiry to uncover whether the conditions and circumstances in which “economic production and social interactions take place are enabling and just” (Robeyns, 2005a, p.99)

The Capability Approach and Education One of the outstanding contributions that the capability approach has made is “to illuminate the concept that education involves both intrinsic and instrumental values” (Saito 2003, p.24). There is general understanding among capability approach theorists that education and its benefits are far larger than the confines ascribed by human capital 32

theory which narrows its contribution to a limited range of benefits mainly increased production and income generation (Unterhalter, Vaughan & Walker, 2007; Lanz, 2007; Sweetland, 1996). The capabilities approach to education acknowledges that education is intrinsically valuable as an end in itself (Otto & Ziegler, 2008).

The approach sees education as more strongly connected with human freedom – education benefits and results are viewed as multidimensional, not value-free, and are measured by substantial achievements in freedom (Lanz, 2007, p.426).

The capability approach views education as an empowerment process in which not only job-oriented, but also life-oriented skills are provided (Lanzi, 2007). As articulated by Berges (2007), capability theoretical orientation is that, “provided with the right educational and material support, human beings can become fully capable of the major human functions” (p.22). Generally, education is recognized as an integral element of the freedoms to achieve and the capabilities to function.

In his contributions to a UNESCO-organized round table on the occasion of International Literacy Day in 2002, Sen stressed the view that education or literacy is one of the fundamental instruments of freedom. Sen (2003) suggests a number of “routes through which education can help to make the lives of precarious people more secure, more safe and more fulfilled” (p.22). Maddox (2008) provides an abridged version of these routes: i)

the reduction of illiteracy and innumeracy as deprivation and “forms of insecurity in themselves”; 33

ii)

improving access to “jobs and gainful employment” (individual benefits and those of the wider economy);

iii)

peoples’ ability to “understand and invoke their legal rights”’;

iv)

increasing

people’s

opportunity

for

“political

voice

participation”; v)

improvement in women’s well-being (including benefits to women such as access to employment, and participation in decisions within and outside family and to their family in terms of

“reduced fertility rates and reduced mortality rates of

children”); vi)

the impact of education and literacy on identity formation, its potential to influence conflict and the conditions of peace and security. (Sen cited in Maddox, 2008, p.189)

It is worth noting that literacy and education in general is included with Nussbaum’s central human capabilities under ‘Senses, Imagination and Thought’ which entails the ability “to use the senses to imagine, think, and reason – and to do these things in a truly human way, a way informed and cultivated by adequate education…”(p.76).

Overall, the capability approach theorists contend that education should be for enlarging human capabilities. Sen (1997) says that “we must go beyond the notion of human capital after acknowledging its relevance and reach” (p.1960). This presupposes an enabling environment for promoting social justice in education.

It partly means devising

appropriate curricula with built-in values of equity and equality to 34

enable individuals to live and work and function as equal democratic citizens (Otto & Ziggler, 2008). However, it also means looking at the entire social system to strategically locate the place of education.

The social contexts that often rob education of its potential to contribute to fully functioning beings are also within the consideration of the capability approach theorists (Robeyns, 2005a). The opportunities to attain well-being are not simply determined by individual skills or abilities (Lanzi 2007). Public policies, economic entitlements, informal household rules and civic institutions and organisations also shape real opportunities (Robeyns, 2005a; Sen, 1999). Lanzi (2007) illustrates a probable scenario where attained education capabilities may not necessarily be converted into cherished functionings: For instance, a well-trained and skilled professional could achieve low job satisfaction or weak control over his/her work if context conditions (political, economic or social) do not allow him/her to get an adequate job market position, or make it impossible for him / her to balance work-life activities (p.427).

It is also recognized that the education process may either diminish or enhance

capabilities

Unterhalter, 2001).

(Unterhalter,

Vaughan

&

Walker,

2007;

Unterhalter (2003) observes that â&#x20AC;&#x153;peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

achievements of educational capabilities are affected by internal inequalities within schoolsâ&#x20AC;? (p.8).

Cognizant of the above mentioned potential and limitations of education in ensuring substantive freedoms, the capability approach supporters assert that it is useful in education evaluation particularly in resolving 35

the contested issues to do with the purpose of education as well as the rationale for its equalization (Unterhalter, Vaughan & Walker, 2007). It is strongly believed that the capability approach therefore offers a robust framework incorporating notions of social justice; in thinking about education in very different and unequal social settings (Robeyns, 2005a; Unterhalter, 2003).

Maddox (2008) is not the only one who claims that the capability approach is indeed useful in examining the conditions outside education – the “opportunities and constraints that result from people’s social context” (p.192).

Unterhalter et al (2007) argue that mainstream

approaches to education evaluation are deficient of mechanisms to expose the inequalities within education processes and settings.

Limitations of the capability approach Several writers and scholars including Nussbaum make statements of apparent doubt about the practicality of some of the tenets of Sen’s capability approach which seem to be rather theoretical or hypothetical (Maddox, 2008; Nussbaum, 2003; Saito, 2000). While the approach’s relevance to education is widely acknowledged, there are concerns over its applicability (Robeyns, 2005a; Unterhalter, 2001).

In 2003, Saito implied that unless the rich education implications of the capability approach receive serious attention from educationists, the “crucial interrelationship and interaction between the two” might not prosper (p.29). Robeyns (2005a) cautions that “the capability approach 36

is not a panacea for research on development, poverty, justice, and social policies, but can provide an important framework for such analysesâ&#x20AC;? (p.111).

Conclusion In general terms, the capability approach is an alternative framework for the evaluation and assessment of human well-being. It emerged in opposition to the mainstream approaches of measuring development in terms of economic growth which is considered to be a very inadequate indicator of peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s well-being because it does not indicate how the deprived are doing (Nussbaum, 2003). Sen (1999) maintains that capabilities should provide the basis for thinking about the goal of development.

The capability approach is considered to be an adequate normative framework in evaluating the purpose of education, its equality dimensions and contribution to the enlargement of freedoms and choices for human well being.

The most relevant aspects of the capability approach in relation to my study are located within the concepts of functionings and capabilities.

The centrality of TVET in expanding capabilities or opportunities for enhancing functionings or achievements such as working cannot be overemphasized. The other aspect is social context which is an assortment of opportunities and constraints that may engender or stifle the development and use of human capital to improve well-being.

37

2.2.3 Constructivism In a study that is partly concerned with teaching/learning, it is imperative that an appropriate lens is constructed to frame the discussion and analysis of issues related to the following pertinent questions: (i) who are the learners? (ii) what do they learn? (iii) how do they learn and are helped to learn? and (iv) what motivates them to learn? In this part of the theoretical framework, I point out the key characteristics of constructivism; the prominent concepts that underlie its claims, as well as its implication for learning as articulated by informed scholars and experts in the discipline of education.

I intend to largely employ pertinent concepts from social constructivism particularly those which may be applicable to the practice of adult learning in the study context. However, as indicated elsewhere in this thesis, the choice of social constructivism is in no way to pronounce its supremacy over other major education theories but to acknowledge the paradigm shift from education/teaching to learning (Wittrock, 2010; UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, 2009; Griffin, 1999).

The search for a better understanding of the nature of human learning and the conditions that best promote it has seen constructivism as one of the most influential learning perspectives during the last two decades of the 20th Century (Applefield et al, 2001). Gravett clarifies that constructivism is not a lone and distinct theory (2005). According to Applefield et al (2001), constructivism â&#x20AC;&#x153;is an epistemological view of knowledge acquisition, emphasizing knowledge construction rather than 38

knowledge transmission and the recording of information by others” (p.37). It is committed to the general proposition that learning is an active process of constructing rather than acquiring knowledge as claimed by the behaviourist theory of learning (Huang, 2002; Gravett, 2005; Fox, 2001; Woolfolk, 2001; Sutherland, 1998). The collective constructivist opposition to behaviourists rests mainly on the following: • Intake of information from the environment is active and purposeful rather than passive and controlled by stimuli; • Learning involves cognitive processing of information rather than mere stimulus-response association; and • Items of knowledge acquired through learning are sorted, filtered and cross indexed rather than stored in isolation from one another.

(Wray, 2006; Woolfolk, 2001; Fox, 2001).

As Gravett (2005) puts it, the umbrella term – constructivism – signifies a group of related views including “radical constructivism, sociocultural

approaches,

constructivism”

emancipatory

(p.19).

However,

constructivism,

(and)

two

–

variations

social

cognitive

constructivism and social constructivism – are the most outstanding (Woolfolk, 2001). Cognitive constructivism, whose most credited theorist is Jean Piaget, focuses on internal, individual constructions of knowledge (Applefield et al., 2001).

Lev Vgotsky’s social

constructivism views the “origin of knowledge construction as being the social intersection of people” (Applefield et al, 2001, p.38). Despite the multitude of minute differences in regard to how each constructivism variation relates to the practice of education; there is an apparent

39

consensus on how learning takes place. Constructivists are united in the belief that learners develop new knowledge through an active construction process that links new knowledge to prior knowledge (Wray, 2006; Gravett, 2005; Huang, 2002; Fox, 2001).

Social constructivism According to Applefield et al., (2001) “the fundamental nature of social constructivism is collaborative social interaction; and through the cognitive give and take of social interactions, one constructs personal knowledge” (p.38). Social constructivists do not necessarily object to the idea that learning is a function of cognitive processes but they strongly believe that it is also a social process (Gravett, 2005; Woolfolk, 2001).

It is generally acknowledged that the interaction amongst

stakeholders including learners and educators within their socio-cultural context is crucial in enhancing learning outcomes (Huang, 2002). The notion of dialogue as a key instrument for social interaction gives rise to the concept of ‘learning communities’ (Woolfolk, 2001).

These communities focus on helping group members learn, by supporting one another through respectful listening and encouragement. The goal is to engender a spirit and culture of openness, exploration and a shared commitment to learning (Applefield et al, 2001, p.38).

Learning communities cultivate and re-energize active participation and mutual exchanges by way of questioning, explaining, mutual support and feedback. Besides, related learning/teaching strategies such as scaffolding, apprenticeship, tutoring and cooperative learning are

40

considered to be very important elements in contributing to a solid learning partnership within a community of learners, educators and other stakeholders (Applefield et al, 2001).

In addition, Vygotskyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s concept of the zone of proximal development (ZPD) is worth recognizing because of its connection with the view of collaborative problem solving strategies as part of learning communities (Huang, 2002; Applefield et al, 2001). ZPD refers to the range of knowledge and skills that learners are not yet ready to learn on their own but can learn once assistance is provided by a facilitator or a peer (McCaffery, Merrifield & Millican, 2007). According to Applefield et al (2001) learners working in cooperative groups will generally encounter a peer who possesses a slightly higher level of cognitive ability. The key dimensions that define the social constructivistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; view of learning processes are presented in Table 1 which is adapted from Woolfolk (2001).

Constructivism and Teaching/Learning The field and practice of education, more so adult learning, is increasingly taking advantage of the theoretical propositions of constructivist perspectives on knowledge acquisition and skills development. Several scholars have identified a number of implications for the teaching and learning process (Wray, 2006; Gravett, 2005; Applefield et al., 2001). These include:

41

• the creation of a physical and social environment; providing an ample opportunity

for

dialogue and

collaborative learning

exemplified by the concept of ‘learning communities’; • recognition and utilization of learner’s existing knowledge as a basis for facilitating learning and development of new knowledge; • avoidance of fragmented knowledge or piecemeal teaching in favour of helping learners to see how different units of knowledge interrelate. It is claimed that learning proceeds from the natural need to develop a complete understanding and set of skills that are required for accomplishment of a desired task; •

creation and use of meaningful context, which hinges on the concept of situated learning implying a series of conditions among others - negotiation of the curriculum among learners and educator, designing of authentic learning tasks that generate challenge and provokes the learners’ inner cognitive alertness;

• awareness that motivation is both extrinsic and intrinsic; while social factors influence the former, the inner cognitive drive to learn is responsible for the latter

The above and any other insights demand that the educator serves as a mediator between learners’ current ways of thinking and doing and the body of public knowledge (Gravett, 2005). The educator ceases to operate as dispenser of knowledge but as a skilful facilitator (Applefield et al., 2001). The educator is expected to help the learner to use his/her

42

social and cognitive qualities to learn and keep learning even after the structured period of study programme (Roelofs and Terwel, 1999).

Table 1: Social Constructivistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; View of Learning Dimension Interpretation Knowledge

Socially constructed; built on what participants know; and constructed together

Learning

Collaborative construction of socially defined knowledge and values; occurs through socially constructed opportunities

Teaching

Co-construct knowledge with learners

Role of educator

Facilitate, guide, co-participate; co-construct different interpretation of knowledge, listen to socially constructed conceptions

Role of peers

Ordinary part of the process of knowledge construction

Role of learner

Active co-construction with others and self; active thinker, explainer, interpreter, questioner and active social participator

While the constructivist learning perspectives pose significant pedagogical challenges, too often misconceptions stifle the initiative and innovativeness to apply some pertinent concepts to improving learning processes and outcomes. Applefield et al. (2001) delineate some of these misconceptions. There is a mistaken belief that constructivist-based teaching is not structured, implying that the process is not focused, and driven by unclear goals. Some practitioners may resort to unguided interactions thus neglecting their critical facilitating role with a false assumption that as long as learners are involved in some exchange of experiences and ideas, learning will certainly occur.

43

Indeed, as pointed out by many scholars, constructivist-based learning is ideally focused, purposeful, flexible but reasonably structured; and it demands a high level of competence and excellent personality qualities on the part of the educator (Applefield et al., 2001). As observed by Fox (2001), learners deserve a high degree of autonomy to direct their learning but often need guidance and closer support of a skilful facilitator.

Learners do need to interact, to have dialogue, to solve problems and to make sense of new ideas; but they also often find it difficult to see why they should make the effort, fail to pay attention, misconstrue new concepts, forget what they learned ten minutes ago and fail to apply fragile new knowledge effectively to new contexts (Fox, 2001, p.33).

I will use Fox’s viewpoints as a precursor for making a brief comment on

the

‘eclectic’

nature

of

what

one

may

consider

good

teaching/learning practice. The real teaching/learning practice calls for a careful mix of concepts and ideas which often result in a complementary

package

constructed

from

behaviourism

and

constructivism theoretical traditions. TVET is one such education practice that reflects a high degree of eclecticism.

The eclectic nature of TVET pedagogy connotes the deliberate mix of theoretical assumptions from more than one education theory. Indeed, a review of literature reveals that numerous TVET teaching/learning practices are not meticulously fixed to a single education theory. For example, the hyped competence-based approach to TVET which is promoted as part of reform efforts in Uganda and elsewhere illustrates 44

the hybrid nature of TVET teaching/learning practice (Weigel et al., 2007; Kyobe & Rugumayo, 2005; Williams & Raggatt, 1998).

Conclusion Overall, as Applefield et al., (2001) contend, “constructivist perspectives on learning have become increasingly influential in the past twenty years and can be said to represent a paradigm shift in the epistemology of knowledge and theory of learning” (2001, p.43). The central claim of constructivism is that knowledge is acquired through a process of active construction rather than knowledge transmission and recording of information conveyed by others as is often the case with behaviourist approaches. It makes sense to sound a word of caution that educators ought not to out rightly negate behaviourist perspectives on learning because quite a number of relevant notions do often enrich constructivist-based teaching/learning practices.

Within the constructivist paradigm lie a range of variations with some, as Philips (1995) puts it, focusing their attention on the cognitive contents of the minds of individual learners, others emphasizing public or social knowledge, while those inclined to Vygotsky’s variant place greater emphasis on social factors. I deliberately chose Vygotsky’s social constructivism variant for this study. I draw relevant concepts and ideas that relate to the generally agreed principles of organizing and conducting learning experiences for persons who are defined as adults (Merriam, 2001; Jarvis, 1995; Knowles, 1980, UNESCO, 1976). As stated elsewhere in this thesis, my study is primarily concerned with the 45

experiences and perceptions of youths in relation to the education and training at Ubuntu and its influence on their ability to obtain work.

2.3 Trends and Issues in TVET The literature review conducted reveals numerous trends and issues mainly pointing to the important questions of access, quality and effectiveness in meeting labour market demands for the socio-economic development of individuals and nations. In this section, an overview of TVET and the Poverty Eradication agenda; a synthesis of developments related to organisation; curriculum design and delivery; image and attractiveness of TVET; and employment prospects for graduates is provided. The literature focuses primarily on the growth and development of TVET in the Third World countries especially those in Africa.

Related literature from elsewhere is primarily used for

complementary purposes.

2.3.1. TVET and Poverty Eradication The TVET and general poverty eradication discourse has continuously been shaped by major development paradigms that influence local and global thinking and action. To set the stage for a better understanding of the contextual factors that impact current policy and practice, I undertake a brief review of the dominant development paradigms as promoted by the West but with far-reaching consequences on the peoplesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; quality of life in the South since the early 1950s. I also make mention of the key actors â&#x20AC;&#x201C; multilateral and bilateral agencies - and the major international declarations that have a direct bearing on the nature and scope of TVET and poverty eradication efforts in Uganda and

46

elsewhere. This overview is pertinent because as Watson (1994) says, the TVET policy and practice in developing countries is largely influenced by western paradigms.

Modernization/Economic Growth Paradigm As indicated in the previous section of this chapter, increased productivity and economic growth has been the main goal of development for over three decades. This view was the dominant philosophy of modernization theory, the bedrock of mainstream development thinking from the 1950s up to the 1980s (Robertson et al., 2007).

Youngman (2000) says that the economic strategy was to

develop a “modern sector based on industrialization and commercial agriculture by mobilizing the underemployed labour in the traditional rural sector” (p.53). The modernization theorists believed that the role of the state in economic development of nations was critical because among others it would ensure that market inefficiencies would be dealt with through regulative frameworks and other interventions (Robertson, et al., 2007)

The expansion of schooling was considered instrumental in building the required human capital to manage the modern economy and ensure rapid economic growth (Youngman, 2000). The acknowledgement of the role of people’s knowledge, skills and competencies in improving productivity brought human capital theory into the limelight (Schultz, 1961; Becker, 1964). Theodore Schultz’s 1960 speech in which he eloquently argued that education is a ‘productive investment’ affords a 47

clear testimony (Youngman, 2000, p.56). It is worth noting that human capital theory remains the “dominant theory that provides the justification for much of the activity of the World Bank in the education sector” (Robertson et al., 2007, p.19).

However, the expected benefits of improved economic growth to trickle down never materialized. The increasing inequality and poverty in the South prompted the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and other agencies to suggest a series of social development interventions in the 1970s. However, as Youngman (2000) puts it, these sentiments only appealed to NGOs and some UN agencies such as United Nations Children’s Fund without a tangible impact on the development policies which were unfolding in the Third World. The failure of the modernization development model to improve peoples’ quality of life attracted fierce critiques from several theorists and other development stakeholders.

One line of critique came from scholars who subscribe to dependency theory.

The dependency theorists “raised the question of the

relationship between national state development and the international capitalist economy” (Robertson et al., 2007, p.19). While modernization theory stressed endogenous conditions that had to be addressed for development to occur, dependency theorists blamed underdevelopment on external factors. They strongly felt that the development trend in the Third World is conditioned by the “domination of the advanced capitalist countries” (Youngman, 2000, p.59). For instance, Frank 48

(1994) maintains that the unending poverty and low levels of productivity in the Third World countries are a product of their historical subordination into the world market by the capitalist mode of production.

On education, the general view promoted by dependency theorists was that meaningful education delivery could take place in the framework of challenging underdevelopment produced by dependency; and tackling social inequalities to promote freedom and justice, thus the notion of emancipatory pedagogy (Young, 2000; Freire, 1996).

Neo-liberal Development Paradigm Neo-liberal theory attributed the poor development performance in the Third World to erroneous public policies (Youngman, 2000). According to Youngman, the 1981 World Bank Report on Development in Africa blamed the too large public sector; over emphasis on physical capital formation to the neglect of human skills; too many economic controls and regulations as Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main challenges. The role of the state in development was highly questioned and often described as â&#x20AC;&#x153;disruptive distortions of free competition in the market placeâ&#x20AC;? (Youngman, 2000, p.67). The beginning of the 1980s saw a huge preference for markets as the mechanism through which production, distribution and consumption of goods and services could be operated (Robertson, et al, 2007).

Youngman observes that the practical conclusion of the neo-liberal perspective was that the Third World had to introduce and pledge 49

adherence to new policies to merit any aid in the form of development financing from mainly the Bretton Woods Institutions - the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This marked the emergence of structural adjustment programmes (SAPs), which according to Robertson et al (2007) are a set of policy prescriptions commonly known as the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Washington Consensusâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (p.37). Since the 1980s, lending was made conditional on prescribed changes in economic policies and it is believed that neo-liberal considerations continue to influence development policy decisions at national and global levels (Youngman, 2000; Robertson et al., 2007)

The overall aim of SAPs was to liberalize capital flows and trade worldwide and to strengthen reliance on market mechanisms (Cornia & Helleneiner, 1994). Third World governments were compelled to reduce public spending and generally roll back the role of the state in national development and delivery of social services such as health and education. The reduced role of the state was supposed to pave the way for a dominant presence of the private sector on the education and training scene (Robertson et al., 2007). The 1991 World Bank Policy Paper on Vocational and Technical Education and Training which is discussed elsewhere in this thesis is a clear demonstration of the neoliberal interest to endorse private sector-led development including skills training in the Third World.

The SAPs are said to have resulted in negative consequences that further undermined the quality of life in the Third World. For instance, 50

the reduction in government spending on all levels of education led to a decline in school enrolments and learning outcomes (Youngman, 2000).

By the late 1980s, the World Bank and IMF were already being criticized and held responsible for the increasing uneven development and social inequalities. It was argued that structural adjustment polices were stifling the capacity of poor countries to cater for basic social needs of the most vulnerable sections of society (Robertson et al., 2007).

This critique, as Youngman (2000) says, originated from different perspectives but converged in a call for a paradigm shift to benefit the poor. Opposition to SAPs, according to Robertson et al (2007) did not only come from the poor but also from the “middle classes and from NGOs and human rights organisations in both the North and South” (p.57). The World Bank/IMF and other international financial institutions were placed under considerable pressure to address the outcomes of structural adjustment programmes (Robertson, et al., 2007).

Human Development and Poverty Reduction Agenda In response to criticisms over the inhuman consequences of the SAPs, a seemingly new development model was conceived. The creation of the so-called “safety nets for the poor” (King and Palmer, 2007a) was one of the strategies to address the inadequacies of the neo-liberal development architecture.

However, as Robertson et al (2007)

observes, “the overall logic of SAPs remained largely unchanged” 51

(p.57). Neo-liberal ideals are implicit in the majority of Third World national development approaches. For instance, Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s National Development Plan (NDP) hinges on a quasi-market environment around three strategies (i) private sector to remain the engine of economic growth and development; (ii) state to play a facilitating role and to encourage public-private partnerships (iii) vigorous pursuance of trade policies to encourage foreign investments and exports (National Planning Authority, 2010)

Generally, however, the 1990s saw a turn to social dimensions of development. Literature reveals that there was an ideological compromise between the major multilateral agencies involved in development, which made it possible for the poverty reduction agenda to rise (Robertson et al., 2007). The main actors in the compromise strategy included on the one hand the UN agencies, especially UNESCO, ILO and UNDP, and on the other hand, the World Bank and IMF. The paradigm change to poverty reduction and human development gained momentum around the 1990s, and by the beginning of the new millennium, the general development terrain was relatively different. The increasing poverty focus at the time is also mirrored by the requirement for governments of poor countries to develop Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) to qualify for financing by the World Bank and its partners (King & Palmer, 2007b; McGrath, 2005; Maintz, 2004). There are numerous international conferences which were conducted around that time, and several related development

52

declarations and documents were made by the international community.

Let me point out the most pertinent in the context of this study.

Among the several UN conferences of the 1990s was the Jomtien Education for All (EFA) World Conference which re-articulated the place of education as a fundamental human right. Ten years later in Dakar, the World Education Forum convened and consolidated the EFA agenda by declaring six EFA goals. Goal number three which is about meeting the learning needs of all young people and adults relates well to this study (see Appendix 2 for a full list of EFA goals). The Human Development Report series has since 1990, shifted the focus from economic growth and per capita income to human development indicators to broaden and capture more evidence about the ordinary peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s quality of life (Robertson, et al., 2007; Fukudda-Parr, 2003; Youngman, 2000).

The World Development Report 2000/2001 further raised the profile of poverty reduction with a key theme â&#x20AC;&#x201C; attacking poverty (World Bank, 2000). In 2000, the Summit of World leaders endorsed and translated the international development targets, which were conceived by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), into the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (King & Palmer, 2007b; Maintz, 2004). MDGs provide an over-arching framework for tackling poverty in its many dimensions (United Nations, 2006). While goal number one is dedicated to eradication of extreme poverty and

53

hunger, goal number two is for ensuring Universal Primary Education (see Appendix 3 for a full list of the eight MDGs).

The Rise, Fall and Rise of TVET Adapted from a DFID practice paper by King and Palmer (2007b), the phrase ‘rise, fall and rise of TVET’ affords a good sum up of the story of the growth and development of the sub-sector since the 1960s to the present, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere in the Third World. In the 1960s, TVET was considered a key development strategy by a cross section of international development agencies (McGrath, 2002). In the 1970s and 80s, concerns over the sub-sector’s ability to meet the stakeholders’ expectations were raised, and conclusions regarding its ineffectiveness were made. From the 1990s, a rethink and revaluation of TVET is unfolding and it is being claimed that economic, social and technological change is pushing the sub-sector back on the international development agenda (UNESCO, 2010; UNESCO/ILO, 2002; King and Palmer, 2007a; 2007b). Let me look at the key milestones in these periods from the early 1960s.

Several indications of the apparent recognition of TVET as not only a key education sub-sector but an instrumental strategy for social and economic development are clearly visible in the literature. In 1954, two specialized agencies of the UN, namely UNESCO and ILO, signed a memorandum of collaboration to engender collaborative efforts for promoting TVET (UNESCO/ILO, 2002). While UNESCO’s concern has always centred on TVET as part of its mandate to promote 54

education and culture for social cohesion, ILO focuses on TVET in relation to its mission to promote employment and welfare of workers (UNESCO/ILO, 2002). One of the common features that characterize the work and mandate of these two agencies is their primary concern for social dimensions of development. This is in contrast with the World Bank’s interest in TVET on the basis of the assumed contribution to economic development (King and Palmer, 2007b; Johanson and Adams, 2004).

It widely acknowledged that since the early 1960s, the World Bank has always influenced its partners and national governments to invest in TVET on the strength of assumed economic benefits. It is claimed, for instance, that from 1963 to 1976 more than half of the World Bankassisted investments in the education systems of developing countries supported vocational education and training (Oketch, 2007; McGrath & King, 1995; Middleton, Ziderman & Adams, 1993). Since the inclusion of education in the World Bank’s portfolio investment, the basic idea is to “expand the base of skilled workers and technicians in developing economies” (Middleton and Ziderman, 1997, p.6). Within this period, the state assumed a dominant role in the provision of skills training (Middleton et al., 1993).

By the mid 1970s, the drive to vocationalise had already gained momentum in many African countries. In 1976, UNESCO organized a conference of African Ministers of Education to consider strategies for re-orienting education systems in Africa to establish close ties between 55

the school and work (Watson, 1994). Developing countries were urged to diversify their secondary school curriculum to include vocational content. Post-secondary education institutions for technicians, as well as training centres managed by ministries of labour to train youth for careers as skilled workers in the industrial, commercial and agricultural sectors, were established (Middleton & Ziderman, 1997).

The late 1970s saw the beginning of different thinking about the place of TVET in the development process. A neo-liberal development model was introduced which, as discussed elsewhere in this thesis, promoted a number of structural adjustment programmes that in effect limited public spending on TVET (King and Palmer, 2007b). According to Middleton & Ziderman (1997) accumulated evidence from World Bank-supported project experience had begun to cast doubts on the validity of the earlier assumptions about the strategic relevance of TVET in economic growth and development processes of developing countries. King and Palmer (2007b) observe that rate of return studies driven by the human capital theoretical orientation, weakened the case for external support for post-primary education and training.

Conclusions based on Fosterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s seminal study of vocational secondary schooling in West Africa in 1965, and the evaluation of diversified secondary school programmes in Colombia and Tanzania in 1985, were used to reject TVETâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s feasibility as a good investment (UNESCO, 2005b; Middleton, Ziderman and Adams, 1993; McGrath, et al., 1995).

56

The declining state of TVET was neither helped directly by the pronouncement of the EFA goals in the 1990s nor the proclamation of the MDGs in 2000. International and national education policy favoured financing of UPE, and largely excluded TVET from mainstream public education policy planning and implementation frameworks (King and Palmer, 2007a). However, there is a general belief that by the 1990s signals of TVET come-back began to emerge. The changing development discourse which included poverty reduction side by side with economic growth is said to be pushing TVET back onto the international development agenda (King, 2007; King and Palmer, 2007a). In numerous research papers and publications by the World Bank and its partners, the strong rhetoric of the connection between TVET and poverty reduction is relatively visible. For instance, in a policy review publication, Johanson and Adams (2004) state that “investing in the productivity and skills of people raises the incomes of economically vulnerable groups, thereby reducing poverty” (p.1).

Besides the general expression of the TVET and poverty relationship, three main considerations which are relevant to my study can be delineated to account for the rejuvenation of the sub-sector. First is the concern for the education, productivity, employability and welfare of the youth (Altman, 2007; International Labour Office, 2006). The World Development Report of 2007 states that the “time has never been better to invest in young people living in developing countries” (World Bank, 2006, p.2). The report argues that for young people to succeed in

57

today’s competitive global economy they must be equipped with advanced skills beyond literacy.

Second is the need to offset the ‘EFA boom’. King and Palmer (2007b) observe that the EFA policy focus of the 1990s on universal primary education (UPE) produced enormous pressures on the still small secondary and vocational systems of many countries. As they observe, there is an increasing interest in TVET among governments in Africa and elsewhere in the Third World to consider what happens after primary education in order to cater for the boom.

Third is the concern to promote social justice in the distribution of education

opportunities.

According

to

UNESCO

(2004)

the

commitment to improving access and equity is crucial to achieving EFA goals. TVET is expected to be an instrument for social cohesion and integration, thus the call for a holistic, integrated, intersectoral approach to education (UNESCO, 2010; Network for Policy Research and Advice on Education and Training (NORRAG), 2007).

Other visible international developments that signal the revamping of TVET from the 1990s include the organisation of a series of high level TVET conferences at regional and global levels; publication of numerous policy documents; and rationalization of institutional arrangements particularly at the international level. Let me point out a few of the most pertinent ones. In 1996, a Working Group for International Cooperation in Skills Development was launched. This 58

informal group brings together bi and multilateral donor agencies and international organisations involved in international assistance to vocational and skills development (NORRAG, 2010). In 1999, UNESCO in cooperation with the Government of the Republic of Korea, organized the Second International Congress on TVET whose main thrust was providing lifelong learning and training for the world of work in the twenty-first century.

In 2000 and 2001 the two UN specialized agencies – UNESCO and ILO issued a joint TVET recommendation for the twenty first century. The recommendation is said to present “internationally acknowledged sound policies and practices of TVET and continuous, lifelong learning and training” (UNESCO/ILO, 2002, p.3).

In 2002, a UNESCO

International Centre for TVET (UNEVOC) was inaugurated in Bonn Germany to, among other functions, identify and promote best TVET practices and innovations around the world (UNESCO-UNESCO International Centre, 2005).

To conclude this section on TVET and Poverty Eradication, I state that since the 1990s, the poverty eradication agenda and TVET are enjoying a comparatively better position within the development discourse. The relationship between the two strengthens both.

2.3.2 Organisation and Management of TVET Systems A review of TVET systems in many developing countries reveals great and varied challenges in the quest to design and manage sound training

59

policies and programmes that match the education and development needs and demands of the economy (Gill et al., 2000; Oxtoby, 1999).

The role of government; the purpose and objectives of the TVET subsector; how it is organized and a host of related issues such as mode of delivery and cost-effectiveness continue to dominate the TVET discourse at national and international levels. These issues have received significant policy attention and some degree of scholarly interest as well as research and evaluative studies, mainly sponsored by international development agencies especially the World Bank and its partners (Middleton & Ziderman, 1997; Middleton, Ziderman & Adams, 1993).

The World Bank-supported policy studies have revealed and shaped the nature and extent of the participation of governments in the provision of TVET (Middleton and Ziderman, 1997). The dominant presence of the state in the delivery of TVET became vivid from the 1960s when public-sector skills training was the principal recipient of World Bank lending to education for over 15 years (Middleton and Ziderman, 1997).

As noted elsewhere in this thesis, it was during this period that TVET was a key element of the development cooperation between the South and development financing institutions from the North (McGrath, 2002). From the 1980s through the 1990s, a neo-liberal development model and the associated SAPs called for the rolling back of the boundaries of the state emphasizing the need to provide an enabling environment (King & Palmer, 2007a; Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002; Middleton et al., 1993).

60

Up to the present, there have been strong voices urging the state to concentrate on what it does best. This may involve formulating and enforcing TVET service delivery policies and ensuring sound economic and employment growth policies so as to absorb the graduates (Johanson and Adams, 2004). The 1991 World Bank policy on TVET is one major milestone that is said to have set the stage for the debate to redefine the role of the state and reclaim the important function of private or autonomous provision of TVET in the Third World (Akoojee, Gewer & McGrath, 2005; Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002). There are concerns that the dominant role of government during the early years of TVET growth in many developing countries stifled the hitherto important position of private and/or non-formal and informal training (Middleton et al., 1993). The general thinking is that public TVET provision in many Third World countries has always been supply driven and is relatively insensitive to the changing labour market and the needs of the increasingly dominant informal sector (McGrath, 2002; Benell, et al., 1999). In general terms, the World Bank-sponsored policy shift of the 1990s sought to make the case for liberalization of the TVET subsector to accord a greater and more significant role to private providers in the Third World. The policy assumption was that private provision was potentially more efficient than public and that training should be left, as far as possible, to the whims of market realities (McGrath, 2005; Bennel, et al., 1999; Middleton et al., 1993).

There are still quite a number of unresolved issues within the debate regarding the exact position and role of the state in TVET provision 61

mainly due to the tensions arising from divergent demands of local economic and education realities on the one hand and the donor policy on the other. For instance, as observed by Bennel et al (1999), while there is apparent agreement as well as commitment that the state should assume primary responsibility for financing and direct provision of general education, there is yet no such minimum consensus in respect to TVET. Further, as confirmed by a joint study (involving three countries with low growth economies in Africa) by the ILO and the World Bank, it is difficult to draw operational boundaries between public and private provision (Gill et al., 2000). Moreover, the call for a strong publicprivate partnership is reported not to have borne tangible results mainly due to the weak nature of the private training sector and less supportive public policies (Johanson and Adams, 2004; Gill et al., 2000). While private provision is clearly visible in many countries of the South, it is widely acknowledged that there are tremendous financial, logistical and institutional challenges that require the complementary role of well regulated state agencies (Middleton et al., 1993; Benell et al., 1999).

The fragmented TVET sub-sector even at the level of public provision is another serious impediment worth acknowledging (Middleton et al., 1993). As Kempmann and Tibitanzl (2007) observe, until recently vocational education and technical skills development in most developing countries was fragmented and lacked substantive policy.

Research results point to some level of mis-coordination and inconsistencies arising out of the fragmented ministries which deal with TVET (McGrath, 2002; Oxtoby, 1997). According to Gill et al â&#x20AC;&#x153;several 62

ministries often manage similar training programmes, leading to duplication of public provision and to the crowding out of private sector supply that would be forthcoming” (p.12).

In Egypt more than eight ministries are involved in the management of vocational and technical schools (Gill et al., 2000). In South Africa, there are concerns of a long standing weakness of institutional cooperation between the Departments of Education and Labour. For example, it was only in 2007 when the Ministry of Education – controlled public vocational colleges offered new qualifications aligned to the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) established way back in 1995. Yet the qualifications are said to be distinct from those offered by the Department of Labour (King, McGrath & Rose, 2007; South African Qualifications Authority, 2000). A comparative study of TVET in seven Southern African countries uncovered similar coordination challenges, weak linkages and inadequate synergy (Akoojee et al., 2005).

Connected to the idea of a fragmented sub-sector is the long standing debate related to the purpose and mission of TVET in the development architecture of developing countries. As already stated, during the 1960s and 70s, TVET expanded in the developing countries with support from the international donor community “because it was seen as providing the technicians and skilled workers needed to stimulate economic growth” (Oxtoby, 1997, p.91). The joint ILO and World Bank study delineated three general objectives of TVET provision: “(i) 63

to help unemployed workers find jobs; (ii) to prepare school leavers to enter the labour market; and (iii) to upgrade the skills of employed workers”. (Gill et al., 2000, p.18). Some investments in TVET are reported to have rather socio-political objectives such as keeping less intelligent learners out of higher education and off the streets and to circumvent potential crowding of the labour market (Psacharopoulos, 1997).

Concerns have been raised over ‘exaggerated expectations’ regarding the benefits of TVET and its potential in achieving a host of social and economic objectives (Gill et al., 2000, p.1). Tackling unemployment, using TVET as a redistributive education concept, as well as a strategy for rapid skill formation for improved productivity and economic growth are some of the multiple and elusive assumptions that attracted the attention of a number of new independent national governments in the South (McGrath, 2005; Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002; Middleton & Ziderman, 1997). It seems current TVET reforms in many countries including Uganda are not free from these exaggerated expectations (Gill et al., 2000). Some quarters hold the view that the tendency to overload TVET delivery with multiple social and economic objectives is in itself a recipe for failure to achieve the desired results (Psacharopoulos, 1997; Middleton, Ziderman & Adams, 1993). Before I turn to some of the suggested alternatives and options to increase TVET’s effectiveness, let me look at the different patterns of delivery.

64

Setting out an explicit typology of TVET models is difficult due to the sub-sector’s complex and varied nature involving a range of public and private providers serving under different education, social and economic realities. In some instances, TVET operates side by side with the mainstream schooling system. However, in most cases TVET “forms a separate system that parallels the general education system, with its own institutions, teachers, (and) programmes” (Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002, p.34). Just like any other form of education, TVET provision takes place through a variety of formal, non-formal and informal arrangements producing graduates of different levels and capabilities (King & Palmer, 2007a). Within the context of this thesis, three broad classifications are considered: school-based vocational education; pre-employment; and in-service or on-the-job vocational education and training. My study is primarily interested in the preemployment TVET.

School-based is often used to signal vocationalised secondary education or vocational schooling. With this model, secondary school curricula are designed to either orient the learners toward the world of work or prepare them with some level of occupational competence to be able to find work once circumstances make it difficult for them to proceed with the next cycle of academic education (Psacharopoulos, 1985; Middleton, Ziderman & Adams, 1993; Leach, 1995). This model which received a favoured position within TVET donor policy with the express technical and financial push by the World Bank in the 1960s and 70s, targets learners who have at least completed 6 to 10 years of 65

elementary academic schooling (Psacharopoulos, 2006; Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002; Middleton and Ziderman, 1997).

Up to the present day, a number of countries continue to push the school-based TVET route though its popularity suffered a set-back on account of its failure to deliver on the expectations of stakeholders. For instance, in 2000, the Swaziland Ministry of Education introduced a vocational education programme based on a modularized curriculum at high school whereby on entering Grade 11 in any gazetted vocational schools, learners may select a vocational specialization (agriculture, commerce/business, home economics and technical studies) along with general education subjects (Mndebele & Dlamini, 2008). In Mauritius, there is a pre-vocational schooling programme which is designed to cater for failures of the mainstream education system (Gewer, 2005).

Gewer (2005) says that â&#x20AC;&#x153;pre-vocational education is offered to those students who have two unsuccessful attemptsâ&#x20AC;? at the certificate of primary education of six years so as to prepare them to enter vocational education or the world of work (p.52).

Pre-employment vocational training is often offered outside the academic schooling arrangement and is largely concerned with preparing learners for the world of work. This model provides for post school leavers who complete the basic general education level and at least four years of secondary education. Learners within this category can enrol in a number of institutions that offer training and accreditation of different levels ranging from certificates and diplomas to degrees 66

(Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002). The providing institutions assume varied labels such as community polytechnics, technical colleges, vocational institutes and national polytechnics (Middleton et al., 1993). Some examples include Further Education and Training (FET) Colleges in South Africa; Polytechnics and Brigades in Botswana; Technical Training Institutes in Kenya; Community Polytechnics and Vocational Training Centres in Uganda (McGrath & Akoojee, 2008; Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008a; Akoojee, 2005; Okech, 1995).

Depending on the level of entry, this model produces artisans and technicians as well as professionals with higher levels of technical and theoretical competence in a variety of sectors such as health, agriculture, tourism, commerce and trade (Middleton et al., 1993). It also provides for those who complete the said schooling levels but without passing the required leaving examinations. Some providing institutions often do not impose stringent minimum entry requirements and this makes it easy for those with incomplete schooling to access training. Ubuntu is an example of such institutions that operate an open enrolment policy. One of the outstanding characteristics of this type of training is that learners often counter a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;dead endâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in terms of furthering their ambitions for accredited upgrading or training (Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002). Short training programmes as well as fully fledged courses are offered mostly by Ministries of Labour and by a host of NGOs and other private providers, employing a mixture of formal and non-formal training methodologies (Akoojee et al., 2005; McGrath, et al., 1995; Middleton et al., 1993).

67

In-service or on-the-job training for workers takes place in or outside the workplace (Gill et al., 2000). Companies and enterprises provide specialized training to upgrade the competence of their employees to improve productivity (Badroodien, 2005). Often the training is not fulltime and a flexible methodology is employed. It takes a variety of forms such as traditional apprenticeship and short induction courses to introduce workers to new technology/methods of work. This rather loose training arrangement supplies the bulk of the workforce for the informal sector. However, reviewed literature reveals a marginal official interest in this form of TVET (Walther, 2007; McGrath, et al., 1995; Leach, 1995; Commonwealth Secretariat, 1988). This form of training is â&#x20AC;&#x153;either not known to those responsible for existing formal training systems or under-valued in terms of the knowledge and know-how generatedâ&#x20AC;? (Walther, 2007, p.13). Learning achievements and qualifications are often neither validated nor accredited. However in West Africa especially Ghana, traditional apprenticeship has received a little more policy and scholarly attention (Palmer, 2009; King & Palmer, 2007a). Some countries such as South Africa have initiated policy frameworks to promote modified replicas of apprenticeships in the form of learnerships (Republic of South Africa, 1998).

The discussion about TVET delivery models is intimately linked to the debate over costs and relevance of TVET which has raged on since the 1970s (Psacharopoulos, 1986; Psacharopoulos, 1997; Middleton & Ziderman, 1997; Schenzler & Horowitz, 1999; Gill et al., 2000; and Oketch, 2007). Empirical evidence is said to have raised doubts about 68

the cost-effectiveness of some forms of TVET (Okech, 2007; Oxtoby, 1997; Psacharopoulos, 1987). The study in Colombia and Tanzania concluded that “diversified secondary education programmes were no more cost-effective than academic and general secondary education; they were found to be costly and difficult to maintain” (Middleton & Ziderman, 1997, p.9). UNESCO (2010) asserts that “evidence from developed and developing countries suggests that technical and vocational education is relatively costly to provide” (2010, p.78). For instance, the unit cost for vocational education in Tanzania was reported to be twice that of general secondary education (Gill et al., 2000).

According to the Education Sector Strategic Plan (2007 - 2015), “the unit cost of BTVET is four to five times the cost of providing academic secondary education, and up to 32 times the cost per student of providing primary education” (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008a, p.5).

The general thinking is that TVET provision is not a cost-effective route. As observed by Atchoarena and Delluc (2002), “the high cost of technical and vocational education is due to a smaller class size and to the need for expensive equipment, facilities and teaching materials” (p.42). This costly nature of TVET provision is not helped by related studies that indicate a lower rate of return on investments in terms of benefits to the individual learner and society at large (Horowitz & Schenzler, 1999). Neuman & Ziderman (2003) observe that most of these studies focus on market outcomes in terms of earnings and employment of graduates. Two important considerations should be 69

borne in mind regarding the perennial TVET cost-effectiveness issue within the education and development debate. First is the recognition that TVETâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic and social returns are highly dependent on several factors in the economy. Therefore any omission of the economic factors in the analysis of TVET returns or benefits may result in misleading conclusions. Second, most TVET cost-estimates by national governments and donor agencies are based on school-based vocational education models and are often skewed to suit particular policy discourses.

A number of viewpoints have been put forward to ensure TVET costeffectiveness, efficiency and relevance. Psacharopoulos (1991) in his paper titled Vocational Education Theory argues that â&#x20AC;&#x153;a more effective educational strategy might be to enhance the level of general competence of the population so that vocational specialization can take place at any stage of the career of the individual, and at a lower costâ&#x20AC;? (p.193). Gill et al (2000) suggest that TVET programmes should target groups that will most benefit from them to meet clearly observed current labour market demands. Some quarters hold the view that all forms of training can be both effective and beneficial if directed to realistic objectives and supported by an enabling environment (Johanson & Adams, 2004; Middleton, Ziderman & Adams, 1993; Leach, 1995).

Closely connected to the cost and relevance debate is the question of the most suitable target group for TVET. In many countries across sub70

Saharan Africa, mainstream TVET systems target recent school leavers (Gill et al., 2000; Hopper, 2008). For instance, the joint study of the World Bank and ILO found that in Zambia, formal pre-employment training opportunities are available only to those who complete Grade 12 because there are far fewer

training places than

applicants

(Fluitman & Alberts, 2000). In Uganda, public post- primary and postsecondary BTVET institutions and colleges only admit students who have successfully completed and passed examinations at either primary leaving, lower secondary or upper secondary (Wood, 2008; Ministry of Education and Sports, 2002). Consequently, as UNESCO (2006) puts it, a number of prospective learners in many developing countries are excluded on account of a multitude of socio-economic, institutional and pedagogical factors.

The TVET organisation and management picture is incomplete without examining a little further the financing of the sub-sector. As indicated elsewhere in this thesis, the bulk of TVET financing in many developing countries has greatly depended on donor aid especially during the early years of the sub-sectorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s growth and expansion (Johanson & Adams, 2004; McGrath, 2002). The policy shift of the 1990s created a need for national governments to devise strategic ways of financing TVET provision including a greater involvement of the private sector (Atchoarena & Delluc, 2002; Middleton et al., 1993). In many developing countries of Africa, TVET funding comes from a variety of sources: state budgets, families, trainees, NGOs and the private business sector (Ziderman, 2003; Durango, 2002). Moreover, 71

the bulk of public funding is still contributed by multilateral and bilateral agencies.

There are however, some pockets of initiatives to enhance the availability of locally-generated revenue through the development of levy-grant/rebate systems (Ziderman, 2003; Durango, 2002). For instance, the joint ILO and World Bank study found that sampled countries “had initiatives to increase in-service training, which generally take the form of levy-grant schemes, tax credits, and training subsidies” (Gill et al., 2000, p.21). There are concerns about the enactment and implementation of the procedures governing these schemes (Gill et al., 2000). For instance, the private business sector considers the training levy as an additional form of tax (Durango, 2002). Some countries such as Uganda have failed to actualize any of such incentives much as legal provisions for the actualization of the scheme have been in place for quite some time now (Wood, 2008).

2009). Ziderman’s prediction regarding an eventual precarious TVET delivery pattern in such countries without adequate “domestic funding” arrangements is an idea worth the attention of policy makers in Uganda and similar countries elsewhere (2003, p.7).

2.3.3 Image and Attractiveness of TVET One of the perennial issues within the TVET debate is the perception of stakeholders in regard to ‘what it is’ and ‘what’ it has to offer for individual and society benefit. This in turn, impacts on participation as well as investment choices. The motivating factors for any learning or

72

training choice, which of course are largely subjective, include among others employment or career prospects; access to further continuing or lifelong learning; and earnings and social status (European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, 2004; Oxtoby, 1997). In many countries around the World, TVET stakeholders including learners and families, use many of these factors to define and brand the sub-sector.

Based on an analysis of participation rates in upper secondary vocational streams in some European countries, the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (2004) concluded that â&#x20AC;&#x153;although VET contributes to individual, companiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; economic and societal performance, in some countries it is not as attractive as general educationâ&#x20AC;? (p.18). In England, according to Hayward et al cited in Brockmann et al (2008), historically the vocational route has had a lower social and educational status than the higher education pathway to university entry qualification.

In the developing world, the attractiveness of TVET has a historical context. King and Palmer (2007) state that at different historical periods, both in colonial regimes and in metropolitan countries, TVET courses have been thought to be particularly relevant to subject people to a subordinate future. Studies have unravelled several manifestations of the negative perceptions towards TVET. A seminal study in West Africa by Phillip Foster identified low enrolment rates as one of the possible indicators for image and attractiveness of the TVET route 73

(King & Palmer, 2007; Middleton & Ziderman, 1997).

Foster

concluded that while governments might advocate vocational education, most pupils and parents rejected it in favour of academic schooling (King & Palmer, 2007; Watson, 1994). He argued that “it was a fallacy to assume that introducing vocational subjects into a school curriculum could have some impact on orienting the aspirations of youth towards manual work. Rather the labour market acted as the largest determinant of youth aspirations towards work” (NORRAG News, 2009, p.3).

Up until the present, parents, students and other stakeholders generally regard TVET as “second best” (King, McGrath and Rose, 2007, p.354).

The tendency is to consider TVET as an option for the poor and less intelligent learners, with a selection bias of strong students into more academic routes (King, McGrath and Rose, 2007). A small-scale study of vocational training and market demand in Northern Uganda, which was carried out in 2008 by the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children at Columbia University, found that the urban based youth in Kampala city consider TVET to be a subordinate choice for those who cannot access higher education (School of International and Public Affairs Columbia University, 2008). Although the study indicates that youth in the war-ravaged Northern Uganda view TVET as a considerable opportunity, any conclusions based on this finding should be taken with caution. It is most likely that the situation of extreme deprivation in the region leaves the youths with little sense of choice but to welcome without question any available option.

74

Limited awareness and the dearth of counseling and guidance services result in

either misplaced

or exaggerated expectations. This

consequently influences current and future choices by prospective TVET learners (UNESCO, 1993; Gill et al., 2000).

Although

vocational guidance and counseling is believed to be important in assisting young people to make appropriate and well thought-out educational choices which can enable them to develop their potential and to have access to work opportunities, it is rarely incorporated into TVET programmes (UNESCO, 2002). For instance, a case study of three FET colleges in South Africa found no trace of deliberate counseling of learners. Interviewees are reported to have said that they were motivated to enrol for the respective skill development courses because of unemployment and poverty (Pillay, 2006). A tracer study by the Bangladesh Technical Education Board indicated that 50 percent of respondents sought admission to a polytechnic diploma course with the understanding that it would provide them with a channel of entry to higher education. However, unfortunately research showed that in practice fewer than 5 percent of the diploma graduates are able to complete a degree course (Oxtoby, 1997). Many families and learners view TVET as a dead-end without further education/training pathways (Rojewesk and Park, 2005).

Indeed, besides the historical notions regarding the perceptions about TVET, its current image and practice are wanting in a number of respects. Several writers have pointed out several concerns such as poor quality characterized by outdated training resources and methodology 75

(King et al., 2007, Okech, 2007). For instance, a rapid appraisal of the status of TVET in Kenya indicates that “the quality of TVET graduates was fast declining at all levels due to outmoded equipment, poor instruction, lack of work experience and meaningful supervision” (Palmer, et al., 2007, p.67). Low enrolment rates may not only be attributable to mere perception, but inadequacies related to curriculum, management and other logistical challenges are contributory factors.

For instance, the poor enrolment figures in the Mozambique training centres which are managed by the country’s Ministry of Labour “are attributable to insufficient funds and a lack of management capacity to market and promote” the centres (Mbele, 2005, p.73).

Actually,

marketing is not an old concept within education contexts yet it is increasingly becoming an important aspect particularly for TVET (Akoojee & McGrath, 2008)

Such internal TVET challenges combine with other socio-economic factors to deny TVET the potential to deliver the varied expectations of stakeholders. I often turn to the external factors elsewhere in this thesis.

The claimed ‘comeback’ of TVET and the argument to make it integral to education at all levels rather than regarding it as optional or marginal, ought to be broadened into a comprehensive discourse. The discourse ought to link internal curricular and pedagogical issues with external economic and labour market policies and practices (UNESCO, 2005a; European Centre for Development of Vocation Training, 2004). I find the recommendations of the 1993 UNESCO International Workshop on

76

Curriculum Development in TVET very appropriate in tackling the issues of image and attractiveness: i)

to make technical and vocational education more attractive, curriculum should be designed to make articulation between technical and vocational education and higher education possible;

ii)

well-prepared vocational and career guidance should be available to technical and vocational education students making them fully aware of the nature of the curriculum, choices available and possible career opportunities;

iii)

transferability of skills from basic to advanced levels; and flexible opportunities should be designed to help to enhance the profitability of available curricula. (UNESCO, 1993, p.19).

2.3.4 Curriculum and Pedagogy The overwhelming demand for the TVET sector to deliver on the stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; varied expectations inevitably necessitates reorienting TVET curriculum and pedagogy to comprehensively respond not only to educational principles but to the needs of the economy as well (Gamble, 2003). Curriculum decisions encompass a variety of issues and concerns ranging from the core purpose of training; intended capabilities; language of instruction; learning resources; teaching and assessment methods.

It is a common occurrence for the subject of curriculum reform to occupy a key position in TVET and labour market discourse because of the perceived curriculum function to bridge the gap between the former

77

and latter (Gill et al., 2000). As articulated by the UNESCO International Workshop on Curriculum Development, the effectiveness of a training system, dependant on a well developed curriculum, must be measured by the extent to which: • it is able to attract the young generation into the occupations of the future and skills which employers need; • it is able to deliver not only technical content (technical skills) but also help students to learn how to cope with new challenges (coping skills) and prepare them for lifelong learning; • it is able to provide people with the basic set of skills it takes to transfer from one job or are of work to another, once they have entered the workforce; and • it offers open access to all without the constraints of entry requirements. (UNESCO, 1993, p.5-6).

Since the 1960s and 70s, an outcomes-based approach to curriculum development is one popular model that TVET practitioners have embraced as evidenced by the adoption of competence-based training by many systems in both developed and developing countries (Brockmann et al., 2008; Weigel, et al., 2007; Chappell, 2003; Dunbar, 2002; UNESCO, 1993). According to Grant et al cited by Biemans et al. (2004), “competence-based education tends to be a form of education that derives a curriculum from an analysis of a prospective or actual role in modern society and that attempts to certify student progress on the basis of demonstrated performance in some or all

78

aspects of that role” (p.3).

Of course the perennial theoretical

contentions arising from the approach’s roots in behaviourism that apparently recognize only observable and measurable learner’s performance are not completely silent (Sultana, 2009; Biemans et al.,2004; Dunbar, 2002; Collins, 1983) . Under subsection two of this chapter, in my discussion related to eclecticism of TVET pedagogy, I allude to an innovative way of tackling some of the undesirable aspects of behaviourist perspectives on learning.

There is a growing recognition of the need for TVET to be directed at developing competencies with a focus shift from “inputs into training to outcomes of training” (Kyobe and Rugumayo, 2005, p.1). Brockmann, et al (2008) make it more succinct by pointing out that the emphasis in a competence-based approach to training is “on what individuals need to be able to do in relation to particular aspects of the occupation, rather than on formal course curricula and periods of time spent in education” (p.233). Capability not qualifications is the critical prerequisite for employability, and shifting the focus to developing capabilities is therefore assumed to improve the link between education and the labour market (Brockmann, Clarke & Winch, 2009).

As articulated by the 1993 UNESCO Conference on Curriculum Development, the competence-based approach not only permits, but facilitates an open entry and exit philosophy of curriculum implementation to be adopted “to allow the trainees to learn at one’s own pace in the most flexible way” (UNESCO, 1993, p6). The 79

modular- training format which is being promoted in many countries including Uganda is closely associated with the competence-based approach to curriculum development and implementation (Kyobe and Rugumayo, 2005; Biemans et al., 2005; European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, 2002; Ertl, 2002). Some of the multiplier benefits of the competence-based approach, if implemented properly, include the recognition of prior or experiential learning including all relevant competencies developed outside the mainstream system of education (Brockmann, Clarke & Winch, 2009; Seidel, et al., 2008; Haas, 2002).

It is widely accepted that the recognition and accreditation of the skills, knowledge and experiences acquired outside the formal education system have not only economic benefits but are a tool for social justice in redistributing education and employment opportunities (Brockmann, Clarke & Winch, 2009; European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, 2002). Recognition of Prior Learning (RPL) a process whereby peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s competencies from whatever system of learning are identified, assessed and recognized is gaining ground within the competence-based approach (Seidel, et al., 2008). It is worth pointing out that the wave of national qualification many countries is intimately connected with the ideals of competence-based approach to training, assessment and certification (Young, 2005; Tuck, Hart & Keevy, 2004; Young, 2003).

80

The emphasis and gist of assessment within the competence-based approach to learning is not unproblematic, particularly in regard to what is to be assessed (Biemans et al., 2009). In addition, there is a related debate in relation to whether competence-based assessment should be interested in outcomes in isolation of the process or combine the two (Brockmann et al., 2008). It is a firmly held view within some quarters that competence-based assessment should focus on outcome or performance; and discover what the learner has learnt, rather than what has been taught (Bligh, 2001). There are debates also in regard to whether assessment should focus on demonstrable behavioural competence to perform in a particular occupation or profession (Biemans et al., 2004; Hager, Gonczi & Athanasou, 1994). Hager et al (1994) suggest a plausible option of â&#x20AC;&#x153;a holistic assessment that seeks to combine knowledge, understanding, problem-solving, technical skills, attitudes and ethicsâ&#x20AC;? (p.8).

The discussion of a competence-based TVET is incomplete without a reflection on the practical challenges that abound in its implementation.

First, as observed during the 1993 UNESCO International Workshop on Curriculum Development, the approach obviously, assumes the availability of adequate human and material resources for its effective implementation yet, unlike the industrialized nations, poor countries in the South cannot fully afford the required investment (UNESCO, 1993).

As already mentioned, the TVET sub-sector is haunted by an endemic dearth of adequate learning resources, facilities and competent teachers.

81

Second, the interpretation of ‘competence’ often impacts on the breadth of the TVET curriculum. The views in a paper on competence-based vocational education and training in England and France by Brockmann et al., (2008) afford an illustration of this challenge: Competence in the French sense is multidimensional and relies on the integration of practical and theoretical knowledge, as well as personal and social qualities within broadly defined occupational fields. By contrast, in England, competence refers to the performance of fragmented and narrowly defined tasks, with minimal underpinning knowledge. Thus, whereas competence in the English VET system usually denotes functional employability for what may be relatively low-skilled employment, in France, it encapsulates the multidimensional development of the individual as a citizen as well as an employee. (p. 227).

The question of what ‘more or less’ the TVET curricula should offer is prominent in the TVET reform debate particularly with regard to its responsiveness vis-à-vis the inherent interest in national economic competitiveness and the employability concerns of graduates. There are arguments that often prescribe a certain level of knowledge base as distinguished by particular categories of TVET beneficiaries based on their entry qualifications and social groupings (Mayer and Altman, 2005; UNESCO, 1993).

Different forms of TVET curriculum design allocate more or less attention to either theory or practice (Brockmann, et al., 2008; Okech, 2007; Lehman &Taylor, 2003). For instance, a joint ILO/World Bank study found that “curriculum for school-based vocational education in Korea is 70 percent theoretical and 30 percent practical, but the ratios 82

are reversed in training institutes” (Gill et al., 2000, p.18). however,

increasingly

being

recognized

that

It is,

clear-cut

academic/vocational or practical content division has little place in today’s changing work patterns. As Gamble (2003) puts it, “it is a combination of general and vocational subjects or models that is viewed as providing an adequate basis for employability” and the links between theory and practice are required to be stronger rather than weaker (p.27).

There is an apparent consensus among TVET scholars that besides the technical or job-specific skills, TVET curriculum should aim to develop a package of essential and/or generic skills among the graduates (Gamble, 2003; Dunbar, 2002; Brown, 2002; UNESCO, 1993). These take the form of general competency skills such as creative and critical thinking; resilience and endurance at work including the ability to cope with

stress;

team

work,

cooperation

and

sociability

skills;

communication including speaking and listening skills; and general lifelong learning skills. They also include foundational skills or capabilities such as literacy, numeracy and ICT. It is generally accepted that without adequate mastery of literacy skills including numeracy learners may face difficulties in developing technical and vocational capabilities (Oxenham, et al., 20002). Further, there are arguments that call for the incorporation of business or entrepreneurship content even in purely technical courses so as to enhance the employability of graduates (Gamble, 2003; Farstad, 2002).

83

The idea of a TVET curriculum approach which is geared towards developing a combined theoretical and practical competence, gives rise to the important question related to appropriateness of pedagogy. As observed by Brown (2002), there is an emphasis on the importance of contextual learning in both classroom and work-based situations.

Apprenticeship is one such complementary work-based training strategy which flourished in many African countries and elsewhere (Brockmann, et al., 2008; Singh, 2000; Stevens, 1995). However, it is widely known that the system has declined and is less vibrant in a number of countries due to neglect by public and donor development policies (Gamble, 2003; Gill et al., 2000). As already mentioned, in its place, literature points to the growing tradition of learnership schemes and industrial training attachments to industries/institutions, thus enabling the learners to practice and consolidate their capabilities to work (Centre for Extended Learning, 2004; Gamble 2003). However, there are challenges in terms of implementation and practice as industrial attachments often come at the end of the course duration (Oxtoby, 1997).

A related dimension to the notion of integrating technical and theoretical or academic content is how exactly this is pursued at the practical level of teaching/learning. The general education level of TVET learners has a great influence on the choice of teaching/learning strategy. In an account of her career and technical education teaching experience in Virginia, Bolger (2008) says that she integrates academics with practical content so that students do no think of it as learning a 84

separate subject. She teaches a high school Commercial Foods programme which is designed to prepare youths for careers in the food service industry. These youths who will generally not go on to postsecondary education are exposed to academic concepts from core subjects such as Math, Science, English and Social Studies by intertwining academics and the foods curriculum (Bogler, 2008).

Closely connected to the above is the important subject of the appropriate language of instruction, particularly in situations where the learners never completed their post-primary general education.

Moreover, as articulated by the World Bank Education Sector Strategy, a well-functioning education system must ensure that the curriculum is delivered in a language that is appropriate for local students (World Bank, 1999). Language diversity is a visible challenge of education policy in many developing countries where learners are expected to develop cognitive academic skills in a second language especially English for the case of Anglo-Saxon countries (Morrow, Jordaan and Fridjhon, 2005). From South Africa, Gamble (2003) reports that a study of technical colleges in KwaZulu-Natal where instruction is offered in either Afrikaans or English, found that language and poor comprehension are some of the biggest problems faced by black students. In Kenya, it has been reported that â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;because the language of instruction is not fully understood in certain rural areas, then the technical

and

scientific

concepts

being

taught

[were]

misunderstood or only partially understood (Watson, 1994, p.88)

85

either

A bilingual model (code-switching) where two languages are used in addition to deliberate efforts to improve the English proficiency of learners, are some of the options that have been tried in some instances (Gamble, 2003).

The biggest challenge with the bilingual model,

however, is the availability of teachers/instructors with â&#x20AC;&#x153;a bilingual competence so that they are able to teach subjects in two languages which are used in a particular communityâ&#x20AC;? (Gamble, 2003, p. 56). The suggestion to have the learners develop linguistic competence by undertaking appropriate preparatory language courses is widely acknowledged. In addition, the Interagency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE) suggests that if an unfamiliar language is used as a medium of instruction, measures ought to be taken to ensure that basic concepts in all subjects are translated into mother tongue/familiar language (INEE, 2009). Whatever the approach, it is evident that using a familiar language potentially actualizes some of the constructivist tenets of interaction and active participation among learners and teacher (Hung, 2002, McRobie cited in Watson, 1994)). An experimental study of the effectiveness of English and Kiswahili as media of instruction at secondary schooling levels in Tanzania confirms this proposition (Brock-Utne, 2007).

2.3.5 Work for TVET Graduates One of the common expectations of TVET, since the 1950s, is for the system to prepare learners with the required capabilities to get work or jobs (Gill et al., 2000).

However, as already stated, the original

assumption that attending TVET courses is more or less a guarantee for

86

connecting the beneficiaries to the world of work, has been proved inaccurate by several studies, including those carried out by the World Bank (Middleton and Ziderman, 1997). There is wide recognition that alterations in the labour market, influenced by economic growth and neo-liberal policies and practices, have enormously impacted the opportunities to find work in many countries of the developing world (Park, 2007; Johanson & Adams, 2004). Technological innovations and globalizations including marketisation of economies have greatly contributed to the casualisation of work (Helen & Johanna, 2007; Lindsay & McQuaid, 2004). These factors combine to challenge the position and function of TVET in responding to the realities of the labour market.

The public sector was once a major employer in many parts of the world (Johanson and Adams, 2004). For instance, countries such as Egypt, Tanzania and Zambia are reported to have responded to labour supply pressures by expanding formal public education and training systems; and absorbing their graduates into government employment (Gill et al., 2000).

However, the previously discussed SAPs have

increasingly dwarfed the employment capacity of the public sector (Robertson et al., 2007; Oxtoby, 1993). In Tanzania, where less than 10 percent of employment is in the formal sector, graduates of public training institutions have found only informal employment since government employment began to decline in the late 1980s (Gill et al., 2000, p.7) .

87

Indeed, targeting wage employment in the modern sector is reported to have been a preoccupation of many training systems in Sub-Saharan Africa (Johanson & Adams, 2004; Gill et al., 2000). The notion of a mismatch between demand for, and supply of skills, which has received considerable attention by scholars and policy makers, signals the concern that TVET provision is not guided by the demands of the economy (Gvaramadze, 2010; Oketch, 2007; Jarvis and Holford, 2007).

Public TVET provision has been a target of criticism for being unresponsive to labour market realities (Middleton & Ziderman, 1997).

However, a study of private technical and vocational education and training in South Africa by Akoojee (2008) found that “private providers do not necessarily have more linkages with the formal labour market and are not necessarily more effective in securing employment opportunities for the non-employed” (p.764). Giving the Bangladesh experience, Oxtoby (1997) indicated that little was known about the process of economic development, its impact on the labour market and demand for different qualifications and skills; thus contributing to the ineffectiveness of the country’s polytechnics.

As already stated, most entrants to the labour market instead seek work in the informal economy because employment growth in the formal or modern sector is largely stagnant (Johanson & Adams, 2004).

In

Ghana, for instance, “the informal economy employs 89% of the labour force (including 56% in agriculture and 21% in retail trade)” (Palmer, 2007, p.400).

To avoid the embarrassing trend of preparing learners

for work or jobs which are non-existent, two major propositions have 88

found their way into the TVET reform debate arguing for a good fit between jobs and training (Gamble, 2003). The first is tackling challenges within TVET systems which involves taking bold steps to prepare graduates with required capabilities in professions or occupations which have a broad profile within the labour market environment (Jarvis and Holford, 2007). This necessitates a clear awareness of labour market signals and their utilization in curriculum planning and design (Oxtoby, 1993). It calls for regular interaction between the TVET providers and employers and/or practitioners to engage with issues concerning knowledge, skills and competencies required by the world of work.

It is worth pointing out that since most wage and self -employment in Sub-Saharan Africa will continue to be in the informal sector, curriculum decisions ought to respond to the needs of the informal economy (Johanson and Adams, 2004; Singh, 2000; McGrath and King, 1997; Middleton, Ziderman and Adams, 1993). Indeed TVET curricula should aim to prepare graduates for a world of work that includes both employment and self-employment in the informal sector. Curriculum sensitivity and responsiveness to the notion of employability is paramount (Fugate, 2004; Gamble, 2003).

The second proposition is getting the macroeconomic context right.

This is essential in addressing the mismatch between training systems and labour market policies (Johanson and Adams, 2004). It entails engaging non-VET measures; an idea that gives rise to the widely 89

acknowledged view that training does not create jobs (Johanson and Adams, 2004; Oxtoby, 1993). For example Gill et al (2000) observe that the Czech Republic embarked on macroeconomic and labour market reforms simultaneously which in effect resulted in rapid private employment growth. TVET scholars have always emphasized the need to link education and macroeconomic reform policies for employment growth and generating demand for services and goods (Johanson and Adams, 2004). Oxtoby (1993) maintains that: to be effective, policies for educational reform aimed at minimizing unemployment and improving links between the world of work and the world of school must be considered in conjunction with policies for creating additional employment opportunities and for modifying current labour market practices (p.195).

Closely connected to the notion of modifying labour market policies and practices is the debate concerning working conditions of TVET graduates. Technological innovations, globalization and the general marketisation of economies have greatly contributed to the majority of TVET graduates, especially those of low or intermediate levels, being trapped in the lower echelons of the labour market. This makes them vulnerable to exploitation and other poor working conditions (Valodia, Lebani & Skinner, 2005; Altman, 2007; Gamble, 2003). Those engaged in low-waged work, for instance, have no access to retirement provisions and medical insurance, which form part of the remuneration package for employees in formal employment (Valodia et al., 2005, p.1). From Cape Town in South Africa, an empirical study of the lodging sector, which is one of the major work designations for TVET 90

graduates, confirms the sectorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s labour intensity, utilization of mostly low academic skills and its offer of low paying employment (Maumbe & Wyk, 2008). It is widely recognized that often employment for TVET graduates with intermediate competencies is deficient of the general characteristics of good work such as a decent wage, and a sense of completion and fulfilment (Kincheloe cited in Adams, 2002).

Overall, obtaining work is increasingly difficult especially if one is inclined to the formal sector.

The informal economy is the main

destination for the majority of job seekers and creators. However, some degree of caution ought to be exercised regarding the assumptions related to work prospects in the informal sector due to its complex nature. For instance starting a business enterprise calls for more than both technical and entrepreneurship capabilities (Walther, 2007; Gamble, 2003; McGrath, et al., 1995).

2.3.6 Summary of Trends and Issues in TVET The literature review reveals a growth picture of TVET in the decades of the 1960s and 70s in developing countries with, the support and influence of bilateral and multilateral agencies. From the 1980s TVET found itself on the periphery due mainly to the results of rate of return studies; and neo-liberal policies which largely called for the scaling down of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s involvement in direct service delivery.

The human development paradigm of the 1990s came with it declarations for ensuring education for all (EFA) among other

91

international development targets. The World Millennium Summit in 2000 which adopted the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is credited for re-articulating the poverty reduction agenda, but it is widely criticized for narrowing education and training to universal primary education (UPE).

Further, the review highlights the disappointing findings by a number of quantitative studies in regard to the initial weighty assumptions that linked TVET with rapid economic development and poverty reduction through the preparation of a skilled labour force. The studies challenged the efficiency, cost-effectiveness and relevance of school-based TVET and public sector training provision which hitherto were the focus of national and international attention by donors and national governments in the developing world.

There appears to have been little public

policy and research attention to non-formal and informal TVET delivery models such as apprenticeship except in some parts of West Africa.

Targeting wage employment in the formal sector amidst little attention to the informal sector is receiving a lot of criticism from TVET scholars.

The notion of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;labour supply and demand mismatchâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is

largely used to describe the lack of responsiveness of the sector in terms of its ability to comprehend and adapt to the dynamics of the labour market. There is a call to rethink the TVET mission and approach so as to improve relevance and quality of provision. The reform debate is principally about harmonizing the training and labour market mismatch, 92

which inevitably demands bold steps to address internal TVET curriculum and pedagogical issues as well as well as the non-TVET issues of macroeconomic policies to ensure economic and employment growth. There is evidence of increased adoption of the competencebased approach to curriculum design and delivery by a number of African countries. There are arguments that the approach has got the potential to address the perennial challenges of TVET including those related to image and attractiveness.

Overall, literature reveals a great deal of policy and research interest in TVET but a lot more is yet to be done particularly in respect to microlevel studies to uncover and highlight the experiences and perceptions of practitioners and target groups. The TVET comeback inescapably calls for informed debate at theory, policy and practice levels to address the key issues of equity, quality, access and relevance. My study of how TVET is developing the capabilities to work among youths with incomplete post-primary schooling that are facing double deprivation, is intended to enrich the discourse.

93

CHAPTER 3: THE NATIONAL RESEARCH CONTEXT 3.1 Introduction In the previous chapter, I identify and highlight the general important theoretical dimensions of the study through a review of related literature. In this chapter, I present an overview of the national context highlighting key socio-economic indicators including the performance of the economy as a basis to discuss the growth and development of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s system of TVET. I conclude the chapter with a synthesis of the key issues and challenges which further illuminate the purpose of the study.

3.2 Socio-Economic Context In this section, key milestones of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s socio-economic and political development are presented highlighting the nature and performance of the economy. In addition, a scan of the labour force, its structure and employment pattern is presented.

3.2.1 General Socio-Economic Landscape Located in the Eastern part of the African continent, Uganda covers a surface area of about 241,500 km2 of which 199,807 km2 is under land and 41,743 km2 is under water and swamps (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2008). It is located astride the Equator bordering Kenya in the east, Tanzania and Rwanda in the south, the Democratic Republic of Congo in the west and the Sudan in the North (Uganda of Bureau of Statistics, 2006). Uganda is endowed with a favourable climate;

94

substantial natural resources including fertile soils; and abundant tropical rainfall (United Nations Development Programme, 2005).

Recently the country witnessed the discovery of petroleum resources and soon it will be among the world’s oil producing countries (National Planning Authority, 2010).

With 24.2 million people according to the 2002 Census, Uganda’s population is said to be doubling almost every 20 years. It was estimated at 29.6 million by mid 2008; and is projected to reach 40 million by the year 2025 (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2008; United Nations Development Programme, 2007).

The country’s annual

population growth rate of 3.2 percent is said to be among the world’s highest (United Nations Development Programme, 2007; Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2008).

At 157th position, Uganda’s Human Development Index (HDI) is reported to have improved by one place between 2006 and 2007 (United Nations Development Programme, 2009). It apparently performed better than all other East African Countries except Burundi which also moved one place higher (United Nations Development Programme, 2009). In 2006, Uganda is reported to have moved into the group of medium human development countries (United Nations Development Programme, 2007).

There are however, considerable disparities in the level of human development within the country. The central region enjoys a better 95

human development rating as compared to the other regions with the north trailing at the bottom. There is a clear ‘urban-rural divide’ with about 40% of the rural population living below the poverty line (UNDP, 2007). Indeed, despite the general comparatively good progress mentioned above, the country is still a long way from expanding choices for its entire people to live a dignified life. The selected development indicators in Table 2 below afford clarification of this assertion.

Table 2: Basic socio-economic indicators of Uganda Dimension GDP at current market prices Per capita GDP at current market prices GDP growth rate at constant (2002) market prices Inflation rate Budget deficit as a percentage of GDP (2006/07 Life expectancy at birth (2002 Census) Infant mortality rate (2002 Census)

Indicator UGX 23,009 billions UGX 8,21,029 9.0 %t 6.0 % 11.7% 50.4 years 76 per 1000 live births People with access to safe, clean water 65% Income poverty levels (Ugandans estimated to be living 31.1 % below the poverty line) Population density (2002 Census) 123 persons/Sq.km2 HIV prevalence among adults aged 15-59 years 6.3 % Source: Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2008

Uganda is a country of great cultural diversity. The country’s supreme law recognizes 56 ethnic groups which obviously accounts for its high level of multilingualism.

The official language is English but the

constitution allows the use of any other language as a medium of instruction for education or legislative and administrative purposes (Government of Uganda, 1995).

96

A former British colony, Uganda attained its political independence in 1962. Since then it has witnessed dramatic changes which adversely impacted on its growth and development process. The postindependence era witnessed a series of political and constitutional turbulent events though some minimal harmony and progress was registered until 1969. In 1971, the army staged a successful coup dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ĂŠtat that ushered in a military regime. The regime was in turn over-thrown in 1979 by a combined force of exiled Ugandans supported by neighbouring Tanzania.

The early 1980s saw a temporary return to civilian governance amidst a disputed general election. In 1987 the current president, who led a bush war for five years, toppled the then transitional military government which hitherto had rebelled against the civilian government (Nakabugo, Byamugisha & Bithaghalire, 2008; Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark, 2006). The political turbulence and social disharmony that characterized the decade of the 1970s and the early years of the 1980s destroyed the socio-economic fabric of the country leading to a decline in Gross Domestic Product. It caused high inflation rates, increased poverty levels, and left Ugandans among the Worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s poorest (National Planning Authority, 2010; Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2006).

Uganda is currently under a multi-party political system and enjoys a relatively vibrant civil society and moderate freedom of association and speech (United Nations Development Programme, 2007). There are concerns over poor governance and democratic practices characterized 97

by high levels of corruption and wasteful utilization of meagre resource.

The effects of the rebel war that devastated Northern Uganda for over 15 years linger on (United Nations Development Programme, 2007; Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004).

Guaranteeing long-term national security, peace and tranquillity is partly dependent on careful tackling of post-war challenges, including economic and social reconstruction of the region.

For over 20 years, the current government has pursued a mixed bag of socio-economic policies with varied consequences for the well-being of Ugandans. In its early years, the government was dissuaded from itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rather welfare state approach in favour of a neo-liberal approach to development. With the support of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) together with other development partners, Uganda implemented structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) alongside a variety of reforms in the public sector such as privatization and decentralization (National Planning Authority, 2010; Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2006).

Similar to other developing countries, in 1997 the government made poverty eradication a cornerstone of its development efforts through the formulation of the Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP) (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004). In consultation with donors and the Bretton Woods Institutions, it was agreed that PEAP would also be the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) and by mid 2000 it was fully operational (Ministry of Foreign 98

Affairs of Denmark, 2006; Gariyo, 2002). PEAP was Uganda’s national development framework and medium-term planning tool from 1997 to 2008 (National Planning Authority, 2010; Ministry of Finance, Planning

and

Economic

Development,

2004).

The

National

Development Plan (NDP) 2010 – 2015 incorporates some important poverty eradication (PEAP) features but it places additional emphasis on “economic transformation and wealth creation thereby intertwining sustainable economic growth with poverty eradication” (National Planning Authority, 2010, p.3).

3.2.2 The Economy and Labour Force Uganda is a landlocked country and thus dependent on her neighbours’ coastal ports for transporting the bulk of its imports and exports (Nakabugo, Byamugisha & Bithaghalire, 2008; United Nations Development Programme, 2007). Since the early 1990s Uganda has experienced a varying economic growth trend. Partly, as a consequence of the global economic crisis, the country’s real GDP grew at 7.1 percent in 2008/09 compared to the set target of 8 percent (MoFPED, 2009). According to the National Development Plan, the GDP growth rate over a period of five years from 2010 is projected at an average of 7.2 per cent per annum (National Planning Authority, 2010). It is estimated that at this GDP growth rate, nominal per capita income will increase from US$506 in 2008/09 to about US$850 by 2015.

According to the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (2009), Uganda’s GDP growth rate is “still high by

99

regional and world standards” (p.4). Of course, one may need to critically examine and compare the GDP per capita of US$ 334 with other economies such as South Africa with a GDP per capita of US$3,000 which is within the same quadrant of medium human development (UNDP, 2008; UNDP, 2007; Ziderman and Adams, 2000). The Ministry observes that rate of per capita GDP growth is much slower on account of the country’s high rate of population growth (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004).

Uganda’s main economic activity has always been agriculture, but its share of total GDP reduced to 21 percent in 2007 compared to 38.7% in 2002/03 (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2008; UNDP, 2007; Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004). The agricultural sector is ultimately dwindling as production is shifting slowly towards services and industry. According to the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (2004), it grew at a rate of 0.7 percent in 2007. Despite the formulation of the Plan for Modernization of Agriculture (PMA), the poor showing of the sector is partly attributable to the lack of a comprehensive national policy for agriculture and rural development (UNDP, 2007). The services sector recorded a strong growth of 13 percent, while the industrial sector grew by 6.4 percent between 2006/07 and 2007/08 (UBOS, 2008). In 2007, both industry and services sectors were reported to have contributed a combined 66 percent of GDP in 2005/06 (UNDP, 2007). This growing trend is evidenced by the most recent performance indicators by the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development. The sector shares in 100

total GDP (Real) in 2008/09 were: Agriculture 15.2%; Industry 24.7%; and Services 50.2%.

The country’s national budget has for a long time been, to a great extent, dependent on donor aid though protracted efforts to reverse the trend are gradually bearing fruit (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004, Ministry of Education and Sports, 1999).

Consequently, as already mentioned the performance of

Uganda’s economy is highly influenced by the policies and practices of bilateral and multilateral agencies especially the Bretton Woods Institutions (Wood, 2008; Social Watch, 2006). According to the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (2004), the core objectives of the country’s macroeconomic regime are inflation control and private sector-led growth. This is in clear conformity with the neo-liberal prescriptions which the World Bank and IMF have promoted throughout the Third World since the 1980s (Youngman, 2000). Neo-liberalism has been implicit in Uganda’s public policy reforms in the decades of the 1980s and 90s with substantive spillovers up to the present (National Planning Authority, 2010; Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004).

Before I deal with education in Uganda to get a sense of how neoliberalism and other globalization theories impact on the sector, let me take a glance at the country’s labour force, in the context of this thesis, includes the population in the working age category of 14 to 64 (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2006). The 101

labour force increased from 9.8 million persons in 2002/03 to 10.9 million persons in 2005/06 (UBOS, 2008). It is estimated that close to 400,000 people join Uganda’s labour market every year (The Monitor Newspaper, 2009; J.E. Austin Associates, Inc., 2004). They include graduates with certificates, diplomas and degrees while others simply drop out of the education system and enter the labour market (Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, 2006). The labour force is said to be generally youthful with low levels of education attainment (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2006).

Semwogerere (2010) observes that, “there is a general shortage of skilled labour in most trades of the Ugandan economy” (p.15). He says that a joint survey by the Programme for the Promotion of Employment-Oriented Vocational Education and Training (PEVOT) and the Directorate of Industrial Training revealed that the majority of the construction companies in Uganda reported problems in finding the employees that they need.

The labour participation rate was estimated at 82 percent in 2006 (National Planning Authority, 2010; Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, 2006). The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) Labour Survey Report of 2003 indicates that, “the participation rates were higher for persons without education than for those with primary education” (UBOS, 2003, p.30). With regard to the employment status of the labour force, the report indicates that 54 percent of the employed were own account workers (self-employed) followed by unpaid family workers at 32 percent. Government employees (inclusive of permanent 102

and temporary workers), comprised only 3 % of the total labour force.

Paid employees within the private sector account for about 11 percent (UBOS, 2003).

Wage employment, according to the Ministry of

Finance, Planning and Economic Development (2004), has not been growing very fast. In 2004, the Ministry observed that the proportion of households headed by a wage-earner actually fell between 2000 and 2003.

The Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development (2006) acknowledge that having a predominantly self-employed labour force is an indication of low growth in the formal sector and high rate of job creation in the informal economy. The labour force survey report indicates that about seventy percent of the working population was in agriculture and fisheries (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2003).

According to the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, total unemployment is relatively rare as compared to underemployment (2004). This could be partly attributable to the fact that not working at all is not a common option; individuals do whatever is available rather than staying idle. Three percent of economically active persons were unemployed by 2002, and the majority of them were urban dwellers (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004; Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2003). Youth unemployment (5.3 %) rate was higher than the national rate (3.2 percent). Most of the unemployed youth, according to the 2003 Uganda Bureau of Statistics Labour Force Survey Report, had either completed 103

primary education or secondary education. Actually, the report stresses that there is an inverse relationship between education and unemployment, stating that unemployment rates were most pronounced amongst people with secondary education and above (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2003). There are several viewpoints with regard to the cause of high unemployment among the youth with some general education. Some think that the tendency to despise manual work in preference to white-collar jobs which are increasingly elusive is one of the reasons. Another view is that both primary and secondary education curricula do not provide them with useful skills in the economy. These are contentions issues in the debate to match education with the labour market demands.

Underemployment is widespread, affecting 65% of adults, including 75% of women and 55% of men (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004). The underemployment rate was highest among youth but was steadily declining among those aged 50 years and over (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2003). A gender analysis of the apparent visible underemployment among women reveals the widely acknowledged burden on womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s time from non-economic activities such as childcare; attending to the sick; and engagement in family and community activities (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004).

It seems the majority of the labour force earns less than what they deserve from their current work thus making it difficult for them to 104

successfully tackle deprivation and marginalization. The 2003 UBOS Labour Force Survey Report reveals that 36 percent (3.5million persons) of the Ugandan labour force consists of the working poor.

Twenty percent of the persons in paid employment were earning at most the equivalent of about US$ 10. As illustrated in Table 3 below, only 11% the employed population earns more than the equivalent of US$100 per month.

Table 3: Monthly Earnings of Employed Labour Force, 2002/03 Monthly Earnings (Uganda Shillings) M F

T

Less than U$ 10

16.9

28.1

20.2

U$ 10 – U$20

17

0.1

0.9

U$ 21– U$ 30

0.4

8.1

0.3

U$ 31 – U$ 50

7.3

4.9

6.1

U$ 51– U$ 100

0.1

00

0.1

U$ 100 +

2

9.5

1.3

Total

100

100

100

Source: Abridged version, UBOS, 2003

These meagre earnings give rise to the important matter of working conditions for persons engaged in both the formal and informal sector.

Studies point to a high prevalence of “poor and unsatisfactory working conditions in Uganda especially within the private and informal sectors as well as in commercial agricultural estates” (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2006, p.29). Since a sector’s associated returns motivate or discourage labour force participation, then the creation, protection and enhancement of good and conducive

105

working conditions should be a priority public policy matter. In 2006 the Government enacted a number of legislative instruments including the Employment Act, 2006; the Labour Unions Act, 2006; the Labour Disputes Act, 2006; and the Occupational Safety and Health Act, 2006 in an effort to ensure better working conditions for the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s labour force (Government of Uganda, 2006, Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2006).

However, these laws are silent on the basic question of minimum wage among other pertinent issues that promote really good and gainful work.

Besides, the enforcement mechanisms are weak especially when it comes to employment/work in the informal sector. Another concern is the delayed formulation of a comprehensive policy to implement some of the laws. The draft National Employment Policy for creating, protecting, and promoting employment opportunities has dragged on for a long time (Uganda National Bureau of Statistics, 2003).

The notion of the relationship between earnings, labour participation, income inequality and overall well-being is a good point to conclude this subsection on the economy and labour force. Despite the assurances made in the 2009/10 budget speech that overall performance of the economy in the past year showed robustness (Bbumba, 2009). Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy is generally still very weak. In the immediate term, one cannot rely on the formal sector to absorb a meaningful proportion of the labour force.

The promising informal sector, which is a major

106

employer, lacks adequate policies and practices to attract; retain and reward the labour contribution of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s workforce.

3.3 General Education in Uganda Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education system has four levels namely pre-primary education; primary education; post-primary education and training; and tertiary and university education (Government of Uganda, 2008a). Preprimary education is for children aged from 2 to 5 years and is entirely provided by private agencies or individuals but the government supervises and regulates the provision. Primary education is supposed to be universal and compulsory for pupils aged 6 years and above. This level is supposed to last seven years. Post-primary education and training includes secondary education of four years of ordinary secondary and two years of advanced secondary schooling. This level is inclusive of the parallel track of vocational education and training which is under a separate legislative and policy framework: the BTVET component of the UPPET programme. I return to this in the next section of this chapter. Tertiary education includes post-secondary education or technical education which is provided under the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act, 2001. This level lasts between 2 years of diploma study, 3 to 4 years of degree course and 2 to 5 years of post-graduate studies.

Put simply, the education system follows a 7-4-2-2/3+ pattern: seven years of primary education (P1 to P7), followed by four years of lower secondary (S1 to S4), two years of upper secondary (S5 to S6), and two

107

to three or more years of tertiary education for those who successfully complete and pass their secondary schooling examinations (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008b; Liang, 2002). Summative assessments in the form of national examinations are conducted at the end of each cycle by the Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB) to determine and approve or restrict progress to the next level.

Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education system has witnessed and endured a host of ups and downs since the introduction of organized and structured teaching in the 1880s. The western mode of education was introduced in the country by religious missionaries whose main purpose was to develop the literacy abilities of natives to read the holy books (Okech, 1999). All through the first half of the 19th Century, Uganda adopted a system of education that aimed at preparing the populace to maintain and serve colonial interests. Education opportunities were selectively provided amidst a great deal of discrimination and inequality in favour of the sons of loyal chiefs and their associates. Education service delivery was largely the responsibility

of

religious

organisations

and

other

voluntary

organisations.

In 1963, the Uganda Education Commission was set up to examine the content and structure of education; and to consider how it might best be improved and adapted to the needs of the newly independent country.

Consequently, Government took charge and control of education. A standard curriculum for primary and secondary schools was instituted.

There are claims that in the post- independence period of the 1960s, 108

Uganda had the best system of education in East and Central Africa (Altinyelken, 2009). In its second 5-year development plan of 1966, the first independence government committed itself to fight ignorance and provide those technical skills which would be a necessity for any programme of accelerated development. It is a widely acknowledged view that the education function at the time was tuned to supply the necessary workforce for the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s formal sector especially the public service.

While the political and social disharmony of the post-independence era raged on, the education system endured; and indeed education quality was still comparably good. However, it almost succumbed to utter neglect between the 1970s to mid 1980s due to the intensive political upheavals and civil strife. Primary and secondary coverage remained stagnant, and the education quality deteriorated substantially (Liang, 2002). It is pertinent to point out that the weak education system was not an isolated phenomenon, but a mirror of a weak economy that suffered the consequences of prevailing unrest and a full blown 5 year guerrilla war.

In 1987, the current government, as part of its initial enthusiasm for social transformation, appointed the Education Policy Review Commission to inquire into the policies governing education in Uganda (Ministry of Education and Sports (MoES), 1992). On the basis of the views and recommendations of the Commission, the government formulated the 1992 Government White Paper on Education. Though 109

there

has

been

a

selective

approach

in

implementing

its

recommendations, the White Paper continues to serve as the bedrock of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education policy planning and legislation.

Indeed,

Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Education Sector Strategic Plan (ESSP) is supposedly based on the White Paper for Education, in addition to its long-term commitment to Education for All (EFA) and Millennium Development (education) goals (MoES, 2004; 2008a). Of course, the PEAP is one other important internal policy framework to which ESSP is aligned.

Since 1998, ESSP as a basic policy framework amalgamates the varied government efforts to promote access, equity and quality of education provision in Uganda. These efforts include among others, Universal Primary Education (UPE); and Universal Post-Primary Education and Training (UPPET) introduced in 1997 and 2007 respectively (MoES, 2008). To consolidate the education policy reforms, government has enacted two pieces of legislation which are pertinent to this study.

These are the BTVET Act, 2008 and the Education Act, 2008. I return to the BTVET Act and what it means to TVET in the proceeding section. Although the fiscal allocation to education has reduced from 24% to 17.3% over the past few years, the sector still receives the biggest share of the national budget (Bbumba, 2009). Actually by 2005, education spending as a percentage of GDP, according to the African Development Fund (2005), was 3.9% which is considered to be relatively high by developing country standards.

110

It is widely accepted that the different policy reforms and political commitment since the 1990s have changed the face of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education (Penny et al., 2008). However, as Wood (2008) puts it, the situation is a mixture of progress and challenges. With the introduction of UPE, the net enrolment of about three million in 1997 has steadily increased to over 7 million by 2007 (see Table 4).

Based on current performance trends, the enrolment is projected to hit the target net enrolment rate of 100% by 2015 (MoES, 2008a). With the implementation of USE, enrolment at the secondary level rose by 17.2% from 814,087 to 954, 328 in 2007 (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2008). Besides the achievements in terms of enrolment, there are quite a number of positive quantitative and qualitative positive such as gender parity and pupil/teacher ratio (see Table 4). This progress is a product of combined efforts by, among others, the Government, Faith-Based Organisations, the Private and NGO sector. The country receives considerable financial and technical support a host of International Multilateral Agencies and other Development Partners for education who work under a loose grouping called Education Funding Agencies Group (EFAG) (Schroeter, 2009; Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008d; African Development Fund, 2005). Indeed the role of non-profit civil society organisations and the private sector in the actual provision of education cannot be over emphasized; and the Ministry of Education and Sports (2008a) envisages formalized and enhanced public-private partnerships in service delivery as one of the pillars for the realization of the aims of ESSP 2007 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2015.

111

The mentioned progress

notwithstanding, the system is still grappling with a number of challenges. In 2003 when the current revised ESSP 2004 – 2015 was being prepared, the Ministry of Education and Sports articulated the following as critical concerns: • Primary schools were not providing Ugandan children with literacy, numeracy and basic life skills; • Secondary schools were not producing graduates with the skills and knowledge required to enter the workforce or pursue tertiary education; • Universities and technical institutes were neither affording students from disadvantaged backgrounds access to tertiary education nor responding adequately to the aspirations of a growing number of qualified secondary school graduates. (MoES, 2008, p.3).

The challenges which were recognized seven years ago during the ESSP revision process, in my view, still pertain despite the said progress though their extent and dimensions might have changed. For instance, in 2010, only 179,440 students of the eligible 418,000 candidates were admitted into government-aided schools to benefit from the free USE scheme (The New Vision, 2010). Ssenkaaba et al. cited in Hopper (2008) observe that, 40% of primary school graduates continue into secondary education while the remaining 60% find their way into vocational education and training of different forms, and the world of work.

112

Table 4: Primary and Post-primary Education Indicators Sector

Indicator

Primary Education Enrolment 2007 (UBOS,2008)

7,537,000

Gross intake rate 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

128.5%

Net enrolment rate 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

93.3 %

Ratio of girls to boys 2005/06 (UBOS, 2008)

0.96

Number of schools 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

14,728

Pupil classroom ratio 2007 ( UBOS, 2008)

72 : 1

Number of teachers 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

132,000

Pupil teacher ratio 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

57 : 1

Enrolment in private schools (% total)* (Wood, 2008)

6%

Post-primary Education (Secondary Education) Enrolment 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

954,328

Gross enrolment rate 2007

22.1%

Net enrolment rate 2007

18.6 %

Ratio of girls to boys 2003 (UBOS, 2008)

0.82

Student teacher ratio 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

39:1

Student classroom ratio 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

34:1

Number of schools 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

2,644

Number of teachers 2007 (UBOS, 2008)

24,548

Enrolment in private schools (% total)* (Wood, 2008)

40%

Post-Primary Education (BTVET Component of UPPET) Enrolment 2007/08 (MoES, 2008b)

29,441

Public BTVET Institutions 2007/08 (MoES,2008a)

144

Private TVET providing institutions registered with UGAPRIVI

600+

Privately owned BTVET institutions 2007/08 (MoES,2008b)

81

113

3.4 The TVET Sub-Sector In this sub-section, I point out the key policies that have influenced the provision of TVET since the 1970s. I deal with the policy reforms while pointing out the key policy and legislative instruments. I attempt to examine the organisation and delivery of TVET. I also identify the key providers both state and non-state actors. While I acknowledge the international perennial debate regarding the arguments for and against diversification of secondary school curriculum to include vocational content, I choose not to tackle the debate on the vocationalisation of secondary education in Uganda.

As elsewhere in this thesis, I use TVET to refer to education and training provision which is intended to develop capabilities which the beneficiaries require to directly enter and/or operate within the world of work (UNESCO, 2010). However it is important to point out that Uganda’s official terminology is Business Technical and Vocational Education and Training (BTVET)

which includes the aspect of

‘business’ to signal the government’s recognition of the importance of business education (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008a).

3.4.1 Policy and Institutional Framework It is widely acknowledged that until recently, TVET in Uganda, as elsewhere in the developing world, was fragmented and lacked substantive

policy

(African

Development

Bank/OECD,

2008;

Kempmann and Tibitanzi, 2007). For close to a decade, efforts have been made to rationalize the provision of TVET. These efforts have resulted in the revision and at times outright revoking of some laws and 114

regulations.

Let me point out the most pertinent elements in the

Government White Paper on Education before turning to the BTVET Act and other pertinent policies.

Government White Paper on Education, 1992 As already stated, the white paper continues to serve as the basis of official policy on matters of education planning and management in Uganda. Besides the pledge to vocationalise education, in Chapter 9 which deals with the challenges and strategies for remedying the dysfunction of the education system, government agreed to make extraordinary efforts in a number of areas including the following which are related to the broad TVET parameters: • Apprenticeship education for the youth; • Non-formal and adult education; • Post literacy and permanent functional literacy geared to productivity; • Continuing and lifelong education. (MoES, 1992, p.176 – 183).

Government also pledged to strive to ensure opportunities for continued learning while-at-work and at home as part of the objectives of nonformal and adult education. Government further agreed with the Education Review Commission on the creation of the directorates for Technical and Vocational Education; and Non-Formal and Adult Education.

Some of the above and many other indirectly relevant

recommendations have either been adopted or revised and incorporated

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into subsequent development and education policies/plans such as PEAP, ESSP, and Social Development Investment Plan (SDIP).

It is however, important to point out here that until now there has been no explicit public policy to regulate and streamline the provision of non-formal adult learning. Non-formal adult learning continues to suffer policy marginalization. The relevant provisions in the Education Bill of 2003 and Education and Training Bill of 2006 never saw the light of the day when the Education Act of 2008 was enacted (MoES, 2006; 2003; 1992). The White Paper recommendation to place non-formal and adult education under the direct responsibility of the Ministry of Education and Sports was quashed. Further, the non-formal adult learning policymaking process by the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development is painfully slow having dragged on since 2003 when civil society organisations submitted the draft policy proposals (Okech, 2004).

The Business Technical Vocational Education & Training Act 2008 The Business, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (BTVET) Act provides for the promotion and coordination of business, technical, vocational education and training in the country (Government of Uganda, 2008b). On enactment of the BTVET Act, government repealed the Industrial Training Decree of 1972. The revoked decree which until then had been the main substantive law for industrial or technical education, provided among others, a statutory instrument to

116

regulate apprenticeship training. It also provided for the establishment of a training levy.

The BTVET Act provides for the principles governing BTVET which are largely intended to increase access, equity, quality and transferability of competencies (see Appendix 4 for a complete list of the principles). It provides for the establishment of the Uganda Vocational Qualification Framework (UVQF). The Act also provides for continuation of some of the important provisions of the 1972 Industrial Training Decree. These include the following: • Continuation of the Directorate of Industrial Training (DIT) with increased responsibilities, mandate and power to regulate, assess, validate and certify industrial competencies both directly and indirectly through accreditation; • Continuation of the Industrial Training Council with clear provisions related to composition, tenure and functions including the mandate to be the policy-making organ of the DIT; • Re-articulation of the provisions for the establishment of a training levy which can only be realized through the enactment of a statutory instrument by the Ministry of Finance, managed by the Ministry of Education

for

financing

BTVET

functions

and

services.

(Government of Uganda, 2008b).

Recently, the Ministry of Education and Sports financed a study to examine the current TVET system; and recommend measures for the

117

establishment and administration of a training fund (African Development Bank, 2008; Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008a).

The 2008 report on the establishment and operationalisation of the training levy provides far-reaching recommendations including a proposal for a levy of 2% on company wage bills (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008c).

The Directorate of Industrial Training (DIT) is mandated to undertake the following functions: • Oversee hands-on industrial, vocational and apprenticeship training in the country and award certificates to those who satisfy the necessary requirements; • Organize and direct formal and informal skills training programmes to meet the requirements of domestic manpower demands for a trained and skilled labour force for wage employment, stimulating self-employment and creating small-scale entrepreneurs in all parts of the country; • Develop a national capacity to maintain a continuous supply of a highly skilled labour force that is able to adapt to continuous changing technologies and emerging skills patterns and sustain increased enterprise productivity; • Equip rural citizens with productive skills to enable them to increase output and income in order to develop their local areas; • Entrench a national career-oriented skills training system which produces job creators to engender increased employment changes;

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â&#x20AC;˘ Develop a system of non-formal vocational training for non-school goers; the rural poor and other unskilled groups by introducing mobile units. (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2001, p.9).

The trade testing, certification and guidance section of the DIT offers tests for categories of certificates: Uganda Intermediate Craft Certificate (Grade 2), Uganda Craft Certificate (Grade 1) and Uganda Master Craft Certificate. It is claimed that the

DIT can conduct examinations

catering for over 60 trades in a variety of mechanical, building, construction and services sectors (Wirak et al., 2003; DIT, 2002; Ministry of Education Sports, 2001).

The Uganda Vocational Qualifications Framework (UVQF), established under the provisions of the BTVET Act, is expected to operate in conformity with the general ideals of a competence-based approach to TVET. In Chapter 2 of this thesis, I discuss a little more of the competence-based approach which is a growing phenomenon in many countries both developed and developing. According to Section 20 of the Act, the purpose of UVQF is to define (i) occupational standards in the world of work; (ii) assessment standards; and (iii) vocational qualifications of learners who meet the set standards of different studies; and provide guidelines for modular training (Government of Uganda, 2008b).

In an attempt to address the perennial challenge of certification of unknown value and utility, with unclear procedures of award (African 119

Development Fund, 2008; Lugujjo, 2003), the Act provides for the award and recognition of certificates under UVQF. In Section 21 (3), the Act succinctly stipulates that the certificates and diplomas awarded by the DIT and the examination boards to be established for specialized training courses such as nursing, midwifery and allied health professional courses shall be recognized “in the Uganda academic standards and by the labour market” (Government of Uganda, 2008b, p.14). It further clarifies that the scope of BTVET shall be all business, technical and vocational education and training from certificate up to diploma level. In the same spirit the Act provides that on its commencement, UNEB or any other body that has as its function the conducting of technical examinations shall cease, in a phased manner to conduct examinations covered by the UVQF.

While the enactment of the BTVET Act is a plausible step in efforts to rationalize TVET provision, it is absolutely premature to assume that the Act will impact on practice in the immediate present. The translation into reality of many of the provisions and principles of the Act rests with the discretion of the Minister to make the necessary regulations to effect practice (Government of Uganda, 2008b). The history of intermittent delays in Uganda’s public policy-making processes may combine with other factors such as inadequate fiscal resources to impede the speedy implementation of the Act.

Another signal to tame over-zealous optimism is apparent ideological disharmony within the Ministry of Education in regard to the financing 120

of the Directorate of Industrial Training which, as already indicated above and elsewhere in this chapter, is an important player in equalizing TVET provision. It is claimed that the Ministry of Education seems uncomfortable with DITâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s training approach which is considered expensive; and does not emphasize grades and entry levels but rather concentrate on developing competencies (Wirak et al., 2003). While the BTVET Act envisages, the transfer of the responsibility of assessment and certification of TVET training achievements from the Uganda National Examinations Board, it imperative that its current place and function is articulated in this thesis.

Uganda National Examinations Board Act The Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB) Act, 137 as amended, gives effect to the powers and mandate of UNEB. A statutory agency within the Ministry of Education and Sport, UNEB was established in 1983. The Board is vested with the responsibility to administer all matters related to national assessment and certification of learning achievements at primary and post-primary education levels as well as for the teacher education sub-sector.

UNEB conducts final

examinations that determine or restrict transition from one level of general education to the next (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2004).

The Board also administers a variety of TVET-related examinations leading to numerous business and technical qualifications at certificate, ordinary diploma and higher diploma levels (Uganda National Examinations Board, 2007; 2001; 1998). UNEB conducts theoretical 121

and practical examinations but it is a commonly held view that the assessment is largely academic-oriented. UNEB conducts summative assessments at the very end of the study programme, which is also a matter of intense debate (Lugujjo, 2003). As observed by Wood (2008), UNEB faces several challenges as it seeks to improve educational assessment processes. Perhaps, the provisions of the BTVET Act to relieve it of the responsibility of administering BTVET examinations and certification, is a better strategy.

Before turning to the policy that guides the implementation of the BTVET component of UPPET, it is pertinent to mention the National Curriculum Development Centre (NCDC).

NCDC works in close

collaboration with the UNEB. UNEB sets the said examinations on the basis of the curricula/syllabuses which are prepared by the NCDC. I return to the function of the NCDC later in this subsection.

Universal Post-Primary Education and Training (UPPET) According to the Ministry of Education and Sports (2006), government expanded the concept of Universal Secondary Education (USE) to UPPET to cover lower secondary and technical and vocational education and training. One of the items under Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education policy agenda as articulated by ESSP is to ensure that all pupils who successfully complete Primary seven have access to either academic secondary education or BTVET (MoES, 2008a). The Ministry of Education and Sports (2008) acknowledges that, â&#x20AC;&#x153;with the challenge of masses of UPE completers looking for further studies or training, 122

BTVET requires special attention” (2008a, p.18). The pertinent components of the post-primary BTVET include: • Construction of community polytechnics in rural areas to provide opportunities for skills training for the young school leavers and dropouts to make them economically active; • Rehabilitation and expansion of existing farm schools which offer market oriented skills for rural development in response to current employment demands; • Promotion of apprenticeship schemes by the private sector for hands on training; • Review of the skills training curriculum to make it employment demand driven and flexible in content and structure. (MoES, 2004, p.5).

3.4.2 TVET Provision Overall, public TVET provision is under the management and administrative responsibility of the Ministry of Education and Sports.

On the basis of the 1998 Restructuring Report, all public training departments including about 46 BTVET institutions were transferred from other ministries (Agriculture, Tourism, Trade and Industry; Gender and Social Development; and Works and Communications) to the Education Ministry (Penny et al., 2003). However, there seems to be a continuing but silent bickering in regard to the management of some components of TVET. For instance, according to the official website of the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, skills

123

development and labour productivity for sustainable development is mentioned as a component of the Ministry’s mandate.

Provision of TVET involves a multiplicity of about 144 public and over 600 private institutions. The vast majority of BTVET is offered by private training providers. According to Wirak et al (2003), ‘private training providers’ connotes “centres of learning and practice that are privately run either on a profit or a non profit basis” (p.22). It is estimated that 450 of the over 600 private training providers are registered by the Government. In addition to its 433 private sector members, the Uganda Association for Private Vocational Institutions (UGAPRIVI) has numerous public institutions in its membership. As part of the BTVET component of the UPPET programme, the government enlisted 16 private training providers to enrol government sponsored students. This was largely necessitated by the failure to implement the 1996 Presidential pledge to establish a community polytechnic in every one of the over 900 sub-counties in the country (Bananuka & Katahoire, 2008). The BTVET institutions operate at three levels distinguished by intake requirements, and awards (see Table 5 for the categorization of these institutions).

The lowest level is post-primary TVET which targets primary school leavers with primary leaving certificates. Some of the learners at Ubuntu fall under this category. The training normally takes three fulltime years of study. Craftsman level courses are offered leading mostly to the award of Uganda Junior Technical Certificate (UJTC). Some 124

writers think that the UJTC qualification is an equivalent of Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) (Bananuka & Katahoire, 2008). The main public post-primary BTVET providing institutions, which received government funding in the fiscal year 2007/08 include 4 farm schools, 16 community polytechnics and 25 technical schools (MoES, 2008b).

The second level is post-lower secondary TVET for students, who must have completed their four years of secondary education and attained the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE). The students need to undertake a 2- year training course to be examined and qualify for Uganda Craft Certificate (Part 1). An additional year after successful completion of the first 2 years earns the student the Uganda Craft Certificate (Part 2) upon being examined. Traditional technical courses range from carpentry and joinery; mechanics; plumbing; pottery; leather work; agriculture to electricity installation offered by technical institutes. A number of specialist para-professional institutions enrol UCE graduates for courses that prepare them for lower level occupations in the sectors of health, tourism, agriculture, forestry, fisheries and animal industry.

There is also the option of undertaking business education courses that lead to such awards as National Certificate in Secretarial Studies.

The third level is post-secondary TVET which targets students who must have completed the last two years of secondary schooling and attained the Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education (UACE). This level is served by Technical Colleges, Uganda Colleges of Commerce 125

and other colleges. They offer a variety of 2 year full-time courses in such areas as Secretarial, Accountancy, Business, Auditing, Tourism and Hospitality, and traditional fields of Civil, Mechanical and Electrical

Engineering.

Successful

candidates

are

awarded

ordinary/advanced diplomas. Often graduating college students transit to universities for higher education immediately or after some years of work practice. The practice of pursuing higher diplomas in traditional engineering disciplines is less visible today due to the merger of Uganda Polytechnic Kyambogo with Kyambogo Teachers College to form Kyambogo University.

As indicated in Table 5, the spectrum of non-formal or on-the-job or enterprise-based TVET within the private and public BTVET institutions is difficult to delineate due to the dearth of data. The majority of these institutions target primary school completers and UCE certificate holders. A good number of private enterprises and NGOs, including faith-based organisations provide a variety of tailor-made non-formal vocational education and training programmes (Semowgere, 2010, Schroeter, 2009; Bananuka & Katahoire, 2008).

On-the-job training is provided at different levels particularly by hundreds of small and large enterprises who organize apprenticeships for their workers and other specially selected beneficiaries (J.E. Austin Associates, Inc., 2004). The Directorate of Industrial Training is the lead government department in reaching out to some of these providers who are engaged in informal, non-formal and formal apprenticeship 126

training. Some of the beneficiaries of apprenticeships, as well as those prepared by numerous post-primary private TVET providers, are examined and certified by DIT through its trade testing function.

Table 5: Institutions offering TVET in Uganda

16 4 25

1 34 3 22

6 (1 is private) 48 (43 are private) Agricultural and Forestry Colleges 5 Cooperative Colleges 2 Hotel and Tourism Schools 2 Health Colleges 6 Survey and Physical Planning 1 Wildlife 1 Instructorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; College 1 Other private TVET providing Approx. 600 Institutions (the description of each, courses offered and entry requirements cannot be reliably established)

On-the- job or enterprise-based and Unknown apprenticeship training in the formal and informal sector

Comment The clarity of description and entry requirements for these institutions is based on the data collected by the Education Management Information System (EMIS), UNEB and National Council for Higher Education.

Number

Government is aware of their existence but no central data is captured by the EMIS.

Institution Type Post-primary TVET providers (for P7 leavers): Community Polytechnics Farm Schools Technical Schools Post-lower secondary TVET providers (for S4 leavers): Vocational Training Centres Technical Institutes Vocational Training Institutes Health Training Institutions Post-upper secondary TVET Providers (S6 leavers): Technical Colleges Colleges of Commerce

Data not captured by the BTVET Subsector Source: (MoES, 2008b; Wood, 2008; MoFPED, 2004; Wirak et al., 2003) 127

Several small initiatives are in place to provide low-cost unaccredited training to the disadvantaged primary school drop-outs and completers.

For instance, in 2004, the Uganda Youth Development Link, with support from UNESCO launched a Non-Formal Education and Livelihood Skills for Marginalized Street and Slum Youth Project which placed a total of 288 marginalized youth with local artisans to acquire technical skills in trades such as tailoring and carpentry (Uganda Youth Development Link, 2006). Another example is the Local Skills Development (LSD) concept implemented by the Ministry of Education and Sports, and supported under GTZ’s programme for the Promotion of Employment Oriented Vocational and Technical Training (PEVOT).

LSD is intended to serve the ‘forgotten majority’ by

providing low-cost vocational skills training.

The concept which

commenced as a pilot component of the Community Polytechnic Programme at three sites is said to have been designed to fit particular conditions of rural communities whose livelihood is highly dependent on agriculture (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2007).

Overall, TVET provision outside of the BTVET component of UPPET, which assumes the characteristics of a non-formal education approach, is yet to receive official policy recognition. According to the Ministry of Education and Sports (2008a), the “amorphous structure of non-formal BTVET renders coordination and management difficult thereby causing transactional costs” (p.19).

128

Access and Participation Access and participation should be two of the most important quantitative benchmarks of the TVET policy reforms that the government has initiated since the advent of the White Paper on Education. The two interwoven variables mirror actual fiscal, administrative and political commitment. Despite the challenge of inadequate data on provision, the scanty available evidence points to sluggish progress.

Finding a comprehensive TVET enrolment picture is rather a daunting task due to the absence of a regular tracking and data management system for all providers. As already stated, the Education Management Information System (EMIS) in the Ministry of Education does not capture enrolment by private TVET institutions except those within the BTVET/UPPET arrangement (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008a). However, even the data from different government documents on absolute public BTVET enrolment is at times inconsistent. It is claimed that enrolment in BTVET institutions under the UPPET programme increased from 25,682 in 2006 to over 30,000 in 2008 (National Planning Authority, 2010, Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008b).

The BTVET enrolment share of the post-primary enrolment

in 2007 was reported not to be more than 3.3% which is even lower than the Sub-Saharan average of 6% (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008b; UNESCO, 2010).

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As already indicated, enrolment figures of other TVET providers outside the BTVET/UPPET arrangement are difficult to come by.

Working on estimations has been a common option by many government departments and other stakeholders including TVET scholars. For instance, the total enrolment for the range of training courses offered by DIT and its accredited centres is estimated at about 800 trainees per year (Okou, 2002). In the 2003 report of the Norwayfunded study into BTVET for employment and private sector development in Uganda, the consultants put a total intake of 250 against 4 vocational training institutes in the year 2000 (Wirak, et al., 2003).

All in all, based on current enrolment indicators and trends, no matter the aforementioned data scarcity, Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s overall TVET network of private and public providers can hardly absorb all the prospective students. The government wants 10% of primary school completers to pursue skills development courses in the public post-primary BTVET institutions (National Planning Authority, 2010), which translates into an average of 40,000 students per year. However, the BTVET head count of year one enrolment in 2008 revealed a miserable number of 4,848 students in all BTVET institutions within the UPPET programme (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008e). There are glaring difficulties within the sub-sector that impede access and participation. For example, the UPPET/BTVET admission criterion for primary school leavers is selective and discriminatory. Eligibility for admission under the tuitionfree BTVET scheme is based on a certain Primary Leaving Examination (PLE) score aggregate, and only restricted to recent P7 leavers of the 130

immediate past year. It is therefore highly contestable that the official projections are tenable.

Indeed, the sub-sector is characterized by hazy performance in terms of access and participation. The poor, who are often the victims of selective admission criteria, have little chance of enrolling with feecharging private TVET providers. Recent ineligible school leavers join thousands of their previous counter parts in the labour market. The term ‘forgotten majority’ is often used to describe this category of school leavers who are literally neglected by official public education policy (Schroeter, 2009). The tendency and known preference for mainstream academic education does not help matters in such a situation without public policy intervention. It has been observed that Ugandans have a ‘strong cultural bias’ against TVET (Keating cited in Wirak et al., 2003). Actually, it is repeatedly being claimed that the demand especially for post-primary BTVET is low (Liang, 2002). Some circles argue that perhaps the social demand could be present but the economic ability to finance TVET provision among the poor is largely inadequate (Semwogerere, 2010). A glimpse of the factors related to financing and curriculum in the proceeding discussion further illustrates the challenges surrounding the key aspects of access and participation.

Cost and Financing It is widely accepted that TVET provision is “more expensive than general education” (Johanson and Adams, 2004, p.150). In Chapter 2, I explore the TVET cost debate a little further. Innovations to cut TVET 131

delivery expenses to reduce cost barriers often result in further classification and locking of the poor within a certain class of limited entitlement. For instance, as Wirak, et al (2003) observe, in order to keep fees down, some vocational training institutions are providing mainly theoretical training – “instead of hands on” (p.39). They often do not emphasize essential and other competencies that the graduates need for versatility and labour mobility. Let me return to the claimed costly nature of TVET delivery.

The Ministry of Education and Sports identifies the high cost as one of the major challenges to the expansion of TVET coverage (MoES, 2008b). Liang (2002) states that, according to the unit cost data collected in 2001, “the annual per pupil expenditure at a well run private technical centre for primary school leavers and S1 – S4 dropouts is UGX 1.1 million more than three times the average expenditure per student at an O-level school” (p.53).

Who meets this expensive cost is a fundamentally difficult matter to deal with. There are several economic, political, administrative and pedagogical considerations in the TVET financing discourse. The main target of Uganda’s post-primary TVET includes primary school leavers and drop outs. It is a well known reality that many primary school leavers and drop-outs are from poor families, who cannot afford to meet the cost of effective TVET provision (Liang, 2002; Wirak, et al., 2003).

Of course, there are instances where students and their families pay full tuition or contribute to the cost especially for training that is provided 132

by the dominant players – the private sector and NGOs. It is also worth noting that the private and NGO sector is making substantial resource mobilization and investment in the training infrastructure because public funding to TVET is limited (Wirak et al., 2003)

The public BTVET system is financed mainly through the government budget (African Development Bank/OECD, 2008). A number of TVET reform efforts are largely being financed by donor funds. The prominent donors who have substantially involved themselves in Uganda’s BTVET sub-sector include the German Technical Cooperation Agency (GTZ); German Development Bank (KfW); Japanese Aid Agency (JICA) and African Development Bank (ADB)

(Wood, 2008;

Schroeter, 2009).

While there has been a recent increment in budgetary allocations as part of the efforts to revamp and reform the TVET sub-sector, even the government acknowledges that, there still remains huge unmet social demand. The BTVET share of the national education budget is still very negligible as indicated in Table 6 (Semwogere, 2010). During the fiscal year 2007/08, a meagre UGX 1.4 bn (approx. US$ 70,000) was disbursed to finance the BTVET component of the UPPET programme (MoES, 2008b). One of the factors to account for this rather disappointing fiscal commitment is the lack of a functioning training levy fund. However,, of course, as Wood (2008) puts it, Uganda “does not have a sufficiently strong industrial base to bear the costs of a levy to support its BTVET institutions” (p.149).

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Table 6: Sub-Sectoral Budgetary Shares 2008/09 Sub-sector FY 2007/08

FY 2008/09

Primary Education

61.0%

58.8%

Secondary Education

22.1%

22.9%

BTVET

4.1%

4.1%

Tertiary

10.7%

11.6%

Others

2.1%

2.6%

Total

100%

100%

Source: Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008b

The inadequate flow of fiscal resources to the sub-sector not only impedes access and equitable distribution of TVET opportunities, it severely impacts on the quality of the little that there is to access. To survive within the limits of the available resources, public and private TVET providers devise a number of cost-saving strategies some of which,

as already mentioned,

are detrimental to the image and

attractiveness of the sub-sector.

There are considerable concerns over a number of factors and variables that negatively impact TVET curriculum and pedagogy. Inadequate supply of training equipment, facilities and materials is one of the difficulties afflicting the sub-sector (National Planning Authority, 2010). According to the Ministry of Education and Sports (2008a), the BTVET sub-sector â&#x20AC;&#x153;lacks a comprehensive tutor training and management system, which contributes to the chronic shortage of qualified instructorsâ&#x20AC;? (p.19). The great majority of TVET teachers, have for a long time, been teaching without due professional

134

preparation except for a few trained by the former Kyambogo Polytechnic. Some form of training of trainers’ courses is provided by the public TVET institutions and by UGAPRIVI to upgrade the delivery capacity of practicing teachers/tutors.

3.4.3 TVET Curriculum Issues In Uganda, curriculum development for primary and post-primary education, including vocational and technical education, is centralized, and is the responsibility of the National Curriculum Development Centre (Ministry of Education and Sport, 2002).

It is, however, a

common phenomenon for a number of private and public TVET institutions to offer their own curricula (Wirak et al., 2003).

Established in 1974, NCDC is mandated to play a pivotal role in improving the quality of education and re-designing the courses at various levels other than the universities, to meet the goals and objectives of education (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2002).

However, there are concerns as to what extent NCDC is able to establish the demand for TVET as a basis for curriculum design. In 2002, a Ministry-supported demand analysis of post-primary BTVET established that “the curriculum in place is basically that inherited in the 1960s and early 1970s from City and Guilds of London” (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2002, p.22).

Several studies and reviews including the Education Review Commission have criticized Uganda’s TVET curriculum for being

135

inappropriate and outdated (Wirak, et al., 2003; Ministry of Education and Sports, 2002; 1990; 1992). The entire TVET curriculum regime has for long been accused of failure to address and accommodate the current needs of the economy because: • it is oriented towards the satisfaction of limited industrial and occupational requirements for wage employment in the formal sector; • it is not responsive to the needs and realties of the competence requirements of the rural economy and the informal sector in general; • while some TVET providers emphasize too much of the practical skills and less of theoretical and essential skills which are deemed critical in today’s increasingly knowledge economy, others are obsessed with the reverse; and • it lacks built-in methodology to inculcate and nurture work ethics, attitudes and values which are considered indispensable in today’s very competitive labour market. (National Planning Authority, 2010).

The Ministry of Education and Sports affirms that much needed ‘competencies with broad application’ are only a small part of both general secondary and BTVET curricula. These competencies include the ‘ability to: • Communicate effectively both verbally and in writing;

136

• Follow written instructions (manuals and diagrams) that assume an understanding of abstract concepts; • Use advanced mathematics, including fractions, decimals and line graphs; • Solve semi-structured problems by formulating and testing hypotheses; and • Understand how computers work’ (MoES, 2008a, p.38).

Further, the TVET sub-sector has suffered from the lack of a regular and consistent interaction with the industry, employers and practitioners which denies it an opportunity to have a clear sense of labour market realities. As already mentioned, in many instances, TVET institutions have no capacity to provide the required training environment and facilities to ensure an effective theoretical and practical pedagogical balance (Wirak, et al., 2003). On-the-job training and apprenticeships are reported to have stagnated due to a number of factors within and outside the sub-sector. Inadequate policy guidance, insufficient linkage between industry and training, together with the rather misguided emphasis on examinations, qualifications and certification are some of the causes. They have combined to adversely impact the quality of instruction and delivery for quite some time.

However, as already stated, some efforts to rejuvenate and reform TVET curricula have been made for over a decade now (Wirak et al., 2003). Practical efforts to improve curriculum design and delivery

137

include the move to reform BTVET along the lines of competencebased education and training (Kyobe and Rugumayo, 2005). The pilot development of standards-based qualifications in selected occupations which were deemed relevant to the economy was started. Uganda adopted â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;DACUMâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; a Canadian-modified approach to curriculum development which among other principles, involves a systematic process for the analysis of trades and jobs within the employment sector (Dunbar, 2002; Kyobe & Rugumayo, 2005). DACUM, an acronym for designing a curriculum, is believed to be a useful approach for not only identifying the knowledge, skills and competencies required in a particular job it is also a good basis for modularized training (Sizya, 2003; Losh, 2000).

Over 22 occupation profiles; a number of assessment and training packages had been developed by 2006. Pioneer occupations under the arrangement include those from Information Technology, Health, Hair and Beauty as well as the traditional ones such as Bricklayer and Metal Fabricator.

Graded from Level 1, pilot assessment and training

packages are being distributed in a variety of forms including print.

These A5 size assessment and training booklets published by the UVQF Secretariat in 2006 are some of the resource materials to aid training and assessment by TVET providers that choose to adopt a competencebased approach. The booklets of not more than 100 pages contain carefully articulated occupational duties and tasks; associated generic knowledge and skills, attitudes/behaviours; assessment instruments with 138

test items, as well as training modules.

For these and any other

curriculum- related reforms to bear fruit will always be dependent on the extent of structural reform and realignment of institutional roles and mandates. The provisions in the BTVET Act that clearly stipulate and assign the distinct roles of training, assessment and quality assurance amongst the different semi autonomous agencies within the Ministry of Education and Sports are expected to consolidate the several reforms.

Sectoral linkages and institutional collaborations will be paramount in addressing the important issues of access, equity, quality and transferability of skills and competencies.

Figure 1: UVQF Assessment and Training Packages for Beautician & Hair Dresser

139

3.5 Summary and Conclusion Landlocked Uganda, enjoyed a little of its newly attained independence due to the subsequent series of political upheavals from the mid 1960s up to the early years of the 1980s. The country’s economic and political landscape has been volatile for over twenty years which impeded not only economic growth but improvement in people’s well-being as well.

In 1986, the current regime embarked on a recovery and economic development process which is painfully slow in terms of translating into real ‘well-being gains’ in favour of the ordinary people.

Just like many countries of the Third World, Uganda embraced a number of World Bank sponsored reforms after encountering a number of structural impediments in the welfare approach that the country had adopted in the mid 1980s. Today the legacy of neo-liberal policies is implicit in almost all sectors of the economy. Its sluggish economy is gradually tilting away from the traditional agricultural base to manufacturing and services sectors but without coherent policy guidance. Its population and labour force growth is considered to be among the highest in the world. Employment growth is obviously low with consequential high unemployment and underemployment rates especially among the youth and women. The largest proportion of Uganda’s labour force is employed in the informal sector.

The colonial legacy is still vivid in the country’s current education system despite the several attempts to reform it. Several studies and reviews have been undertaken since 1963 to provide a basis for reform.

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The Education Review Commission which culminated in the Government White Paper on Education is the most outstanding. It is the basis of all subsequent policies and legislation including the recently enacted Education Act of 2008 and the BTVET Act of 2008. The national examination system is designed to determine and restrict the transition from one level of general education to the next. In an attempt to

promote

equitable

distribution

of

education

opportunities,

government introduced universal primary education (UPE) and Universal Post-Primary Education and Training (UPPET), in 1997 and 2007 respectively. The Education Sector Strategic Plan (ESSP) whose current version is expected to direct public action towards the year 2015 is the national framework for education service delivery.

The TVET sub-sector, however, is yet to fundamentally benefit from the several education reforms. The sub-sector has been at the periphery of education public policy-making and financing for a long time. For all these years until 2008 when the BTVET Act was enacted, the sub-sector has been operating under fragmented pieces of policies and public pronouncements.

The overall administrative responsibility for the growth and development of the sub-sector is vested with the Ministry of Education and Sports. However, actual TVET provision is largely a public-private partnership affair though clear arrangements to nurture this relationship are yet to be seen. Besides, the slightly over 144 public TVET institutions, it is estimated there are over 600 private training providers.

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The TVET reforms that were initiated at the beginning of this decade involved the establishment of a BTVET department in the Ministry of Education and Sports. In addition, institutional reforms are being implemented to consolidate the mandate and responsibility of the Directorate of Industrial Training.

Just like mainstream education provision, the TVET curriculum has received considerable criticism for being irrelevant to the current realities in the labour market and the changing needs of the economy.

The supply of skilled labour is not only in disharmony with the demand in terms of quantity but its quality is a concern of many stakeholders. It has not been possible to undertake a comprehensive national manpower assessment survey to inform curriculum choices. Recent curriculum reforms clearly indicated the intentions for a paradigm shift to a competence-based approach to training and assessment. The new law (BTVET Act, 2008) provides for the establishment of the Uganda Vocational Qualification Framework (UVQF). UVQF is expected to realign training, assessment and certification of competencies no matter how they are obtained.

Cost and financing of TVET in Uganda is no different from other low income countries. The BTVET sub-sector is the least financed amongst the four sectors under the Ministry of Education and Sports. The quality of private and public provision is far from satisfactory due to inadequate equipment and materials. Ill-trained and less motivated TVET teaching

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personnel is an acknowledged challenge which several studies and reviews have eloquently put on the table for redress.

Access and participation in public TVET provision is limited due to resource constraints. The admission criterion by post-primary public BTVET institutions is restrictive on the basis of performance at primary leaving examinations. It has been observed that the examinations, as well as cut-off points for admission, are just engineered to fit the available enrolment capacity which of course is inadequate vis-Ă -vis the annual number of PLE candidates. The private providers obviously enrol only those who can pay, but of course with a PLE certificate.

Non-formal provision and/or second chance TVET largely receives laissez-faire policy attention.

Overall, despite the several reforms that are being implemented, several challenges are yet to be tackled to ensure that TVET plays its rightful role in Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s socio-economic transformation. Two of these are central in my study. First is the challenge to equalize TVET opportunities so as to address marginalization of the poor â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the economically and educationally disadvantaged youths with incomplete post-primary schooling. Second is the rationalization of the TVET curriculum and pedagogy; and to align it with the realities of the world of work and the economy. Amidst all this, is of course the challenge to strengthen macro-economic policies to ensure economic as well as employment growth.

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CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH DESIGN

4.1 Introduction In the previous chapter, I present the basis for contextualizing the study within the national TVET discourse. In this chapter, I describe the research design that guided the entire research process.

The chapter is organized under five main sections. Under Section one I point out the research design. In Section two, I present a description and justification of the qualitative case study research methodology. The third section deals with the type of evidence, the sources and the methods that I used to collect the data pieces. The fourth section is about the credibility and ethical considerations. The last section is a description of how I conducted the analysis of the gathered evidence.

4.2 Research Design In line with standard practice, I formulated a research design before undertaking the process of data collection and analysis. The design was based on the outcome of the indicative literature review as well as my long time experience in adult learning and development work. The aim of a research design, according to Mouton & Marais cited in Durrheim (1999), is to plan and structure a given research study in such a manner that the eventual validity of the research findings is maximized.

According to Hakim cited in Henn, Weinstein & Foard (2006), research design â&#x20AC;&#x153;deals primarily with aim, purposes, intentions and plans within 144

the practical constraints of location, time, money and availability of staff” (p.46).

Yin (2009) defines research design as the “logical sequence that connects the empirical data to a study’s initial research questions and, ultimately, to its conclusions” (p.26). According to Durrheim (1999) a research design is “a strategic framework for action that serves as a bridge between research questions and the execution or implementation of the research” (p.29). Hart (2006) provides useful advice for transforming preliminary research decisions into what he calls a ‘coherent design’. He says that “achieving a methodological logic in your research design involves making coherent and reasoned connections between choices you have made and which methodological tradition to follow, which approach and which data collection methods you use” (p. 313).

Basically, there are three dominant paradigms of social research namely positivist, interpretive and critical. They are based on different philosophies in regard to the nature and sources of knowledge including the ways of understanding the world. Studies situated in the positivist paradigm

strive

for

“objectivity,

measurability,

predictability,

controllability, patterning and the construction of laws and rules of behaviour” (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2007). They are often of a large scale and aim at generalizations which are based on scientifically verifiable methods and procedures such as experiments, tests and surveys.

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The interpretive paradigm rejects the positivist view that human behaviour is governed by general universal laws. Interpretivist perspectives contend that the social world is best understood from the point of view of the individuals who create it. The focus is on people in trying to understand how they interpret and interact within their social settings. To ensure richness and depth of explorations of the situation under study, the researcher becomes the instrument of data collection and analysis.

The critical paradigm of social research is about challenging the status quo which entails going beyond just collecting data and generating or perpetuating conditions of oppression and marginalization. Studies which are immersed in the critical approaches to social research aim at emancipation through ensuring freedom and social justice for the weak and oppressed (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2007).

In consideration of the nature, purpose and scope of the study, I made a choice to situate it within the interpretive methodological tradition.

Typical of an interpretive paradigm, I engaged myself in a series of intense direct interactions with the participants which in itself justified the decision not to operate within a positivist tradition. Against the notion of subjectivity, the positivist approach demands scientific procedures which are said to be value-free and require absolute objectivity (Cohen et al., 2007; Krauss, 2005). The interpretive paradigm suits most the circumstances of this study. I sought to understand and interpret the world of training and work from the point 146

of view of some key actors – the past and current learners, the tutors and management staff of Ubuntu Vocational Training Centre. I find the interpretive social ideals of multiple perspectives to be particularly relevant in dealing with such a divergent group of respondents. As indicated in the section on methodology, I freely interacted with the respondents which allowed me to have a better understanding of their perspectives on the context and conditions pertaining to TVET training and the world of work.

4.3 Qualitative Case Study Methodology Qualitative research uses “a naturalistic approach that seeks to understand phenomena in context-specific settings” (Golafshani, 2003, p.600). It is widely acknowledged that qualitative research is a valuable approach for exploring a phenomenon within its context, and most importantly from the participants’ point of view (Baxter & Jack, 2008; Leedy and Ormrod, 1985). Merriam and Simpson (1995) observe that qualitative methods are most suited for investigations in applied fields such as adult education and training because they provide a basis to improve practice. Nieuwenhuis (2007) argues that, “one of the greatest strengths of the qualitative methodology is the richness and depth of explorations and descriptions it yields” (p.60).

A case study is one of the most treasured qualitative methods in yielding rich, complex and contextual evidence that addresses the research purpose. In an effort to delineate the case study method, Robert Yin, one of the most prominent passionate scholars of this approach

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offers a twofold technical definition in his latest edition. First, he states that: A case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident (Yin, 2009, p.18).

He affirms the view that with a case study approach, investigations are carried out without manipulating the context and a thick description of the social reality that is being studies is paramount. Second, Yin maintains that the case study inquiry deals with varied interests, which inevitably calls for reliance on multiple sources of evidence with data needing to converge in a triangulating fashion.

The decision to employ a case study approach ought to be rational.

According to Rowley (2002), the deciding factors for a suitable research methodology include “the type of questions to be answered, the extent of control over behavioural events, and the degree of focus on contemporary as opposed to historical events” (p.17). Yin cited in Baxter and Jack (2008) advises that a case study design should be considered when: (i) the focus of the study is to answer ‘how and ‘why’ questions; (ii) you cannot manipulate the behaviour of those involved in the study; (iii) you want to cover contextual conditions because you believe they are relevant to the phenomenon under study; or (iv) the boundaries are not clear between the phenomenon and context (p.546).

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My choice of a case study design was based on four main reasons. First, as stated in Chapter 1, this study attempts to answer the key question of how TVET is developing capabilities to work among youths with incomplete schooling. Yin (2009) clearly maintains that case studies are preferred when ‘how and why’ questions are being posed in the study. Second, the success of the entire research depended on the cooperation of the respondents to freely provide data. This necessitated a high degree of interaction and collaboration with a number of stakeholders including the respondents during the field work period.

Citing Crabtree and Miller, Baxter and Jack (2008) say that one of the advantages of this approach is “the close collaboration between the researcher and participants, while enabling participants to tell their stories” (p.545).

Closely connected to the above is the third reason which is to do with the nature of the phenomenon and consideration of the context.

Hitchcock and Hughes cited in Cohen et al (2007) point out the case study concern with a rich and vivid description of the events relevant to the case; and the focus on individuals actors or groups of actors in an effort to understand their perception of events. Further, case studies strive to portray ‘what it is like’ to be in a particular situation to catch the close-up reality (Geertz cited in Cohen et al., 2007). No attempt at all was made to control or influence the study participants. All interview meetings and interactions with the respondents were conducted in their natural environment. The detailed presentation of analysed evidence

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under Chapter 5 of this thesis is testimony to the care taken to extensively highlight the valuable insights provided by the respondents.

The fourth reason is my interest to undertake a small-scale study as opposed to a macro survey of some sort which of course would be impossible to execute given the practical constraints of time and inadequate human resources. Further, a small-scale case study would permit me ample opportunity to interact with individuals at a deeper level to be able to share their frame of reference.

Case studies are mainly categorized as explanatory, exploratory or descriptive (Yin, 2009; Baxter and Jack, 2008) which, in my view, are not mutually exclusive. Explanatory case studies attempt to “explain the presumed causal links in real-life interventions that are too complex for the survey or experimental strategies” (Yin, 2009, p.19). Descriptive case studies are used to “describe an intervention or phenomenon and the real-life context in which it occurred” (Yin, 2009, p.20). Exploratory case studies are primarily intended to “explore those situations in which the intervention being evaluated has no clear, single set of outcomes” (Yin, 2003 cited Baxter and Jack, 2008, p.548). My study is concerned with understanding rather than evaluating how TVET operates. It is a descriptive and exploratory study intended, as already stated, to illuminate the contextual conditions that influence the process and outcome of TVET delivery in relation to the well-being of beneficiary youths with incomplete schooling.

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Unit of Analysis My unit of analysis or case is the ‘TVET being provided by Ubuntu Vocational Training Centre’, the case study centre. This is inclusive of the process and outcome of the training. Citing Miles & Huberman, Baxter and Jack (2008) define a case as “a phenomenon of some sort occurring in a bounded context; and the case is, in effect, your unit of analysis” (p.545). Rowley (2002) observes that, “the unit of analysis is the basis for the case” (p.19). Trochim (2006) maintains that the unit of analysis is the major entity that is being analyzed in a study.

As suggested by Yin (2009), case studies ought to be clear and distinct in regard to the unit of analysis, let me attempt to further delineate my unit of analysis. Within the study research problem lie a number of boundaries that limit this case study. The study is limited to TVET being offered to young people who due to a number of reasons never completed their post-primary education. The study is an exploration of the experiences and perceptions of this category of beneficiaries who are considered marginalised; and as widely acknowledged, it is hoped that this will give them a voice (Nieuwenhuis, 2007; Mugenda & Mugenda, 2003). This partly explains the reason for limiting the study to the education and training function of the case study centre other than seeking to study the centre in its entirety. A complete exploration of the extent to which the training enables its graduates to find work is not part of the primary objectives of this study though some inferences are made in the analysis and discussion of findings. Further, an exhaustive

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exploration of Ubuntu vocational centre’s institutional and management issues is equally not within the direct concerns of this study.

4.4 Data, Sources and Methods Being a qualitative research study, the field work process yielded largely perception-based evidence in the form of thoughts, opinions and views.

I engaged tutors, key management staff members; current

learners as well as graduates of the case study centre (see Table 7 for details). The basic reasons for selecting these categories of participants include but are not limited to the following: • The perception and experiences of the current learners in regard to the training, its context and connection to the world of work are central to the purpose of the study; • The reflections, perceptions and experiences of graduates with particular reference to the connection between the training that they undertook and what they do to earn a living today are equally critical in understanding the relationship between education, work and wellbeing; • The thoughts, opinions and views of tutors and managers with regard to the process of designing, delivering and assessing learning are key to the interpretation of the nature and purpose of the training; • The supervisory role of management staff provides them with a vantage point to give some relevant viewpoints that cut across the entire purpose and objectives of the study.

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Consistent with one of the overriding principles of case study data collection, I used a variety of data sources (Yin, 2009, Baxter and Jack, 2008). Yin (2009) says that case study evidence may come from six sources including documents, interviews and direct observation. Cohen et al. (2007) identify semi-structured and open interviews, observation, narrative accounts and document analysis as some of the most common case study data collection methods.

Basically, I set out to collect primary data. As Leedy and Ormrod put it â&#x20AC;&#x153;in the layer closest to the truth are primary data â&#x20AC;&#x201C; these are often the most valid, the most illuminating, the most truth-manifestingâ&#x20AC;? (1974, p.95). I used interview methods of three variations namely, open-ended, semi-structured and biographical interviews. Bless and Higson-Smith (2000) explain that an interview involves direct personal contact with a participant who is asked to answer relevant questions. The main purpose of using an interview in research is that it is believed that in an interpersonal encounter, people are more likely to disclose some aspects of themselves, their thoughts, their feelings and values, than they would in a less human situation (Kitwood cited in Cohen et al., 2007). Yin (2009) maintains that the interview is one of the most important sources of case study evidence.

Quoting LeCompte and Preissle, Cohen et al (2007) give six types of interviews: standardized interviews, in-depth interviews, ethnographic interviews, elite interviews, life history interviews, and focus groups.

Nieuwenhuis (2007) identifies three types of interviews in qualitative 153

research: “open-ended interview, semi-structured interview and structured interview” (p.87). Cohen et al. (2007) observe that “the more one wishes to acquire, unique, non-standardized, personalized information about how individuals view the world, the more one veers towards qualitative, open-ended, unstructured interviewing” (p.354).

There is however, a general recognition of the importance of having some level of systematic interviewing as one attempts to employ an open-ended interview approach. To reinforce the interviews, I collected a number of related documents. I also set out to undertake some simple observations of the training sessions at the case study centre. Let me look at the usefulness and relevance of each of the methods.

Open-ended Interviews I employed an open-ended but guided interview approach involving 5 current learners. As Cohen et al. (2007) advise, I prepared an interview guide and specified the relevant topics and issues in advance of the interview meetings. This helped to ensure comprehensiveness of the data while making it easy to maintain some form of systematic collection and compilation of data for each of the respondents. As seen from Appendix 5, open-ended interview guides include areas of interest rather than real questions as is the case with structured interviews.

Nieuwenhuis (2007) observes that open-ended interviews are spread and consist of a series of interviews; and the focus is mainly on the participants’ perceptions of the event or phenomenon being studied. The inherent possibility of spreading the interview meetings offers a variety 154

of benefits, including allowing ample time to both the researcher and respondent to reflect on situations and share during subsequent/followup sessions. I conducted a minimum of two interview meetings with each of the five current learners. We held the meetings within the premises of the case study centre, and each session took approximately 90 minutes.

Semi-structured Interviews According to Nieuwenhuis (2007), semi-structured interview schedules basically define the line of inquiry. The researcher must be attentive to the responses of the participants so that he/she can identify new emerging lines of inquiry that are directly related to the phenomenon being studied. I undertook semi-structured interviews with 4 tutors and 2 management staff members. As seen from Appendices 6 and 7, I formulated semi-structured interview schedules which allowed the respondents to share their views and opinions but within specified parameters.

However, unlike the typical semi-structured interviews

which are conducted once, I conducted more than one session with three of the tutors. With the management staff, I held one session with each of them.

Every interview meeting lasted approximately 2 hours. The interview sessions were not entirely free from intermittent interruptions as participants excused themselves to attend to varied duties and responsibilities. This partly explains why conducting more than one session was inevitable. The interview meetings with three tutors were 155

held within the case study premises. For one tutor and the two management staff, we met in their part-time working places located some 15 kms away from the centre.

Biographical Interviews In the context of this study, I consider biographical interviews to mean a narrative strategy for capturing pertinent aspects of the life histories of the graduates in the context of the purpose and research question. In line with this understanding, I concentrated on (i) the graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; schooling experience and the pertinent family circumstances that shaped that stage in their lives; (ii) their experience while at Ubuntu for TVET courses; and (iii) their employment experiences thereafter (see Appendix 8 for details). Aware, that biographical interviews or life histories assume different outlook and meaning in different contexts and uses, I confined myself to the understanding of biographical interviews as oral narratives through which the graduates were able to articulate their varied experiences.

Life histories, according to Goodson cited in Cohen et al. (2007) have the potential to make a far-reaching contribution to the problem of understanding the links between personal troubles and public issues (p.198). Loizos & Pratt (1992), say that in a research-based life history one can formulate a list of prompting questions, to elicit from the respondents the sorts of issues which are relevant for the research. It is important that the task of raising the promoting questions is well managed to a level of more or less an oral narrative whereby the 156

respondent speaks freely without intermittent interjections. According to Greiger cited in Gayle, (2003) oral narratives can include “a focus on one respondent’s life or an aspect of their life or conversely can involve multiple biographies focusing on aspects of many people’s lives” (p.89). I am inclined to Greiger’s view that whatever terms are used, the narrative technique of collecting people’s life histories is a method that enables the discovering of social experiences of the silenced (Geiger cited in Gayle, 2003).

As stated elsewhere in the thesis, a great majority of the youths with incomplete schooling undertaking the TVET route face multi-layered deprivation before, during and after the training. It is the one reason that I chose the biographical interview approach so as to capture and raise their views and experiences. I held a series of 24 meetings with 8 graduates on a range of issues regarding their lived experiences immediately after leaving school, while at Ubuntu, as well as their engagement in the world of work.

I had planned to engage the graduates at their usual places of work so as to get a sense of how they go about with their day-to-day work. In some instances this happened but systematic direct observations were not possible. Limited time was the biggest constraint. Three of the graduates involved in paid employment found it difficult to accept being interviewed at their places of work. Two of the graduates in casual employment were interviewed in chosen places of convenience which were a distance away from their current work stations. However, I at 157

least got some clues about the daily life of three graduates whom I met at their regular places of work.

Simple Observation I planned to employ a simple observation method of data collection for purposes of augmenting the evidence gathered through the different interviews. According to Marshall and Rossman cited in McNabb (2004), simple observation involves a systematic noting and recording of events, and behaviours as they happen. Basically simple observation or non-participant observation takes the form of observing and recording/noting down relevant events/actions (Bless & Higson-Smith, 2000). I planned to observe 2 learning sessions; one for theory and the other for practical content. I was able to undertake a simple observation of 2 practical learning sessions by the Hotel and Catering Department and that of Tailoring Department (see Appendix 9 for the Observation guide). It was not possible to observe a single theory session in progress despite a series of attempts. In the findings and analysis chapter, some of the circumstantial impediments are stated. I also observed and took pictures of the physical infrastructure including training rooms, instructional materials and equipment. As already mentioned, my plan to observe some of the graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; routine tasks and duties was not fully realized.

Document Analysis I collected a number of documents as supplementary sources of data. I therefore did not engage in a real documentary research as articulated 158

by Henn et al (2006). Yin (2009) clarifies this kind of documentary use by stating that â&#x20AC;&#x153;for case studies, the most important use of documents is to corroborate and augment evidence from other sourcesâ&#x20AC;? (p.103). I collected a variety of documents ranging from promotional materials such as brochures and leaflets to resource materials including assessment question papers (see Appendix 11). The idea was to collect whatever relevant documents there were in order to gain a deeper understanding of the nature of the case study centre as well the dominant curriculum and pedagogy.

With regard to documents from the graduates, I had planned to collect varied records such as photographs, diaries and any other written material that would help to further illuminate their working life before and after the training. This was not possible due largely to poor literacy practices as most of the graduates seemed not to keep and maintain regular records. It was only in two instances that two self-employed graduates shared a little of their records related to income. One actually provided a contractual document that provided the basis of technical and financial specifications for the construction job that he was undertaking at the time.

Research Tools To ensure an orderly recording and compilation of evidence, I designed a variety of guides for the three methods: open-ended interviews; semistructured interviews and biographical interviews. I equally prepared a simple observation schedule for the training sessions. It is important to 159

emphasize that all the interview guides contained open-ended questions.

Yin (2009) cautions that interviews should be, “guided conversations rather than structured queries” (p.106).

I pre-tested the interview guides to increase their usability, reliability and validity as explained by Chilisa & Preece (2005). Chilisa & Preece (2005) advise that a research instrument ought to be piloted with a sample population that is identical to the population in which the actual data collection will be undertaken. I pre-tested all the three interview guides with 3 learners, 2 tutors and 4 graduates from a very similar centre located some 50 kms east of the case study centre.

I used the feedback from the pre-test to not only refine a number of question items but to re-examine my assumptions in regard to the actual interview procedure. Quite a number of questions required revision because they seemed to have generated universal responses rather than idiosyncratic opinions and experiences. This came out more clearly with regard to viewpoints related to education and training processes as almost all the participants in the pre-test provided general responses such as: “we are taught well; the training is very good; the training made a difference in life” and so forth. The feedback further helped to challenge me into contemplating follow-up questions that enriched the eventual interview conversations. In general terms, the pre-test exercise which I carried out in three weeks between July and August 2009 greatly helped to enhance clarity and usability of the interview guides.

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Conduct of Interview Meetings I envisaged interviewing the learners and graduates in their local language (Luganda) which is my mother tongue too. I anticipated using English while interviewing the tutors and management staff. However, it was only in a few instances that the medium of communication was exclusively either English or Luganda. The entire process involved a great deal of code switching between both languages. As planned, I used a digital recorder to capture the voices of the respondents, which helped me to concentrate a little more in engaging the respondent thus ensuring meaningful interview conversations. I return to the management of collected evidence in the section on data analysis.

Sampling According to Cohen et al (2007), “the quality of a piece of research stands or falls not only by the appropriateness of methodology and instrumentation but also by the suitability of the sampling strategy that has been adopted” (p.100). Qualitative research is “generally based on non-probability and purposive sampling rather than probability or random sampling approaches” (Nieuwenhuis, 2007, p.79). In selecting the sample, I worked within a mixed framework of three strategies.

First, stratified purposeful sampling was employed mainly for identifying respondents according to particular segments such as past and current learners of a particular course and graduates in specified occupations. Second, snowball sampling was largely used for linkage to respondents who ordinarily are difficult to identify without the cooperation of their peers. The third method is criterion sampling, 161

which I used mainly to identify respondents and a suitable case study centre on the basis of laid down characteristics.

The choice to use the combined strategies mentioned above was further strengthened by the anticipated challenge of identifying and accessing the most suitable participants for the study, partly due to the absence of accurate records and inevitable bias if, for instance, I chose to rely entirely on the opinion of the centre managers to locate the graduates.

Indeed, in the case of the graduates, they provided me with contact details of their colleagues whom I pursued at my own level and pace after examining their characteristics. With current learners, it was through negotiations with the tutors that I was able to access the interviewees who met the study requirements. Overall, I reached a sample of 19 respondents (see Table 7).

Table 7: Respondents and Data Collection Methods Category of Method Used participants Graduates Current learners Tutors Management staff Total

Biographical interviews Open-ended interviews Semi-structured interviews Semi-structured interviews

Number of Participants Female Male 3 5 2 3 1 3 1 1 7 12

I set minimum characteristics that guided the selection of the case study centre that served as the defining point for selecting the different categories of respondents. These included: â&#x20AC;˘ Possession of DIT registration certificate;

162

• Having

prepared

and

presented

learners

for

DIT

trade

tests/assessments; • Having an established office and training facility (no matter the standard); • Having established management and staff (not necessarily full time or fully paid); • Having been in existence for at least 3 years and offering courses in at least more than two of the common occupational areas namely business/commercial, agricultural, technical and industrial; and • Operating an open and flexible enrolment policy without restrictions on age and performance grades attained at primary school level.

As stated elsewhere in the thesis, there is an absence of a readily accessible centralized data on TVET providers in the country. I therefore had to undertake a preliminary survey of TVET centres in Mukono district which I expected to possess the above-stated characteristics. The choice of the centres that I visited during the preliminary survey in August 2009 was merely a selection of the 5 of the 6 centres in Mukono district that were on a list that I obtained from the Directorate of Industrial Training. I deemed it ineffective in terms of cost and time to visit the sixth centre since a suitable one from the five had been identified. On the basis of preliminary survey results, I selected Ubuntu as the case study centre because it meets the features mentioned above (see Table 8).

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Table 8: Basic Data about Candidate Centres (All names are pseudonyms) Name of centre

Establi shed

Nature

Mukono Skills Training Centre Lugazi Technical College Ubuntu Vocational Training Centre Zimwe Vocational Training Centre Kiira Community College

2000

NGO / 323 FBO FBO 140

1996 1997

Intake since 2004

388

2004

Private/ NGO Private

2005

NGO

67

648

Learners Tutors assessed by Full- PartDIT time time 55 learners X 13 since 2005 25 learners 4 4 since 2008 307 learners 9 4 since 2004 30 learners 4 8 since 2005 11 learners 4 1 since 2007

4.5 Data Analysis As in any other qualitative study, data collection and analysis in case studies occur concurrently (Baxter & Jack, 2008). Creswell cited in Wood (2008) identifies six key steps in qualitative data analysis: â&#x20AC;&#x153;data managing; reading and memoing; describing; classifying; interpreting; and representing/visualizingâ&#x20AC;? (p.65). Nieuwenhuis (2007) postulates five steps in a generic data analysis process: preparation of data; coding data; establishing themes or categories; structuring analyzed data and interpreting data.

The process of organizing, analyzing and reporting the findings involved the application of a hybrid of the above mentioned procedures.

This being a qualitative case study of an exploratory nature no deliberate attempt was made to rigorously link the evidence to propositions. However, the entire analysis process was guided by the purpose of the study and more-so the research questions (Yin, 2009).

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Yinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s pragmatic suggestion to sort data into designated chapters or sections based on a speculated format of the eventual thesis greatly influenced the choices that I made in constructing my hybrid strategy (2009).

It is worth stating that, I treated the evidence from the

difference sources connectedly to ensure the required convergence to comprehensively illuminate the case (Baxter and Jack, 2008).

I began the analysis while in the field by linking the raw data with the literature review. The speculative framework of the thesis was another point of reference in undertaking additional and follow-up efforts to collect more evidence. On concluding the field work exercise, I embarked on the data preparation process.

In line with Nieuwenhuisâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s advice, the first priority was to organize the collected textual and digital data in a manner that proved useful for my analytical and writing tasks (2007). I sorted, labelled and kept the document-based data in two box files (see Appendix 11 for the detailed list). I organized the electronic evidence by assigning a pseudonym to each of the respondents, and creating folders to capture data for each category. These folders were created on the tape recorder and later back-ups were stored on two computers, a laptop and desktop. I also created a folder for the digital pictures that I captured as part of the simple observation method. I further clearly marked the note books that contained my observation and other field notes.

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Next, I transcribed the digital data which produced a total of 19 transcripts with over 181 pages of single-spacing. The transcription was done verbatim and it involved some translation of the evidence which was provided in Luganda. I printed all the transcripts and undertook a rigorous reading and re-reading, complemented by listening to the digital voices a number of times until I felt ready to embark on data coding. I judiciously undertook the coding exercise for a period of not less than 6 weeks due to the inevitable forward and backward revision and refining of codes. The identification and marking of meaningful data segments was carefully documented by use of coded transcripts.

On complete establishment of the codes, I proceeded straight to identification of categories. At this stage I sorted related codes according to the main sections of my tentative outline of the findings chapter which of course has gone through a series of revisions.

4.6 Reliability and Validity As Merriam & Simpson (1995) put it, â&#x20AC;&#x153;both producers and consumers of research want to be assured that the findings of an investigation can be believed and trustedâ&#x20AC;? (p.101). In qualitative research, this trust is built through a number of strategies including triangulation; member check or validation; peer examination of data; collection and comparison; comprehensiveness and thick description (Baxter & Jack, 2008; Cohen et al., 2007; Merriam & Simpson, 1995).

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The use of multiple data sources is a core feature of case study research (Yin, 2003). It is one of the key strategies for enhancing case study validity, and as observed by Vissak (2010), “it is very useful if the researcher wants to ask questions for which no person has all the required knowledge or if the events being studied may have different interpretations or viewpoints” (p.381). In addressing the concerns for trustworthiness and credibility, I provide enough detail in addition to triangulation of data types and sources.

Characteristic of qualitative

research, I aimed at a thick description of the phenomenon rather than attempting to achieve generalization (Nieuwenhuis, 2007). The regular guidance, including the close inspection of the coding exercise by my academic supervisor, greatly contributed to the overall quality of the study. The ethical considerations outlined in the section below served to further strengthen the study’s credibility.

4.7 Ethical considerations Ethics in the context of research refers to “a set of standards that can guide adult education researchers on how they should interact with the researched and how research problems could be conceived and formulated” (Chilisa & Preece, 2005, p.228). The most important ethical considerations that impact most research undertakings include informed consent; access and acceptance; privacy and protection of participants’ rights (Cohen et al., 2007).

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Participation in the study was voluntary and based on informed consent.

I wrote to Ubuntu and requested permission and acceptance to conduct the study (see Appendix 10). I obtained a permission letter from the Director of the case study centre that allowed me to access the prospective respondents and the entire facilities at the case study centre for the sake of gathering evidence. In addition, I made available a written consent confirmation form for whoever opted to sign it before participating in the interview meetings.

I approached all the participants with a great sense of respect for and recognition of their physiological and sociological status, needs and aspiration. For the graduates, tutors and management staff, I had to seek their consent in regard to their convenient time, venue and duration of the interview meetings. I explained the purpose and nature of the study.

I regularly restated that participation was voluntary and that I was required to ensure confidentiality in regard to whatever information they would provide. To conceal the identity of the respondents, I assigned each of them a pseudonym from the point of data organisation throughout the entire thesis.

4.8 Limitations of the Study Ubuntu is one of the several hundreds of private TVET providing centres/institutions in Uganda. It shares quite a number of characteristics with the rest of these institutions but there are peculiar circumstances under which many of them operate. The national context

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is of course the same, but there are contributory local contexts that in addition define the process, outcomes and impact of each of the TVET centres. The case study respondents shared their experiences and perceptions which opens wide the window into the life world of those who take part in TVET as learners, tutors or managers. However, perhaps the inclusion of community members, policy or decision makers at the local government and Ministry of Education levels could have widened the window into the entire life of TVET policy and practice in Uganda.

I engaged in a study with my own perceptions and perspectives, having been involved in the delivery of similar training courses to those offered

by Ubuntu. While I made every effort to ensure that my views did not interfere or distort the viewpoints and perceptions of the respondents throughout the thesis, total separation of the researcher from the research in a qualitative approach is difficult to achieve.

The case study provides useful and interesting insights about the state and nature of TVET for the economically and educationally disadvantaged youths with incomplete schooling. However, it is unwise to claim that the findings and conclusions are comprehensively transferable and generalisable to similar contexts in Uganda and elsewhere.

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CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS 5.1 Introduction A description of the process that was undertaken to collect data is made in Chapter 4. In this chapter, I present the evidence gathered in accordance with the stated procedures. The detailed discussion of the evidence is made under Chapter 6.

This chapter is organized into four main sections. A brief description of the case study centre is followed by descriptive data about the respondents. In the interest of providing a rather extensive coverage of the background of graduates, a pertinent biography of each is presented.

The patterns of data for each of the research questions is presented in the last section

under three subsections namely organisation and

delivery of TVET courses; stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; perceptions and understanding of TVET; and lived experiences of graduates.

Owing to ethical

considerations, as already mentioned, the name of the case study centre and those of the respondents are pseudonyms.

5.2 The Case Study Centre Established in 1998, Ubuntu is situated some 45kms east of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Capital City Kampala, in Mukono district. According to a list obtained from the Directorate of Industrial Training, it is one of the six accredited trade test centres in the district by the year 2007/2008.

Available records and testimonies by tutors, learners and graduates indicate that it is also registered with the Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB) centre for purposes of offering the Uganda Technical

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Education Certificates and Diplomas. Its current total enrolment is a sharp decline from over 100 learners in 1999 to less than 50 learners in 2009.

The founding of Ubuntu is a product of a series of voluntary efforts by a few individuals inspired by the Director. It operates under the patronage of a national branch of a global non-profit making agency. This linkage earned it a great deal of financial support from the Government of Switzerland and other external sources. The local government offered a piece of land on which a number of buildings for offices, lecture rooms and accommodation for learners were erected. Ubuntu is comparatively better off in terms of training infrastructure such as equipment and related materials. The Centre has a sizeable Carpentry workshop stocked with relatively modern heavy duty woodworking machines. Its two training blocks for Tailoring and Catering courses are spacious enough, and with the required furniture. One of the Centreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s storerooms contains an assortment of unused machines for the tailoring and textile industry (see figure 2). There appears to be an under-utilization of training facilities because the enrolment is far below the capacity of the available training equipment.

Just like many such voluntary initiatives, the main reason for establishing the centre according to the Director and the principal was to provide vocational training to disadvantaged youths to enable them to create self employment.

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Figure 2: Assorted examples of stored training equipment

Machine for specialized design lying idle

Unused sewing machines on the floor

Electric machines kept safe in the store

Stands kept safe in one of the stores

5.3 Demographics of the Respondents Twelve out of the nineteen respondents who participated in the study are women. All four tutors, three of them men, reported that they have dependants and immediate families that they provide for in terms of food, health care and education. All the tutors are between 30 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 45 years of age. The director of the centre, a man in his early 50s, shares the management and administrative responsibilities with the principal, a woman in her late 40s. All the tutors except one seemed to be engaged

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in a number of other part-time activities to generate supplementary income as the presentation under section four of this chapter indicates.

All graduates and current learners are between 17 and 26 years of age.

Three of the current learners are female in their late teens. Three of the eight graduates are female. A little more detail about the graduates is presented below. The majority of the learners as well as the graduates are from families that are challenged by poverty, its varied causes and consequences. The family circumstances of the current learners and a little more about their background is presented at different points in this chapter.

5.4 Biographies of the Graduates As indicated in the introductory section, the biographies of eight graduates who participated in the study are presented as part of the analysis into their schooling life and related circumstances; training experiences at Ubuntu; and their major encounters in the world of work.

This section is meant to introduce the graduates pointing out only key and relevant milestones in their lives. An elaborate presentation of their lived experiences after the training at Ubuntu will be made under section four.

5.4.1 Nabukalu Lucy: Part-time Caterer and Small Shop Owner At 17 years of age, only a year to attaining adulthood according to the law in Uganda, Lucy involuntary ended her post-primary schooling prematurely in Senior two. â&#x20AC;&#x153;But I think was destined to do a vocational

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course even if I could have proceeded to complete my secondary schooling,â&#x20AC;? Lucy says making a quick follow-up comment which seems to communicate her eventual acceptance of what befell her.

She says that a certain gentleman who was moving around her village informed her parents about free training opportunities at Ubuntu. In response, they instantly decided she should enrol for a vocational training course since they were already experiencing difficulties to raise school fees. Still single and living in a rented shared room with one of her cousin sisters in a Kampala city suburb, Lucy is very confident and determined to turn things around. She is full of praises for Ubuntu and her Catering Course Tutor.

Lucy has so far worked in three hotels since 2005 when she completed her course. The first job as a waitress earned her less than US$50 a month; and she had to quit because she felt exploited. She earns slightly over US$100 per month from her current job of providing domestic catering services to an elite family of Europeans. â&#x20AC;&#x153;At least now I earn more, work for fewer hours; giving me an opportunity to attend to my small retail shop,â&#x20AC;? Lucy says with a smile. He retail shop deals in a variety of household commodities.

5.4.2 Komakech Milton: Self-employed Carpenter His determination to break the family education achievement record by completing the post-primary schooling cycle was broken in the year 2000 when he was in Senior three. Milton, the last born in a rural poor

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family says that none of his siblings attained an education level above Primary seven. Milton explains: When I left school…, I engaged in agriculture…I tried to grow tomatoes, cabbages etc. I was trying to engage in farming so as to raise money to get back to school and complete my secondary education level.

In 2001, his social network of friends from the church enabled him to get the good news about free vocational training opportunities at Ubuntu. He says that when the opportunity came, he grabbed it head-on, though his dream was to complete at least the lower secondary schooling cycle before enrolling for a vocational course.

“I still want to be helped, not only in this business, but to upgrade and become a tutor at one time,” the soft-spoken Milton says as he shares a bit of his future expectations and plans. On completion of his Carpentry and Joinery course in 2004, he was retained and offered a job as a machine operator by the commercial wing of Ubuntu. By 2006, he had saved some money to establish his own workshop in Mukono town. In 2007, he decided to quit his job at Ubuntu so as to give enough attention to his developing business which now deals in a variety of building and construction works.

He employs three workers whom he deploys whenever he gets contracts. At his workshop, there are three apprentices whom he is helping to develop some carpentry and joinery skills. He is still single;

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spends his income sparingly but says he provides for his elderly mother.

He also pays school fees for three orphans of her late sister.

5.4.3 Nakazzi Sylvia: Tailor, Self-Employed Sylvia was made to sacrifice so that her siblings could pursue and complete their upper secondary schooling cycle.

In 2001, Sylviaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

chances of joining lower secondary schooling were compromised because a tough decision was made to spend whatever little money that her poor family could raise for tuition and examinations fees for her sibling who was a senior six candidate.

A Primary seven leaver, Sylvia completed her Tailoring and Cutting Garments course in less than 2 years having joined in 2003 when her course mates had covered almost one and half years. When she completed in 2004, the director offered her a working space on a veranda at the Ubuntu showroom in Mukono town. The sewing machine that was donated on completion is the mainstay of her smallscale business.

For over four years, Sylvia has operated like any ordinary tailor who provides labour while her customers procure the materials for making the desired products. Her main customers include schools and other institutions that make uniforms for their students and/or workers. A seemingly shy but assertive Sylvia insists when asked to comment about what difference she notices in her life:

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Before the training, the world looked very gloomy for me. But now….it is like it is not very difficult because I can work and earn some income. I earn little but it is better than nothing.

5.4.4 Namusoke Juliet: Tailor, Cutter Her uncle’s assumption that she might not pass her final secondary education examinations was enough to have her education dreams and aspirations changed. It was in 2002, while in senior one when Juliet’s uncle decided that she registers for a vocational education course at Ubuntu since the training was being offered at no cost. Juliet said that she had to put up with the decision of her uncle because he had taken up the responsibility of paying school fees for post-primary schooling. Her mother was no longer able to raise the required funds for her secondary schooling.

When asked about her initial reaction to a suggestion to take the vocational education route, a calm and joyful Juliet said: “not very bad because even after secondary schooling you still need to learn a skill to earn a living.” Juliet was made to drop the Catering course which she had pursued for a full term in favour of a Tailoring and Cutting Garments course in line with her uncle’s advice. Her uncle insisted that she had to pursue the latter because according to him it offers better job prospects.

Still single and living together with a relative in a rented room in one of Kampala’s suburbs, Juliet considers herself lucky having been offered a job by the company where she undertook her industrial training. She 177

proudly said that her conduct, qualities and technical skills are enough to earn work. She also said that her current job offers her 50% more than the first employment. From her savings, Juliet said that she is setting up two small-scale income activities in the field of crop farming and animal husbandry.

5.4.5 Owino James: Freelance Builder He traded, sold cassava in eastern Uganda, dug for wages, and begged for the head teacherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mercy to be allowed to provide his labour in exchange for post-primary schooling. However, James was not able to complete his second year of secondary schooling. A second born in a family of 7 siblings, James had an education dream of completing university education and graduating as an engineer or a teacher. He completed his primary education in 1999 and ended his post-primary schooling in 2002 when it became impossible for him to raise the required school fees.

James said it was only after his uncle called on him to enrol for a vocational education course that he thought of returning to education.

He had got frustrated and opted for informal trade. He is grateful to his uncle because with the skills that he attained at Ubuntu, he has been able to turn things around. He is married with children. He said he is able to meet the basics of life for himself, his wife and children. In addition to his dream of upgrading, James said that he is planning to establish and register a building company so that he can compete for big contracts.

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Since completion of his course, James has worked at more than five construction sites, serving in a range of positions such as mason, foreman and supervisor. He however laments the instances of poor working conditions that he has countered since his graduation in 2004.

He also complains of emotional pains of inadequacy that he has endured whenever he encounters unfamiliar tasks in his own trade and field of practice - brick block making and concrete practice.

5.4.6 Balikuddembe Jacob: Builder, Semi Sub-Contractor The second born in a family of six children, Jacobâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s father died in 1996 when he was in Primary six. His mother died in 2002 when he had just joined Ubuntu. He ended his post-primary schooling in senior one when his struggling mother was no longer able to raise the required fees.

A hardworking medium-size contractor operating a loose company, Jacob, unlike other graduates is critical of the training curriculum at Ubuntu calling it narrow and unnecessarily fragmented. While joining Ubuntu was a decision by his aunt, the choice of a Bricklaying course was entirely his. He said that it was easy to secure and retain work once one had the required competence in the building and construction industry.

While Jacobâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s earnings seem to be relatively better, he is not satisfied.

He repeatedly voiced his discontent about the way low-level workers in the building and construction industry are exploited. He vows to stick to

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his dream of establishing a registered company after upgrading and attaining higher qualification as an architect.

5.4.7 Mubiru Joseph: Caterer, Room Steward â&#x20AC;&#x153;I am the de-facto leader since am the first born. I am trying my best to ensure that my siblings study and complete their education,â&#x20AC;? a chatty Joseph revealed during one of the several biographical interview meetings. His childhood dream of becoming a medical doctor came to naught in 2005 when his mother died; and consequently his aunt stopped paying fees for his post-primary schooling.

His countless efforts including working as a farm labourer were not enough to generate the required fees for even completing his lower post-primary schooling. Joseph has no kind words for his father whom he criticizes for decreeing that attaining Primary seven qualifications was adequate and that the same chance could be extended to the young siblings.

Today Joseph sounds contented with his choice of a Catering and Hotel management course because, according to him, as a hotelier he deals with people and the job is within the hospitality industry, something closer to his original dream profession as a medical doctor. He brags that his performance during the training at Ubuntu, as well as the industrial training attachment was excellent.

He undertook his

industrial training at one of the prominent hotels in Mukono which retained and offered him a job upon completion in 2007.

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Not yet married, Joseph spends his earnings mainly on rent and the education needs of his siblings. He said that due to his meagre salary; he undertakes several part-time income activities such as provision of advisory services to local restaurants, to be able to save for his future investments. His ambition is to attain the position of a chef in the near future. He has a dream of establishing his own hotel some time later, after he succeeds in generating the required capital.

5.4.8 Kalanzi Paulo: Carpenter, Boda-boda Rider Born in 1980, Paulo was left with less than 6 months to sit his final examinations to complete the post-primary schooling cycle when his financially ailing father could no longer raise the required school fees.

A third born in a family of six, he resorted to working as a porter at construction sites when his education aspirations and dreams were quashed by poverty and its consequences.

In 2002 when he joined Ubuntu, Paulo had got enough of odd jobs and the countless domestic work for a full year. He said that: The experience of working as a porter and doing all sorts of petty work was enough. I thought it was important for me to train and develop some skills to be able to work to earn a living.

Immediately after completion of his Carpentry Course in 2002, Paulo established a small-scale workshop within his home community but it collapsed shortly later. Through his social network, he was able to secure furniture and fitting jobs within Kampala city. He is however,

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bitter about being exploited by his own friend who subcontracted him to make and fit 26 door frames but only paid the equivalent of US$108 instead of the US$350 that they agreed on. Married for over 3 years now, Paulo is currently earning a living as a boda-boda rider (motorcycle taxi), having failed to find sustainable work within his field of carpentry and joinery.

5.5 Main Findings Cutting across the demographics of the respondents is the glaring evidence of how poverty in its different forms deprives families of the ability to educate their sons and daughters. In this section, I present detailed evidence of how Ubuntu is attempting to respond to the education needs of the marginalized youths amidst the numerous social and economic realities in Uganda. The section is organized under three subsections in line with the key research questions derived from the broad study of how TVET is developing capabilities to work among youths with incomplete post-primary schooling. The sub-section on how TVET courses are organized and delivered is followed by key stakeholders’ experiences and perceptions of TVET. Evidence gathered in relation to the lived experiences of graduates is presented last.

5.5.1 Organisation and Delivery of TVET Courses In this subsection, evidence is organized around six areas namely management set up and teaching personnel; learners’ characteristics, mobilization and recruitment; TVET courses on offer and learners’

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choices; course content and intended capabilities; methodology; and assessment and certification.

Management Set-up and Teaching Personnel Ubuntu, as already indicated, is an NGO affiliated to a national branch of a worldwide non-profit making agency based in Europe. It is registered with DIT and UNEB of the Ministry of Education and Sports.

Elsewhere in this thesis, I return to the influence of these registration obligations on the work of the centre. The training calendar, as full details presented under methodology will reveal, is a direct replica of the Uganda primary and post-primary school system. Learners are subjected to a routine full-time study arrangement with daily training sessions which last from 8.30 am to 5.30 pm, from Monday to Friday.

There are three terms in a year which are separated by a holiday of slightly one month.

According to the tutors, the day-to-day overall management powers and responsibility for Ubuntu rests with the Director who is a key figure in the founding processes of the centre. He is deputized by a part-time Principal who doubles as a tutor for the Catering course. A tutor for the Tailoring course was reported to serve several administrative roles doubling as a secretary and bursar. This was necessitated by a restructuring process which culminated in a reduced number of teaching and administrative staff.

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According to the learners and three of the tutors Ubuntuâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s teaching force is comprised of five tutors. My observation and interactions with learners revealed that only three of the tutors seem to take their job as a full-time engagement. The rest are clearly regarded as part-timers.

Three of the four tutors that were interviewed said they posses Crafts II Advanced Certificate qualifications which, according to them, is the minimum requirement for teaching Uganda Junior Technical Certificate (UJTC) candidates.

The rest, were reported to have comparable

qualifications. The three tutors said that they had also undertaken inservice upgrading courses organized by the Ministry of Education and Sports. The assertion by the principal that the centre has, in addition, tutors who are degree holders was interpreted by me as part of a scheme to project a high image of the institution. All the tutors expressed the desire to upgrade and scale-up their performance and status. They, however, all cited the challenges involved especially financial constraints and the lack of readily available flexible training facilities for vocational education tutors in Uganda.

With regard to the terms and conditions of work for tutors, all the tutors and the principal indicated their terms of service at Ubuntu are very flexible and rather negotiable on the basis of prevailing circumstances.

One of the part-time tutors said that he has never been issued with an appointment letter saying that he considers himself a volunteer. All the tutors referred to their salary as just a token pay because, according to them, it is far less than their actual monthly expenditure. While they have all served the centre for more than 7 years, the tutors expressed 184

some degree of desire to work somewhere else should there be an opportunity. “I will have to leave this place sometime… Actually, I have given myself a time limit of 2 years to leave this place,” Mary said as she substantiated the plight of tutors at Ubuntu. “The (monthly salary) earning cannot even meet the bill for my rent in a month,” Moses lamented when asked for a comment about his earning from the job.

Closely related to the working conditions of tutors is the general management practice at Ubuntu. The several simple observations of the way tutors and learners go about their day-to-day business during the research period seem to suggest that Ubuntu’s management is characterized by a laissez-faire approach. For instance, on more than three separate occasions, scheduled practical lessons in two departments were either postponed or cancelled because either some learners or the tutor never turned up in time. Tutors often juggle several official and non-official responsibilities even during learning sessions. The food production and preparation practical lesson from 10.00 am to 12.17 pm, which I observed, was interrupted more than 5 times because the Catering course tutor had to put in place the necessary arrangements for a delegation of foreign visitors to the centre. Throughout the interview meetings that I had with tutors and learners, the vivid absenteeism of learners and tutors was never pointed out as a breach of any rules or regulations. Late-coming and irregular attendance of learners, even at the time when they would be expected to be busy preparing for End of Term or final examinations, seemed not to be a source of any bother on the part of tutors and management staff. I was told that absenteeism is 185

attributable to the difficulty faced by learners and their families to raise the required fees at once.

Current Financing of Ubuntu Until 2004, the training was being offered free of charge. The learners were even provided with basic hand tools on completion of their courses so as to facilitate their process of creating self-employment.

However, the phasing out of regular financial support by the donors turned things upside down. The management of the centre was compelled to impose a user-fee among other strategies.

Currently,

according to all the respondents except the pioneer graduates, day scholars pay an equivalent of US$77 for tuition per term. Hostellers pay the equivalent of US$130 per term for tuition, accommodation and feeding. The provision of start-up capital in terms of basic tools was terminated as a cost-saving strategy.

The production and sale of wood products by the Carpentry department is the main business activity being implemented to supplement the meagre income from learners. Poultry farming is the other income project. However, it appears the output and general performance of the two income activities is far below a standard commercial enterprise.

Overall, Ubuntu is financially constrained.

Learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Characteristics, Mobilization and Recruitment Obtained evidence indicates that all the learners and graduates had faced some form of deprivation of a social and economic nature. While 186

describing Ubuntu’s intended target group, Florence, the Principal said, “It was basically meant to benefit the orphaned children.” According to a brochure for attracting new learners, Ubuntu targets “disadvantaged youth who have finished universal primary education (UPE)”. Two of the graduates, just like two of the current learners, had lost one of their parents during childhood, which further aggravated the poverty situation of their families. One current learner is a victim of a large family size characterized by domestic turbulence. “We are 24 in our family... my father has 4 wives,” Dickson, a current learner, with a marital responsibility said of his family background. Other current and past learners are from families which are economically too poor to meet the general basics of life including meeting the cost of post-secondary education.

The highest formal education levels for five graduates and two learners ranged between Primary seven and Senior three. One graduate and two of the learners had completed their lower post-primary schooling but could not proceed to the last cycle of secondary schooling of two years.

Cutting across the primary and post-primary schooling life of graduates and learners is the practice of changing and moving from one school to another. Either one of the parents single-handedly, relatives or both financed the cost of whatever level of schooling that the majority of the graduates and learners pursued before joining Ubuntu. As already indicated, some of the graduates said that they had to work as farm labourers during school holidays, weekends and evenings to raise the fees for their primary and post-primary schooling.

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The majority of the graduates and learners engaged in varied incomegenerating and domestic activities for more than a year before joining Ubuntu. “I spent a full year while at home; worked as a porter at building sites,” Paulo said while describing what he went through before joining Ubuntu. “I was doing nothing at home until 2003… had just completed Primary seven in 2001,” Sylvia, a Tailoring graduate, said as she accounted for the period after completing her primary leaving examinations. Milton, a Bricklaying graduate, said: When I left school in 2000, I engaged in agriculture…tried to grow tomatoes, cabbages, etc. I was trying to engage in farming so as to raise money to get back to school and complete my secondary schooling.

None of the learners and graduates said that they were certain about what was next after failing to complete the full post-primary schooling cycle.

The mobilization and enrolment of learners at Ubuntu is characterized by an open and flexible policy. According to the principal, the centre mobilizes its learners through mass media such as radio announcements, distribution of brochures and course information sheets. I observed some of the information sheets which had been displayed on a few commercial buildings in the neighbouring township. The director gave me a copy of the brochure for publicizing the availability of training opportunities at Ubuntu. It was not possible to establish the extent to which these information materials were distributed to reach the real target group.

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None of the graduates and learners mentioned receiving information from the mass media. The majority said that they were made aware of the existing training opportunities at Ubuntu through social networks of relatives and friends.

Others said that information about training

opportunities was disseminated directly by the Director and other employees of the centre.

“There was a fellow Christian who was

working at Ubuntu she was the one who came for me,” Milton, a Carpentry graduate, said when asked about how he obtained the information. “There was a gentleman in our village who informed my parents of the availability of free training opportunities at Ubuntu,” said Lucy, a Catering graduate. Jacob said, “During the holidays I went to my aunt in Nkokonjeru …the Director himself brought the form to my uncle who was a treasurer of Ubuntu… my uncle was requested to distribute the forms to whoever was interested”.

The admission of learners seems not to follow a systematic procedure.

Joseph, a Catering graduate, said that he was subjected to some form of pre-admission interview. Sharing a bit of what transpired during the pre-admission assessment interview, Joseph said: The Catering tutor took me to a tree shade within the compound of the centre for an oral interview which was conducted in both English and Luganda. He asked me some questions and said that I had passed the interview. So he took with him my Primary seven recommendation to the principal.

Four of the beneficiaries stated categorically that they were never interviewed. “I do not know but here you can enrol at any time,” Sylvia, a Tailoring graduate, said when asked to explain how and why she was 189

enrolled after almost halfway through the duration of the course.

James, a Bricklaying graduate, said that he arrived on Sunday at the centre and by the next day on Monday he was already in class. “No, for me I was lucky…was not subjected to any interview,” James added. . He explained that he was merely informed of the available course options from which he chose Bricklaying.

Both the Director and Principal did not mention any minimum requirements for enrolment of learners. When asked about the specific minimum requirements for admission of learners, the Principal said, “No conditions at all; we aim at serving all the students.” On what else is done to prepare the prospective learners before admission, both the Director and Principal revealed that there is nothing specific apart from the usual advice that is provided as part of the regular teaching sessions.

TVET Courses, Learners’ Choices and Course Duration According to a brochure that was obtained from the Director, seven courses are supposedly on offer at Ubuntu. These include: (i) Block Laying and Concrete Practice, herein referred to as Bricklaying; (ii) Carpentry and Joinery, herein referred to as Carpentry; (iii) Tailoring and Cutting Garments, herein referred as Tailoring; (iv) Catering and Hotel Management, herein referred as Catering (v) Agriculture; (vi) Accountancy; and (vii) English, and (vii) Entrepreneurship. The Director and the Principal were reluctant to state the current courses on offer.

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Past and present learners mentioned that the centre is only running four active courses namely Bricklaying, Tailoring, Carpentry and Catering.

Attempts to get a Hair and Beauty course started were mentioned by two tutors. The Director said that plans are underway to start two more courses namely Electrical Engineering and Motor-Vehicle Mechanics.

I sought to discover the reasons for offering the mentioned courses. The responses from tutors and management staff point to the influence of donors and a tendency to offer training courses on the basis of sheer imagination and assumptions about the suitability of courses. “The first course to be introduced here was Carpentry because those people – the donors who have been supporting us looked at Carpentry as the course that can help the poor or the needy,” said Stephen, a Carpentry tutor.

When asked whether a training needs assessment or some form of demand analysis was ever carried out to form a basis for decision making, none of the tutors and management staff mentioned any kind of such an exercise.

I investigated the views of current and past learners regarding the influencing factors behind their choice of courses. I established that they were mostly motivated by the perceived better job/work prospects associated with a particular course. The majority thought that their course choices were a better bridge for transiting from training to work.

However, one current learner and two graduates said that the choice was made on their behalf by their parents/guardians. Juliet’s account as stated under subsection 5.4.4 affords a good example of the tendency by 191

some parents/guardians to impose course choices on learners. Some of the dominant reasons that past and current learners gave for undertaking particular courses are: Of all the courses on offer, I wanted and liked the Bricklaying course because during my senior one holiday I worked as a porter and earned over US$1 per day. (Jacob, Graduate, Bricklaying) I decided to pursue the Carpentry course because I felt that it was difficult for a carpenter to have no work to do. (Paulo, Graduate, Carpentry) Anyway depending on my capability and interest I chose the Carpentry course; even when I was still in secondary school I could make some local furniture to earn money. (Milton, Graduate, Carpentry) I told my uncle that I would choose the Catering course because it is to do with hospitality which is at least closer to my original dream career of a medical doctor. (Joseph, Graduate, Catering) Joseph strongly thinks that the two occupations â&#x20AC;&#x201C; medical care and hospitality are not far apart because according to him they all deal with caring for people.

Yah I wanted it (Bricklaying) because I thought it could help me to earn money quickly. (Dickson, Current Learner, Bricklaying) I liked it (Bricklaying course); I realized that it would be valuable to me because even my capacity (physique) was ready for it.

Actually I liked doing this course because my father was a builder. (John, Current Learner, Bricklaying) The inquiry into how long it takes the learners to complete the chosen courses received varied responses. The response by all the respondents, except the tutor for the Catering course, seem to suggest that the official 192

duration for all courses is three years but apparently a high degree of discretion to reduce this period is exercised by the tutors on a case by case basis. According to Moses, a tutor in the Catering and Hotel Management department, normally the course takes 2 years because they even enrol Primary seven leavers. The response by Florence, the Principal revealed another dimension. She said that the Centre also enrols senior six leavers and they study for 9 months inclusive of three months for industrial training attachment.

While one of the graduates said that he completed the course in two years, two of them mentioned a period not exceeding one and half years. Three of the current learners revealed that they were destined to accomplish their studies in two years. Olivia. a current learner in the Tailoring department, said: The course duration is 3 years but they said that for us we will be able to complete in 2 years so I will sit my final examinations at the end of this year in November. They told us that if one completed lower post-primary schooling you can complete in two years.

Oliviaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s response brings out the dimension of previous education levels of beneficiaries at Ubuntu which has already been introduced above but will be dealt with in greater detail later in this subsection. I further investigated the basis for seemingly loose practice regarding the course duration. Stephen, the Carpentry tutor, told me that it was the Ministry of Education which decided on the three years but practical circumstances compel the adoption of a flexible approach so as to serve

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a cross section of learners. According to the regulations

UNEB

booklet

of

and syllabuses for Uganda Junior Technical Certificate

(UJTC), the study duration is three years for Primary seven leavers and students who may have attended secondary school up to Senior 1 or 2 (Uganda National Examination Board, 2001). A DIT brochure states a 3 year training duration for Primary seven and Senior three leavers who may wish to undertake trade tests for Craft Level 1.

The DIT

curriculum for Tailoring and Cutting Garments for Intermediate Certificate indicates duration of one year. It is worth pointing out that there is an apparent vagueness in relation to the use of course/certificate titles by DIT.

Course Content According to the tutors, past and current learners, the content for each course can be categorized broadly under core and general subjects (See Table 9 for details). Core content is said to be critical and job-specific; and the learners refer to them as compulsory subjects. Core subjects are inclusive of practical and theoretical knowledge and skills which are specific to a particular occupation. The general subjects encompass general knowledge of a cross-cutting nature that is deemed necessary and supportive for the effective utilization of technical skills in the labour market. The analysis of responses from tutors and learners strongly suggests that the general subjects receive much less attention than what is accorded to the core content.

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The course subjects and learning content is a loose fusion of DIT and UNEB curricula.

As the presentation of evidence in relation to

methodology will reveal, this fusion and the time allocation to each subject seem to be dependent on the judgment of individual tutors.

For instance, while almost all the graduates said that they attended some lessons in general subjects, some current learners who are just about to sit their final examinations said that they had been exposed only to jobspecific subjects.

Table 9: Core and General Subjects offered at Ubuntu Core Subjects

General subjects

Catering and Hotel Management course • Food preparations • Front office/reception/stores • Housekeeping /accommodation • Food production and nutrition • Food costing (introduced during third term of 2009) • Hygiene and service

•

Carpentry and Joinery course • Theory and drawing • Science and calculations • Practical Bricklaying and Concrete Practice course • Building science and calculations/geometry • Theory and drawing • Practical Tailoring and Cutting Garments course • Science and calculations • Theory and technology • Practical

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• • • • •

Accounts and elementary economics Entrepreneurship Agriculture Animal husbandry English language Mathematics

In light of the apparent confusion in regard to matters of course content, I decided to pursue and establish the basis of regular curriculum related decisions at Ubuntu. None of the tutors or management staff could provide a copy of a harmonized syllabus or curriculum for guiding the teaching/learning process. The tutors instead maintained that they derive the content from the said DIT and UNEB curricula. When I probed them further on how exactly the learning content is derived and whether as a centre Ubuntu has some form of specially designed teaching guides or study materials, the tutors and management staff could not provide a satisfying response. On whether DIT or UNEB provides such, Moses, the Carpentry tutor, said:

No for them (DIT) they just provide us with the topics. Maybe they think we know the books (required text books). You see we consult even diploma books but of course we narrow the content to the level of our students.

I also sought to establish whether the tutors use the DIT or UNEB curricula as handy resource materials. It emerged that they rarely refer to the DIT one. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Right now, I have the UNEB syllabus but for DIT it is in the Library,â&#x20AC;? Patrick, the Bricklaying tutor, responded when repeatedly requested to provide a copy of the documents from which he derives the learning content. The Tailoring tutor produced a copy of the pilot assessment and training packages (ATP) from the Uganda Vocational Qualification (UVQF) but said that the ATPs are confusing and difficult to follow. As stated in Chapter 3, the development of ATPs is one of the reform efforts to rationalize TVET curriculum

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delivery and assessment by the UVQF secretariat. The problematic dual influence of DIT and UNEB on the process of teaching/learning and assessment at Ubuntu will be made clearer by the evidence presented in the last two parts of this subsection.

Intended Capabilities There seems to be a shared perception among all respondents that Ubuntu is meant to produce ‘job creators’ with the ability to secure and retain work.

This motivated me further to establish what kind of

capabilities the beneficiaries are expected to develop by completion of the training period.

According to all respondents, it is evident that the aim is to develop practical competencies. “At least at the end of the course somebody should be able to make clothes for people to be able to earn a living,” Mary, the Tailoring course tutor, insisted in reference to what she expects of her graduates. In other words, by the end of the training period, Mary wants to see her current learners turning out as competent tailors. The tutors and management share the view that Ubuntu should be held accountable for developing practical occupational capabilities.

With regard to the integration of theoretical knowledge and practical skills, it is evident that the concentration is on developing the ability to perform practically-oriented tasks. According to the tutors and learners, adequate time is devoted to workshop practice. “Generally 75% of instruction time is for practical work”, said Patrick, the Bricklaying 197

tutor. However, the inquiry into how this apportioning of time is practically

implemented

received

contradictory

and

confusing

responses. For instance most of the learners’ responses corroborated that of the tutors, which in five days in a week, 3 days are devoted to classroom theory instruction. It also appears that the extent of how much theory is provided is based on the type of final examinations that the learners are destined to do. According to the tutors, the provision of theoretical content is stronger with UNEB examinable learners and less for their DIT counterparts. Further the DIT candidates are considered weak and unable to comprehend the associated theoretical content.

Moses, the Catering tutor, said, “but some of the students we get are people of low education levels... we tend to stick to practicals other than theory”.

I sought to understand the perception of stakeholders in regard to the importance of theory. All the tutors emphasized the critical place of theory in building occupational competencies. However, it is evident that the same tutors tend to associate DIT with manual skills development hence the relatively greater emphasis on practical skills for the concerned students. Most of the learners except Milton did not have a clear opinion in relation to the importance of theory. Milton said: “…you cannot do practical work without the theory part of it.”

I sought the views of tutors and management staff in relation to the adequacy of job-specific capabilities in helping the graduates to find and retain work opportunities in the highly competitive labour market.

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The responses were generally not forthcoming and the majority of the tutors and management staff, thought that technical capabilities are the most critical. However, the analysis of industrial training appraisal forms indicated that some generic capabilities such as thinking and communications are some of the areas that learners are expected to exhibit/enhance during the period of work-based training in the field.

One tutor mentioned that some efforts are made to equip the learners with some basics in business management. The Carpentry tutor said: But with managing businesses, we have always made arrangements to introduce them to some entrepreneurship skills.

We organize with somebody who comes at the end of the year to give them some tips in starting and running a business.

This response prompted me to undertake a further check on the subtle affirmation by the rest of the tutors and learners that entrepreneurship is one of the general subjects. The search for some kind of subject syllabus or scheme of work for the subject by the centre yielded no positive results. The inquiry into who directly teaches entrepreneurship skills received a response that the centre depends on the services of a part-timer who is a proprietor of a business training school. Stephen, the Carpentry tutor, said that the part-time tutor is paid by Ubuntu for three lessons (approximately 6 hours) in a year. His counterpart, the Bricklaying tutor, could neither confirm nor deny the regular teaching of business skills. The rest of the tutors and management staff could not substantiate beyond mentioning it as part of the scheduled general subjects.

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Teaching Methodology The inquiry into how the intended capabilities are developed yielded interesting evidence into how the actual teaching/learning takes place.

While, handling of heterogeneous learners, media of instruction as well as industrial training are related elements of methodology, they are dealt with separately. Let me first deal with the evidence related to the conduct of actual teaching.

The TVET pedagogy, according to the respondents, basically follows the traditional teaching methodology. There is a dominant use of a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;chalk and talkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; approach to teaching, especially with respect to the theoretical component. Below are some of the respondentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; narrations of how the actual teaching is conducted: They used to teach us in a manner not any different from how teachers teach in secondary schools. The tutor would talk, write on the chalkboard and then we would copy into our note books.

(Juliet, graduate, Tailoring) By talking and writing. Anyway he talks first; when we understand he writes the notes on the chalkboard then we copy.

(Milton, graduate, Bricklaying) He dictates as we copy; but for mathematics he writes on the chalk board. (Dickson, current learner, Bricklaying) At times we copy from her old note books. She can ask for one of us to write on the chalkboard as we copy. Then madam (tutor) comes later to explain. (Olivia, current learner, Tailoring) When master (tutor) comes he introduces the topic, the purpose of the topic. He explains in details while at times writing and

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drawing illustrations on the chalkboard. Then after that we also write in our note books. (Charles, current learner, Carpentry) I use teaching aids, chalkboard and talking. (Patrick, tutor, Bricklaying) With regard to the delivering of practical lessons, it was established that the tutors illustrate by performing the task involved; and in turn guide the learners to do the same. However, the individual creativity of the tutors was identified as key in ensuring that the learners develop the required practical competencies.

“I start by introducing the topic,

explain thoroughly …and demonstrate it myself. I organize them into groups and let them make a model collectively”, Mary, the Tailoring tutor, said of her approach to practical lessons. I undertook a simple observation of some practical sessions and in the box below a brief account of a Catering practical session on 22nd October 2009 is presented.

Throughout the session, it seemed to me that the emphasis is on developing typical ‘doing’ skills without any deliberate initiative to link the practice with theory. For instance, during the session, issues like the different food groups of the ingredients for making a chapatti were never mentioned at all. No effort was made by the tutor to ensure that the learners record anything their notebooks.

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Text Box 1: A brief account of a practical lesson TOPIC: Food production and preparation At 10.41am, the tutor enters and finds 5 learners attempting to display an assortment of demonstration items on a big table adjacent to the front row near the chalk board. She asks the learners to put on their apron. She guides the learners to re-arrange the demonstration items following a certain pattern. She writes the title of the topic on the chalk board without saying anything. She again scribbles the objectives of the topic followed by a list of the ingredients for making a chapatti â&#x20AC;&#x201C; wheat flour, salt, margarine blue band, eggs and cooking oil.

At 11.00 am, the tutor announces that the session is for helping the learners to develop the skills of making a chapatti saying that it would last for 30 minutes. She introduces the items involved in making a chapatti, displaying each while mentioning its name.

She pauses and asks the learners to read the list of ingredients on the chalkboard.

When the identification of the items is done, the tutor guides the learners in mixing the ingredients. She closely guides the learners in performing each and every task involved. At some point, she gets tough on the learners who seem to take long to grasp some of the steps / tasks. The instructions are made in a mixture of Luganda and English.

At some point, the strictness is lost and the tutor frequently steps out to check on arrangements for the visiting delegation of well-wishers from Europe and elsewhere.

Each learner now seems to be concentrating on a particular task in preparation for putting the chapatti on frying pan. One learner steps out to bring the chalk stove.

After 15 minutes, the tutor comes back and she rolls a chapatti while explaining to the learners. Each learner is given an opportunity to roll a chapatti with very close and tight supervision of the tutor in a manner that seems to stem from the desire to avoid any mistake that might lead to wastage of demonstration items / resources. Amidst some form of informal talk, the tutor points out some important issues related to hygiene and cleanliness.

A joint assessment of the quality of the first chapatti is made. There is some murmuring and argument over who might have messed up the process which led to making a chapatti without any taste. Could it be â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;due to little saltâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, one of the learners asks! There is an apparent leadership vacuum as the tutor steps out again. One of the learners takes the lead, providing some instructions for making more chapattis. The session becomes completely informal as the learners turn to some gossip-like talk about local politics.

At 11.40 am, the tutor examines the chapattis while pointing out some inadequacies.

She asks the learners to make chapattis of different shapes like the map of Uganda.

She again closely guides the learners.

At 11.48, the session ends and the learners turn to serving the visitors.

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Figure 3: A section of the practical session on 22nd Oct 2009

A Carpentry graduate had the following to say with regard to how they were taught practical skills: Now with making an article like a table…there is a drawing subject in the theory part; drawing of the joints. He could draw and show us how the joints look like. Then we would go to the workshop; they give us the cutting list; we cut the pieces needed, we begin joining….and that was the model part of it. Then after knowing how to make the joints (mortise and tenon joints) and knowing how to frame it, then we could begin by making a simple stool, then we do like that improving …and improving until we could produce the perfect piece.

From this piece of evidence from the Carpentry graduate, it is clear that the teaching of theory and practice is done at separate levels. Once in the workshop, the preoccupation is to develop the skills to ‘do’ without

203

directly linking with theory so as to consolidate the necessary broad conceptual understanding of what learners are learning.

Heterogeneous Learners and the Media of Instruction Tutors expressed concern over the challenge to effectively teach their highly diverse group of learners. This concern triggered an exploration of the tried ways of handling heterogeneous learners at Ubuntu. While some tutors said that at times they separate the learners according to their education levels, this seemed to be more a matter of discretion than an established practice. For instance, while Stephen, a Carpentry tutor, said that they separate the learners especially during theory lessons, the rest of respondents said that learners are taught together in the same classrooms despite their previous education levels. Stephen explained that they separate the learners while teaching theory because of the divergent demands created by the two different examination bodies â&#x20AC;&#x201C; DIT and UNEB. Stephen said: Yahâ&#x20AC;Świth practical lessons we do not separate them. Of course we give them different models that fit their peculiar levelsâ&#x20AC;Ś For theory, we separate them because there are some topics which the DIT examinable students do not need.

His Bricklaying counterpart said that the learners study together because it is the same syllabus, only that the DIT candidates do no meet the UNEB standard that requires them to have completed Primary seven and passed the required examinations.

204

The clues about the heterogeneous nature of learners, prompted me to inquire about the official language of instruction. Stephen explained that the official medium of instruction is English. He said, “We always switch and explain certain things in the local language because almost all the trainees know the Luganda language”. John, a current learner in the Bricklaying course, said: Actually, speaking the local language during the lesson helps those with difficulty of understanding English. But most of the time, our tutor uses Luganda; he only uses English when ‘picking’ things from the text book. For me, I am comfortable with both languages Harriet, a current Catering learner, said: The common language is English; though many times there is switching between English and Luganda because we are at different levels; some of us are Primary seven leavers whiles others like me completed Senior four.

Lucy, a Catering graduate, said: Some of us could have difficulty understanding English because we were of lower education levels.

The evidence in relation to the media of instruction further exposed the pedagogical challenges that tutors and learners grapple with at Ubuntu.

The analysis of related evidence obtained from all respondents indicates that language switching is a common practice. Mary, the Tailoring tutor, said that it is difficult to make the learners understand if you use English throughout and as a result, “I switch between Luganda and English.” Patrick said, “With some students really need you to switch to

205

Luganda because if you don’t, then they don’t learn. When you go deep into English, they don’t understand. They need their local language”.

There are divergent views in relation to how the language challenge could be tackled. The use of local language may be a welcome idea to some, but Mary, the Tailoring tutor, does not think so. “I think that is not good because the students will not stay in one place”, she insisted.

She argues that they will need to go places where competency in English is critical for effective participation in the production and distribution of services. However, the Bricklaying tutor felt that sticking to English may lead some learners to miss out completely and his Carpentry counterpart concurred, adding that there are some words or concepts which are “very difficult to translate into Luganda”.

Industrial Training From the point of view of all respondents, Industrial Training is an important element of the training structure as Lucy pointed out: Actually, it got very interesting; and for sure industrial training was the component that I enjoyed and liked most throughout the entire training process.

The varied views and opinions of the respondents can be grouped under three categories namely (i) the purpose and objectives of industrial training; (ii) responsibilities of key actors especially learners, tutors and the companies which offer industrial training attachments to learners; and (iii) timing as well as duration of the industrial training period.

206

There was overwhelming consensus on the importance of industrial training in exposing learners to the realities of work situations. All respondents agreed that it is an opportunity for learners to gain relevant practical experience by participating directly in the relevant occupations under their trade/industry. The advantage of gaining exposure to the industry equipment, machinery and tools was a clear realization that all respondents acknowledged.

Tutors were unanimous about the

importance of industrial training in enhancing work-based skills among learners.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The participation of trainees, their punctuality, the conduct at work, correct ways of handling and applying tools â&#x20AC;Ś.are monitored and gradedâ&#x20AC;?, Patrick, a Bricklaying tutor,

said. Florence, a management

staff member said that by the end of industrial training attachments, the Catering and hotel management learners come back to the centre changed.

A document analysis of the industrial certificates and

appraisal forms revealed a comprehensive list of expected generic skills, which, in addition to job-specific capabilities, learners are expected to develop and nurture.

For industrial training to be a worthwhile exercise, a variety of tasks and responsibilities are shared out amongst the key actors mentioned above. The centre issues a recommendation letter introducing a learner to any company that is willing to offer an industrial training placement.

According to Patrick, a Bricklaying tutor, Ubuntu provides an assessment tool/form to guide the monitoring and supervision of the 207

learners. However, Florence, a management staff member differed on this, saying that each company where she normally places her Catering and Hotel Management learners has its own different assessment systems. Stephen, a tutor in the Carpentry department said, â&#x20AC;&#x153;We normally do not argue over these (assessment) formsâ&#x20AC;Śwe let the company use its own forms in case it has oneâ&#x20AC;?.

The varied responses in regard to industrial training assessment arrangements is linked to the fact that the individual tutors take the responsibility for approaching companies for

industrial training

placement opportunities. In addition, the tutors are charged with the duty of checking on the wellbeing of the learners, consulting, interacting and maintaining the link with the companies.

208

Figure 4: Filled industrial training appraisal form

The above form is used to capture the assessment results by the workplace supervisor who is expected to have supported and guided the learner during the industrial training period.

209

The companies provide working space, facilities and materials that are necessary for the smooth undertaking of tasks that are assigned to the learner during the industrial training period. In some instances, some companies, especially hotels and construction firms that provide lunch for their workers, extend this benefit to learners.

Participating

companies designate particular members of staff to guide, supervise and monitor the learners throughout the industrial training period. The respondents said that it is increasingly becoming an established practice for the companies to issue Certificates of Industrial Training to learners upon completion. This is at the full discretion of individual companies.

The learners on their part have a responsibility to comply with and abide by the technical and organisational arrangements of the company to which they are attached. Patrick the Bricklaying tutor said that the learners are “supposed to fit into the working environment of the companies where we post them”. They have an obligation to maintain a daily record of the activities and the entire experience during the industrial training period. The learners or their guardians/parents finance the cost of their upkeep. In addition, they are required to meet the tutors’ transport, communication and other subsistence costs for industrial training supervision.

The duration and timing of industrial training seemed to be a matter of choice depending on the circumstances. In an attempt to recall the industrial training duration, Patrick said “Haah…let me now calculate: because three months from December to February; then one month in 210

August…now four per two years…that is eight months altogether”. His counterpart said that it normally takes three months at the end of the course. A documentary analysis of industrial training appraisal forms and certificates confirmed the response by the majority of graduates who indicated that they each spent three months undertaking the industrial training exercise. It was difficult to establish the established practice in regard to the timing of the exercise as tutors differed on whether it is normally undertaken midway into the course or on completion. While some of the graduates reported that they had undertaken their industrial training attachment in the middle, others said that it was carried out towards the end of the course.

Linked to the issue of timing is the important point of how industrial training experience can be used to enrich learning during and after the entire course duration. I consequently followed up the evidence in regard to the learners’ responsibility for note-taking during the period of industrial training in order to further establish how the ‘centre-based’ teaching/learning component really relates to and interacts with company/work-based learning. In addition, I pursued how exactly the assessment results are used. During follow-up interview meetings with learners and graduates it was not possible to identify a relevant inbuilt strategy across all the departments apart from the exceptional Catering and Hotel Management. According to the tutors and the two graduates of the Catering course, on return to the centre, learners are provided with an opportunity to share their experiences with their peers, while the

211

tutors moderate and carefully intervene to augment the learning interaction.

The tutors said that they use the industrial training assessment results by the host companies in a variety of ways. A tutor said that Ubuntu combines the results with course work and submits these results to UNEB and that it is a requirement. His Carpentry counterpart said that they use the results as a basis for determining the comments that they put on the learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; leaving certificates but not for grading purposes.

Overall, the obtained evidence indicates a range of procedures and practices in the implementation of the industrial training component of the courses offered at Ubuntu. However, it seems that the centre operates the entire process without a standard written policy to guide the actors. Neither the tutors nor the management staff responded positively to the frequent requests that I made to obtain a copy of any working document if it were available. The nature and tone of varied responses to obvious aspects of the organisation and management of industrial training further confirm my claim that there seem to be no written guidelines and procedures.

Assessment and Certification Evidence related to how learners are assessed and certified is presented under three main categories namely forms of assessment; assessment bodies; values and uses of certificates. To understand the context in

212

relation to assessment and certification of learners, I deliberately present documentary evidence obtained from records by UNEB and DIT.

All respondents pointed to a practice of regular periodic assessment of learners in a manner that seems to be largely similar to the traditional school approach. According to the tutors and beneficiaries, weekly and monthly tests as well as end of term/year examinations are organized and conducted internally. Paulo, a Carpentry graduate, said that every Thursday they were supposed to be engaged in workshop practice whereby each one of them was supposed to produce an item for assessment by the tutor. The feedback mechanisms for ensuring that the learners fully benefit from formative assessment could not be established as the ultimate purpose seemed to be preparation for summative assessment. Juliet, a Tailoring course graduate, said that formative assessment results were used to determine those who would sit either DIT or UNEB final exams and this was done during the second year of the course. Mary, the Catering course tutor, revealed that she uses UNEB past papers to give the learners enough practice.

UNEB and DIT are the two external bodies that regulate summative assessment which is supposedly undertaken on completion of 3 years training by any intending candidate. They have the legal mandate to recognize and certify learning achievements for post-primary vocational education and training. While both bodies are currently within the Ministry of Education and Sports, each has its own setup, rules and regulations that often assign certain social status to the learners as the 213

evidence obtained from related documents, tutors and learners at Ubuntu indicates.

According to UNEB (1998), the conditions of entry to the examinations vary according to the nature of the course and the educational and industrial requirements which apply and are set out in full in the course regulations. Therefore, in the case of UJTC candidates at Ubuntu, UNEB requires them to have successfully completed primary leaving examinations and obtained a certificate. As mentioned earlier, even those who might have attended secondary schooling up to senior three are only eligible for UJTC examinations. The UNEB examinations are conducted once a year consisting of two written papers and a practical test.

The examinations by DIT seem to follow a rather flexible pattern under what is termed as a trade testing system. The timing of trade tests for primary school leavers without a secondary level certificate is always around November every year. Each trade test consists of a written or oral examination and a practical examination. The testing is conducted at both training institutions and industrial workplaces in the case of apprentices who are trained on the job.

The responses from tutors, current and past learners points to an established tendency to ascribe a high status to the UNEB examinations/certification in terms of its usability for upgrading by graduates. On the other hand, DIT examinations are considered inferior, 214

but ironically almost all respondents said that they are highly regarded by employers.

Those who sit and pass the UNEB examinations are

awarded the Uganda Junior Technical Certificate and their DIT counterparts are awarded Intermediate Certificates often referred to as Level 1 or Grade 2.

Some of the most revealing responses in regard

to the status of DIT and UNEB certificates are: Our tutors told us that those doing UJTC would have an opportunity for upgrading. The DIT certificate is seen as proof of possession of practical skills. (Jacob, Bricklaying graduate) With DIT certificates it helps when you are searching for work because companies value them more. (Sylvia, Tailoring graduate) The UJTC certificate helps when you are searching for work in offices but not with construction companies because for them they want to know that you really know. They want proof, so they prefer the DIT one. (James, Bricklaying graduate) Because you may use the DIT certificate to practice or to seek employment. It is like permission to practice. It is very much respected in the world of work. (Dickson, current Learner, Bricklaying) They tell us to do both DIT and UNEB because you never know you might fail UNEB. You stand a chance of at least of obtaining the DIT certificate. But mostly they encourage us to do UNEB. (Olivia, current Learner, Tailoring) Besides the status accorded to the certificates, learners without the minimum educational requirement to sit UNEB examinations are taken to be weak and rather inferior by some of their counterparts and tutors.

Olivia, a current learner of the Tailoring course, said, â&#x20AC;&#x153;The DIT examinations are easy and candidates are given questions that require 215

them to match items just like at a nursery education levelâ&#x20AC;?. According to all respondents DIT candidates with weak English language skills are helped during examinations by the tutors. Tutors either translate the questions or read the questions aloud for the candidates to understand.

According to a DIT newsletter of January 2002 and the brochure on trade testing, the practice is permissible because the department makes provision for assessment of candidates in their local language.

A further inquiry into how exactly the weak students at Ubuntu are helped during the DIT examinations revealed a high degree of laxity.

For example, it was established that any staff member or tutor involved in the conducting of examinations can engage in helping the so-called weak students contrary, to stated policy which permits only an authorized trading testing officer to do so.

In general terms, formative assessment of learners at Ubuntu takes the form of periodic tests and examinations and is mainly intended to prepare learners for the externally managed summative assessment by DIT and UNEB. Eligibility to do either or both of the examinations is partly dependent on the possession of primary leaving certificates by intending candidates. While the UJTC certificate is held in high esteem on account of its potential to open doors for upgrading opportunities for the holders, the DIT certificate was reported to enjoy a higher degree of recognition in the labour market.

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5.5.2 Stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Experiences and Perceptions of TVET This subsection is organized under four categories namely perceived status and profile of TVET; circumstances and reasons for taking the TVET route by current and past learners, the connection between TVET and obtaining work; and the suggestions for improving TVET delivery.

Perceived Importance and Profile of TVET The respondents view TVET as a better alternative for those who ordinarily are not able to pursue the mainstream hierarchical education path. Past and current learners spoke highly of the comparative significance of TVET over academic

education. The

tutors,

management staff and learners had a shared view that taking a TVET option is ultimately a cost-effective strategy. In comparison with academic education, the respondents believe that TVET is a short-cut to training and earning.

It is a short-cut. When you fail to proceed to higher levels of education, you can branch and undertake a course to be able to work and earn. You see, it a long process to study from Primary one to the last year of pursuing a university degree course.

(Joseph, graduate, Catering) You get work immediately after training. You see it is work and earning that we all crave for. Even with degrees that people getâ&#x20AC;Śyou must get technical skills. (Juliet, graduate, Tailoring) These days there are no jobs yet there are so many who have academic qualifications. So it is good to come here and learn vocational skills. (John, current learner, Bricklaying) But with our courses, you are assured of work on completion of studies. As I told you, many of our predecessors are picked and 217

start working immediately after completing examinations. (Olivia, current learner, Tailoring)

their

final

Those senior six (upper secondary schooling) certificates mean nothing in the world of work. (Harriet, current learner, Catering) It (Tailoring) is a less burdening course in terms of costs; it takes a short time to complete the training and start earning. It is not like the other route of academic schooling when even degree holders lack employment on completion of their course. (Mary, Tailoring tutor) I do encourage all parents and government to support these (TVET) institutions because many people outside there cannot afford going for higher institutions yet after getting those skills, they can work and even upgrade. (Moses, Catering tutor) It is easy to get jobs after completing a Bricklaying course.

Actually, after one year of training, the student is already able to work and get money. (Patrick, Bricklaying tutor) Besides the economic considerations, some tutors and management staff think that TVET is the most suitable route for learners who are considered to be academically weak and intellectually less talented. For instance, Florence, a management staff member, said,

When I look at weaker students, it (TVET) is the best option. You find a weak student struggling to pursue academic secondary schooling up to University and then obtain a flat (nonprofessional) degree which cannot earn him/her any work at all. I always advise guardians and parents who have weak students not to waste time with academic secondary schooling. It is better for those types of children to get into vocational education and training.

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Jacob, a Bricklaying graduate, argues that some young people are pressurized by their parents to do some subjects which they are not interested in and often not able to do well. He observes that, “Actually some of them reach university and attain degrees but without any capacity to do any practical work so as to earn a living”. He advises such people to undertake the TVET pathway to gaining the skills to work and earn.

Figure 5: Producing for sale: Carpentry students at work

With regard to the profile of TVET, all the tutors were quick to lament the low status that the sub-sector is accorded by other stakeholders including Government. Moses said, “I know that vocational courses are kind of neglected”. His counterpart from the Bricklaying department argued that vocational education is better but people have not realized

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its potential. However, it seems some tutors unwittingly promote the perception that TVET is a second best option. The following response

by Kamyuka Stephen, a Carpentry tutor, provides a clue to this assumption: I tell them the reality that technical education is always taken as a last resort. I give examples from their families where priority is often given to those siblings of theirs taking academic studies at secondary schools, institutions and universities. I tell them that they are always the last people to report to school after holidays.

So I let them realize that they are having their last chance (to live a good life) in their lives â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and on this basis I encourage them not to prolong their studies but aim at getting skills to work and maybe in future they would continue with education.

This evidence strongly suggests that the tutor himself believes that the TVET is underrated and in the process of counseling his students he probably ends up cementing the same perception. Mary, a Tailoring tutor, claimed that the trend is changing and that people are seriously rethinking their attitudes towards vocational education courses. She further claimed that some University graduates enrol for vocational education courses in order to become employable.

Circumstances and Reasons for Taking the TVET Route All the learners and graduates said that they had wished to have at least completed their post-primary schooling cycle but a series of socioeconomic circumstances largely account for their eventual taking up of the TVET option. Jacob, a Bricklaying graduate, said, You know I had joined secondary schooling after my Primary leaving examinations; the future was not clear in terms of raising 220

the required fees for completing that level of education. We were studying but with no hope of either proceeding to advanced level and then do a university degree course because we were already facing financial challenges to meet the cost of our education. Our father had died; and our mother was sick. So actually we were not sure about the future.

Olivia, a current Tailoring learner, said, My father decided to bring me for vocational training. He said that since there was not enough money, it would make no sense for me to continue with upper secondary schooling only to complete without a qualification that would enable me to earn work. So he said that the better thing to do is for one to enrol for a vocational training course.

Harriet, a current Catering learner, explained that she wanted to be a nurse but her performance at ‘O’ level (lower post-primary) was disappointing. She said, I could not pursue a nursing profession because my performance in sciences was poor. My father wanted me to proceed to ‘A’ level (upper secondary). I suggested to him that I better follow my twin sister’s footsteps and enrol for a vocational course.

Paulo, a Carpentry graduate, said that the experience of working as a porter and doing all sorts of petty work forced him to look for training opportunities to develop the skills to be able to earn a living. None of the past and current learners indicated pursuing the TVET path as a number one option. Sylvia, a Tailoring graduate, bluntly said, “I had no other alternative; I had no money for secondary education schooling so I decided to join these things and undertake a Tailoring course”. On her part, Olivia said, “For me, I agreed with my father to bring me here

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for vocational education course because I had already seen my cousin brother who had nothing to do after completing his senior six”.

I investigated the initial reaction of current and past learners toward the suggestion to take the TVET option. The majority of them said that their initial reaction was negative and lukewarm. Only two learners said that they readily supported the idea of undertaking a vocational education alternative. “In the beginning I felt bad for not proceeding to secondary education level”, Charles, a current Carpentry learner, said.

On his part, John, a current Bricklaying learner, said, “Actually, I did not feel very good about it, because I wanted to obtain the ‘O’ level certificate”.

However, almost all the past and current learners said that their attitude towards the TVET option changed after enrolment at Ubuntu. Joseph, a Catering graduate, explained that later he became happy because he “had sensed the dangers of not having any qualification”. Charles, a current learner, said, But now having been at Ubuntu for this period, I feel better and like what I am studying here. Even at this level, I started earning!

I do some small work (carpentry & joinery) in the community and get paid. I am even able to provide some assistance to my mother and my brothers.

John, a current Bricklaying learner, said, “No…the pain is not much now; because what I have learnt makes me happy.”

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On recognition of the underlying dynamics surrounding the decision to pursue the TVET option, I engaged the learners and graduates to find out how they came to undertake the training at Ubuntu. All of them said that it was not their independent decision but that they were largely influenced by their parents or guardians. Evidence obtained from seven of the graduates indicates that the offer of free training was a strong motivation for choosing Ubuntu. As already mentioned, initially Ubuntu was providing the training at no cost. One of the graduates said, “I counselled myself and said that it is ok since this was a free offer. “ Jacob said that his aunt persuaded him to join Ubuntu because according to her the opportunity of studying for free would rarely recur.

“My aunt insisted and further suggested that I should take up the vocational training course since the opportunity was at the door steps and that on completion, I would have the liberty to decide to get back into secondary schooling or some kind of upgrading,” Jacob further clarified.

All the current learners except one said that their parents/guardians knew the director personally so it appears this further influenced the decision to choose Ubuntu. Sylvia said, “For me it was my mother who decided for me because she knew the Director and the Centre. …I think she wanted me to study from there”. Charles, a current Carpentry learner said that Ubuntu was the nearest centre and it was considered cost-effective to study from a nearby centre because it is a walkable distance to their home.

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Connection between Training at Ubuntu and the World of Work I sought the perception of learners, graduates and tutors in regard to the real connection between the training at Ubuntu and the world of work. I present the past and present learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; work expectations before I deal with the evidence in relation to the perceived link between training and obtaining work.

The main work expectations of learners can be categorized under selfemployment and middle level management job positions. Money and power were identified to be the strongest source of motivation for the said expectations. Sylvia, a Tailoring graduate, said that she wanted to be self-employed because according to her, employed people are somehow being exploited.

Joseph, a Catering graduate, said that self-

employment is good because you are not pressurized, and that you are free from the daily routine of full-time attendance. He has a dream of being a chef or managing director of his own hotel establishment.

James, a current Bricklaying learner, said that he wants to be a civil engineer so as to get big contracts. Olivia said that she wants to be selfemployed but as a manager with workers under her power and responsibility in her own tailoring enterprise. On realization that their current training may not yield the prerequisite qualification for the cherished type of employment, some of the learners expressed the desire to upgrade immediately after completion of the initial training level. They believe that upgrading is a sure of way of obtaining and retaining better job careers.

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The work expectations of beneficiaries became a basis of my inquiry into their views and thoughts about the relationship between the training and obtaining work. A repeat of the statement that the training is practice-oriented was characteristic of the learners’ different responses.

For instance, John, a current Bricklaying learner, said, “The things we learn here are the very things you meet in the world of work”. His course mate, Dickson said, “Yes, the preparation we have got is adequate; we receive enough practice”.

Jacob said, “But with

vocational education, you learn very practical things which are immediately and directly connected with work”. Harriet, a Catering graduate, expressed a similar view saying: I have great hope of getting a job. My skills and competence will earn me some work. There are some many hotels; many places that require us (Catering graduates).

The tutors equally maintained that they equip the beneficiaries with the required competencies in their industry or trade. They trust that the possession of practical skills gained at Ubuntu, and as consolidated by the industrial training component, is adequate to hook the graduates into the world of work either as job creators or salaried employees.

However, as the next subsection on lived experiences of graduates reveals, the connection between training and obtaining work is a much more complex phenomenon. It is far beyond the ordinary tendency to assume that mere possession of job-specific skills is more or less a guarantee to obtaining and retaining a desired type of work.

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Government’s Role in the TVET Sub-Sector All the management staff and tutors expressed dissatisfaction regarding the level of attention that Government accords the TVET sub-sector. It is a firmly held view that Government’s lukewarm support to the sector is partly to blame for the apparent relegation of technical and vocational education amongst stakeholders including parents and guardians. For instance, Stephen, the Carpentry tutor, said, “This training is very important but it is neglected. People have negative attitudes… it is considered to be for failures. Government neglects them (TVET students)”. He further observed that generally TVET tutors are poorly paid and as a result they do not take teaching as their main occupation but as a by-the-way. Patrick, his Bricklaying counterpart, thinks that the challenge is associated with the colonial legacy. He said, “When the colonial Government introduced education in Uganda, TVET courses were designated for weak students”. Patrick maintained that the general tendency is for public education policy to sideline the TVET sub-sector.

The Director lamented the absence of any meaningful public support for the running costs of the centre. He said that with the phasing out of the external funding, the centre imposed a user-charge on the learners which badly affected enrolment. The Principal observed that since most of the learners are from very poor families, it is very difficult to raise the required tuition fees in time.

The voices of dissatisfaction about the Government’s current lack of attention to TVET prompted me to seek the respondents’ views in 226

regard to what should be done to change the status quo. Tutors and management staff specifically suggested that Government should: • Provide materials and equipment to ensure effective teaching • Sensitize children and young people to join TVET institutions because it is the way to contribute to the fight against unemployment • Train more technical and vocational education instructors including the organisation of in-service training programmes • Provide credit to graduates to enable them to initiate selfemployment projects.

The above suggestions point to a fundamental need to invest in the development of physical infrastructure and human resources for scalingup the performance and profile of the sub-sector.

5.5.3 Lived Experiences of Graduates Learners begin their training with the hope that the anticipated qualifications will earn them work. In this subsection, I present the graduates’ work experience ranging from ways of finding waged jobs to setting up business enterprises for self-employment. This is followed by their reflections on the benefits of attending the training including their assessment of its relevance and how they intend to move into the future.

Ways of obtaining Work All the graduates took not longer than 6 months to obtain some form of work after completion. The Catering graduates and their Tailoring

227

counterparts had an advantage over the Carpentry and Bricklaying graduates. Some of the Catering and Tailoring graduates said that their tutors were instrumental in helping them to obtain work. Lucy, a Catering graduate, said, “We were lucky our madam (tutor) got us the first employment after graduation… we gave her our telephone contacts and in a period of one month she called and informed me that there was an employment opportunity for me”. Others said that the industrial training exercise contributed greatly to their obtaining of work. Juliet, a Tailoring graduate, was retained by the company that offered her the industrial training placement. Joseph, a Catering graduate, who undertook his work-based training at an established medium-size hotel in Mukono town said, “Two days before the end of the industrial training period, I was invited to the office by the general manager and she formally asked me to stay and work for the hotel.”

The majority of the Carpentry and Bricklaying graduates said that they had to embark on a vigorous search for work. One of them said that he moved from one construction site to another until he was offered a place. Three of this category of graduates said that their chances of obtaining some form of work greatly depended on social relationships.

James, a Bricklaying graduate, said, On completion of the course, I moved to Kampala with my basic bricklaying tools which were given to us by the centre. I went to my brother. He introduced me to the site engineer who offered me a job as a mason.

It is through a network of friends and relatives that one could for example obtain information on job prospects. In some instances, the 228

social networks seem to have yielded real work opportunities as evidenced by Jacob’s experience. A bricklaying graduate, Jacob said, “My brother in law gave me that job (contract) in Kireka. He kind of wanted to test out my capacity. When I proved my worth he gave me another site in Kenya”. Jacob said that his friend’s father who operates a construction company offered him the first casual job as a porter.

The role of social networks in finding work is evident in almost all the graduates’ work search experience. For instance, Lucy, one of the Catering graduates whose first job was at her former place of industrial training, used a social relationship to obtain the second job. She said, “I approached my aunt who was working at Colline Hotel, she talked to her old friend in one of the hotels in Kampala who in turn offered me the second job”.

I enquired about the common challenges that the graduates encounter while searching for work. “I took longer to get work because people did not know me,” said Jacob. He explained that there is a tendency for site engineers and foremen to trust the workers they have dealt with for some time, making it difficult for fresh graduates to penetrate the world of building/civil works. While agreeing with Jacob’s description of the said challenge, James said that most of the foremen are untrained, and they often regard fresh graduates as rivals.

The majority of the

graduates who directly ventured into some kind of job search indicated that a number of prospective employers seemed reluctant to fully trust

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their capabilities, thus the practice of wanting to ‘try them first’.

Jacob’s account affords a good illustration of this point: You go to any site…approach the engineer or foreman. If by bad luck you find a foreman or the owner who saw you while training, he might offer you a place as a porter. He has to try out first whether you can perform well. Then he can give you better terms. They may not trust you at the outset. They cannot risk entrusting you with critical work on the structure, because you might mess up the building and cause a grave loss.

A related challenge is the location of work opportunities. While almost all the graduates were from rural families, they had to deal with the challenge of migrating to urban centres such as Kampala district where work prospects are considered to be high. None of the graduates reported obtaining wage work within their rural community.

Generally, the graduates obtained work through informal means. Social capital in the form of social networks played a key role in connecting them to work opportunities. Let me turn to the kind of work that the graduates are involved in.

Nature and Scale of Work The biographies of the graduates outlined at the beginning indicate that they are largely engaged in low-wage work. The graduates raised a number of concerns related to terms and conditions of work.

Two Catering graduates and another from the Tailoring department are involved in some kind of full-time paid employment whereby they

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receive a fixed remuneration at the end of the month. Joseph, a Catering graduate, holds a position of Room Steward which earns him the equivalent of US$42 per month. In addition, he said that his employer provides him with housing and food while on duty. Lucy, a Catering graduate, who quit her first job, earns the equivalent of US$100 a month for providing catering services to a Kampala family of European residents. Juliet, a Tailoring graduate, said that she is employed as a Cutter by a small-scale garment making company which pays her the equivalent of US$105 per month in addition to US$9 per week for transport. Both Joseph and Juliet said that they were issued with some kind of appointment letters which stipulate nothing more beyond the job description and monthly salary. There is no indication of the duration of the contract, retirement or other benefits such as medical care or insurance.

The Carpentry and Bricklaying graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; earnings are largely from casual work. James, a Bricklaying graduate, said that since he completed his training at Ubuntu, he has worked at several sites with numerous companies and individuals. His first work which involved laying blocks lasted for three months, and he was being paid the equivalent of US$3.3 per day. He said when this job was over , he got another for plastering. He explained, When that job was over, a certain brother of mine took me to another site; the site engineer was my cousin brother. I was paid UGX5,500 (US$2.8) per day for the first week. The second week he started paying UGX6,000 (US$3) per day for almost three months.

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James said that he is now working with a construction company owned

by Indians, and that it receives a lot of big jobs from government departments and other prominent politicians and civil servants. When this company gets construction works, it sub-contracts him to provide the labour for plastering and in turn he engages the masons. When I sought to understand the payment terms in this kind of arrangement, James said: We bargain; and the payment is made weekly. We do not get the same rate; it depends on the experience and the skills that you have. The contractor measures to establish the work done as a basis for making payments. So when you pay your porters and masons; then you also get your commission..

He said that during a good season when there is a construction boom, he earns the equivalent of US$210 per month.

Jacob, a Carpentry graduate, operates a loose small construction company as a sole proprietor. He explained that he used to do some small-scale pieces of work for which he could be paid per job done.

Jacob seems to be happy and believes that things are better. He said, I have two big jobs. At the moment, I am working independently.

Now I am constructing an estate in Kireka. I got itâ&#x20AC;Ś it is my contract. I have another site in Kenya.

In October 2009 I visited one of his sites situated in Kampala district at Kireka. Jacob said that he was taking charge as the main contractor for construction of the twin houses belonging to his brother in-law. Jacob

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could not reveal with precision how much he earns on average in a month. When I asked how he earns, Jacob said: You quantify the building based on the architectural plan and establish the total cost of the building. You may decide to negotiate mutually without reference to a percentage formulae because some clients dislike it. It really depends. If you use the percentage formulae you may demand 30% of the total cost. But at times you may calculate the labour cost on the basis of the number of days you will stay at the site. So you calculate the pay for the porters and masons, and then your own fees.

Figure 6: Twin houses under construction with Jacob's technical supervision

All the graduates both in full-time wage employment and casual working arrangements decried poor conditions of work. The Catering and Tailoring graduates were unhappy because they are made to work for long hours yet the remuneration is wanting. While comparing her first job with the current one, Lucy said, â&#x20AC;&#x153;This is a better deal compared to the previous job where you could work from 9.00 am to 9.00 pmâ&#x20AC;?. In addition, Joseph raised the issue of poor employment relationships. He said, 233

The owners of these hotels never regard you as a person worth any respect. The managers always do not respect you. They think you are nobody; they often do not value our education.

In addition to poor pay, long working hours and hard work, the Bricklaying and Carpentry graduates said that at times they work and receive no pay at all. Paulo, a Carpentry graduate, illustrated one instance when he was paid less than what he expected. He said that he was subcontracted to make and fix 26 doors at the equivalent of US$507 but was paid not more than the equivalent of US$108.

According to Jacob, a Bricklaying graduate, this kind of situation can partly be attributable to the fact that it is always the main contractors who enter into a formal contract with the client and therefore they dictate the terms. Expressing his resentment over unfair treatment of masons by contractors, Jacob said, Actually, as builders (masons) we have not been having legal companies to defend and safeguard our interests. At times, we build without entering any written contracts so we are vulnerable. Many times we search for jobs without writing any application letter unlike our colleagues in other trades such as law and teaching who in turn receive formal appointment letters.

Jacobâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s point of view gives rise to the issue of appointment letters and/or

contractual

agreements

to

formalize

work

terms

and

relationships. Apart from the two graduates in full-time wage employment, the rest said that they have never entered into any written contract ever since they have been working.

James, a Bricklaying

graduate, explained that his dealings with construction companies are based on verbal agreements. He said, 234

Those are private companies; they do not give appointment letters. Like even me when I get work I just call upon the masons and give them work without bothering to enter into any written agreement.

Setting up Business Enterprises The evidence in this respect is categorized under motivation for establishing a business; ways of raising initial resources; management and the associated challenges.

The evidence indicates that while two

graduates, namely Sylvia and Paulo, sought to establish business enterprises immediately after completion, the majority ventured into the business world after some period of wage employment. While the former category was driven by the interest to be self-employed from the outset, the latter were motivated by the desire to either supplement their meagre fixed monthly payment or to eventually opt for outright selfemployment. The graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; key reasons for setting up supplementary sources of income are: In our work, we face challenges especially if you go to the site; clients and main contractors always prioritize materials and equipment rather than wages for the workers. (Jacob, Bricklaying graduate) When you are self-employed you are not always pressurized; the rigour of daily attendance is avoided. But the job enslaves you. It is important that one has supplementary source of income.

(Joseph, Catering graduate) When I realized that though they were paying, it (salary) was little; I had to save money to start my own workshop. (Milton, Carpentry graduate)

235

I wanted to be able to employ myself; be able to interpret plans; sub-contract other people to do the work; raise quotations; procure materials and above all, remain with some good money as my profit. (James, Bricklaying graduate) Sylvia, a Tailoring graduate, just like Paulo, her Carpentry counterpart whose first source of income was her own business, said that she had an intrinsic motivation to be her own employer. This category of graduates who ventured into business on completion of their studies used the basic tools and equipment which were provided by Ubuntu. Sylvia said that in addition to the offer of a sewing machine, the director of Ubuntu offered her a working place at the Centreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s furniture display premises located in an urban centre, some 20 kms east of Kampala city. In exchange for the working space on the verandah of Ubuntu furniture shop, Sylvia provides front office services for the Centre. Paulo established a carpentry workshop within his home village, some 7 kms from Ubuntu. He said that he mobilized other materials and timber from within the community, taking advantage of his fatherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s resources especially land and timber forests.

Figure 7: Sylvia at work and her main capital equipment

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The other graduates used a combination of strategies to raise the required initial capital. Milton, a Carpentry graduate, said that he used his hard-earned savings to secure the working space and additional carpentry tools which were not provided by Ubuntu. He explained, From 2004, I started saving… so in 2005 I started planning for my workshop. In 2006 I started making this workshop. I could save whatever money I got from my work at Ubuntu to establish this workshop.

In 2007, Milton decided to resign his full time job at Ubuntu commercial department to attend to the management and operational requirements of his business. His carpentry workshop shelter which is estimated to be worth UGX4ml (US$2,000), is situated in the nearby urban centre some 9 kms away from Ubuntu. He started by employing one carpenter and now has two more part-time workers, one of whom is a Craft I certificate holder which is a level higher than Milton’s UJTC. The workshop makes a variety of wood products which are displayed for sale to whoever is interested. Some specific orders from individuals were mentioned as a regular form of transaction.

At the time of my fieldwork, he was running two construction sites.

When I asked to see his workers, he said, “Two of my workers have gone to the site”. He has undertaken several sub-contracts for building, roofing and shuttering, and he is proud to have executed the renovation of a relatively big structure in Kampala city. He got the Kampala contract through the Director of Ubuntu who used his influence to secure it. Milton clarified that in many instances, he provides the labour

237

and some materials saying that he is yet to undertake a full contract involving provision of everything that is needed to put up a structure.

On how he earns, Milton said, When I get a (sub) contract I call upon my people (workers)â&#x20AC;Śwe negotiate the payment terms. I get the full sum as the subcontractor and then pay them (workers) a certain percentage.

Figure 8: Side views of Milton's workshop

Miltonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s workshop shelter (fig. 8) is made up of soft wood with an iron roof. This type of structure is a common phenomenon in Uganda particularly in situations where the proprietor is a private individual of Miltonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s calibre. Inside this workshop, there is an assortment of timber, finished and incomplete products as well as some carpentry hand tools.

There is nothing like an office, and there was no indication of any practice of record keeping as part of a business management culture.

Lucy and Juliet said that they too had to save to be able to initiate some small-scale income activities. Unlike their other colleagues, these two did not invest within their field of training. While Lucy, a caterer, is

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running a small retail shop around a busy hospital in Kampala city, Juliet chose to invest her meagre savings into brick-making and cattlerearing. They explained that investing outside their trade, industry or field is attributable to the challenges associated with juggling business and employment obligations. Juliet, a Tailoring graduate, said, “It is very difficult to run your own business while working; tailoring requires ones’ personal presence; and besides attracting customers it needs you when you are established.”

A number of graduates expressed some fears and dilemmas regarding the option of being self-employed through the establishment of their own business enterprises. Jacob’s view is representative of the general thinking. He said, “When you think of starting your own workshop…it is another challenge because first of all you cannot establish and successfully operate a workshop within this community.”

Other

challenges mentioned by graduates who are venturing into the business world include prohibitive taxes; high rates for business premises in urban centres; limited demand among community members; unfair competition as well as the difficulty of emerging from the economic consequences of natural disasters. Milton, a Carpentry graduate, said that when a storm swept the roof off of his carpentry workshop, it took him a couple of months to repair it, which impacted on his business image and performance. Paulo’s experience affords a good description of the challenges of unfair competition and limited local demand for the graduates’ products because he had to quit the entire idea of a local carpentry workshop and turn to job searching. Paulo said: 239

I started in 2004. I started slowly with a small workshop at my father’s place. In the beginning, people were excited, some saying that ‘oh our son has started a workshop within our village’. The challenge I encountered was that many of them wanted low-cost products yet the production cost could not be reduced. There was this unhealthy competition; some untrained carpenters were making substandard cheap products which in the process took away a number of prospective customers.

Overall, the desire for self-employment cuts across the business intentions and actions of all graduates though while some regard it as a mainstay of their economic survival, others consider it a supplementary source to offset the challenges of the poor pay and other unfavourable working conditions.

Ubuntu’s policy of supporting graduates with

basic tools and equipment, the saving culture of some employed graduates and the potential to generate local resources, account for the ability to set up business enterprises by some graduates. The graduates’ businesses are at different stages of growth and development amidst fiscal, regulatory and other socio-economic challenges.

General Work Skills and Tasks I explored the kinds of capabilities which are required to perform the tasks and duties embedded in the graduates’ current work.

Three

categories of capabilities that the graduates need to operate effectively in the world of work were identified. These include technical, generic and basic management capabilities.

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The work experience of almost all the graduates required a combination of the above capabilities. Only Juliet, employed by a garment making company as a cutter, said that her occupation requires typical jobspecific skills. She explained that her job involves measuring, cutting and sowing all sorts of garments. The rest reported a multitude of tasks requiring a variety of job-specific and general skills. The Carpentry and Bricklaying

graduates, especially those involved in subcontracts,

mentioned several management â&#x20AC;&#x201C; oriented tasks such as budgeting and procurement of materials and equipment; recruitment, deployment and assignment of duties and tasks to masons and other workers; administration

of

payments;

record

keeping,

reporting

and

communication. For instance Paulo, a Carpentry graduate, said, â&#x20AC;&#x153;My new client asked me to work out a budget indicating all the materials that are required for making curtain boxesâ&#x20AC;?. Jacob, a Bricklaying graduate, said, I supervise the setting of foundations; requisitions for materials, safeguard against loss, wastage and theft. I must ensure that the right ratios are complied with. I organize payments for porters and other workers at the site depending on agreed terms. I also assign the workers particular portions of work.

His Carpentry counterpart, Milton, said that the contracts he gets require all the skills that are necessary for completing a structure ranging from bricklaying, plastering, roofing and fittings. He supervises all these tasks and he has to maintain constant contact with the client.

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The graduates involved in direct management of their own businesses, have in addition, tasks to recruit workers where necessary; design and implement market strategies; and handle legal and statutory requirements. It was established that attracting and retaining customers for the graduateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s businesses is critical, yet they cannot afford to pay for competitive marketing services. The analysis of some of the reported ways of attracting and retaining customers reveals the need to possess a high level of social and customer relations skills.

Among other

strategies, Milton said that he made business cards which he distributes to his customers and friends. Sylvia said that she talks well with existing and prospective customers.

I investigated whether the graduates attained the required capabilities while at Ubuntu. I also asked whether the graduates experience some level of knowledge gaps while performing their duties. The majority of the graduates said that they always experienced some form of skills deficit or a feeling of inadequacy in relation to a particular task at hand.

For instance, Paulo, a Carpentry graduate, said that he was challenged when he was confronted with the task of making curtain boxes during his first subcontract. Sylvia, a Tailoring graduate, informed me that she would wish to make a variety of fashions to diversify and break the monotony of school uniform making but she feels incompetent. In addition, Sylvia had no idea of conventional marketing strategies. Her counterpart, Juliet, said that there are quite a number of products such as jackets which her company makes but she cannot participate because of limited skills. James, a Bricklaying graduate, said that he encountered 242

four

unfamiliar

building/construction

tasks

immediately

after

completion of his course. They included plastering; stone pitching; laying concrete blocks; and painting. In one of his narrations, James said, “I had never painted… I did not know even how to roll a painter’s brush.”

Graduates attributed their skill inadequacies to a narrow curriculum and inadequate teaching and preparation for the real world of work. James, a Bricklaying graduate, said that they were, for instance, introduced to plastering but just on models and as a result he was not able to develop the required skills for the real work environment. Sylvia said that they were never exposed to such topics as marketing or customer relations.

She observed that maybe she joined the course when her course mates had already covered them. Jacob, a Bricklaying graduate, thinks that their course curriculum is unnecessarily detached from carpentry and joinery which does not make sense. He observed that when he gets building jobs it involves bricklaying and roofing yet the two are offered as separate courses at Ubuntu.

The graduates shared their experiences of how they grapple with unfamiliar work situations. The main strategy involves learning while on-the-job and at other levels within their social networks. One of the graduates observed that learning a new skill is greatly dependent on creativity and good social relationships with peers and supervisors.

Jacob said,

243

You meet some tasks that you never met during the training, so you become creative and learn from your colleagues. For example, you wait for them to start and then you observe carefully how things are done. Because you were at a training centre, at least you are able to catch up. .

Juliet said that when confronted with unfamiliar work tasks she always consults her supervisor and that she has learnt a lot from him. On his part, Milton said that his friend advised him about the importance of business cards and other business records such as invoices and receipt books. He further revealed how he takes advantage of his social network to enhance his capabilities. Milton said, With marketing skills, that can come from inquiring. Let me tell you during my leisure time there is a meeting for a group of working members from our community (Church) whereby we discuss a number of issues that affect each one of us including business. You discuss and get different advise from colleagues and friends.

In addition, he said that he has learnt to use a computer for his business and leisure purposes with the help of part-time instruction by his other friend.

Joseph, who is working with one of the big hotels in the

Country, devised a self-directed learning programme to scale-up his capabilities. He said, I have been making observations at my current workplace. I also move to different establishments, observe the setup and management. For purposes of learning, I even visit big hotels in Kampala to further understand how they run the business. I make my notes and indeed have a record of what I observe and learn when I visit the big establishments.

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I followed up this expression of some form of skills dearth with an inquiry into the graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; reflections about the training. While all of the graduates acknowledged the usefulness of the training as indicated below, some of them re-stated their reservation about the adequacy of the training process and outcomes. A Bricklaying graduate contended that even within the three years of practical training, he still had difficulty performing certain tasks. He said that, for example they never covered enough about roofing skills, yet it is one of the jobs that fetches good pay. One of the Tailoring graduates said that at Ubuntu, they were exposed to small-scale machines and tools such as scissors and sewing machines yet her current place of work demands competence to handle big machines.

Benefits of Attending TVET All graduates agreed that pursuing their various training courses at Ubuntu was a worthwhile undertaking. Despite the above-mentioned challenges, including the difficulty of finding enriching or good work, the graduates strongly acknowledge that the training has yielded a number of economic and social benefits.

The economic benefits are primarily a product of the graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; engagement in either self-employment or casual jobs that generate income for meeting the basics of life. Almost all the graduates said that through their earnings, they are able to provide for themselves. Some said that they have dependants they cater for in terms of health care, school fees and food. For instance, Milton, a Carpentry graduate, said that he takes care of basic needs of life for his elderly mother and in 245

addition he contributes school fees for his late sisterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s three orphans.

Joseph said that he is happy because he is able to meet his own necessities of life and at the same time he is paying fees for the education of his two young brothers in addition to taking care of his sister.

Besides the actual obtaining of work, the graduates spoke highly of the attainment of the potential or capability to search for work. To many of them, the potential is, in itself, a great achievement. Almost all of them mentioned that they have a comparative advantage over their peers who pursued general academic education. Milton argued that with his skills he has the credentials to claim that he can do something, unlike those who proceed with the purely theoretical post-secondary schooling. He said, For me now I have the skillsâ&#x20AC;Śeven if I am searching for jobs but I have a negotiating power. I have something that I can do. But now someone who continued to upper post-primary education and even to University may not have the practical skills to do anything.

Similarly, Juliet, a Tailoring graduate, contended that her peers who never made it to vocational training or any form of post-primary education are engaged in either subsistence agriculture and/or housekeeping as housewives in the villages. She said, I am very happy about the training that I received at Ubuntu. I can meet almost all necessities of my life. I have the ability to buy a dress of my choice. Previously I used to ask for everything that I wanted but it is me myself who decides to buy for myself. I

246

work for myself and I do not depend on other people. Today I have the capacity to buy what I need without consulting anyone.

In addition to the attainment of some level of economic independence, the graduates mentioned the realization of social visibility and some form of self-esteem. For instance Lucy said that as part of the training at Ubuntu she learnt to speak well; adapt to socially acceptable behaviour and conduct, and that she now belongs to a wider social network.

While the graduates express a certain degree of pride and prestige upon the attainment of the ability to work and earn, overtones of better than nothing were voiced by the majority of them. For instance Sylvia said, “I earn little but it is better than nothing at all.” Overall, however, all the graduates acknowledged a positive difference in their lives.

Responses reveal that none of the graduates regrets attending the training at Ubuntu. Even Paulo, whose current source of livelihood is not connected with the training at all, maintained that, “things are not bad if you compare with how it was before the training.”

Future Plans and Expectations As already mentioned, all the graduates communicated a sense of hopefulness and the majority of them shared their future expectations and plans. They expressed the overwhelming desire to establish and consolidate business enterprises as a way of ensuring income sustainability. Those who are working for a salary or wage said that

247

they are saving for the purpose despite the hardship. Lucy said that she wants to boost her retail shop by injecting in more capital.

I have many plans but the priority is to generate money and boost my retail shop; and to run it myself. This would help me to live my childhood dream of self-employment. I always wanted to work for a short time but settle down to self-employment.

The already self-employed graduates expressed high hopes for scaling up their business through increased reinvestment of profits. Sylvia said, â&#x20AC;&#x153;I want to run this business from my own premises other than here on the verandah.â&#x20AC;? Juliet said she plans to reinvest her earnings from brickmaking and cattle-rearing into a boda-boda (motor-cycle) transport business.

Much as the graduates mentioned educational upgrading as one of their priority plans, there was no indication of real commitment and enthusiasm to pursue the same. All the graduates were quick to point to the challenge of raising the required resources. While some indicated a certain level of commitment to meet the cost of training to upgrade their skills, others clearly stated that their only hope was some form of scholarship or free training. Juliet said, Yes upgrading is a good idea but of course it requires money and nobody will pay for me. If I get someone to finance my studies then why not go back to school.

Even, the graduates who seemed really interested in upgrading decried the prohibitive tuition fees and associated costs. Joseph said,

248

When I went to Kyambogo University I established that each semester requires UGX500.000 (US$256); and it takes two years.

I found it very expensive and in addition it would require me to commute every day yet, the University is a distance from my workplace. Getting back to training would mean quitting my job yet it is the mainstay of my survival.

Josephâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s revelation further illustrated the lack of information on suitable upgrading avenues for the graduates. A number of them talked of the interest in upgrading to attain tertiary or higher qualifications yet their UJTC or DIT Grade 2 certificates are far below the minimum enrolment requirements for diploma or degree courses.

In general terms, the graduates sounded optimistic and committed to upholding their attained social status through the establishment and consolidation of own business enterprises for self-employment. They seemed pessimistic about the real possibilities for upgrading their skills and competencies through further education.

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CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

6.1 Introduction In Chapter 5, the findings were presented in a manner that was intended to live up to one of the outstanding case study methodology traditions of ‘in-depth and thick description’. In this chapter, a discussion of the findings as guided by the research questions is made. Reference to reviewed literature is made to contextualize the findings within the TVET, work and well-being discourse. The discussion is organized under the same headings used under section 5.5 of Chapter 5.

6.2 Organisation and Delivery of TVET Courses All evidence, as presented under section 5.2 and subsection 5.5.1 of Chapter 5, points to the fact that Ubuntu was established to provide skills training to disadvantaged youths whose future was deemed precarious. Typical of such donor-funded initiatives, the centre recorded dramatic developments in terms of infrastructure and enrolment which helped to keep it vibrant and visible. However the phasing out of financial aid by one of its European-based partner agencies, greatly contributed to Ubuntu’s decline.

It seems few preparations were made to ensure sustainability upon the phasing out of external financial support. This finding has several significant implications regarding the sustainable and long-term engagement of private providers including the NGO sector, in making 250

TVET opportunities accessible to the poor. The vast literature on the role of Private Sector and NGOs in TVET provision, as well as the discourse for rolling back the boundaries of the state, is yet to address in a comprehensive manner, the important question of institutional sustainability (Johanson & Adams, 2004; McGrath, 1995).

In addition to the challenge of sustaining the position and function of NGO-based providers who target categories of learners like those served by Ubuntu, is the issue of targeting public TVET financing. Just as research evidence illuminated by a synthesis report on Ghana, India, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and South Africa suggests, public-financed TVET often does not serve the poor (Palmer et al., 2007). The literature on the national research context in Chapter 2 of this thesis makes it abundantly clear that Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s public BTVET provision is minimally benefiting marginalized youths.

The findings strongly suggest a laissez-faire management and organisation approach at Ubuntu. There seemed to be little enthusiasm and ambition among both the staff and learners. A number of factors can be construed to be responsible for this state of affairs. First, all the tutors regard their current pay to be below the minimum and comparatively below the average earnings of a primary school teacher.

Second, in addition to weak support supervision and monitoring practices, the professional competence of the teaching personnel is wanting. Apart from the in-service training which two of the tutors reported to have undertaken, none of the tutors has ever received 251

specialized training to serve as a professional TVET teacher. This state of affairs corroborates a general perception that one of the most serious challenges of TVET provision in Uganda and elsewhere in the Third World is the shortage of well-motivated and qualified teachers due to financial, logistical and policy related challenges (Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008c; Lugujjo, 2003).

Third, it seemed that the centre is increasingly adopting a liberal approach in regard to the learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; attendance and participation in actual learning sessions which greatly results in wastage of time. Part of the challenge lies with the failure to comprehend and take care of the implications associated with the previous life and schooling background of the learners. The findings, for instance, point to a lack of standardized procedures for mobilization and recruitment of learners.

Throughout the entire research process, no mention was made of counselling and guidance for purposes of helping the prospective learners to make informed course choices. As discussed elsewhere in this thesis, these findings confirm the apparent absence of systematic counselling and guidance practices in the TVET sub-sector (UNESCO, 2002).

Eligibility for enrolment at Ubuntu was reported to be open, and without serious restrictions based on age or educational qualifications.

This finding confirms the generally held view that NGO-led TVET providing institutions often operate flexible entry policies that allow learners of divergent backgrounds, especially the poor, to access skills 252

training opportunities (McGrath, et al., 1995). However, the practice is of course not free from challenges related to quality as the discussion in this thesis shows.

The usually clear-cut issue of course duration was not evident in the case of Ubuntu because responses were highly divergent. There was no evidence to suggest a strict observance of the supposedly official duration of 3 years of training because some graduates reported to have completed their courses in a shorter period. The findings support the view that structured courses that stretch over a long period are often undesirable for certain categories of learners who undertake TVET programmes for the sake of gaining quick entry into the world of work (Oxtoby, 1997).

The findings reveal that the decision to offer the current courses was based solely on the opinions of the founders. Until the present no single local training needs assessment or labour market survey has ever been carried out. This finding confirms that a supply-driven approach to TVET provision is not restricted to public training systems as a great section of the literature attempts to conclude (Johanson & Adams, 2004; Wirak, et al., 2003).

The findings point to a general preoccupation to develop manual skills among the learners in order for them to perform practical tasks in their chosen occupations. Even the loose fusion of DIT curriculum with the UNEB curriculum, which is traditionally inclined to the development of 253

combined conceptual understanding and practical competence, the actual practice tilts towards manual skills development. These findings suggest that Ubuntu is out of tune with the current trend that demands a careful balance of theory and practice, and as Gamble (2003) puts it, the link between the two ought to be stronger rather than weaker.

The findings further reveal that the training content is basically designed to ensure the development of job-specific occupational competencies. Some limited efforts to offer general subjects such as entrepreneurship and English language were visible but these suffer considerable marginalization in terms of instructional time allocation among other pedagogical challenges. This is rather disappointing because the general view is that besides the development of technical or job-specific skills, TVET curricula should, in addition, aim to equip the graduates with essential skills or generic capabilities (Frazer, 2006; Dunbar, 2002; UNESCO, 1993). This finding provides clues to the general claim that TVET graduates often lack entrepreneurship skills (McGrath, et al., 1995).

The findings in regard to scope and breadth of training content also point to a strong inclination to prepare the graduates for wage employment. It seems ironic and contradictory given the mission to train â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;job creatorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; which all tutors and management staff frequently mentioned during the research process. This confirms the idea that too often TVET providers face challenges to live by their vision and mission. However, it also brings into the question the widely held view 254

that it is always the public TVET training system that is skewed to wage employment and that NGO provision has a much more clear focus on the informal sector or self-employment (Palmer, et al., 2007; McGrath et al., 1995). It is an indication that that private TVET provision, especially the structured mode which is linked to public regulating institutions for assessment and certification, also has difficulty to escape this practice.

The findings suggest that the common training pedagogy at Ubuntu is basically a replica of the post-primary education system. There is overwhelming evidence that the general training approach is skewed to the traditional pedagogy of knowledge transmission. Even the teaching of practical skills seems not to sufficiently measure up to what some TVET stakeholders refer to as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;learning by doingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Schroeter, 2009).

There are fundamental challenges in handling the highly heterogeneous learners at Ubuntu. As implied above, it seems there is a deficit of institutional, logistical and human competence to professionally apply the social constructivist principles and values that befit the categories of learners

at

Ubuntu.

The

social

constructivist

approach

to

learning/teaching rejects the practice of transmitting knowledge (Applefield et al., 2001). It favours the recognition of the peculiar learning needs of youths who ought to be handled in accordance with Malcolm Knowlesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; prescriptions which are embedded in his concept of andragogy (Rusell, 2008; Jarvis, 1995; Knowles, 1980).

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The findings in relation to the medium of instruction revealed a lot more in relation to the pedagogical challenges confronting Ubuntu.

The

study reveals that poor comprehension due to language difficulty was one of the main learning challenges mentioned by both current and past learners. In this respect, the finding is similar to the outcome of a related study of technical colleges in KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa (Gamble, 2003). The KwaZulu-Natal study established that language and poor comprehension are some of the biggest problems which black students in technical colleges, where instruction is offered in either Afrikaans or English, face.

The findings suggest that little attention is made to ensure that learners with English language difficulty attend relevant language development classes. This is self-defeating because many quarters, including the Interagency Network for Education in Emergencies (2009), recommend that specially designed classes should be in place to build the linguistic competency of learners in cases where they are not familiar with the official language of instruction. Where code-switching is the adopted method of teaching, Gamble (2003) observes that it calls for the availability of teachers with a bilingual competence so that they can effectively teach in at least two languages which are used in a particular community. Too often tutors with limited local language proficiency can themselves be at a loss when required to translate complex technical concepts.

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In an effort to consolidate the practical capabilities of the learners, Ubuntu has an established tradition of organizing on-the-job training in the form of industrial training placements. The findings indicate that while the industrial training component is highly treasured and supported by the learners, tutors and industries, its organisation is wanting in a number of respects. The timing and duration of the industrial placements are not structurally harmonized to enrich the entire training process. This finding corroborates a related conclusion based on the analysis of the barriers to the provision of cost-effective technical education in Bangladesh by Oxtoby (1997) when he states that the impact of the period of industrial attachment may be rather limited because it comes at the very end of the 3-year study programme.

The findings suggest that formative assessment is within the mandate of the centre, and it is basically done for the sake of preparing beneficiaries for summative assessment by two statutory bodies, namely UNEB and DIT. Summative assessment is conducted only once a year on designated dates just as is the case with national examinations at primary and secondary education levels. The final assessment often focuses on the ideal content coverage rather than discovering what candidates actually learnt or need in the workplace. These findings further confirm that Ubuntuâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s assessment practice is yet to adopt a competence-based approach that is widely being applied as part of the TVET reform efforts (Brockmann, et al., 2008; Kyobe & Rugumayo, 2001; UNESCO, 1993). Numerous TVET scholars agree that the aim of competence-based assessment is to determine whether candidates meet 257

the expected performance standards in the world of work rather than ascertaining how much they covered or not, in a particular time (Hager, Gonczi & Athanasou, 1994).

The findings further indicate that the examining and certification role of UNEB and DIT has got a number of implications in regard to the status and use of the certificates that they award to qualifying candidates. In general terms, the assessment and certification regime is deficient of mechanisms to ensure equitable access to continued and further learning. It stifles and restricts career and education mobility of graduates especially those examined and certified by DIT. The practice conflicts with one of the outstanding principles which underpin current TVET reform discourse for enhanced possibilities for articulation between TVET and higher education, including the transferability of skills from basic to advanced levels (UNESCO, 1993).

6.3 Stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Experiences and Perceptions of TVET The findings as presented under subsection 5.5.2 in Chapter 5 reveal a general agreement among management staff, tutors and learners that TVET is cost-effective when compared to spending more than 14 years to pursue and complete the entire hierarchy of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s schooling system. The stakeholders consider TVET to be cost-effective in terms of what it costs individual learners as well as their families to undertake the training until they develop the required minimum capabilities to enter the world of work.

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This finding sharply contrasts with the conventional and dominant perception in the literature regarding the cost of providing TVET. The finding potentially raises a number of pertinent questions. For instance, it gives rise to the question of whose interest is at stake within the TVET cost and effectiveness debate â&#x20AC;&#x201C; is it the learners, parents, national governments or the World Bank and its partners? The finding also tempts one to raise a number of questions in regard to the motive, methodology, data sources and the overall agenda of studies related to the cost effectiveness of TVET. One of the well-known evaluative studies of the 1970s and 80s rejected the secondary school vocationalisation model as costly and inefficient (Okech, 2007; Oxtoby, 1997; Psacharopoulos, 1987). However, as is widely acknowledged, findings from a study of one delivery model were generalized to launch a fierce criticism of TVET claiming that it is uneconomical (UNESCO, 2005; McGrath, 1995).

It is clear that â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;hard economicsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is at work in these TVET costeffectiveness debates at the macro level of education and development planning. Quantitative studies make economic comparisons between the cost of TVET provision and general secondary education. For instance, it is estimated that the cost of providing vocational education in subSaharan Africa is fourteen times more expensive than general secondary education (Johanson & Adams, 2004). Understandably, the claim that TVET is costly is based on the inevitable need for: sometimes expensive training equipment; land in the case of agricultural-based TVET; training, upgrading and maintaining a bigger teaching force due 259

to the associated lower trainee-tutor ratio; as well as the specialized resource materials and facilities (UNESCO, 2010; Johanson & Adams, 2004; Gill et al., 2000).

In contrast to this, the finding regarding stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; perceptions of TVET as a cost-effective route is very clear: instead of wasting away after being eliminated by the schooling system, learners invest a reasonable time of not more than 3 years; some are fed, transported and lodged by their families; and all of a sudden are able to work and contribute not only to the national gross domestic product but to household incomes. As the discussion on the findings in relation to the lived experiences of graduates reveals, stakeholders clearly see the returns at the individual and household levels, which is actually a partial tenet of human capital theory (Sweetland, 1996; Becker, 1994). This finding strongly suggests that the ordinary peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic perspectives are at variance with those of national and international decision makers and planners.

The final reflection to which this finding directs my attention is the important question of which TVET delivery mode is more effective.

One of the critical variables in TVET investment choices is clarity of focus and purpose, which in turn provides a basis for determining measurable benchmarks or outcomes. The experimental diversified secondary schools in Tanzania and Columbia, whose curriculum orientation was to link education to the world of work in addition to their inherent mandate to engender academic excellence, were bound to 260

yield highly disputable results (McGrath, 1995). While my study was not aimed at assessing the extent of returns on investment, the finding on stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; perception of TVET cost-effectiveness strengthens the proposition that calls for the provision of TVET through an arrangement that serves those who need it most and whose participation in the labour market is clear and rather predictable (Psacharopoulos, 1991; Gill et al., 2000).

Some tutors and management staff think that TVET is meant for academically weak learners. The findings also point to a general feeling that TVET is the feasible alternative for the economically disadvantaged learners. The study findings further reveal that none of the beneficiaries said that undertaking a TVET course at Ubuntu was a pre-planned and deliberate choice. These findings concur with several viewpoints of stakeholders as well as a number of studies including a recent one carried out in Northern Uganda, which show that TVET is regarded as second class education (School of International and Public Affairs Columbia University, 2008; King et al., 2007; Gill et al., 2000).

It is imperative to note that this finding in relation to the perception of tutors and management staff was never yielded through overt responses to attitude-inquiring questions. As discussed above, the tendency was to project TVET as a very useful choice. However, subsequent follow-up explanations during the intensive interview meetings revealed negative undertones about TVET. This more in-depth finding contrasts with the results of a related quantitative study which involved vocational 261

teachers from 16 vocational schools in Swaziland. The Swaziland study seems to suggest that the 71 sampled vocational teachers who responded to a structured survey questionnaire perceive vocational education as best (Mndebele & Dlamini, 2008). The better terms of service which the vocational teachers in the Swaziland programme enjoy is a possible factor which influenced their positive rating of the programme. It could also be that they were superficially giving the official view.

Despite negative attitudes towards TVET, the findings suggest that the learners had a dramatic change of attitude after enrolment. By the end of the training, the majority of them were looking forward to work within their occupations. This finding contrasts with Foster’s insinuation in his ‘vocational school fallacy’ argument that exposure to a vocational and technical curriculum may not necessarily orient the youth towards technical work (NORRAG News, 2009; McGrath, 1995).

Still it is worth noting that, as the discussion of the graduates’ lived experiences indicates, the urge to earn money amidst limited options, is the main driving force behind the beneficiaries’ change of attitude. This finding strengthens the notion that ‘earnings’ is not only a strong deciding factor at enrolment, but can be a very strong motivating factor for learning completion and achievement (European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, 2004).

The findings indicate that the majority of the current learners were optimistic about work prospects. They felt that the practical-oriented 262

training that they were receiving at Ubuntu is a strong weapon for finding work. However, the findings also reveal that a few of the current learners were sceptical and contemplated delaying entry into work by resorting to upgrading. This finding suggests higher job expectations in comparison to the training that is being provided at Ubuntu which signals apparent limited provision. The finding further demonstrates the dearth of guidance and counselling services to enable the beneficiaries to appreciate the opportunities and possibilities that come along with the decision to undertake the TVET courses. It is worth reiterating that this is one of the widely acknowledged TVET challenges (UNESCO, 2002).

The Ubuntu management staff and tutors decried the negative attitude towards TVET by other stakeholders including Government. They said that Government takes responsibility for the increasing relegation of the TVET sector. They suggested that the state should devise appropriate education and economic policies and practices to rejuvenate the sector and improve its status and image. This finding is not surprising because while the call for the state to withdraw from direct service delivery persists, its strategic intervention is paramount (Robertson, et al., 2007).

6.4 Lived Experiences of Graduates The findings as presented under subsection 5.5.3 of Chapter 5 reveal that all the graduates obtained some form of work within a relatively short time after completion of the training. These findings may sound

263

encouraging because unlike many of their secondary school counterparts in Uganda (MoFPED, 2004), all the TVET graduates got some work within six months after completing their training at Ubuntu.

It is also evident that they added value to Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s workforce in the form of increased knowledge, skills and competencies. Their skills are at least tradable in the labour markets because they have economic value as postulated by human capital theory (Stevens, 1999; Schultz, 1975; Becker, 1964). However, as the discussion in this section indicates, the above findings ought to be acknowledged with caution.

The findings reveal that social capital in the form of networks of friends and relatives is the mainstay of the majority of graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; success in obtaining work.

The findings further indicate that self-employment and low wage employment in a variety of forms including casual work in micro and small-scale enterprises are the main work destinations for the majority of the graduates. This is not to suggest that perhaps the graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; qualifications could not earn them permanent salaried jobs in the formal sector. It is to acknowledge the fact that this finding confirms the view that the informal sector is increasingly becoming the dominant employer in many third world countries including Uganda (Palmer, 2007; Johanson & Adams, 2004; MoFPED, 2004; Gill et al., 2000; McGrath, 1995).

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The findings also confirm the viewpoint that the majority of TVET graduates are trapped in the lower echelons of the labour market which makes them vulnerable to exploitation and other poor working conditions (Altman, 2007; Valodia, Lebani & Skinner, 2005; Gamble, 2003). Further, the employment experiences of graduates in the hotel and hospitality industry is not any different from the findings of an empirical study of the lodging sector in Cape Town, South Africa (Maumbe & van Wyk, 2008).

The difficulty in using the acquired capabilities or qualifications to access good and gainful work is explained by the capability approach, particularly with regard to the role of social contexts in influencing individual capabilities to attain the functionings that one has reason to do and be (Robeyns, 2005a; Seith, 2001). The finding further strengthens the view that achieving economic returns on investment in education or training is highly dependent on such social infrastructure as institutions and government policies that influence and direct the economic life of nations (Jin, 2001; Jones, 1999). The literature on the local research context in Chapter 2 of this thesis gives a clear account of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy, and its deficiency in ensuring decent work.

Understood from the point of view of the capability approach, these findings strongly suggest that the attained capabilities will hardly help to make the lives of the graduates more secure, safer and more fulfilled (Sen cited in Maddox, 2008). The difficulty of obtaining decent and gainful work opportunities is a major impediment in the young peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 265

quest to break the poverty barriers towards the attainment of well-being.

The UN Secretary-General articulated the centrality of decent work when he stated that â&#x20AC;&#x153;the best anti-poverty programme is employment and the best road to economic empowerment and social well-being lies in decent workâ&#x20AC;? (ILO Office for the United Republic of Tanzania, Kenya, Somalia and Uganda, 2007, p.ii).

The findings reveal that the idea of self-employment is easier said than done. In addition to the difficulty of raising the required investment and working capital, some graduates who are self-employed through running small business enterprises complained about limited demand for their products. One graduate eventually quit his carpentry occupation due to lack of local demand for his products. This is not surprising because, as numerous TVET scholars maintain, there must be demand for goods and services to curtail the mismatch between training systems and the labour market (Johanson & Adams, 2004; Gill et al., 2000; Oxtoby, 1993). It confirms the general thinking that TVET can help to tackle unemployment and poverty only when the economy is growing to ensure market demand for the goods and services of the graduates.

Further, the finding on the difficulty that graduates encounter in operating in the informal sector strengthens the notion that in order for education and training to impact on poverty reduction there needs to be an enabling environment in which skills development is delivered and in which the gained capabilities can be translated into valuable socio 266

and economic outcomes (Palmer, et al., 2007). The finding seems to justify the necessity to contribute to the creation of an enabling environment in the form of credit, technology support and overall infrastructure development to facilitate the graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; entry into the business world. .

The findings reveal that only one graduate working with a garment making company was involved in an occupation which requires simply job-specific skills. The rest of the graduates, including those in casual, permanent and self-employment said that their day-to-day work requires a combination of occupational and generic competencies. This finding supports the view that TVET curricula should not only aim at helping learners to develop combined technical and generic capabilities (Gamble, 2003; UNESCO, 1993). It should as well develop their capabilities in professions or occupations which have a broad profile within the labour market environment (Jarvis and Holdford, 2007).

The findings indicate that while the majority of the graduates have encountered unfamiliar work situations that demand higher skills and competencies, the majority of them were able to successfully deal with the challenge. This was mainly due to the use of social skills whereby they relied a lot on their friends, workmates and peers to learn to perform unfamiliar tasks. This finding further confirms the view that TVET provision should also help learners to develop essential skills and attributes such as communication and good human relations (Rojewski and Park, 2005).

267

Another important implication to be drawn from the findings is the acknowledgement of the emerging thinking that because work situations are always diverse; it is rather unrealistic to assume that a certain preemployment training package can be provided to learners to develop prescribed sets of competencies so as to fully handle well defined sets of situations. As Velde (2009) puts it, the trend is not so much about the competence of performing the same tasks, but rather the ability to perform different tasks in unlike situations, thus the necessity for lifelong learning so as to cope.

Further the indispensability of social skills not only as work performance enhancement factors but as important lifelong learning tools is profoundly made clear by the findings. The concept of learning communities as articulated by the literature on social constructivist perspectives on learning brings into context the importance of social skills. Without these important interaction skills and attributes there can hardly be any form of learning communities (Woolfolk, 2001; Applefield et al., 2001).

Overall, the findings indicate that the graduates are generally happy about the training that they received at Ubuntu. They appear to feel economically and socially empowered because of the obtained capabilities which enabled them to find or create work. Some of the graduates were even able to spend part of their meagre income to support the well-being of their siblings and other dependents. The 268

findings clearly confirm TVETâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s potential to change peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lives through providing them with the hope and means to work and earn.

However, the findings indicate that the majority of the graduates are pessimistic about the possibilities of upgrading their competencies. The cost of further training and the prohibitive enrolment requirements are some of the perceived impediments. This finding provides clues to the general perception of TVET as a dead-end option (Mndebele and Dlamini, 2008; UNESCO, 2005b).

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CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 7.1 Introduction In this chapter, I summarize the entire research process with a highlight of the findings together with my conclusions and recommendations.

The chapter is organized under four main sections: rationale and research

design,

summary

of

findings,

conclusions

and

recommendations.

7.2 Rationale, Theoretical Framework and Research Design My curiosity and motivation throughout this study has been kept alive by three assumptions: (i) TVET has the potential to connect youths to the world of work through developing their capabilities; (ii) Capabilities to work are not only crucial for tackling youth unemployment and poverty but integral in their overall quest for well-being; (iii) Yet, in spite of the above stated, pathways to quality TVET for youths with incomplete post-primary schooling in Uganda are limited and imprecise. Abundant local and international literature alludes to the universal concern for the related challenges of youth unemployment and lack of competence as well as their resultant repercussions on the wellbeing of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s critical resource for enhancing poverty reduction and growth (International Labour Organisation, 2006; World Bank, 2006; UNESCO, 2010).

Besides my experiential knowledge and the insights drawn from a review of related studies and expert opinions of leading TVET scholars, I primarily relied on three established theories to construct the

270

theoretical framework for this study.

Two of these, the capability

approach and human capital theory deal extensively, though divergently, with issues of education, capabilities, work and well-being.

The third is constructivism theory which is clearly relevant to this study particularly in relation to issues related to TVET pedagogy for youths with incomplete schooling.

The application of human capital theory is justified mainly on the basis of the theoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s intimate concern for economic returns on investment in education. The capability approachâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s robust normative framework in dealing with impediments to well-being that lie within and outside education has strongly influenced the process and outcome of this study. Human capital theory which, since the 1960s, has been the bedrock of dominant education and development policies in many third world countries including Uganda, is understandably criticized by numerous scholars who subscribe to the capability approach. The literature review chapter presents a bit of this intriguing debate.

The study explores how TVET is developing capabilities to work among youths with incomplete post-primary schooling in Uganda. It primarily attempts to explore, describe, analyze and document the experiences and perceptions of current and past learners of Ubuntu .

Specifically the study aimed to achieve three objectives: (i)

to examine the education and training that is being provided in relation to the social and economic characteristics of learners and their inherent quest for improved livelihoods and well-being; 271

(ii)

to analyze where and how the graduates put to use the acquired capabilities to access and retain work within their context; and

(iii)

to delineate the perception of current learners, graduates, tutors and management staff in regard to the status and role of TVET vis-Ă -vis the prevailing economic and education realities.

The study is situated within the interpretive research paradigm and aims at understanding the world of education and work through the viewpoints of three categories of the dominant actors â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the past and current learners, the tutors and management staff. A qualitative case study methodology allowed the exploration of the phenomena within its natural context.

Ubuntu, a private TVET provider situated in Mukono district east of Kampala city was selected using a purposive sampling methodology.

The data collection strategy involved three techniques namely biographical interviews, open-ended interviews and semi-structured interviews, supplemented by simple observation and documentary analysis. Nineteen respondents (8 graduates, 5 current learners, 4 tutors, and 2 management staff) were selected using a variety of nonprobability methods including stratified purposeful, snowball and criterion sampling techniques. I managed the analysis of evidence in accordance with the generic qualitative data analysis procedure â&#x20AC;&#x201C; data preparation, data coding, establishing themes, structuring and interpreting data.

272

The credibility of the evidence analysis process was enhanced by the regular guidance and inspection of the coded transcripts by my academic supervisor. The inherent case study principle of data source triangulation was applied to increase the study credibility.

The

trustworthiness and integrity of this study were further enhanced by the strict observance of the research ethical principles of securing informed consent of the respondents.

7.3 Summary of Findings The summaries of findings are categorized under the three research questions: Research question one: How are the TVET courses by Ubuntu being organized and delivered toward the development of capabilities to work among youths with incomplete post-primary schooling?

Ubuntu is a local NGO-based TVET providing institution established in 1998. The mission of the centre is to provide education and training opportunities to disadvantaged youths who ordinarily have no means to continue and complete the traditional academic education cycle. It is currently challenged by financial and human resource constraints mainly due to the phasing out of external funding by its main partner from Europe.

Visible management and operational challenges include weak learner recruitment and mobilization strategies; dwindling enrolment; ill-trained and poorly motivated tutors; poor support supervision and monitoring

273

of actual teaching/learning processes; and unresponsive assessment and certification arrangements.

There are two major pedagogical challenges which are interrelated. First is the necessity and associated difficulty of switching languages (between English and Luganda) because the learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; previous schooling did not build enough English language competence. Second is the difficulty to design and implement an appropriate learning environment to adequately respond to the learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; divergent learning abilities, styles and sources of motivation.

Ubuntu operates just like a primary or secondary school. Its follows the Uganda schools calendar of three terms of not more than 3 months in a year, and a holiday break of one month in-between. The teaching/instruction approach is not very different from the traditional secondary school pedagogy especially with regard to teaching of theory content. The courses on offer are within technical, industrial and commercial trades. No training needs assessment or any kind of smallscale survey has ever been undertaken to determine the demand for the courses.

The Ubuntu curriculum delivery approach is supposedly meant to produce graduates who are job creators.

The training is basically

dedicated to enabling the learners to develop practical occupational competencies. The centre runs an industrial training component which is expected to complement the centre-based instruction. Besides the 274

emphasis on developing clearly job-related technical capabilities, attempts to offer some general skills were mentioned. However, the findings strongly suggest that this arrangement is poorly managed and is extremely wanting in terms of staff and time allocation. .

Research question two: What are the experiences and perceptions of learners, graduates, tutors and management staff of the centre in relation to the overall value of TVET; as well as the link between attaining TVET qualifications and obtaining work?

Generally, all the respondents consider TVET to be a very important and cost effective education and development strategy. However, obtained evidence revealed the complexity of drawing definite conclusions about general and personal emotions and thoughts about the position and function of TVET at individual and society levels. Besides, it is evident that stakeholders still regard TVET as a second best alternative for the poor and academically weak learners.

The management staff and tutors decried the general negative attitude towards TVET. They reasoned that many people do not realize the potential of TVET and that Government takes responsibility for the increasing relegation of the TVET sub-sector because of its failure to provide adequate physical infrastructure, training and remuneration of TVET tutors. The stakeholders think positively of the connection between technical and vocational education and training and the world

275

of work. However, some learners feel that there is some level of mismatch between work expectations and the training being pursued

Research question three: What are the lived experiences of graduates with regard to exercising their capabilities to work?

All the graduates obtained some form of work shortly after completing the training. Social networks of friends and relatives are the mainstay of the possibilities to find work by the majority of the graduates. All the graduates except one are employed by the informal sector.

The

graduates in wage-employment decry poor pay among other undesirable working conditions. Inadequate investment and working capital, unhealthy competition and limited demand for goods and services are among the major impediments towards successful self-employment of the graduates. All the graduates are yet to disengage themselves from the working poor strata. The majority engage in a variety of supplementary income generating activities to make ends meet.

The current work situations of the majority of graduates require a combination of technical, generic and general management capabilities.

Occasions of skills deficit are tackled through consultations and interactions with friends and workmates which, according to the graduates, is a crucial strategy for learning to handle unfamiliar situations.

The graduates look at the future with optimism to increase their earnings by not only working hard but diversifying their efforts in a 276

variety of forms. They are, however pessimistic about the possibilities of pursuing further training to increase their capabilities.

Overall, all the graduates seem to be economically and socially empowered. Despite the challenges encountered since the completion of the training, they acknowledge a difference in their lives. The benefit of being able to provide for themselves in terms of basic needs such as clothing, food and housing seem to be their biggest source of empowerment.

7.4 Conclusions Based on the above summary of findings as well as the discussion in Chapter 6, the following conclusions are drawn:

Sustaining charity TVET provision is elusive The good intentions of establishing Ubuntu to help out the socially and economically disadvantaged youth initially attracted local international support in terms of initial investment and running cost. However, its sustainability is highly threatened due to its current weak revenue base that cannot even adequately finance the teaching personnel budget.

This is because the external aid came to an end yet the targeted learners do not have the capacity to make the requisite financial contribution due to poverty and related circumstances.

The current and past learners of Ubuntu are clearly a category of youths that represent the different manifestations of deprivation which confront

277

many of their peers elsewhere in the country. It is logical to assume that without a facility such as Ubuntu they would not have been able to access any form of organized skills training opportunities.

The organisation and delivery of TVET courses at Ubuntu in its present form can be described as fluid and rather haphazard. It is characterized by enormous managerial and administrative challenges. The tendency to follow the traditional technical education approach at Ubuntu, which also mirrors the limited pedagogical competence of the teaching personnel,

combines

with

other

management

and

operational

weaknesses to negatively impact the quality of learning outcomes.

Basic education is crucial for TVET The findings indicate that some of the past and current learners whose level of basic education was not adequate enough to develop their English language competence and other learning abilities are grossly disadvantaged. For instance, they are denied the opportunity to study certain theory topics. They are also denied the opportunity to sit UNEB examinations. The tutors believe that these learners do not match the required level of instruction and intellectual engagement because their foundational/learning competencies are wanting.

Efforts to create job creators or wage employees are insufficient Efforts to create job creators at the end of the training can be recognized but they are very inadequate and cannot sufficiently contribute to the translation of the self-employment dream into reality. In addition, there 278

seems to be a tendency to exaggerate what TVET can do in ensuring the self-employment of graduates. First, the capabilities that the centre attempts to develop among its beneficiaries are far from adequate when compared to the knowledge and skills demands of the informal sector which is the main destination for most of the TVET graduates. More so, the Ubuntu curriculum design and pedagogy does not provide an adequate learning environment for the graduates to develop the required capabilities to operate effectively as wage job holders or self-employed entrepreneurs.

Second, the conditions outside TVET which often impede or facilitate self and wage employment are beyond the control and predictions of Ubuntu. The provision of start-up equipment during the initial years of Ubuntuâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s establishment is a good contribution to the creation of an enabling environment for the use of acquired capabilities. However, it is just a small fraction of what should be done to facilitate the translation of learned capabilities into economic returns.

Working relationships with public agencies not mutually beneficial The registration with DIT and UNEB, both autonomous agencies within the Ministry of Education and Sports, creates a form of tension as the centre struggles to comply with the separate requirements of each of these institutions. One dimension of this tension is the failure to harmonize the practice-oriented training orientation of DIT and UNEBâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largely academic-based curricula. Further, the perceived currency and status attached to the certificates issued by each of these 279

agencies potentially causes unnecessary anxiety on the part of tutors and learners. This undermines the initiative and practice of undertaking the training process as an opportunity for meaningful learning based on mutual collaboration and support.

The training content and other major curriculum related practices and policies at Ubuntu are indirectly decided by the Ministry of Education and Sports. Ubuntu is deprived of an opportunity to exercise the necessary autonomy to think and act innovatively in serving its peculiar learners. Essentially, the working relationship cannot be described as a mutual collaboration of partners.

Finding gainful work is very complex The learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; expectations of finding work on attainment of occupational competencies are extremely high. The desire to occupy positions of power and influence is equally high despite the fact that the nature of their training often leads them to the lower echelons of the labour market.

While the attained capabilities helped the graduates to exercise their entitlement to work and earn, the majority of them are still within the working poor stratum. The social network of friends, peers and relatives is the mainstay of the majority of graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; chances to secure work.

Social networks as elements of social capital are instrumental in connecting the graduates to work opportunities, which in turn enhances the use of human capital to contribute to improved productivity, 280

individual income and general well-being. However, the challenge is that these informal ways of obtaining work are often understood as an indicator of vulnerability, thus the tendency to exploit the graduates by subjecting them to unfavourable work terms and conditions.

TVETâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role is acknowledged but as second best The perception of the stakeholders at Ubuntu is a replica of the general rhetoric regarding the power of TVET in achieving a number of social and economic objectives. These include reducing youth employment, accommodating academically weak learners and linking the poor more easily to work and income opportunities. The thinking that TVET is a second best option is still strong. However the learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; attitudes change on realization that it is the only available option. They particularly become positive when they obtain work or start generating income.

The stakeholders, especially the tutors and management staff, strongly feel that the Government is not truly interested in the TVET sub-sector.

They cite the lack of any tangible financial or material support to Ubuntu as a clear indicator of public neglect of the sub-sector.

TVET graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; chances to undertake further training minimal There seem to be very limited opportunities for TVET graduates of low/intermediate skills to upgrade or transit to further training. Obtained evidence indicates that none of the graduates has ever succeeded in that direction. While time, cost and access are some of the obvious

281

impediments, apparently the general perception that upgrading avenues are minimal stifles initiative and determination.

Social skills instrumental in enhancing occupational capabilities The majority of graduates often experience a skills gap as they encounter unfamiliar tasks during their day-to-day work situations.

They however, endeavour to take advantage of social interaction with workmates and friends to learn in an attempt to fill the skill and knowledge gaps.

7.5 Recommendations On the basis of the findings and in the context of the literature on the contemporary

TVET

discourse,

I

present

the

following

recommendations. Broadly speaking, all the recommendations point to the well-known notion of creating an enabling environment. Numerous scholars and practitioners eloquently argue that an enabling environment is paramount in ensuring the development of required human capabilities for poverty eradication and overall socio-economic development (UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, 2009; Palmer, et al., 2007, Johanson and Adams, 2004).

An enabling environment is, on the one hand, inclusive of factors and conditions within and outside TVET which engender or retard the development of desired capabilities. On the other, it includes those factors and conditions which enable or impede the application of capabilities for improving incomes and well-being.

282

7.5.1 Policy Implications I start with the recommendations that are related to the creation of both an enabling training environment as well as enabling social arrangements for turning developed capabilities into economic and social outcomes.

These constitute the relevant public policy

implications of my study.

Reinforce TVET reform policies The government through its institutions and agencies should implement the numerous policies, plans and laws that it has formulated in an effort to reform Uganda’s TVET sub-sector. These include, but are not limited to Uganda Vocational Qualifications Framework (UVQF), which has received the power of an act of parliament – BTVET Act, 2008; and the BTVET component of the Universal Post-Primary Education and Training (UPPET).

The effective implementation of UVQF can potentially relieve TVET providing institutions such as Ubuntu of the burden caused by the dual obligations to comply with the requirements of DIT and UNEB. As the findings strongly suggest, this dual allegiance is a cause of unnecessary tension, which greatly undermines the tutors’ creativity and diminishes the autonomy of the centre. UVQF which is largely bolstered by competence-based TVET principles can facilitate efforts to widen access to and participation in TVET by many marginalized youths such as those being served by Ubuntu. However, the adoption and full implementation of a competence-based approach should be undertaken 283

with caution while taking care of its own pitfalls and challenges (Brockmann, et al., 2008; Biemans, et al., 2009; 2004).

The BTVET component of UPPET programme which, according to the Ministry of Education and Sports (2008a) is complemented by private TVET providers should be scaled-up and rationalized to work with centres such as Ubuntu which serve a mixture of recent and old primary school leavers who have been out of school for some time. Such centres should be provided with support to improve the pedagogical competence of their training personnel; produce and use customized resource materials; and to finance critical overhead costs.

Promote better working conditions Another important public policy implication is to do with institutional and social structures and conditions that frame the behaviour of labour markets and the entire economy. The neo-liberal notions of a free market economy and private sector-led economic growth which drive Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s macroeconomic policy (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2004) inevitably create challenges and impediments for TVET graduates to find meaningful and descent work.

As confirmed by this study, the majority of TVET graduates are trapped in the lower echelons of the labour market in the informal sector which is largely driven by market forces.

The government should be

encouraged to enforce flexible but protective labour/employment regulations to ensure a fair and just reward or compensation for supplied labour.

284

Provide investment assistance to TVET graduates The other resultant challenge of the neo-liberal macroeconomic policy is difficulty in creating self employment within the informal sector. It is pertinent therefore, that a recommendation is made to create an enabling environment that involves some kind of access to financial credit and other relevant infrastructure to attract and retain the participation of fresh inexperienced graduates in the competitive but volatile informal sector.

Ensure economic growth Closely connected to the notion of employment for graduates is the wider issue of ensuring a vibrant domestic economy to guarantee consumption of goods and services made and/or supplied by graduates.

This is an enormous policy implication that calls for far-reaching public policy reforms in relation to the governance and management of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy. It also touches the important point of ensuring that employment growth absorbs the ever increasing labour force. It is worth pointing out, however, that ensuring national economic growth is not only dependent on sound macro-economic policies but is greatly influenced by the changes in the global economy.

7.5.2 Tackling Practice-related Challenges Having dealt with the public policy-related recommendations that call for the regulatory role of government to ensure an enabling environment for the provision of TVET and the exercising of the capabilities to work

by TVET graduates, I now turn to the internal TVET issues at Ubuntu.

285

The following recommendations are intended to inform choices to improve the current practice and they are, to a great extent, within the means of Ubuntu Vocational Training centre. I am fully aware that any swift implementation of the impending TVET reform efforts in the country may render any of these recommendations irrelevant.

Improve the centreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mobilization and recruitment strategy Ubuntu should recognize and take advantage of the role of social capital in helping prospective learners to receive information, advice and financial support for getting back to education and training. The centre should devise appropriate information support to engage the network of community institutions, clubs, groups and associations, alongside a direct dialogue in the form of meetings and open days. The production and distribution of posters, flyers and brochures as well as electronic media play an important complementary role in mobilizing learners and their benefactors.

A flexible procedure should be established to ensure that prospective learners receive some sort of pre-enrolment assessment including interviews to determine the learning abilities, styles and interests of learners.

The results of these interviews could be used to inform

pedagogical choices such as language of instruction and format of learning materials. The divergent nature of the prospective learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; social and schooling background necessitates this intervention.

286

Closely related to the above, is the need for counseling and guidance services at all stages of the learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; stay at Ubuntu. At the enrolment stage, learners need to be provided with adequate information and counseling to enable them to make informed course choices. Learners need counseling and guidance in order to relate their work expectations and aspiration to the demands, possibilities and limitations within the labour market. The categories of learners served by Ubuntu need regular counseling to deal with several socio-psychological emotions associated with their status of marginalization.

Harmonize curriculum (content) with core purpose Ubuntu should address the visible mismatch between its aim to make its graduates job creators and the training curriculum. There are a number of steps/alternatives to tackle this challenge. First, the centre needs to do a situational analysis of the main catchment area for its current and prospective learners. In addition, an idea of the nature and location of current work for the majority of its graduates would be an added advantage. This information should be consolidated by a labour market survey to develop a sense of what TVET courses appear to have both socio and economic demand.

Secondly, the centre should undertake a careful harmonization of the DIT curriculum, which is practice-based and the UNEB theory-based syllabus into a customized curriculum that the tutors can follow. The harmonization process could be done with the support of professionals and practitioners from the relevant occupations to ensure conformity 287

with current realities in the labour market. The centre can actually take advantage of relevant personnel from its industrial training partner companies/institutions. Alternatively the centre may consider switching to the assessment and training packages being produced and distributed by the

Uganda Vocational

Qualification

Framework (UVQF)

secretariat.

Thirdly, whatever approach is taken to tackle the mismatch challenge, the principle of ensuring a careful balance of theoretical and practical skills for TVET curriculum design should be observed. Deliberate efforts should be made to incorporate into the harmonized curricula general subjects/units of study such as entrepreneurship, communication skills, and information and communication technologies.

Improve pedagogy Firstly, the incorporation of some notions of constructivist learning perspectives which are practicable within the context of Ubuntu, have the potential to increase the effectiveness of the teaching and learning process. There ought to be a shift in the tutorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; attitudes through the adoption of appropriate methods to operate more as facilitators than dispensers of knowledge. They should be able and willing to create enabling social and physical environments to engender the learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; intrinsic and extrinsic motivation to learn. Embracing the concept of learning communities through dialogue and collaborative learning may make a difference in tackling the apparent anxiety that inevitably emanates from the heterogeneity of learners.

288

Secondly, since using English as a medium of instruction and assessment seems to be an entrenched practice in Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s TVET system, parallel preparatory English language classes should be conducted to improve the linguistic competence of learners. In case language switching is still deemed necessary, prior effort should be made to compile a translation of common and outstanding technical concepts for the benefit of both tutors and learners.

Thirdly, the industrial training component should be conducted as an integral part of the training process, not as a stand-alone component.

The period and timing of industrial training placements, as well as the expectations of the learners, tutors and host company supervisors ought to be harmonized and regularized. The industrial training experience of the learners, and feedback from the host companies/institutions should be used to enrich the learning process during the study period. The learners, with the guidance of the tutors and their peers, should have an opportunity to reflect on field experience through regularized teaching sessions at the end of the industrial training period. Learnersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; performance should also be assessed and graded for integration into the final grading and certification processes.

Finally, the assessment methods and tools could be improved by adopting a continuous assessment procedure which seems to be more appropriate in the light of the intended purpose to develop occupational competence of learners. The centre needs to supplement the UNEB and 289

DIT examination policies and practices. Ubuntu may consider a system of regular checks on the learners’ progress by assessing their products/outputs through observation schedules and performance assessment

checklists

to

complement

the

periodic

tests

and

examinations.

Increase attractiveness, access and participation Ubuntu should devise and implement an appropriate strategy that can, at a micro level, contribute to raising the image of the TVET route amongst stakeholders. This broad strategy would include adopting a business-like approach to conducting all activities related to the management, administrative and pedagogical functions of the centre.

For instance, the flexible learners’ enrolment practice should be maintained but within a framework of minimum rules, regulations and procedures to safe-guard and promote the quality of learning/teaching.

In addition to the recommended steps to improve the centre’s pedagogy, a modularized training approach could be introduced. When the delivery of modules is properly planned to respond to the peculiar physiological and learning needs of the centre’s dominant clientele, it can help to attract more prospective learners. The modularized training model has got several advantages that include, among others, allowing learners to learn at their own pace, though some element of regularization cannot be eliminated completely.

290

The successful implementation of the suggested innovative practices to improve curriculum delivery is largely dependent on the competence and morale of the teaching personnel. Therefore, Ubuntu should devise strategies to strengthen the pedagogical competence of its tutors; establish and implement clear and motivational contractual benefits including a regular basic salary; and ensure regular support supervision and monitoring.

Maintain strategic linkages providers Ubuntu, just like any social institution, needs to widen its network of partners and associates for its own benefit and that of its beneficiaries.

The centre needs to devise a strategy for maintaining close contact with its graduates by providing them with emotional support, advice or any other possible assistance for their career growth and development.

The linkage with companies that provide the learners with industrial training placements should be nurtured through a variety of initiatives.

For instance, some form of organized co-operation based on memoranda of understanding could be initiated to ensure regular communication that can positively impact on the image of the centre and its work.

Ubuntu also needs to open up working relationships with other relevant public and private TVET providers. This would provide it with an opportunity to establish some performance and quality benchmarks based on mutual information sharing and networking. This would also 291

provide the centre with the latitude to initiate and/or participate in lobbying and advocacy efforts for the government to create the badly needed effective enabling environment for the provision of TVET by private/NGO led institutions to benefit disadvantaged youths.

These strategic linkages have several other positive multiple effects. For instance, once effectively nurtured, they ably serve to broaden the beneficiariesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; social capital which, as the findings eloquently illustrate, contributes immensely in making it possible for them to develop and use their capabilities.

Step-up financial resource mobilization and management The phasing out of financial aid by its main donor left Ubuntu in a precarious situation, given the fact that its main beneficiaries are too poor to make substantial financial contributions. It is a huge challenge that calls for bold and concerted efforts to prioritize financial resource mobilization among the key management functions. Innovative ways of raising financial resources to meet the cost of delivery must be explored. Indeed, resource mobilization through lobbying government support; fundraising from local and international sources; and operating income projects by the centre should be a designated routine management function. The improved resource base will not only help to reduce the training charge to a minimum to allow more needy learners to access the training: the implementation of a number of suggested recommendations to improve current provision and practice will be possible.

292

7.6 Contribution of the Study and Areas for Further Research The study findings may offer useful lessons for the over 600 private TVET providers in Uganda. The study also provides new dimensions to long-held views which are largely the basis of current TVET reform discussions in the country. TVET provision for meeting the educational and economic needs of disadvantaged post-primary school leavers in Uganda is a plausible attempt to reduce poverty and improve earnings.

However, sluggish curriculum design and pedagogy, coupled with weak management practices and inadequate resources, greatly limits the potential to develop the required capabilities to enter and effectively operate in the world of work.

The notion of perception and attitudes of stakeholders is a perennial aspect of the TVET discourse. However, caution ought to be exercised because the discussion often conceals the idiosyncratic thoughts and feelings of the main actors in the reality that is being studied. This study confirms the tension between individual and general views, as well as tensions within individuals in regard to perceptions about TVET.

Creating an enabling environment for the accumulation and application of human capital is paramount. The greater role of public policy and action as well as that of the TVET providing institution is crucial.

However, the often neglected complementary role of social capital in facilitating the development and utilization of capabilities should be recognized. This study has raised a number of theoretical and

293

methodological issues requiring further research. It is in this respect that the following areas for further study are recommended.

TVET curriculum reform The findings indicate that current curriculum design and delivery practices at Ubuntu are still predominantly traditional, and are more or less carbon copies of the post-primary school system in Uganda. Yet national and international TVET reform efforts since the beginning of this decade are clearly geared to the eventual adoption of a competencebased training approach. The spirit and outlook of the BTVET Act of 2008 and the rhetoric in a number of public policy documents are evidence enough to predict the trend of things.

Studies to examine the implications and feasibility of the official policy to embrace competence-based TVET would provide useful information for planning. Such studies would, for instance, explore and delineate the opportunities, constraints and tensions embedded in such a major paradigm shift.

Participation and attractiveness The findings confirmed that TVET is still regarded as a second-best option by the learners. However, the study has also provided useful indicators that those learners who unwillingly enrol for TVET courses often change their attitude in the course of the training and eventually look forward to enter the world of technical work.

294

The enrolment at Ubuntu was dwindling but it was difficult to pinpoint a particular factor. A relatively larger mixed qualitative and quantitative study would generate interesting evidence on the key deciding factors for enrolment for TVET courses at post-primary education level in Uganda.

Such a study would illuminate evidence surrounding the

important aspects of attracting, motivating and retaining the participation of learners, and to ensure quality learning outcomes.

Perception of employers and practitioners The findings provide an idea of what the stakeholders within Ubuntu think about TVET and its place in Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education and development frameworks. Some scanty evidence of how prospective employers and other practitioners regard the graduates was obtained but it is insufficient to merit a credible conclusion. A larger qualitative study would be appropriate in an attempt to generate a comprehensive understanding of how TVET graduates particularly from centres such as Ubuntu are perceived by employers and important stakeholders in the formal and informal sector.

Capabilities for the informal sector The study findings indicate that the training at Ubuntu is not adequate in enabling the graduates to operate effectively in the labour market.

Assumptions regarding the cause of this, and some explanations based on the literature have been made. However, empirical studies to understand the dynamics of Ugandaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s informal sector are highly recommended. Such studies would also provide useful information 295

about the crucial skills and competencies that individuals need to enter and effectively operate in the increasingly growing informal sector which, as supported by the study findings, is the dominant employer of TVET graduates.

Public -private partnership The evidence points to some form of collaboration between Ubuntu and two important public institutions namely DIT and UNEB mainly for purposes of assessment and certification of learners. The findings also reveal some undesirable outcomes of this partnership. Yet publicprivate partnerships are supposedly a core component of the government strategy to improve and widen access to post-primary education and training. A study to understand the nature, extent and complexities of existing relationships between Private TVET providers and the two government agencies would yield useful evidence to inform choices for enhancing meaningful partnerships.

7.7 Final Comment It is very clear that, even with its current intervention of universalizing primary and secondary education, Uganda cannot fully meet the varied learning needs of all its young population. Based on the interrelated grounds of social justice and economic development, the country must undertake alternative policy interventions to reach out to young people with incomplete schooling. The study has illuminated the potential of TVET in empowering this important section of the workforce.

296

The case study evidence suggests that the issues of quality and related curriculum challenges notwithstanding, attained TVET qualifications are contributing significantly to the graduatesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; efforts to make a difference in their lives.

Tackling youth unemployment and social

marginalization in Uganda is still greatly dependent on both the regulatory and service delivery roles of the government to effect eventful structural changes in the provision of TVET and enable graduates to operate in the labour market. The study has widened my imagination of the instrumental and emancipatory justification of TVET in the overall framework of inclusive education; and in the context of the ever increasing recognition of the centrality of skills in finding work.

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APPENDICES Appendix 1: The Central Human Capabilities 1.

Life. Being able to live to the end of a human life of normal length: not dying prematurely, or before one’s life is so reduced as to be not worth living

2.

Bodily health. Being able to have good health, including reproductive

3.

Bodily integrity. Being able to move freely from place to place; having

health, to be adequately nourished; to have adequate shelter

one’s bodily boundaries treated as sovereign, i.e. being able to be secure against assault, including sexual assault, child sexual abuse, and domestic violence; having opportunities for sexual satisfaction and for choice in matters of reproduction.

4.

Senses, imagination and thought. Being able to use the senses, to imagine, think and reason – and to do these things in a ‘a truly human’ way, a way informed and cultivated by an adequate education, including, but by no means limited to, literacy and basic mathematical and scientific training.

Being able to use imagination and thought in connection with experiencing and producing self-expressive works and events of one’s own choice, religious, literary, musical, and so forth. Being able to use one’s mind in ways protected by guarantees of freedom of expression with respect both political and artistic speech, and freedom of religious exercise. Being able to search for the ultimate meaning of life in one’s own way. Being able to have pleasurable experiences, and to avoid non-necessary pain.

5.

Emotions. Being to have attachments to things and people outside ourselves; to love those who love and care for us, to grieve at their absence; in general to love, to grieve, to experience longing, gratitude and justified anger. Not having one’s emotional development blighted by overwhelming fear and anxiety, or by traumatic events of abuse or neglect. (Supporting

316

this capability means supporting forms of human association that can be shown to be crucial in their development) 6.

Practical reason. Being able to form a conception of the good and to be engaged in critical reflection about the planning of oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life. (This entails protection for the liberty of conscience)

7.

Affiliation. A. Being able to live with and towards others, to recognize and show concern for other human beings, to engage in various forms of social interaction; to be able to imagine the situation of another and to have compassions for that situation; to have the capability for both justice and friendship. (Protecting this capability means protecting institutions that constitute and nourish such forms of affiliations, and also protecting the freedom of assembly and political speech.) B. Having the social bases of self-respect and non-humiliation; being able to be treated as a dignified being whose worth is equal to that of others. This entails, at a minimum, protections against discrimination on the basis of race, sex, sexual orientation, religion, caste, ethnicity, or national origin. In work, being able to work as a human being, exercising practical reason and entering into meaningful relationships or mutual recognition with other workers

8.

Other species. Being able to live with concern for, and in relation to, animals, plants and the world of nature.

9.

Play. Being able to laugh, to play, to enjoy recreational activities.

10.

Control over oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s environment.

A. Political. Being able to participate effectively in political choices that govern oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life; having the right of political participation, protections of free speech and association.

B. Material. Being able to hold property (both land and movable goods), not just formally but in terms of real opportunity, and having property rights on a equal basis with others; having the rights to seek employment on an equal basis with others; having the freedom from un warranted search and seizure

Source: Nussbaum, 2003, p.41-42

317

Appendix 2: Education for All Goals 1.

2. Expanding and improving comprehensive early childhood care and education, especially for the most vulnerable and disadvantaged children 3. Ensuring that by 2015 all children, particularly girls, children in difficult circumstances and those belonging to ethnic minorities, have access to and complete free and compulsory primary education of good quality 4. Ensuring that the learning needs of all young people and adults are met through equitable access to appropriate learning and life skills programmes 5. Achieving a 50 per cent improvement in levels of adult literacy by 2015, especially for women, and equitable access to basic and continuing education for all adults 6. Eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and achieving gender equality in education by 2015, with a focus on ensuring girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; full and equal access to and achievement in basic education of good quality 7. Improving all aspects of the quality of education, and ensuring excellence of all so that recognized and measurable learning outcomes are achieved by all, especially in literacy, numeracy and essential life skills Source: Hinzen, 2000, p.21

318

Appendix 3: Millennium Development Goals

Goal 1:

Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger

Goal 2:

Achieve universal primary education

Goal 3:

Promote gender equality and empowerwomen

Goal 4:

Reduce child mortality

Goal 5:

Improve mental health

Goal 6:

Combat HIV/AIDs, malaria and other diseases

Goal 7:

Ensure environmental sustainability

Goal 8:

Develop a Global Partnership for Development

Source: http://www.undp.org/mdg/basics.shtml

319

Appendix 4: BTVET principles BTVET in Uganda shall be based on the following the principles: (a)

to promote an integrated, demand driven and competency-based modular BTVET system where learners enter the system at various points suited to their skills and needs, with their qualifications certified and recognized at different levels;

(b)

to promote the development of formal and non-formal institutions in the public and private sector;

(c)

to incorporate and support training by non public BTVET

(d)

to recognize skills that are both formally and non-formally

institutions and non-formal enterprise based training;

acquired; (e)

to link formal and non-formal education and training and their respective curricula;

(f)

to establish a qualifications framework based on defined occupational standards and assessment criteria for the different sectors of the economy;

(g)

to promote types of BTVET qualifications and the number of people to be trained in accordance with the market requirements;

(h)

to increase equitable access to disadvantaged groups such as women and people with disabilities;

(i)

to institutionalize counseling and guidance and advocate for sensitization and social mobilization;

(j)

to provide continuous training to managers and staff of BTVET

(k)

to promote continuous and lifelong business technical vocational

institutions;

education training; (l)

to provide adequate financing and funding mechanisms for BTVET

(m)

to establish private-public partnerships; and

(n)

to promote training with production concepts.

Source: BTVET Act, 2008 320

Appendix 5: Open-Ended Interview Guide for Learners

1. Personal and family circumstances that are related to schooling life 2. Previous education/schooling experience before joining the centre 3. Reasons for returning to education through the TVET route 4. Reasons for choosing the centre and course of study 5. Expected skills/abilities or competencies by the end of the course 6. Expected work/occupation after completion of the training period 7. The nature and scope of skills, knowledge, and competencies or capabilities being developed 8. Ways of teaching/learning including actual delivery of content 9. Views and thoughts about the appropriateness of training structure/duration, learning/teaching methods and materials 10. Views and thoughts about the availability and suitability of physical facilities/infrastructure, equipment and teaching personnel 11. Obstacles (social and cognitive) that constrain effective learning/developing the required skills, knowledge and competencies/capabilities 12. Anticipated constraints/obstacles in obtaining envisaged work 13. Perceived connection between the training and the world of work 14. General perception of the importance and place of TVET

321

Appendix 6: Semi-Structured Interview Guide for Tutors 1. Tutorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s basic background / information (gender, education and professional qualifications, etc) 2. What courses does the centre offer?

3. What are the reasons for deciding to offer the mentioned courses?

4. Which of these course(s) do you directly handle as a tutor?

5. What is the duration and structure of the course(s) including the general objectives 6. What course content / curriculum (subjects / course units) do you deliver?

7. How did the centre develop and decide the course content / curriculum that you help to deliver?

8. What skills, knowledge, competencies / capabilities should do the learners develop by the end of the course duration?

9. How do you help your learners to develop the intended skills and competencies (instructional methods / techniques) 10. How do you ensure that the learning / teaching process is effective for the learners to develop the required skills / competencies in the labour market?

11. What common problems / challenges do your learners face that often constrain effective learning?

12. What are the envisaged occupations / employment destinations for your learners?

13. What common problems / obstacles do your learners grapple with while searching for work?

14. What support do you provide to your learners to secure work on completion of studies?

15. How do employers and other stakeholders regard and perceive your learners and graduates in terms of capacity / capability and employability?

16. What kind of status, label or value descriptions do other key stakeholders

322

Appendix 7: Semi-structured Interview Guide for Management Staff Vision and Goal of the Centre 1. How did the centre come into existence (Some brief history and founding processes)?

2. What is the mission and goal of the centre?

3. What is your understanding of the type of training that your centre provides?

About Tutors 1. How many tutors (full & part-time) does the centre have?

2. What qualifications (education and professional) do the tutors have?

3. How do you ensure that the tutors effectively help learners to learn (Any training for upgrading)?

About Learners (before, during and after the training) 1. What is the current enrollment (Female + Male by course if possible)?

2. How do you make prospective learners aware of the availability of training opportunities / courses?

3. What are the educational / schooling backgrounds of the learners?

4. How do you describe the general socio-economic characteristics of your learners?

5. What are the common challenges which your learners face during the process of teaching / learning?

About the Courses, Content delivery and outcomes 1. What courses does the centre offer?

2. What are the reasons for offering the mentioned courses?

3. How (procedures / steps) does the centre decide on the courses to offer?

4. What skills, competences / capabilities does the centre aim to develop?

5. How are the courses structured (duration, full or part-time, modularized, format, style etc)?

6. How the content is delivered (pedagogy)?

7. What training infrastructure, facilities and materials does the centre have?

8. What kinds of occupations / employment do you envisage your graduates to 323

Appendix 8: Biographical Interview Guide for Graduates 1. Relevant Life and schooling experience before joining the centre (personal and societal challenges, reasons for not completing postprimary schooling, etc) 2. Reasons for returning to education through the TVET route (negotiations, compromises) 3. Dream work / occupation after completion of the training 4. Expected skills / abilities or competences by the end of the course 5. Knowledge, skills or competences gained by the end of the training period at Ubuntu vocational training centre 6. Ways of teaching / learning (a description of the entire process giving an example of a typical lesson / session and the general training approach including language of instruction) 7. Views and thoughts about the appropriateness of learning / teaching process including the content, methods, training structure, facilities and materials 8. Views and thoughts about the suitability of tutors 9. Obstacles (social and cognitive) that constrained effective learning / developing the required skills, knowledge and competences 10. Ways of obtaining of work 11. Obstacles encountered while finding / searching work 12. Current means of livelihood / occupation / work (type, status and required capabilities) 13. Connection between the training and current work / occupation (role of the training in current livelihood; applicability, relevance and appropriateness of the level and scope of the training curriculum and pedagogy vis-Ă -vis the current occupation / work)

324

Appendix 9: Observation Schedule for Practical Sessions A: About the Learning Group A1:

Name of tutor / sex………………………………………………………..

A2:

Description of learning group……………………………………………..

A3:

Course of study……………………………………………………………

A4:

Year of study………………………………………………………………

A5:

Number of learners: …………F………………Total…………………….

A6:

Attendance: M………………F………………Total………………………

B: About the Facilities / Equipment / Materials (Quantity and Quality) B1:

Size of the lecture room / workshop ……………………………………

B2:

Furniture / equipment ……………………………………………………

B3:

Learning materials ………………………………………………………

B4:

Learning aids/items………………………………………………………

C: About the Learning Session C1:

Date and duration …………………………………………………………

C2:

Subject ……………………………………………………………………

C3:

Topic ……………………………………………………………………...

C4:

Learning objectives ……………………………………………………….

C5:

Tutor’s activities…………………………………………………………..

C6:

Learner’s activities ………………………………………………………..

D: General assessment / comments about the conduct of the session …………………………………………………………………………………….. …………………………………………………………………………………….. …………..…………………………………………………………………………

325

Appendix 10: Documents obtained as primary data sources DOCUMENT TITLE Assessment and Training Package for Carpenter and Joiner Level 1&2 Assessment and Training Package for Brick Layer, Level 2 Proposed Residential House (tender document)

Author / Publisher UVQF Secretariat UVQF Secretariat Jacob Balikuddembe , Graduate UGAPRIVI

UGAPRIVI Training Programme January- June 2009 brochure Uganda Technical Education certificate and UNEB Diplomas; General Regulations June 1998- 2000 Trade Testing- Tailoring & Garment Cutting DIT Level 2 Grade Paper Scheme of work for Theory Carpentry &Joinery 2 Kamyuka years Stephen, Tutor Course Outline â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Technology Subject (Carpentry Kamyuka & Joinery Stephen, Tutor Trade Testing â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Tailoring and Garment cutting DIT (Level 1/ Grade 2): Paper 2- Practical, Marking scheme Trade testing, Tailoring & Garment Cutting , DIT Paper 1 Trade Testing , Brick /Block Laying: Paper 1 BCP DIT Level 1/Grade 2 General Theory Trade Testing, Brick / Blocking Laying; Paper 2: DIT BCP (Level 1 / Grade 2) Workshop Practice Industrial Training / Foundation Work Follow up Ubuntu Programme Evaluation Questionnaire 951 Carpentry and Joinery Examination Syllabus UNEB Appraisal Form for Industrial Training Appraisal Ubuntu Form Certificate of Industrial Training Ubuntu Industrial Training Supervisory Program Students Ubuntu Confidential Data rating Sheet Academic Transcripts and Certificates for DIT Catering and Tailoring Graduates Training Curriculum for Vocational Training DIT Institutions in Hotel Catering & Services (Craft Level 1)

326

DATE 2006 2006 2008

2009 1998 2007 n.d

2008

2008 2008 2006

2008 2005

2005

Uganda Junior Technical Certificate- Regulations and Syllabuses Ubuntu Vocational Training Centre brochure End of term one, Block Laying and Concrete Practical first year 2007 calculation and science End of 1st term second year 2003. Examination for practical Carpentry and Joinery Trade Testing; Tailoring & Garment Cutting, Paper 2: Level 1/ Grade 2) Practical Training Curriculum for Vocational Training Institutions Intermediate Certificate in Tailoring End of Term III 2nd Year Examination â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Block Laying and Concrete Practice UGAPRIVI Skills for Life brochure Results for the end of term examinations Industrial Training Follow up Programme Evaluation Questionnaire List of DIT registered trade test centres 2007/2008 Uganda Junior certificate examination time table Nov / Dec 2007 time table

327

UNEB

2001

Ubuntu Ubuntu

n.d 2007

Ubuntu

2003

DIT

2008

DIT

n.d

Ubuntu

2003

UGAPRIVI

n.d

Ubuntu Ubuntu

2005 2006

DIT UNEB

2007 2007

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