BA(Hons) 3rd Year Dissertation

Faculty of Technology, Design and Environment

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Name of student: Robert Goacher Student number: 13035834 Module number: U30099 Module name: Dissertation Module leader: Tonia Carless Supervisor: Ilona Hay Title of work: U30099 Dissertation – Senyera and Swastika, Architecture and Nationalism Date of submission: 29/1/2016

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SEYNERA& SWASTIKA Architecture and Nationalism

Robert Goacher 13035834 U30099 Dissertation 29.1.2016

Ethics form included as an appendix at the end of the dissertation

A comparison to show how different Nationalist movements represent their intentions through architecture Robert Goacher 13035834 Supervisor: Ilona Hay U30099 Architecture Dissertation Oxford Brookes University January 29th 2016

A dissertation presented to the School of Architecture, Oxford Brookes University in part fulfilment of the regulations for BA (Hons) in Architecture.

Statement of Originality// This dissertation is an original piece of work which is made available for copying with permission of the Head of the School of Architecture.

Signed

Robert Goacher January 2016

Fig. 1// Nationalism cartoon (quotesgram.com, n.d.)

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Contents 01 Contents// 02 Introduction// 03 Part A: Catalonia and Gaudí// Overview History of Catalan Nationalism Modern history of Catalan Nationalism Catalan nationalist Intentions Catalan Modernisme Antoni Gaudí Casa Vicens Palau Güell Casa Milà Were the intentions represented?

04 Part B: Nazism and Speer// Overview History of the rise of Nazism History of Nazi Rule Nazi Intentions and Ideology Albert Speer Zeppelinhaupttribüne New Reich Chancellery Were the intentions represented?

05 Part C: Comparison and Contrast// Catalonia and Gaudí Nazism and Speer Comparison of Movements Modern Politics 06 Conclusion// 07 Bibliography// 08 Figure References// 09 Ethics Form Appendix//

Fig. 2// The Senyera, Flag of Catalonia (Wikimedia Commons, 2011) Fig. 3// Storming of the Bastille and arrest of the Governor M. de Launay, July 14th 1789 during the French revolution, the first time nationalism was more than allegiance to a monarch (Wikimedia Commons, n.d.)

Fig. 4// Casa del Fascio, Como, Terragni 1936 (Hevia García, 2013) Fig. 5// Colosseum, Rome, Ancient Roman site, inspired the Casa del Fascio (oneonta.edu, n.d.)

Fig. 6// Maison Carrée, Nîmes, Ancient Roman temple inspired the Casa del Fascio (oneonta.edu, n.d.)

Fig. 7// EU Flag (nopoor.eu, 2011) Fig. 8// World leaders at the 2010 G-20 Seoul summit (Presidencia de la Nacion Argentina, 2010) Fig. 9// Catalan independence flags, Barcelona (Robert Goacher, 2015) Fig. 10// Post September 2015 election celebrations, Barcelona (Sergio Perez/Reuters, 2015)

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INTRODUCTION

Nationalism can be defined as the ‘devotion to one’s nation; national aspiration; a policy of national independence’ (Weiner and Simpson, 1989). For many people, this devotion or aspiration for their nation or ethnicity is contained by supporting the national football team or flying the national flag (i.e. the Catalan Senyera (Fig. 2)).

But, often this devotion is extreme, with committed people gathering together to form movements to convert others to become devotees to further this devotion, through independence or isolation.

The idea of nationalism was born out of the French revolution (Fig. 3), instead of allegiances to kings, the idea of national identity defining a people started to take hold.

By the end of the nineteenth century, nationalism had integrated into popular politics, (Heywood, 2003) as Identity politics uses territory, religion and language to separate people into nationalities and as a political tool to inspire isolation or independence (Heywood, 2003).

Nationalist movements throughout the world often use architecture as a representative tool, to highlight their ideals and intentions. Some examples are obvious straight away, for example the Casa del Fascio in Como, Italy (Giuseppe Terragni, 1936) (Pagnotta, 2013)(Fig. 4); the building was designed for the nationalist Italian Fascist party as its Como headquarters. The design was open and allowed for rallies to move freely from the piazza outside into the internal courtyard, highlighting Fascisms populist tendencies (Krouz, 2012). Casa del Fascio was used as a modern reinterpretation of classical architecture reflecting the proportions of the temples and magnificent public buildings of ancient Rome, for example the uniform openings seen in the Colosseum as seen in figure 5(Krouz, 2012)(Fig. 5,6). Terragni’s intention was to reflect the imperial power of ancient Rome, mirroring the imperialistic policies of the Fascist party, for example the Italian invasion of Albania, a territory once held by Rome, in 1939 (Chen, n.d.).

In our ever globalising world, with Supranational (multi-nation) institutions, from the EU (European Union)(Fig. 7) to G20 (Group of 20 world powers)(Fig. 8) becoming more powerful, our institutions seem globally driven, but possibly due to this very fact, movements which ‘defend’ a country’s or region’s interests from the ‘unelected’ ’out of touch’ institutions for example the UK’s UKIP (UK independence party), battling the EU or Catalan Nationalists battling the Spanish State (Rachman, 2014) (Fig. 9), are becoming ever more powerful political forces, these movements which demand independence or spout nationalist agendas are on the rise, for example the pro-independence ‘Junts pel Si’ (Together we can) coalition won a plurality in the September 2015 Catalan election (Strange, 2015)(Fig. 10) or in the UK general election 2015, the pro-independence Scottish National Party won 56/59 seats in Scotland.(Lockhart and Burke, 2015).

Fig. 11// Antoni Gaudí (1852-1926) (biography.com, 2015) Fig. 12// Collegi Teresià, Barcelona, Gaudí 1890 (Wikimedia Commons, 2013) Fig. 13// Albert Speer (1905-1981) (Das Bundesarchiv, 1933) Fig. 14// New Reich Chancellery Gallery, Berlin, Speer 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939)

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This dissertation will try to conclude if it’s successful for nationalist movements today to use architecture to represent their intentions, by looking at architectures of the past and whether they successfully represented the intentions of their respective nationalist movements in their architecture. It will focus on Catalan Modernisme (principally architect Antoni Gaudí (Fig. 11,12)) and its representation of Catalan Nationalist ideals and Nazi Architecture (specifically architect Albert Speer (Fig. 13,14)) and how the intentions of Nazism are embedded within it. It will then use theories to understand how the intentions are represented and then compare the representations.

Fig. 15// Administrative divisions of Catalonia (Wikimedia Commons, 2007) Fig. 16// Location of Catalonia within Spain (Goacher, 2016) Fig. 17// Nueva Planta Decrees, 1716 issued by Philip V, destroying Catalan autonomy. (Wikimedia Commons, 2013) Fig. 18// Factories in Barcelona, mid 1800s, The industrial revolution came to Catalonia before the rest of Spain. (slideshare.net, 2012)

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part a: catalan nationalism And Gaudi Overview // Catalonia is a distinct region in north-eastern Spain (Figs. 15/16); it is uniquely different to the rest of Spain, having its own language (Catalan) and culture, being an autonomous region during the middle ages, before succumbing to direct Castilian (Spanish) control (Conversi, 1997).

During the 1800s, a Catalan revival occurred called the Renaixença. Architecture was involved in this revival with architects like Lluis Domenech i Montaner, Josep Puig i Cadafalch and of course Antonio Gaudí (Conversi, 1997), who tried to form a uniquely Catalan style, Catalan Modernisme (Conversi, 1997).

History of Catalan Nationalism// Catalonia went from being part of the Roman Empire to being a borderland between Moorish Spain and the Franks (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2015) to an integral part of the Spanish Crown in 1716, when Philip V issued a decree (Nueva Planta (Fig. 17)) banning Catalan institutions, laws and language (Conversi, 1997). This could be seen as the start of Catalan aggravation towards centralised Spain.

From the 1830s, the industrial revolution came to Catalonia providing new found wealth, years before the rest of Spain (Conversi, 1997)(Fig. 18).

In 1873 King Amadeo was forced to resign (madmonarchist.blogspot.co.uk, 2012), and a republic was founded emphasising federalism and autonomy, even though this was popular, control collapsed and the monarchy was re-established in 1874 (Conversi, 1997).

A literacy movement was born in the 1830s, originally a small group of poets and writers focused on reviving the Catalan language (Conversi, 1997). The group started to publicise a desire for the restoration of Catalan customs starting a Catalan revival called the Renaixença, a major component of which was in 1859, the revival of the historic Jocs Florals, a poetry competition dating from the 1300s (Conversi, 1997).

It helped usher in a new golden era of Catalan literature and respect for the Catalan language (Conversi, 1997). The Renaixença expanded to incorporate theatre, philosophy and other fields (Conversi, 1997).

Fig. 19// Catalanist leader, Valentí Almirall (1841-1904), started to politicise the Renaixença (allposters, n.d.)

Fig. 20// Lo Catalanisme, Valentí Almirall’s text highlighting autonomy (1886) (Wikimedia Commons, 2010) Fig. 21// Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1850-1923), architect and Conservative leader. Led the Lliga de Catalunya (Wikimedia Commons, 1915)

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Apprehensive industrialists and traditional rural leadership, teamed up to use the power of regionalism and eventually nationalism to accomplish both the expansion of the Renaixença to the rural areas and the retention of traditional values and the industrialist’s power (Conversi, 1997). These two communities brought popular and high culture together (Conversi, 1997).

“Although the two groups came from opposing standpoints, they nevertheless joined together in the creative celebration of the beauty of nationhood” (Conversi, 1997) Catalan language and culture re-entered the Catalan popular domain (Conversi, 1997). The Renaixença could be seen as a response against urbanisation and the industrial revolution, with traditional customs entering the city via migrants from the countryside (Conversi, 1997). It emphasised a unique Catalan culture providing political nationalism with a legitimate footing, as it incorporated all Catalans (Conversi, 1997).

As the second half of the 19th century drew on, nationalist writings emerged, for example Valentí Almirall’s (1841-1904)(Fig. 19) ‘Lo Catalanisme’(1886)(Fig. 20), which outlined nationalism in a federal framework (Conversi, 1997). Almirall tried to modernise the Catalan cause by convincing industrialists that protective economic measures were easier to achieve via the regionalist cause than through the corrupt Spanish state, this led Almirall to found the Centre Catala party (Conversi, 1997).

Almirall was very idealistic and clashed with the conservative wing of the party, leading them to defect and become the Lliga de Catalunya in 1887 (Conversi, 1997).

During the second Catalanist congress of 1883, a motion was adopted which condemned Catalans affiliated to Spanish parties (Conversi, 1997); allowing new Catalanist (favouring Catalonian autonomy) parties to emerge (Conversi, 1997).

Industrialists encouraged the new parties, principally the conservative Lliga, under the leadership of the architect Lluis Domenech i Montaner (Conversi, 1997)(Fig. 21). The Lliga was successful; it defended the Catalan civil code against reform in 1889 and became the dominant Catalanist party (Conversi, 1997).

In 1892 at Manresa, Catalonia, the Unió Catalanista was founded to group regionalist parties together under the guise of the Bases de Manresa document that outlined radical autonomy, proposing Catalan as the only official language and local government reorganisation (Conversi, 1997).

Catalan politicians started having a stronger voice, commenting on international issues, i.e. sending a message of support to the Greek king, in his conflict with the Ottoman Empire in 1897 (Conversi, 1997). This angered Madrid and repression

Fig. 22// Catalanist leader, Enric Prat de la Riba, (18701917) Centre Nacional Catala leader (AFB, n.d.)

Fig. 23// Cu-Cut! Cartoon which provoked unrest and increased Catalan aggrevation (Junceda i Supervia, 1905) Fig. 24// View over Barcelona during the Setmana TrĂ gica (1909) (anarcoefemerides.balearweb. net, 2015)

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occurred, increasing the popularity of the Catalanist cause (Conversi, 1997).

The Renaixença developed into the artistic tradition of Modernisme (1882-1906), acting as a reaction against the idea that Catalanism was just a nostalgic movement (Conversi, 1997), but a progressive one as well. It incorporated new groups, expanding its reach. It encouraged looking at the artistry of Europe to counteract Spain’s influence (Conversi, 1997).

Ateneus (academies) were formed to elevate the intellect of their members, who were generally artisans or labourers some were educational, some musical and others focused on excursions (Excurcionistas), linking the city dwellers back to their rural roots (Conversi, 1997).

Divisions occurred within the Unio Catalanista due to support by some members of the progressive Polaviejista party (Conversi, 1997). From these disputes Enric Prat de la Riba (Fig. 22) led a group to found the Centre Nacional Catala (1899) (Conversi, 1997), which later allied with to Polaviejistas to win the general election within Catalonia (Conversi, 1997). They united as the Lliga Regionalista containing the idea that Catalanism and Catholicism (traditionalism) were inseparable (Conversi, 1997).

The Lliga was successful at the 1905 general election (Van Hensbergen, 2001) and a satirical cartoon in the magazine Cu-Cut! (Fig. 23) was published in response, it was seen as anti-militaristic and led to the seizure of Cu-Cut! and the Lliga’s newspaper ‘La Veu de Catalunya’ by the army (Van Hensbergen, 2001). The editor of the Veu was jailed and Cu-Cut! suspended (Conversi, 1997). In 1906, the prime minister introduced a law banning offending the army and national symbols with harsh punishments (Conversi, 1997).

Uproar occurred; all the sections of Catalan society, previously divided, united as Solidaritat Catalana (SC), heavily protested and won 41/44 of the Catalan seats at the 1907 election (Van Hensbergen, 2001). Tensions increased and martial law was imposed (Conversi, 1997).

A revolt broke out with murders, bombings, barricades, random killings of clergymen and the burning of churches and monasteries (Conversi, 1997)(Fig. 24) This was known as the ‘Setmana Tragica’, (Tragic Week)(Conversi, 1997).The army restored control, but Catalanist aims had come to the fore (Conversi, 1997).

To try and solve the crisis, Prime Minister Antonio Maura created the mancommunitat (commonwealth) of Catalonia to provide a single semi-autonomous Catalan government (Conversi, 1997). It was established in 1914 with Prat becoming its leader

Fig. 25// Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867-1956) President of the autonomous Mancommunitat 1917-1925 (Audouard, 1900) Fig. 26// Front cover of the l’Estatut d’Autonomia, Statue of Autonomy 1932 (blogs.sapiens.cat, 1932) Fig. 27// Lluis Companys (1882-1940) ERC President of Catalonia, 1933-40 (Szelągowski, 1930)

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(Conversi, 1997). Prat died in 1917, and architect Josep Puig i Cadafalch (Fig. 25) replaced him (Conversi, 1997).

After 1917, in a tense climate, terrorist incidents, assaults on the Spanish flag, strikes and the use of Catalan became commonplace with republicans, anarchists and some nationalists becoming more radical (Conversi, 1997).

Art flourished under the mancommunitat, and a new artistic movement emerged, Noucentisme (nine-hundred-ism)(Conversi, 1997). Its aim was to work with the mancommunitat government to transform society, as a unifying coordinator for Catalan culture, being strongly linked to the Instiut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC)(founded 1907) (Conversi, 1997), whose task was to investigate Catalan culture, which resulted in for example linguistic reforms by Pompeu Fabra (upf.edu, 2008). The puritanism of this ideology and its influence on the mancommunitat government led to social tensions (Conversi, 1997).

The dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera started in 1923 with the mancommunitat abolished in 1925 and due to its reliance on the mancommunitat, the noucentisme faded away (Conversi, 1997). Many hoped the dictatorship would bring stability, but instead Catalan customs were further repressed (Conversi, 1997). Catalan culture went underground.

Democracy returned in 1930 and repression ended (Conversi, 1997). In 1931, the second republic was declared; Catalan parties were involved in the provisional government and secured self-determination in exchange for cooperation (Conversi, 1997).

The Esquera Republicana de Catalunya (Catalan Republican Left, ERC) was formed (Conversi, 1997). Catalan voters approved the statue of autonomy (Estatut)(Fig. 26) in 1931 (Conversi, 1997), and in the ensuing Catalan parliamentary election, the ERC won a majority (Conversi, 1997). Francesc Macià became President of the re-established Generalitat (Government) in 1932 (Conversi, 1997), until his death in 1933, when he was succeeded by Lluis Companys (1882-1940)(Fig. 27)(Conversi, 1997). Radical reforms occurred, particularly in education (Conversi, 1997).

Within Spain, the republican-socialist government was slowly initiating reforms, causing impatience with the lower classes and irritating the landowning aristocracy (Conversi, 1997). A labour and economic crisis occurred and an election was called in 1933 (Conversi, 1997). It was won by CEDA, a right wing coalition who stopped or slowed most of the left’s reforms (Conversi, 1997).

Fig. 28// Aerial bombing of Barcelona, 17 March 1938, by the Italian air force during the Civil War (Italian Air Force, 1938) Fig. 29// Francisco Franco (1892-1975) Dictator of Spain, 1939-1975 (Wikimedia Commons, 1936) Fig. 30// Convergence and Union (CiU) Logo (Wikimedia Commons, 2015) Fig. 31// SupporterWs of secessionist group Junts Pel Si (Together for Yes) react after polls closed in a regional parliamentary election in Barcelona, Spain, September 27, 2015 (Sergio Perez/ Reuters, 2015)

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This paralysis caused Companys in 1934, to declare a Catalan Republic, in what was called the ’Revolt of the Generalitat’(Conversi, 1997). The Republic only lasted a few hours, but it did lead to the end of autonomy as the Estatut was suspended and Companys jailed (Conversi, 1997).

In the 1936 elections, the left won a majority (Conversi, 1997). A revolutionary atmosphere emerged with anarchism at its heart, campaigning for drastic decentralisation, this worried the army and in July 1936, the Spanish civil war (Fig. 28) erupted with a rebellion under General Franco (Conversi, 1997)(Fig. 29).

The war led to thousands dying and in January 1939, Barcelona was captured and Catalan institutions were closed and leaders executed or exiled (Conversi, 1997). The Franco Regime and repression had begun (Conversi, 1997).

Modern history of Catalan nationalism// As the Franco era ended in 1975, Fascism had become rooted into the centralised Spanish identity; therefore the ensuing democratisation encouraged autonomy (countrystudies.us, n.d.).

In 1979, Catalans voted for autonomy (sudd.ch, 2010), with elections occurring in 1980, in which the CiU (Convergence and Union)(Fig. 30), a centre-right and nationalist coalition won a plurality, before a majority in 1984, continuing in power until 2003 (electionresources.org, 2015).

This regime helped revitalise Catalan identity, by institutionalising Catalan customs, for example the promotion of Catalan as the only teaching language in schools, therefore making everyone a Catalan speaker, and more in touch with their Catalan roots (Burgen, 2012).

The 2008 economic crisis hit Spain hard with 25% unemployment (Eurostat, 2012), the socialist governments of Catalonia and Spain fell in 2010 and 2011 respectively, the CiU regained ground as municipal referendums gathered support for independence as a reaction to the crash, blaming the central government for economic woes, increasing support for nationalism (Bosco and Verney, 2012).

This conflict brought nationalism to the fore with President Artur Mas trying to arrange a independence referendum in 2014, which wasn’t sanctioned by the Spanish State, intensifying the tension between the two governments (BBC News, 2015), this tension continues to escalate as Mas’ pro-independence ‘Junts pel Si’ (Together for Yes) coalition won a plurality in the September 2015 Catalan elections (Fig. 31), leading to a pro-independence majority in the Catalan parliament and a new framework for

Timeline Figures// Fig. 32// James I, brought Catalonia under Aragonese control (Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 2012 Fig. 33// Nueva Planta Decree, 1716, which banned Catalan customs (Wikimedia Commons, 2013)

Fig. 41// Fig. 51// Miguel Primo de Rivera, Spanish Dictator 1923-Park Güell, Barcelona, Gaudí 1914 1930 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1930) (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 42// Fig. 52// Front cover of the l’Estatut d’Autonomia, Statue Casa Batlló, Gaudí 1906 of Autonomy (1932)(blogs.sapiens.cat, 1932) (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 43// Catalanist leader Lluis Companys (Szelągowski, 1930)

Fig. 34// Carlos de Borbón, Carlist pretender to the Fig. 44// throne, Vicente López Portaña, c.19th century Aerial bombing of Barcelona, 17 March 1938, (Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San by the Italian air force (Italian air force, 1938) Fernando, 2012) Fig. 45// Fig. 35// Antoni Gaudí Catalanist leader, Valentí Almirall (biography.com, 2015) (Wikimedia Commons, 2007) Fig. 46// Fig. 36// Streetlights in Plaça Reial, Gaudí 1878 Catalanist Leader Lluís Domènech i Montaner (Goacher, 2015) (Wikimedia Commons, 1915) Fig. 47// Fig. 37// Dragon gate at Gaudí’s Güell Pavilions at View of Manresa Catalonia, 1881 Pedralbes, Barcelona, 1884-7 (Maffei, 2015) (La Ilustración española y americana, 1881) Fig. 48// Fig. 38// Palau Güell, Gaudí 1888 Cu-Cut! cartoon which evoked military (Goacher, 2015) response (Junceda i Supervia, 1905) Fig. 49// Fig. 39// Collegi Teresià, Antoni Gaudí, Barcelona Catalanist leader Enric Prat de la Riba (Wikimedia Commons, 2013) (Museu Prat de la Riba, 2010) Fig. 50// Fig. 40// Palacio Episcopal, Astorga, Gaudí 1915 Setmana Tràgica, 1909 (Tørrissen, 2010) (anarcoefemerides.balearweb.net, 2015)

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Fig. 53// Casa Milà, Gaudí 1912 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 54// Sagrada Família Schools, Gaudí 1909 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 55// Sagrada Família, Gaudí 1882(Goacher, 2015) Fig. 56// Gaudí’s Funeral, 1926 (Wikimedia Commons, 2008)

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independence (BBC News, 2015)(Burgen, 2015).

ase s

LITERACY MOVEMENT BORN

ion

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Reviving the Catalan language Restoring Catalan Customs Renaixença

ev

at

(Conversi, 1997)

(Encyclopedia Britannica, 2015)

1716

Philip V Nueva Planta bans Catalan customs.

(Conversi, 1997)

CATALAN NATIONALISM -1939

1830

1833-39 1883

1886

S Industrial revolution First Carlist War 2nd Catalanist ‘Lo Catalanisme’ comes to Catalonia. Dynastic Dispute Congress Valentí Almirall Traditionalists Denounce Catalans (Conversi, 1997) Federal and regionalists who are affiliated Framework.

(Carlists) against with Spanish Liberals (victorious political parties.

(Conversi, 1997) Queen Isabella II).

Almirall Moderniser nationalist Victory favoured Found Centre industrialists Català Party but repression continued.

(Conversi, 1997)

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Timeline summarising the History of Catalan Nationalism till 1939. s ali er d Fe

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m str al easialis rru an ure ts pt Na s e Sp tion asie ain alis r m .

Roman Moorish Spain Aragon Spain Empire and the Franks

ton om y

27BC BORDERLAND AUTONOMY

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gr Ag

du In ve t t c i Ca co ote h n Pr roug tha th

(Conversi, 1997)

hilo tre, P T h ea

Golden era of Catalan Literature and Language

Apprehensive industrialists and agrarian, traditionalist rural leadership , teamed up to use the power of nationalism to expandthe Renaixença to the rural areas, the retention of traditional values and the industrialist’s power. Bringing popular and high culture brought together. Catalan language and culture re-entered the Catalan popular domain, through historical drama, poetry and literature.

It emphasised a unique Catalan culture providing political nationalism with a legitimate footing.

.... hy. s op

(Conversi, 1997)

1906

Law banning offending army.

(Conversi, 1997)

at

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Enric Prat de la Riba, becomes President of Barcelona Military conscription Diputació crisis, Martial law (Government) imposed.

1907

1909

Catalan Solidaritat Catalana ‘La Setmana parties wins 41/44 of Tràgica’ unite, Catalan seats in The tragic week.

Solidaritat general election.

Revolt (Conversi, 1997) Catalana Murders, bombings, formed. barricades, (Conversi, 1997) desecration of tombs and random killing of clergymen, burning of churches and monasteries.

gr Ag

an s ’s p co op nf ula lic rity t

1905

ase s

1901

ion

se s

rea

inc

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(Conversi, 1997)

1899

Divisions in Unió Centre Nacional Lliga won election, Cu-Cut! (Magazine) Catalanista, due to Català, Unió published antisome supporting Catalanista and Progressive Polaviejistas ally militaristic satirical Polaviejista Party. then unite as Lliga cartoon-offended army, Cu-Cut! and Group led by Enric Regionalista.

(Conversi, 1997) Lliga’s newspaper Prat de la Riba, ‘La Veu de leaves and founds Catalunya’ seized Centre Nacional by the army.

Català.

(Conversi, 1997) Spain loses Cuba.

60% Catalan exports to Cuba.

Catalans blame corrupt Castile.

(Conversi, 1997) r g Ag n a tal Ca

at

1897

ev

1892

Protests UPROAR

ase s

1889

inc re

1887

Conservatives Lliga successful at Manresa, Stronger Voice. led by architect and protects Catalonia.

Start to comment Lluís Domènech Catalan Civil Code. Unió Catalanista on international (Conversi, 1997) i Montaner leave formed, group of issues, angers Centre Català regionalist parties.

Madrid.

(Conversi, 1997) supported by Bases de Manresa industrialists (who document signed. want power from Proposes Radical aristocracy) to form Autonomy, propose Lliga de Catalunya.

Catalan as official (Conversi, 1997) language, local government ss reorganisation and re p tax powers.

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Revival of Jocs Florals ‘El regionalismo’ Joan Maria Falquer Ancient poetry Called for regional competition (14th century) autonomy.

inc re

(Conversi, 1997)

li c ub l as p C Re

Army restores control....but...

(Conversi, 1997)

Modernisme -the Renaixença isn’t just a histporical but modern revival. 1882-1906 Grew up as a sick child.

Father a craftsman, developed Gaudi’s skills (Van Hensbergen, 2001)

GAUDÍ 1852

1868

Military conscription 1875-8 Sagrada Família 1882June 1878 Gaudi’s first commission-Plaça Reial Lamposts

Güell Pavillions (1884-7) 1st commission from Eusebi Güell

Colegio de las Teresianas,(1888-90)

Casa Botines, Leon (1892-3)

1878 1883188418851886188718881889189018911892189318941895

Gaudi born in Reus, Studies in Barcelona, 1st at convent school Catalonia then at Barcelona Higher School of Architecture till 1878, where nationalist leader Lluís Domènech i Montaner was a professor (1877(Van Hensbergen, 2001) 1900) then director till 1920.

(Van Hensbergen, 2001)

Palacio Episcopal de Astorga (1889-1915)

Casa Vicens-1883-8 El Capricho, Comillas (Summer House)(1883-5)

Palau Güell (1885-8)

Casa Calvet (1889-94)

In

1914

1923

1925

1930

1931

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ai

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to fore

Catalan parties involved in provisional government, securing selfdetermination, in exchange for cooperation.

n io lut an o rev

1932

Miguel Primo Mancomunitat Democracy 2nd republic Generalitat PM Antonio de Rivera’s abolished, returned, started, Voters (Government) reMaura creates Dictatorship Noucentisme fades Repression ended. approve Statue established.

Mancomunitat (Conversi, 1997) begins. away. of Autonomy (Mancommunidade (Estatut).

Radical Reforms / Commonwealth) brought stability but Catalan cultures also repression. went underground introduced. of Catalonia to (Conversi, 1997) (Conversi, 1997) (Conversi, 1997) Macià returned and pacify Catalonia. set up Esquerra Republicana de A single semiCatalunya (Catalan autonomous republican left, government for ERC), swept away Catalonia. collaboratory Lliga.

Prat de la Riba ERC win majority in becomes President (Conversi, 1997) Catalan election.

1934

1936

1939

Companys a ‘united left’ January declares Catalan won the Spanish Barcelona Republic, general election. captured.

Companys jailed, Companys Estatut suspended, reinstated.

Catalan institutions Autonomy ended. closed and leaders (Conversi, 1997) Army worried, executed/exiled.

Spanish Civil war started, after Franco Regime rebellion under begins.

General Franco.

(Conversi, 1997) (Conversi, 1997)

(Conversi, 1997)

Casa Milà (1905-12) Colonia Güell crypt (1898-1916) Park Güell (1900-14) Bellesguard (1900-9)

18961897189818991900 1901 1904 1905 1906 Finca Miralles (1901)

Casa Batlló (1904-6)

1909

1912

Sagrada Família Schools (1908-9 )

1914 1915 1916

1926

Gaudi died after being ran over by a tram in Barcelona.

(Van Hensbergen, 2001) (Van Hensbergen, 2001)

Fig. 57// Seal of the Floral Games of Barcelona, revived in 1859, helping to revive the Catalan language (acpv.cat, n.d.)

Fig. 58// Antoni GaudĂ­ 1852-1926 (Audouard, 1878)

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Catalan nationalist intentions// The primary intention of Catalan nationalists is to achieve independence for the region, or at least more autonomy within a federal framework (Conversi, 1997).

They have attempted to achieve these intentions by promoting a unique Catalan culture. Starting during the Renaixença, the Catalan identity was established as unique from the Spanish identity, due to the promotion of Catalan language and culture (Conversi, 1997), originally by a small regional group of poets and writers, who focused on reviving the Catalan language, including the revival of the historic Jocs Florals, a poetry competition from the 14th century in 1859 (Conversi, 1997)(Fig. 57).

It helped usher in a new golden era of Catalan literature and respect for the Catalan language. The Renaixença expanded to incorporate theatre, philosophy and other fields from across Europe to modernise and reinvigorate Catalan culture (Conversi, 1997) to isolate Catalonia by nationalism (Heywood, 2003) and separate it from Spain, continuing till today (Burgen, 2012).

Catalan Modernisme// The Renaixença developed into the artistic tradition of modernisme (1882-1906), acting as a reaction against the idea that Catalanism was not just a nostalgic movement, but a progressive one as well (Conversi, 1997).

Modernisme incorporated new groups into the nationalist cause, expanding its reach. It encouraged looking at the artistry of Europe to counteract Spain’s influence (Conversi, 1997).

Modernisme incorporated many arts, including architecture, for example Lluís Domènech i Montaner, Josep Puig i Cadafalch and of course Antoni Gaudí (Conversi, 1997).

Antoni Gaudí (1852-1926)// Antoni Gaudí (Fig. 58) is one of the world’s most famous architects, but what most people don’t realise is his unique connection to Catalonia and the Catalanist cause.

Gaudí was born in 1852, in the small Catalan town of Reus (Van Hensbergen, 2001); he was a sick child suffering from ill health for years in his youth. His father was a craftsman, descending from a long line of coppersmiths and craftspeople, Gaudí observed his father’s craft technique, later shown in his architecture (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Gaudí moved to Barcelona in 1869, attending university, studying at the Barcelona Higher School of Architecture from 1873 (Van Hensbergen, 2001) till he left for military

Fig. 59// Plaça Reial Streetlights, Barcelona, Gaudí, 1878 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 60// Casa Vicens, Barcelona, Gaudí, 1888 (Herrero, 2014) Fig. 61// Dragon gate at Gaudí’s Güell Pavilions at Pedralbes, Barcelona, 1887, The dragon is Ladon from L’Atlàntida (Maffei, 2015) Fig. 62// Palau Güell, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 63// Park Güell, Barcelona, Gaudí 1914 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 64// Casa Vicens, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 (López, 2015) Fig. 65// Casa Vicens, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888, Windows facing onto Carolines Street (López, 2015)

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conscription in 1875 and qualified as an architect in 1878 (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Whilst already gaining projects, for example streetlights for the Plaça Reial, Barcelona in 1878 (gaudiclub.com, n.d.)(Fig. 59).

Gaudí started to connect to Catalanism, for example joining the Excurcionistas in 1879 (Van Hensbergen, 2001). One of his first major projects was the Casa Vicens (1883-88), started in 1883 (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 60). Soon after in 1884, Gaudí started to work for industrialist Eusebi Güell for the first time, on his estate at Pedralbes, Barcelona, he incorporated imagery from Renaixença sources, e.g. the poem L’Atlàntida, as seen in the Dragon gate (Verdaguer, 1877)(Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 61).

He also started to work on the Sagrada Família, inspired by his extreme Catholic devotion (Van Hensbergen, 2001), for example in 1894, he nearly died of fasting (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Gaudí continued to work for Güell, completing the Palau Güell in 1888 (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 62) and the Park Güell in 1914 (Van Hensbergen, 2001) (Fig. 63). By the late 1910s, Gaudí had few projects, spending his last years on the Sagrada Família as the puritanism of the Noucentisme isolated him. (Van Hensbergen 2001).

Gaudí espoused Catalanist ideals in his everyday life, for example; he refused to speak Spanish, only Catalan, when the King and Queen of Spain visited the building site of the Sagrada Família (Van Hensbergen, 2001). Gaudí died after being ran over by a tram in 1926 (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Casa Vicens (1883-88)// One of Gaudí’s first projects was the Casa Vicens (Barcelona) starting in 1883(Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Figs.64/5). Gaudí’s first visit to the site was significant, as he noticed large palm trees and foliage, inspiring his design (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

This connection to the Catalan landscape could be seen as a nostalgic link to rural Catalan roots, invoking a time of autonomy from the rest of Spain (Conversi, 1997).

“They (the Spanish) are, with respect to the Catalans, what the Cyclopes were with respect to the Greeks. The Cyclopes had only one eye. As the Castilians (Spanish) take notice of the existence of objects but do not see the clear image but rather a phantom image.”(Gaudi)(Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Here Gaudí states that Castilians ‘do not see the clear image’ (Van Hensbergen, 2001), implying that only Catalans could respond to the site, and this is shown as the

Fig. 66// Casa Vicens, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888, African Marigold Tiles (casamuseugaudi.org, 2002) Fig. 67// Eusebi Güell (1846-1918), Industrialist and Gaudí’s Patron (Wikimedia Commons, 1915) Fig. 68// Palau Güell Façade, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 69// Montserrat viewed from Manresa, Catalonia. A sacred mountain (Renalias, 2008) Fig. 70// Senyera Lantern, Joan Oñós, Palau Güell, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 highlighting the link between nationalist imagery and architecture. (theavantgrandtour.com, 2014)

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Catalan climate was provoked in the design as one of the coolest spaces in Spain, with the incantation ‘Sol, Solet viva’m a veuve’ (sun, little sun, come and see me, for I’m feeling cold’ (Van Hensbergen, 2001), facing the rising sun from the south east on the façade (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

The Casa’s exterior tiles were reminiscent of African Marigolds found on the site (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 66). Casa Vicens was an exploration in the neoMudejar or Moorish style (Van Hensbergen, 2001), in which Gaudí was fascinated, after reading books about Moorish architecture as a child, emphasising the outward looking viewpoint of the Modernisme movement (Conversi, 1997). Unlike, other NeoMoorish building in Spain, Gaudi’s wasn’t a direct copy of Moorish Palaces, like the Alhambra (Granada)( Van Hensbergen, 2001). It was a unique response to the site and Catalonia (Van Hensbergen, 2001). Orientalism was a method of the Modernisme movement to expand Catalan culture, out of Spanish dominance and into the world (Conversi, 1997). Wrought iron, ceramics and carvings highlighted the talent of the Catalan craft tradition, of which Gaudí grew up in, and the superior quality of Catalonia compared to Spain, in which Gaudí believed as shown previously (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Palau Güell (1885-8)// In late 1885, Güell (Fig. 67) commissioned Gaudí to design a city palace in the impoverished Barri Gòtic quarter of Barcelona (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Gaudí attempted to bring a modern villa to Barcelona (Van Hensbergen, 2001); its façade of Grey Garraf marble from Guell’s hunting estate to the south of Barcelona, brought elements of the Catalan landscape into the city, in form of stone (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 68). Gaudí also does this by directly relating the placement of the central stone of the top floor of the façade to the sacred Montserrat mountain(Fig. 69), the spiritual home of the Catalan people (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Gaudí used sculptor Joan Oños (an associate of Gaudí and one of the most celebrated Catalan sculptors of his day (palauguell.cat, n.d.)) to create an expression of Catalan identity by creating a gigantic heraldic shaped lantern on the façade(Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 70), and featuring an ironwork phoenix, a symbol of rebirth (palauguell.cat, n.d.), imposing patriotic and Renaixença feeling into the architecture, especially as industrialists, like Güell tried to secure more power through regionalism at the second Catalanist congress (1883), a motion was adopted which condemned Catalans affiliated to Spanish parties; this allowed new Catalanist parties to emerge (Conversi, 1997). Industrialists encouraged the new parties, principally the conservative Lliga, under the leadership of the architect Lluis Domenech i Montaner (Conversi, 1997)(Fig. 71), so they could achieve status and power, something the

Fig. 71// Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1850-1923) (fundaciotapies.org, n.d.)

Fig. 72// Alhambra interior garden, Granada (1492) (lovecraft.tumblr.com, 2010) Fig. 73// Palau Güell interior, 1888 (thehistoryblog.com, 2011) Fig. 74// Hercules Searching for the Hesperides by Aleix Clapés in the Palau Güell (Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 2016) Fig. 75// Casa Milà, Gaudí 1912 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 76// La Panxa del Bisbe, stone formation from Montserrat (Ramon, 2007) Fig. 77// Montserrat Shrine (Gladman, n.d.)

Fig. 78// View through Casa Milà, 1912 roof arch (Goacher, 2015)

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landowning aristocracy still held in the central state(Conversi, 1997).

Moorish architecture, for example the Alhambra (Fig. 72) is reflected by the 127 unique limestone columns inside (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 73), relating to the Modernisme ideal of looking at the wider world not Spain. Also, the early Renaixença thoughts of medievalism and the revival of historic Catalan autonomy (Van Hensbergen, 2001), when Catalonia was a border land with Moorish Spain (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2015).

The grandeur of Palau’s interior was satirised as ‘Babylonian and ancient’ (Van Hensbergen, 2001), but this was reflected by Güell’s plan for an aqueduct from his estate to the Palau (Van Hensbergen, 2001), mirroring the glories of Imperial Rome, it could be seen as Modernisme trying to imply Catalonia had a great ancient history, too great to be submissive to the ‘inferior’ Spain (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Conversi, 1997).

Gaudí continued the theme by referencing the Catalanist poem L’Atlántida (Jacint Verdaguer, 1878)( Van Hensbergen, 2001) in which Hercules sets sail from Barcelona and circumnavigates Spain, accomplishing many tasks, including beheading the dragon Ladon in the garden of Hesperides (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(equating Hercules’ struggle with the Catalan struggle (Wintle, 2007)) in the internal decoration, for example a large mural of Hercules (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 74).

Casa Milà (1905-12)// Casa Milà (1905-12) (Bergós, 1999)(Fig. 75) sits on a diagonal site, in Eixample, Barcelona. Gaudí was commissioned by the wealthy Milà family to design them a home and a source of income (rental apartments) for them (Casa Milà audio guide, 2015)(Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Gaudí wanted an edifice based upon Catalan culture (Van Hensbergen, 2001), yet, maybe because of this fact, the building wasn’t rooted in a style of the past, not baroque or Moorish, it was like a new mountain had grown in the centre of Barcelona (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Casa Milà as a stone monolith referenced Montserrat (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 76) a sacred Catalan mountain, containing the shrine of the Virgin of Montserrat (Fig. 77), a patron Saint of Catalonia (Van Hensbergen, 2001) and the fact arches on the roof frame the Catholic Catalan Basilicas of the Sagrada Familia and the Basilica on top of Mount Tibidabo (Casa Milà audio guide, 2015)(Fig. 78), uniting Gaudí’s catholic faith with Catalanist undertones, in relation to the Renaixença ideal that it was possible to unite all Catalans together, rural traditionalists and liberal regionalists (Conversi, 1997).

Fig. 79// Josep Maria Bocabella i Verdaguer (18151892) Brainchild behind the Sagrada Família (Clapés, 2008) Fig. 80// Sagrada Família Crypt, Barcelona, Gaudí 1882(Daudé, n.d.)

Fig. 81// A section of the Nativity façade of the Sagrada Família, Barcelona, Gaudí 1882-(Goacher, 2015) Fig. 82// The portico of Santa Maria de Ripoll monastery (Giribet, 2012) Fig. 83// Poblet Monastery façade (worldheritage.routes.travel, n.d.)

Fig. 84// Sagrada Família Towers, Barcelona, Gaudí 1882- (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 85// Xiquets de Valls, Human towers, Catalonia (alcoveradio.cat, n.d.)

Fig. 86// St George in the Sagrada Família, Barcelona, Gaudí 1882- (Goacher, 2015)

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Sagrada Família (1882-)// The Sagrada Família was the brainchild of the Asociación Espiritual de Devotos de San José (an evangelical catholic association) and its founder, bookdealer Josep Maria Bocabella i Verdaguer (1815-1892)(Fig. 79), for a new major church in Eixample (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

A neo-Gothic building was started in 1882, designed by Francisco de Paula del Villar y Lozano (Van Hensbergen, 2001), but due to architectural differences he resigned after just the crypt was completed (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 80). The church council appointed Gaudí as a cheaper alternative (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Gaudí started in 1883, the commission suited him well, due to his nearly fanatical Catholicism (he fasted often, e.g. in 1894 he nearly died from fasting (Van Hensbergen, 2001) and within a broader context, Catholicism’s relationship to the Renaixença was extensive, especially through the Lliga Regionalista, who tried to get Gaudí to sit in the Spanish Cortes as one of its deputies (Van Hensbergen, 2001), the Lliga was dominated by industrialists and the church, and contained the idea that Catalanism and Catholicism were inseparable(Conversi, 1997).

By Gaudí’s death, only the nativity façade (Fig. 81) was finished, this façade could be seen as reflection of Gaudí’s mind and thought (Van Hensbergen, 2001), for example the heavy decoration could be seen as a link to the alabaster portal of the Cathedral at Ripoll monastery (Burry, 1993)(Fig. 82), somewhere Gaudí would of know from his childhood or the decorative baroque façade of Poblet monastery (Burry, 1993)(Fig. 83) (a historic seat of power and the burial place of Aragonese kings (UNESCO, 2016)).

Gaudí theorised restoring the monastery as a child with friends, these historic places in rural Catalonia would have been examined and rediscovered by the Excurcionista societies (Conversi, 1997), for example, the Associació Catalanista d’Excursions Científicas (Catalan association of scientific excursions), which Gaudí was a member of and whom visited a wide range of sites throughout Catalonia (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

The Sagrada Família’s towers (1882- )(Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 84) have been compared to the Human Towers (Xiquets de Valls)(Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 85) common to any Catalan fiesta, or the mere feature of St George, the patron saint of Catalonia at the end of the nave in the Basilica (musmon.com, 2013)(Fig. 86), highlights how Catalan culture was reflected in the Sagrada Família, making the basilica uniquely Catalan.

An alliance of apprehensive industrialists with the agrarian, traditionalist and rural

Fig. 87// Casa Milà, Barcelona, Gaudí 1912 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 88// Casa Vicens, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 (POL Viladoms / Casa Vicens, 2015)

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leadership, teamed up to use the power of regionalism and eventually nationalism to accomplish both the expansion of the Renaixença to the rural areas and the retention of traditional Catholic values (Conversi, 1997). These two communities came together to form a great creative spirit (Conversi, 1997), through the like of Jacint Verdageur (author of L’Atlàntida (1877)(Conversi, 1997.), popular and high culture were both embedded in the Renaixença.

“Although the two groups came from opposing standpoints, they nevertheless joined together in the creative celebration of the beauty of nationhood” (Conversi, 1997).

This quote emphasises the bringing together of the entire Catalan population, uniting Catalans under nationalism (Conversi, 1997). Catalan language and culture re-entered the Catalan popular domain, through historical drama, poetry and literature (Conversi, 1997).

The Renaixença could be seen as a response against the turmoil and urbanisation of the industrial revolution, with traditional customs entering the city from migrants from the countryside (Conversi, 1997). It emphasised a unique Catalan culture providing political nationalism with a legitimate footing (Conversi, 1997).

The façade describes the nativity story and all the characters and natural objects are modelled on everyday Catalaners, for example Josep the alcoholic caretaker of the Sagrada Familia was the model of Judas and the local scrap dealer’s donkey posed as the donkey which carried Mary to Bethlehem (Van Hensbergen, 2001). This highlights Gaudí’s relationship with the popular domain, in line with the Renaixença hope for an all-encompassing nationalism (Conversi, 1997).

Were the intentions represented?// It can be argued that the case studies prove that the intentions of the Catalan nationalists are represented in Gaudí‘s architecture, by his creation of a unique style incorporating the aims of the Renaixença and early nationalism.

The refusal by Gaudí to work with typologies already existing in Spain highlights his thought of Catalonia as separate from Castilian Spain, for example the Casa Milà (1905-12) being in a unique style (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 87).

Gaudí translated the landscape of Catalonia into his work, for example at Casa Vicens (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 88), uniting the country and the city, just as the Renaixença tried to achieve (Conversi, 1997), as well as reflecting Gaudí’s migration from rural Reus to Barcelona (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Fig. 89// Flag of the Holy Roman Empire (Wikimedia Commons, 2008) Fig. 90// Coat of Arms of the German Empire, 18891918 (Wikimedia Commons, 2008) Fig. 91// Armistice Day page from the New York Times, 1918 (Wikimedia Commons, 2005) Fig. 92// German Republic was proclaimed by SPD member Philipp Scheidemann at the Reichstag building (Greifer, 1918)

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part b: Nazism and Speer To make a comparison with Catalan nationalism and how Gaudí represented its intentions, and gain a broader picture of how nationalist intentions are represented within architecture, this next chapter will look at the nationalist ideology of Nazi Germany (1933-1945) and how the architecture of Albert Speer represented its intentions.

Overview// Germany is one of the most powerful nations of Europe; it has been for centuries, starting as a loose patchwork of states under the Holy Roman Empire (Koslofsky, 2004)(Fig. 89) before becoming a unified empire in 1871(history.state.gov, n.d.)(Fig. 90). The empire wasn’t democratic and played on imperial and nationalist tendencies (Llewellyn et al., 2014).

Germany’s defeat in World War One led to the establishment of the politically and economically instable Weimar republic (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 91) and the treaty of Versailles imposed harsh reparations, causing resentment (Nicholls, 1979). This atmosphere caused the rise of the Nazi party, gaining power in 1933 and instituting widespread terror and dread (Nicholls, 1979).

History of the rise of Nazism// In 1918, at the end of World War One, General Ludendorff (German Commander) appealed for peace, a new progressive regime was installed (Nicholls, 1979).

This transfer of power to the Reichstag and Ludendorff’s refusal to blame the army for defeat (instead, the weak government and politicians’ pacifism (Nicholls, 1979)) made tensions rise and when sailors mutinied in late October 1918, revolution began (Nicholls, 1979).

Radical elements of society seized this opportunity to take control (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 92). War weary soldiers helped overthrow local governments (Nicholls, 1979).

Even moderates started making their voices heard; the important Social Democratic Party (SPD) stated it would leave the government coalition unless the Kaiser abdicated (Nicholls, 1979). He abdicated on the 9th November, and a republic was

Fig. 93// Adolf Hitler in 1921, as he started getting involved in politics (Getty, 1921) Fig. 94// January 1919: Barricade in Berlin during the Spartacist uprising (Wikimedia Commons, 1919) Fig. 95// Members of the right-wing Freikorps armed with flamethrower and supported by an armoured car, 1919 (magnoliabox.com, 1919) Fig. 96// Weimar Constitution, a revolutionary liberal constitution (Wikimedia Commons, 2006)

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declared (Nicholls, 1979).

Tensions occurred between the now governing SPD and USPD (Independent Social Democrats), elections were called for January 1919 (Nicholls, 1979).

There were sections of society including young officer Adolf Hitler (Fig. 93), who was disgusted by the revolution for abandoning the grandeur of the empire and admitting defeat after the war (Nicholls, 1979).

In December, the communist party (KPD) was founded, which almost immediately revolted in the so called Spartacist uprising (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 94), catalysed by the dismissal of a left wing police chief in Berlin (Nicholls, 1979). The KPD demonstrated against what they saw as Ebert’s (SPD leader and President) conservativism (Nicholls, 1979). The republic raised mostly right-wing volunteer units, the Freikorps (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 95), which after bitter fighting secured the state, but they were brutal, murdering communists, including KPD leaders Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebknecht (Nicholls, 1979).

Elections occurred in January 1919 (Nicholls, 1979). The SPD came out on top, with poor showings for the USPD and anti-republican right (Nicholls, 1979). The SPD, centre (Catholic) and (liberal) democrats went into coalition, producing a moderate government (Nicholls, 1979).

The new assembly met in Weimar, to write a constitution (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 96). The constitution drafted was revolutionary, liberal and modern (Nicholls, 1979). But had severe problems; the president was allowed emergency powers, which would be later used to undermine democracy and proportional representation with no thresholds, produced unstable coalitions as seen when the new government took office (Nicholls, 1979).

Kurt Eisner, a left wing leader in Bavaria was assassinated in February, revolt erupted and the Bavarian Soviet republic was declared in early April (Nicholls, 1979). The republic survived for around a month until the army and Freikorps brutally crushed it (Nicholls, 1979).

In terms of a peace treaty, Germany had unrealistic expectations (Nicholls, 1979); it wanted union with Austria and representation in the new League of Nations (Nicholls, 1979). The public were still persuaded by the Kaiser’s view of the war as defensive, so any treaty would be hard to stomach (Nicholls, 1979).

The treaty of Versailles (Fig. 97) was harsh on Germany; it lost vast territories, wasn’t

Fig. 97// Dignitaries gathering in the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of Versailles, France, to sign the Treaty of Versailles, June 28, 1919 (EncyclopĂŚdia Britannica, 1919) Fig. 98// Kapp Putschists in Berlin. The banner warns: “Stop! Whosoever proceeds will be shot, 1920 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1920)

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allowed to join the league of nations, had to disarm, reduce its army, disband its navy and air force and allow allied troops to occupy the Rhineland for at least 15 years (Nicholls, 1979). Financial reparations were even harsher and were blamed later for the 1923 currency crisis (Nicholls, 1979).

The treaty brought disillusionment across the political spectrum (Nicholls, 1979).

A major factor was the treaty’s accusation of guilt on Germany for the start of the war (Nicholls, 1979). The public and politicians couldn’t accept this (Nicholls, 1979).

But, against risk of allied invasion, the politicians succumbed and signed the treaty (Nicholls, 1979).

As the treaty, required Germany to reduce the size of her army, soldiers weren’t impressed and after a number of naval units marched on Berlin, an attempted coup arose (Nicholls, 1979); it was called the Kapp Putsch (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 98). The government fled Berlin and the mutinous troops installed a new government (Nicholls, 1979). In support of the republican government, a general strike occurred and the civil service was unresponsive to the Kapp regime (Nicholls, 1979). The Putsch collapsed (Nicholls, 1979).

This highlighted to the right that power would have to be achieved through the system not outside it. After divisive elections, a minority government was formed by Centre, the democrats and the DVP, with outside support of the SPD (Nicholls, 1979).

The new chancellor Centre’s Fehrenbach, had difficulties with the allies, accusing Germany of evading disarmament and paying reparations (Nicholls, 1979).

The allies’ final reparation figure was 132bn gold marks, and issued an ultimatum, pay and disarm or we will occupy the industrially important Ruhr area (Nicholls, 1979).

Wirth tried to be reconciliatory to the allies, but had to unpopularly increase taxes (Nicholls, 1979). Early 1922 seemed stable until foreign minister Rathemau (SPD) was assassinated in June, causing strikes and demonstrations (Nicholls, 1979). Centre wasn’t impressed and demanded the DVP re-enter government, Wirth resigned and the more conservative Wilhelm Cuno became chancellor (Nicholls, 1979). Tensions with France over reparations intensified with a level of occupation occurring in the Ruhr (Nicholls, 1979).

Bavaria had changed rapidly since the war, the aristocracy were in shock and Munich became the centre of anti-republicanism (Nicholls, 1979).Munich and Berlin didn’t see eye to eye on several issues, right wing paramilitaries weren’t disbanded and kept hold of arms caches (Nicholls, 1979).

Fig. 99// The logo of the German Workers’ Party (DAP) (Wikimedia Commons, 2016) Fig. 100// Emblem of the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) (Wikimedia Commons, 2006) Fig. 101// 100 trillion German Papiermark, hyperinflation era, 1924 (Reichsbankdirektorium Berlin, 1924)

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In Munich, Hitler (1889-1945) was morally and physically shaken by Germany’s defeat in WWI (Nicholls, 1979) and worked for the army, conducting lectures and courses to educate soldiers to stop subversive action, like the revolution (Nicholls, 1979). This was mostly a mix of nationalistic tones and denial about Germany starting the war (Nicholls, 1979). Here, Hitler’s oratorical skills made him noticed (Nicholls, 1979).

The army, in September 1919 got Hitler to attend a meeting of the insignificant, nationalist German worker’s party (DAP) (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 99). His attitude and oratory impressed the party and he was asked to join (Nicholls, 1979).

He was elected to the executive committee, and became its principle propagandist (Nicholls, 1979). In 1920, the party became the National Socialist German Worker’s Party (NSDAP), colloquially known as the Nazi party (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 100).

The party highlighted nationalism, anti-Semitic, anti-immigration, anti-republican, expansionism, anti-capitalist and strong government amongst its principles (Nicholls, 1979). Hitler’s propaganda played chiefly on emotion and frustration and not on a detailed programme of policy (Nicholls, 1979). Hitler’s ability to get army funds and desire for power led him to gain the party’s leadership (Nicholls, 1979).

By 1921, Hitler had brought in his own people and the party was building a strong local base, with its own paramilitary, the Sturmabteilung (SA) (Nicholls, 1979).

As the Ruhr was occupied, Cuno inspired passive resistance, but this led to France taking harsher action (Nicholls, 1979). This added pressure on the fragile economy, in 1920 the mark had fallen to a 10th of its pre-war value and by 1923, one pre-war mark was worth 2500 marks (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 101). This crisis affected everyone; peoples’ financial security vanished (Nicholls, 1979). Tax changes and quantitative easing couldn’t keep up with the inflation (Nicholls, 1979).

Anger was rife, and people blamed the republican government. As money ran out, unemployment rose (Nicholls, 1979). Cuno’s government fell in August 1923 (Nicholls, 1979).

A unity government of all republican parties was formed under the DVP’s Gustav Stresemann (Nicholls, 1979). Stresemann capitulated to France (Nicholls, 1979).

This led to Bavaria declaring a state of emergency with anti-republican, anti-Semitic Gustav von Kahr becoming effectively a dictator (Nicholls, 1979). Stresemann was unimpressed and declared his own state of emergency, but Bavaria refused to be ordered about by Berlin (Nicholls, 1979). Discontent spread and soldiers even staged

Fig. 102// Post Putsch, March in Munich, Beer Hall Putsch (totallyhistory.com, 2012) Fig. 103// Gustav Stresemann, Sir Austen Chamberlain, and Aristide Briand at the Locarno negotiations, c. October 1925 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1925) Fig. 104// Paul von Hindenburg, President of Weimar Germany 1925-1934 by Max Liebermann (Staatliches Museum Schwerin, 1927)

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an unsuccessful mutiny near Berlin. Bavaria was largely left to itself as a nationalistic enclave (Nicholls, 1979).

Von Kahr’s government was getting frustrated with Berlin and prepared to establish a new government by military means (Nicholls, 1979). The plan though wasn’t going anywhere and Hitler took plans into his own hands, and on the 8th November, SA burst into a meeting led by von Kahr at Bürgerbräukeller beer hall in Munich, by threats and gunpoint Hitler got von Kahr and military leaders to help him establish a new government (Nicholls, 1979). But, the army refused to help and the Beer Hall Putsch failed (Nicholls, 1979).

In a final attempt, Hitler and the SA marched through Munich (Fig. 102), an exchange with police happened, members of Hitler’s group were shot down and the march evaporated as Hitler and colleagues were killed or fled (Nicholls, 1979).

Calm emerged continued as Germany negotiated the Dawes agreement, regulating reparations (Nicholls, 1979). A new currency, the Rentenmark was introduced in late 1923 reducing the economic threat, being later replaced by the Reichsmark in 1924 as the currency stabilised (Nicholls, 1979).

Nationalist pressures were overcome to sign a diplomatic non-aggression pact with the allies, the Locarno treaty in 1925 (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 103). It relieved pressure on Germany and was the first crack in the Versailles imposed system (Nicholls, 1979).

Ebert died in 1925; WWI general and nationalist Hindenburg (Fig. 104) won the ensuing presidential election (Nicholls, 1979). Until 1929, relative peace occurred.

The number of allied troops in the Rhineland started to fall and welfare provision was introduced (Nicholls, 1979). Extremist parties lost ground with the SPD’s Müller becoming chancellor in 1928 (Nicholls, 1979).

In 1929, a new reparation plan was proposed, leaving the republic paying reparations until 1988. The right were unimpressed and the DNVP, pan-German league, Stahlhelm veterans association and Hitler’s NSDAP formed an alliance against it (Nicholls, 1979). The DNVP leader Hugenberg thought Hitler would gain popular support for the alliance, but it merely gained the Nazis publicity and credibility (Nicholls, 1979).

The Wall Street crash happened in October 1929 (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 105); this stopped most of the foreign credit arriving in Germany, with unemployment increasing and welfare systems breaking down (Nicholls, 1979). The SPD and DVP were finding it hard to work together, due to economic differences and after Stresemann died in October 1929, the arguing intensified, the unstable coalition fell (Nicholls, 1979).

Fig. 105// Crowd outside the New York Stock exchange after the Wall Street Crash, 1929 which led to economic misfortune (SSA, 1929) Fig. 106// Hitler, at the window of the Reich Chancellery, receives an ovation on the evening of his inauguration as chancellor, 30 January 1933 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1933)

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106

It was thought that only a strong government could get Germany through the crisis (Nicholls, 1979). Hindenburg appointed Centre’s Heinrich Brüning as Chancellor, yet he didn’t have a parliamentary majority, Brüning had to call elections (Nicholls, 1979).

The election didn’t provide Brüning’s government’s parties with many more seats, but did provide nearly 20% of seats to the Nazis (Nicholls, 1979). National Socialism had arrived and used the crisis and instability to win (Nicholls, 1979).

As bank reserves dwindled and share prices fell, unemployment rose to 6 million by February 1932 (Nicholls, 1979). Falling salaries and preferences towards the military and aristocracy by the government led people to turn to Nazism for relief (Nicholls, 1979).

Germany did get a reprieve in 1931, when reparations were suspended, but emergency measures were still deemed necessary and Brüning was dismissed in May 1932, with Franz von Papen, replacing him (Nicholls, 1979).

In March 1932, Hindenburg faced re-election, gaining support from the centre, SPD and moderate nationalists beating Hitler, though Hitler gained 36.7% of the vote (Nicholls, 1979).

Von Papen, an out of touch aristocrat started breaking down the state apparatus in an attempt to appease the Nazi’s and keep the left out of government (Nicholls, 1979), this didn’t work and led to violence between the SA and communists (Nicholls, 1979).

Elections occurred on the 31st July and the Nazi’s became the largest party by far with 230 seats and 37.4% of the vote (Nicholls, 1979). Von Papen’s core supporters only achieved 37 deputies (Nicholls, 1979). Negotiations weren’t fruitful; elections were called for November (Nicholls, 1979). The Nazis remained the largest party but lost over 30 seats (Nicholls, 1979).

The weak government was consumed with anxiety and fell (Nicholls, 1979). On 30th January 1933, Hitler became chancellor (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 106).

Von Papen and Hindenburg thought they could control Hitler in cabinet, with Papen as vice-chancellor (Nicholls, 1979). Though, instead of negotiating, Hitler called elections (Nicholls, 1979).

The elections were unfair, Hitler used the SA to intimidate voters (Nicholls, 1979), the campaign was interrupted by a young Dutch leftist setting the Reichstag on fire on February 27th (Nicholls, 1979)(Fig. 107), under the guise of the Bolshevik revolution

Fig. 107// Reichstag Fire, which led to Hitler’s complete seizure of power, 1933 (Office of War Information, NARA, 1933) Fig. 108// The Salute with both hands now (3rd July, 1934), Night of long Knives cartoon (Low, 1934) Fig. 109// German and Austrian border police dismantle a border post in 1938, during the annexation of Austria (Das Bundesarchiv, 1938) Fig. 110// German Panzer I tanks near the city of Bydgoszcz, during the Invasion of Poland, September 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939)

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108 110

109

Hitler issued a presidential decree sweeping away most of the constitution (Nicholls, 1979). The elections didn’t give Hitler a majority, but with 44%, a coalition with other nationalists provided one (Nicholls, 1979).

On 23rd March 1933, Hitler passed the enabling act, so he could rule by decree (Nicholls, 1979). Democracy was dead (Nicholls, 1979).

History of Nazi Rule (1933-1945)// With Hitler assuming power, basic freedoms were abolished and Hitler started trying to create a ‘volk’ community, a classless, Aryan superpower, but instead a police state emerged, with the NSDAP being the sole official party (ushmm.org, n.d.) (McDonough, 2003).

The night of the long knives occurred on the 30th June 1934 (Fig. 108), with a purge of the SA (Trueman, 2015), Hitler consolidating his power, further to this he increased his power assuming complete control after Hindenburg died in 1934 (historyplace.com, 2001).

Hitler rearmed the army and militarised the Rhineland annexing Austria (Fig. 109) and Sudetenland in 1938 and 1939 respectively (ushmm.org, 2015). Though the economy stabilised, Jews and minorities were persecuted (Yadvashem.org, n.d.), ending with over 6 million murdered in the Holocaust during WWII (Knight, 2004).

In 1939, the Nazi’s invaded Poland (Fig. 110) and WWII began, which eventually led to the Nazis defeat and the outlawing of their movement (Knight, 2004).

Timeline Figures// Fig. 111// Russian troops awaiting a German attack, World War 1, 1917 (Mewes, 1917)

Fig. 118// Hermann Müller, German chancellor in 1924 (fes.de, n.d.)

Fig. 125// Heinrich Tessenow (1876-1950) (architectuul.com, 2011)

Fig. 112// Spartacist Uprising in Berlin, 1919 (Wikimedia Commons, 1919)

Fig. 119// Fig. 126// Crowd outside the New York Stock exchange Emblem of the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche after the Wall Street Crash, 1929 (SSA, 1929) Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) (Wikimedia Commons, 2006) Fig. 113// Fig. 120// The Signing of Peace Treaty in the Hall of Franz von Papen 1936 Fig. 127// Mirrors, Versailles, William Orpen (Imperial War (Das Bundesarchiv, 1936) “Lichtdom” (Cathedral of Light), Party Congress Museum, 1919) 1936 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1936) Fig. 121// Fig. 114// Hitler’s Reichstag speech promoting the bill wasFig. 128// Putschists in Berlin. The banner warns: “Stop! delivered at the Kroll Opera House, following Olympia Stadion, Berlin, 1936 Whosoever proceeds will be shot” the Reichstag fire (Das Bundesarchiv, 1933) (Das Bundesarchiv, 1936) (Das Bundesarchiv, 1920) Fig. 122// Fig. 129// Fig. 115// German and Austrian border police dismantle The German pavilion, 1937 Paris International Hitler’s DAP membership card, 1920 a border post in 1938, during the annexation of Expo (Wikimedia Commons, 1937) (Wikimedia Commons, 2009) Austria (Das Bundesarchiv, 1938) Fig. 130// Fig. 116// Fig. 123// New Reich Chancellery from Voss Street, 1939 Post Putsch, March in Munich German Panzer I tanks near the city of (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939W) (totallyhistory.com, 2012) Bydgoszcz, during the Invasion of Poland, September 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939) Fig. 117// Piles of new bank notes awaiting distribution at Fig. 124// the Reichsbank during the hyperinflation (Das Albert Speer Bundesarchiv, 1923) (Das Bundesarchiv, 1933)

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125 P51

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P53

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129 130

io ns

Ri se

f s o os n l o cti by Se

ns Te WORLD WAR I

1918

19/1/1919 Elections-KPD boycotted but still 83% turnout.

SPD on top with 37.9%. USPD and anti-republican right, poor showing.

SPD, Centre (Catholic) and (liberal) Democrats October/November went into coalition.

1918

1919

General Ludendorff Revolution Some USPD (German 7/11/1918 members left Commander) Munich overran to form the persues peace, with veterans Communist party parliamentary support.

(KPD), firing of progressive regime 9/11/1918 left-wing police installed.

Social Democrats chief catalysed, (Nicholls, 1979) (SPD) demand ‘the Spartacist Kaiser abdicate. uprisisng’ He abdicated and a republic was Republic raised declared. right-wing volunteer SPD/Independent units, Freikorps to Social Democrats secure the state (USPD) in they were brutal, government, SPD’s murdering KPD leader Ebert was leaders inc. Rosa President Luxembourg and (Nicholls, 1979) Karl Liebknecht.

(Nicholls, 1979)

ALBERT SPEER Born 1905.

Grew up unpolitical in a rich family (Speer, 1970)

ies . tin

-m u

Timeline summarising the Rise of Nazism.

ng ry

s s ocie of t em y dis pir gus e ted

RISE OF THE NAZIS 1918-1933

er ldi So

s

a

Treaty of Versailles, Harsh terms, military disarmament and reparations.

German’s unhappy as they didn’t feel they were to blame for the war.

February August

1919

1919

USPD MinisterPresident of Bavaria, Kurt Eisner assassinated.

Revolt, Bavarian Soviet Republic (BSR) declared in April.

BSR crushed

by Army and Freikorps. Barriers emerged from the establishment against the left.

Liberal constitution signed, problemsemergency powers for president, proportional representatinon with no thresholdsunstable coalitions.

Young army officer, Adolf Hitler starts attending meetings of small, nationalist, German Worker’s Party (DAP)

(Nicholls, 1979)

(Nicholls, 1979)

ns ns io

S staeemed ble Disarmament issues, Allies issue ultimatium, March pay and disarm or Kapp Putsch occupation.

Mutinous troops.

Chancellor Unions/Civil Fehrenbach Service supported resigned, DVP the republic. left government Putsch failed. replaced by SPD.

1920

June Elections USPD and right wing (DVP) and Nationalists (DNVP) gained ground.

Minority, Centre, Democrats and DVP with SPD outside support.

(Nicholls, 1979)

1921

Treaty of Friendship with Russians.

Hitler became leader of now named National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) with support from the Bavarian army.

NSDAP had it’s own paramilitary Sturmabteiling (SA).

(Nicholls, 1979)

Te

Ruhr occupiedEconomy crisis, Inflation rapid. by 1923, 1 mark worth only 1/2500th of pre-war mark.

Anger was rife savings wiped out.

Government fell in august.

Unity government under DVP’s Gustav Stresemann, capitulated to France.

1922

1923

S staeemed ble

1923

1924

24/6/1922 Bavaria angry, antiNow foreign Reichsmark SPD foregin republican, antiminister, replaces minister Rathemau Semitic Gustav von Stresemann Retenmark. assassinated.

Kahr became an negotiated the Unemployment still Strikes/ effective dictator. Dawes agreement, high. demonstrations.

8/11/1923 regulating SPD/centre Beer Hall Putsch reparations.

Nationalists and problems. occured, Hitler took Retenmark communists gain Cuno becomes nationalist’s anger introduced, ground in election.

(Nicholls, 1979) Chancellor, into his own hands. currency Tensions with SA burst into stabilised.

France increased. Bürgerbräukeller (Nicholls, 1979) beer hall in Munich, Bavaria became tryed to establish centre of antinew government. republicanism.

It failed and Hitler (Nicholls, 1979) was imprisoned.

1925

Stresemann secures Lacarno treaty, a nonaggression pact with the allies.

1926

Stresemann secures Lacarno treaty, a nonaggression pact with the allies.

Upset nationalists Upset nationalists (Nicholls, 1979) Ebert dies, former WWI general and nationalist Hindenburg wins presidential election.

1927

1928

Economic crisis, a coalition couldn’t be formed.

Elections were called.

(Nicholls, 1979)

(Nicholls, 1979)

(Nicholls, 1979)

1923

Attended University in Karlsruhe, Munich and Berlin (Speer, 1970)

1929

Number of allied SPD gain ground in New unpopular troops in the elections and return reparations plan, Rhineland starts to power, with Hitler gained to fall.

Müller becoming support.

Welfare provision Chancellor.

(Nicholls, 1979) introduced.

October Wall Street Crash (Nicholls, 1979) Stresemann died and the government fell apart.

1927

1928

(Speer, 1970)

(Speer, 1970)

1929

Started working for Proposition by Few commissions Heinrich Tessenow Afghan King to be a due to economy.

(Speer, 1970) at a Berlin city planner for the Univeristy. reformist regime.

The government was weak and on 30/1/1933 Hitler became Chancellor.

1931

Reprieve after reparations suspended.

(Nicholls, 1979)

Unemployment rose to 6million, as salaries and bank reserves fell. Deflationary policies added to the problem.

Governemnt had no parliamentary mandate.

1932

1933

d

ar me re y

m Ar

1934

SA purged in the July Elections didn’t ‘Night of the long NSDAP became give Hitler a knives’ the largest party, majority but with with 37.4% nationalists gained Hindenburg dies, Hitler assumes (230seats) of votes. one. complete control (Nicholls, 1979) Von Papen’s He then passed the core nationalist enabling act and supporters only started to rule by secured 37 seats. decree.

A government (Nicholls, 1979) couldn’t be formed and another election was held in November, the NSDAP remained the largest party, but lost 30 seats.

1935

1936

Rhineland remilitarised.

1937

1938

Austria annexed (Nicholls, 1979)

1939

Sudetenland annexed (Nicholls, 1979)

(Nicholls, 1979)

rea ses

1930

Elections, Nazi’s gained 20% of seats.

Hitler played on the instability and was seen as honest, for going to jail for his beliefs.

SA intimidated voters and on February 27 a Hindenburg dutch leftist set re-elected with the Reichstag centre, SPD and moderates support. on fire, using this as a guise, Hitler Hitler did gain issued a decree 36.7% of vote. suspending most Von Papen tryed to of the constitution and arresting appease Hitler, led thousands. to violence.

inc

Te

Instead of negotiating a coalition, Hitler called elections.

io n

ns io

ns

Emergency measures introduced and Franz von Papen appointed chancellor.

ut ec rs e P

(Nicholls, 1979)

NAZI RULE 1933-1945

In 1942, became Minister in Nazi Government.

(Nicholls, 1979)

(Nicholls, 1979)

1930

Attended a lecture

by Hitler, becomes inspired.

(Speer, 1970)

1931

Joined NSDAP (Speer, 1970)

Becomes an associate of Hitler.

‘Hitler’s Architect’ (Speer, 1970)

1934

Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Nuremberg (Speer, 1970)

1940

Nazis invaded Poland, Second World War began, which eventually it lost and was outlawed in 1945.

1935

1936

1937

Olympic Stadium, Paris International Berlin Expo, German Pa(Speer, 1970) vilion. Started plans for new Berlin.

Appointed General Building inspector.

(Speer, 1970)

1938

1939

New Reich Chancellery, Berlin (Speer, 1970)

1945/6 tried and jailed for 20 years, till 1966. Released and lived quiet life till death in 1981.

(Speer, 1970)

Fig. 131// Sturmabteilung (SA), Nazi paramilitary logo (Wikimedia Commons, 2007) Fig. 132// Frederick II (the Great), King of Prussia (Anton Graff) (Charlottenburg Palace, 1781) Fig. 133// Portrait of Kaiser Wilhelm II by Ferdinand Keller, 1893 (Universal History Archive/ Getty, 1893)

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Nazi Intentions/Ideology// Nazism wasn’t a clearly defined ideology, it wasn’t like Marxism, based on an economic theory, it was willing to do anything to gain power and didn’t have a philosophical mainstay like Marxism with Karl Marx (McDonough, 2003).

Nazism was reactionary, though it aspired to rein for 1000 years (McDonough, 2003); it was born out of the instability of democracy and economic misfortune (McDonough, 2003).

It looked to find people to blame for the problems Germany faced; it found Jews, communists and democrats (McDonough, 2003). Nazism thought a strong, militaristic government without opposition was necessary to make Germany great again and redo what was done after the treaty of Versailles (McDonough, 2003).

Nazism is often seen as a fascist movement, which some see, e.g. Seymour Lipset as a ‘revolt of the middle class’ (McDonough, 2003) between the growth of big business and the revolutionary politics of the working class and that they couldn’t trust the liberal democracy to cope with the economy and restore stability (McDonough, 2003).

Intent on strength and power, Nazism can definitely be seen as totalitarian passing Carl Friedrich’s test (McDonough, 2003), it features; -an official ideology; Nazism -a single mass party; the NSDAP -a terrorist police force; the Gestapo, SA (Fig. 131) -monopoly control of the media; censorship -monopoly of arms; through control of the armed forces and disbandment of other paramilitaries.

-central control of the economy; the Nazi government controlled large companies, it put its supporters in positions of commercial power and supported companies ran by its members (McDonough, 2003).

Fascism used propaganda extensively and rejected religion, as it projected the party as the highest possible level of devotion, a feature of nationalism (Heywood, 2003), it was a ‘political religion’ (McDonough, 2003).

Nazi expansionist policies featured the concept of ‘lebensraum’ (McDonough, 2003); the acquisition of living space via the subordination of Slavs, also a key aim of Frederick the Great (Fig. 132) and the Kaiser (Fig. 133) during the WWI against the Russians (McDonough, 2003)

Fig. 134// German losses after WWI. Germany lost territory to France, Belgium, Denmark, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Lithuania (Wikimedia Commons, 2007)

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Hitler is thought to have been influenced by Georg Hegel and his view that the state had ‘supreme power over the individual’; this can be seen in Hitler’s totalitarian style (McDonough, 2003). Hitler also used philosophers such as Nietzsche and his term ’Lords of the earth’ (which appears several times in Hitler’s Mein Kampf) to justify criticism of democracy and indulge totalitarianism (McDonough, 2003).

Hitler’s imported the Darwinist, idea of ‘survival of the fittest’ to justify his racialist policies and anti-Semitism (McDonough, 2003). Race was seen as directly related to historical development, and that ‘Aryans’ the superior white race were the most developed of them all, and the only way to create a ‘master race’ was to keep Aryans pure, by only producing children in union with other Aryans (McDonough, 2003). The chief anti-Aryans were the Jews, leading to Nazism’s anti-Semitic stance (McDonough, 2003).

The central diplomatic aim of the Reich was to become the most dominant power in Europe (McDonough, 2003). It would do this by abolishing the Treaty of Versailles, and restoring its pre-war territories (McDonough, 2003)(Fig. 134). Hitler wanted a larger Reich in Europe, uniting German speakers of Austria, Sudetenland and Poland into Germany itself (McDonough, 2003). Hitler felt he could work with Britain against France, as French opposition to German expansion would have been high (McDonough, 2003).

The creation of ‘Living Space’ (Lebensraum) would be by conquest of the Soviet Union, fitting into the racialist ideas of Slavic submission and the creation of a master race by rapidly increasing Germany’s population to at least 250million (McDonough, 2003). Outlined by Hitler as; ‘If land is desired in Europe, it could be obtained by and large only at the expense of the Soviet Union, and this meant the new Reich must set itself on the march along the road of the Teutonic Knights of old, to obtain by the German sword, sod for German plough and daily bread for the nation.’ (McDonough, 2003) Eastern Europe would also provide an opportunity to eliminate the Jews and Bolsheviks who resided there (McDonough, 2003).

Nazism was intertwined with the idea of creating a popular folk; a return to primitive unity based on ‘blood and soil’, a nation based on the land within a kind of feudalmedievalism, without the problems of class conflict and instability, due to authoritarian rule (McDonough, 2003). It would be classless as everyone would be Aryan (McDonough, 2003).

Fig. 135// Heinrich Tessenow (1876-1950), Speer’s Tutor (architectuul.com, 2011) Fig. 136// Olympia Stadion, Berlin, Speer 1936 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1936) Fig. 137// The German pavilion, 1937 Paris International Expo, Paris, Speer 1937 (Wikimedia Commons, 1937) Fig. 138// New Reich Chancellery from Voss Street, Berlin, Speer 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939)

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Hitler claimed that his third Reich was a continuation of the first Reich (Holy Roman Empire) and second Reich (Imperial Germany) (McDonough, 2003). Hitler kept a portrait of Frederick the Great on his bedside table, hoping for a return to previous greatness (McDonough, 2003).

Albert Speer (1905-1981)// Speer was born in Mannheim, Germany in 1905 to a rather wealthy family, his father a successful architect (Speer, 1970). He had a quiet childhood remaining fairly unpolitical even though the inflation crisis lost his family a large part of their wealth (Speer, 1970).

Speer attended university in Karlsruhe, Munich and finally Berlin, where he studied under Heinrich Tessenow (later fired by the Nazis in 1934)(Speer, 1970)(Fig. 135). He qualified in 1927, and became an assistant to Tessenow (Speer, 1970). 1928 brought a proposition by the reformist Afghan King Aman Ullah for Speer to serve as an architect for the new Afghanistan, Speer’s first look at designing for a nation, but Aman Ullah was ousted before Speer went to Afghanistan (Speer, 1970).

Speer had few commissions as the economy worsened (Speer, 1970), Tessenow attracted NSDAP supporting students as he taught that style came from the people and true culture couldn’t be international, the nostalgic vision iterated by Nazism (Speer, 1970).

After attending a lecture by Hitler in 1930, Speer was inspired to become a member of the NSDAP in early 1931 (Speer, 1970). By 1934, Speer had become an associate of Hitler and the official architect of the Nazism (Speer, 1970).

Until 1939, Speer became Hitler’s go-to architect helping design the 1936 Olympic stadium (Speer, 1970)(Fig. 136) and German pavilion for the 1937 International Expo in Paris (Speer, 1970)(Fig. 137).

Speer was appointed General Building Inspector in 1937, confirming his official status. Speer developed plans for a new Berlin and in 1939 the New Chancellery was completed (Speer, 1970)(Fig. 138).

During the war, Speer’s architectural work was placed on hold as he became a minister of armaments in 1942 (Speer, 1970). After the war, Speer admitted his guilt and was imprisoned until being released in 1966. Afterwards, he lived a quiet life before dying in 1981 (New York Times, 1981).

Zeppelinhaupttribüne (1934)// One of Speer’s first commissions in 1934 was a permanent seating structure

Fig. 139// Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Nuremberg, Speer 1934 (Wikimedia Commons, 1938) Fig. 140// Pergamon altar reconstruction at the Pergamon Museum, Berlin (Swithinbank, n.d.)

Fig. 141// “Lichtdom” (Cathedral of Light), Party Congress 1936, Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Nuremberg, Speer 1934 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1936) Fig. 142// Casa del Fascio, Como,Giuseppe Terragni, 1936 (Hevia García, 2013)

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(Zeppelinhaupttribüne) for Nazi rallies at the Zeppelin Field in Nuremberg (Speer, 1970)(Fig. 139).

Speer designed a ‘mighty flight of stairs topped and enclosed by a long colonnade, flanked on both ends by stone abutments’ (Speer, 1970). Speer himself stating the Pergamon altar was the chief inspiration (Speer, 1970)(Fig. 140), an ancient Greek monument from the acropolis of Pergamon (Speer, 1970); This highlights the godlike quality the Nazi’s placed on their party and identity, using a place of worship as inspiration for a grandstand for party rallies (Fig. 141), relating to the fascist ideology that required upmost devotion, Nazism was ‘a political religion’. (McDonough, 2003) The Zeppelinhaupttribüne was a gigantic structure, at nearly 400m long and 25m high, it matched and even outshone the scale of the grand buildings of ancient Rome (Speer, 1970).

Speer also notes that that Hitler stated ‘the purpose of building was to transmit his time and its spirit to posterity’ and ‘all that remained to remind men of the great epochs’ (Speer, 1970); he took cues from the ancient Roman emperors and their monuments, which had immortalised them in history (Speer, 1970). Nazi architecture was to be a memorial for Hitler’s egomania.

Architecture could also be used in the future as a method to speak to future Germany, which may at times experience weakness, but the monumental Zeppelinhaupttribüne would provide a memory of greatness and a catalyst for reawakening (Speer, 1970).

This is thought to have been inspired by Mussolini’s use of the glory of ancient Roman architecture as a pretext for a new Italian empire, for example the Casa del Fascio took cues from ancient Roman architecture (Giuseppe Terragni, 1936)(Etlin, 1983)(Fig. 142). Similarly, the chief architectural motivation which appeared in Speer’s early work was his connection with the Doric style, evident in ancient Greek architecture (Speer, 1970).

The Zeppelinhaupttribüne was also Speer’s first investigation of his ‘theory of Ruin Value’ (Ruinenwert) and the need for architecture to act as a ‘bridge of tradition’ to future generations (Speer, 1970). Architecture had to communicate the ‘heroic’ ambitions of the Nazi Party across the generations (Speer, 1970). Speer did this by his use of materials and proportions to create romantic ruins, and developed drawings of the Zeppelinhaupttribüne to prove its grandeur even after years of ruin (Speer, 1970).

The mass movement tendencies of the NSDAP were also shown in the Zeppelinhaptribüne, as it was designed to bring people together. Speer called it ‘Versammlungsarchitektur’(assembly architecture) by the creation of large spaces for

Fig. 143// New Reichschancellery Plan, Berlin, Speer 1939 (studyblue.com, n.d.)

Fig. 144// New Reich Chancellery Gallery, Berlin, Speer, 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939) Fig. 145// Hall of Mirrors, Palace of Versailles, Paris (Wikimedia Commons, 2011) Fig. 146// New Reich Chancellery: Hermann-GöringStraße and Voßstraße junction, Berlin, Speer, 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939)

143 144

145 146

rallies and podiums to ensure a hierarchy and emphasise the power of the leadership seated on the podiums above (James, 1983).

New Chancellery (1938-39)// To achieve his dominance of the world, Hitler needed a grand headquarters to rein from. By 1938, a new chancellery was needed, as according to Hitler (he) ‘shall be holding extremely important conferences in the near future. For these, I need grand halls and salons, which will make an impression on people, especially on the smaller dignitaries …. But it must done very quickly and be of solid construction. How long do you need? For plans, blueprints, everything? Even a year and a half or two years would be too long for me. Can you be done by January 10th 1939; I want to hold the next diplomatic reception in the new chancellery.’ (Speer, 1970).

Therefore due to these time restraints, the new chancellery’s organisational plan was simple and uncomplicated (Speer, 1970)(Fig. 143).

It would contain a processional route from great gates through a court of honour and then up through 5metre high doors into a large mosaic clad hall and up a staircase passing through a round room with a domed ceiling and into a 150metre long gallery (Fig. 144), twice the length of the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of Versailles (16231770) (Speer, 1970)(Fig. 145), the home of the autocratic French Kings, something Hitler wanted to emulate as Nazism viewed an authoritarian government as essential to stabilising Germany after the volatility of the Weimar republic(Speer, 1970). Hitler’s fascination with the Chancellery’s dominance over Versailles may be subconsciously related to France’s opposition to German expansion, it’s imposition of the harshest terms in the Treaty of Versailles and French occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 (Nicholls, 1979).

It was in some way a reinterpretation of the hierarchy found in Baroque stately homes (Speer, 1970). Hitler stated ‘on the long walk from the entrance to the reception hall, they’ll get a taste of German power and grandeur of the German Reich!’ (Speer, 1970).

The building was complete (Fig. 146), Hitler now had a stage for Germany, he stated ‘…. Whenever I receive anyone in the chancellery, it is not the private individual Adolf Hitler who receives him, but Germany through me.’ (Speer, 1970). He wanted the building to represent a powerful Germany, a personification of the Reich’s ideals, with it lasting for centuries to come (Speer, 1970).

Were the intentions represented?// It can be said that Speer’s architecture represents the intentions of the Nazi cause, for example the Zeppelinhaupttribüne and New Chancellery has been shown to

incorporate the totalitarian philosophy of Nazism. It could be considered to have helped the Nazis remain in power as an authoritative regime through its totalitarian intentions being represented as architectural propaganda (see Part C).

Fig. 147// Casa Vicens Tiles, Barcelona, Gaudí, 1888 (Hart, 2011) Fig. 148// Palau Güell, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 149// Palau Güell, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 150// L’Atlàntida and Jacint Verdaguer postcard (todocoleccion, 1908) Fig. 151// Hercules Searching for the Hesperides by Aleix Clapés in the Palau Güell, Barcelona 1888 (Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 2016) Fig. 152// Sagrada Família, Barcelona, Gaudí 1882(Goacher, 2015) Fig. 153// Xiquets de Valls, Human towers, Catalonia (Colla Vella dels Xiquets de Valls, 2000) Fig. 154// Masia, Catalan vernacular architecture (Mutari, 2016)

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part c: comparison and contrast Gaudí’s architecture can be compared to Speer’s architecture in how they represent the intentions of their respective movements within their architecture, and the success of the architecture as architectural propaganda for their respective movements.

Theories of vernacular architecture and material culture will be used to compare the case studies of the two architects within this chapter.

Catalonia and Gaudí // As shown in Part A, Gaudí’s architecture is unique, it can be seen as a vernacular architecture (the common building of a place or time (Carter and Cromley, 2005)) as it’s rooted in the Catalan landscape and culture, for example, Casa Vicens’ (1883-8) link to the landscape of Catalonia can be seen in African Marigold motif of the tiles, flora which featured on the Casa’s site (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 147). Other examples show how Gaudí uses the Renaixença culture include Palau Güell (18858)(Fig. 148/9), where the Modernisme poem L’Atlàntida (Fig. 150) is used to inspire internal decoration (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 151) and in the Sagrada Família (1882- )(Fig. 152), the towers of which are reminiscent of the traditional Catalan Human Towers (Xiquets de Valls)(Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 153). Highlighting how Gaudí connected with the culture and people of Catalonia specifically and in line with the idea of isolating the influence of Spain in Catalonia, a feature of nationalist politics, e.g. the Manresa bases document (1892) proposed Catalan as the only official language (Conversi, 1997).

The ultimate in vernacular architecture can be defined ‘…as series of conventions built up in his locality...’ (Brunskill, 2000), Gaudí’s collaboration of Catalan landscape and culture brings together responses to the site and to the culture of Catalonia, the very definition of vernacular architecture, furthermore the Encyclopedia of vernacular architecture of the world (Oliver, 1997), describes the vernacular architecture of Catalonia, and mentions that (Catalan vernacular architecture) “….overall impression is one of solidity…”(Oliver,1997), this comes across in the monolithic quality of Gaudí’s Casa Milà (1905-12)(Van Hensbergen, 2001) or Sagrada Família (1882-) (Van Hensbergen, 2001). It also mentions that, traditional Catalan farmhouses (Mas/ Masia)(Fig. 154) “are usually made of stone and lime mortar.”(Oliver, 1997). This is reflected in Gaudí’s use of grey Garraf marble, from the Güell hunting estate in the

Fig. 155// Sam Ealy Johnson Log House, Texas (National Park Service, 2016) Fig. 156// Projecte de la Basílica de la Sagrada Família Postcard (Vivas, 1998) Fig. 157// La Pedrera, Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Park Güell, Palau de la Música Catalana, Casa Batlló Postcard (Vivas, 1996) Fig. 158// Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Antoni Gaudí Postcard (Vivas, 2010)

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Palau Güell (1885-8)(Van Hensbergen, 2001) or the Montjuïc sandstone used in the Sagrada Família (1882-)(Sagrada Família, n.d.), the primitivism of stone allowed Gaudí ‘a passport to Catalan soil’ (Van Hensbergen, 2001). The vernacular architecture of the Catalonian countryside probably inspired Gaudí as he grew up in rural Reus (Van Hensbergen, 2001), and is used to further emphasise Gaudí’s architecture as a vernacular style.

‘The Renaixença was obsessed by the supposed uniqueness of the Catalan people.

It sought modernism in an idealised, mythic past.’ (Hughes, 2007), therefore the Catalan vernacular architectural tradition which Gaudí adapted influenced by customs and culture, was uniquely suitable to represent the Renaixença and its nationalist intentions. Gaudí’s retention of vernacular architectural components within his work, can be shown to represent the intentions of the Renaixença’s obsession to revive the customs of the ‘mythic past’ (Hughes, 2007), due to the importance of vernacular architecture as unique to Catalonia, it’s retention may be due to as Paul Oliver describes in ‘Built to meet needs: cultural issues in vernacular architecture (2006)’ the vernacular components serving as a ‘national symbol’(Oliver, 2006), even though the architectural components have little aesthetic quality, Oliver uses the preservation of the modest Sam Ealy Johnson log house (Fig. 155), the boyhood home of US President Lyndon B. Johnson to emphasise his rural upbringing (Oliver, 2006), in the same way the log house is vernacular, the components Gaudí expatriated emphasised Catalan nationalism as the Renaixença used the promotion of a unique Catalan culture and history (extending to vernacular architecture) as a legitimate footing for nationalism (Conversi, 1997).

Architecture can be used as propaganda, becoming synonymous with cities and countries (for example, Sydney Opera House and Australia (The Culture Trip, n.d.).

Gaudí’s architecture was sculpted by Catalonia, it’s culture and landscape, becoming a useful propaganda tool for the Catalan Nationalist cause, as the New York Times points out in relation to the Sagrada Família (1882- )’… the project was a revival of Catalan nationalism and a romantic idea of recapturing the spirit of the mddle ages when the great cathedrals of Europe were built with public support.’ (Schumacher, 1991). This support continues as Catalans feel connected to Gaudí, for example 80% of donations for the Sagrada Família in 1990 were from Catalans (Schumacher, 1990), and therefore support for the nationalist undertones embedded within it.

The use of Gaudí’s architecture as national symbols of Catalonia, for example appearing on postcards (Figs. 156/7/8) is important as it allows Catalan nationalism to use it as architectural propaganda, a national vernacular architecture, unique from Spain as the nationalists urged Catalonia to be.

Fig. 159// Banquet of Lliga Regionalista in Barcelona, 1905 (enciclopedia.cat, 1905) Fig. 160// Sagrada Família, Gaudí, Barcelona 1882Nativity Façade Sculptures (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 161// Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Nuremberg, Speer 1934 (Kitomil blog, 1934)

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Gaudí’s architecture could be considered successful as architectural propaganda due to its ability to connect to Catalonia, becoming a new vernacular style, unique to the Catalan nation and as Gaudí’s work became national symbols of Catalonia, the Catalan people responded positively to it, for example donating money and therefore may have been more inclined to respond positively to the nationalist undertones in Gaudí’s work.

Gaudí’s architecture successfully represents the intentions of Catalan nationalism, a revival of Catalan customs and promoting a unique Catalan culture by the incorporation of a wide range of arts, e.g. literature, poetry and theatre and communities, for example industrialists, the catholic church and rural leadership, commissioning murals with nationalist undertones in industrialist’s palace (L’Atlàntida themed murals within Eusebi Güell’s Palau Güell)(Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Earlier in part C, it was identified how the vernacular style Gaudí created represented the ideals of the Renaixença and Catalan nationalism, implicitly bringing these ideas into the urban landscape to be divulged to the Catalan people showing how Gaudí’s representation of Catalan nationalist ideas was successful, as it became architectural propaganda.

On the other hand, Gaudí’s representation of nationalism could be considered unsuccessful as he doesn’t explicitly refer to the nationalism or even regionalism within his architecture. Though we know Gaudí was committed to the Catalan cause, even being offered a seat in the Spanish parliament on behalf of the Lliga Regionalista (Fig. 159) in 1901 (Van Hensbergen,2001), he doesn’t explicitly refer to the nationalist movement, with symbolism referring to Catalan culture and landscape instead, for example the Sagrada Família (1882) contains explicit Catholic imagery, the sculptures which show Biblical stories for instance (Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 160), whereas nationalism is contained implicitly via links to the Catalan landscape and culture.

Nazism and Speer// The central ideal incorporated within Speer’s architecture was to glorify Nazism and make the regime seem grander and more powerful, reflecting a greater past. This started to be highlighted within part B showing how Nazi intentions were represented within Speer’s work. For example the religious imagery, highlighted within the Zeppelinhaupttribüne (1934, Nuremburg)(Speer, 1970)(Fig. 161) emphasising the Nazi ideal of viewing itself as a new religion (Speer, 1970), linking to the devotion which nationalism relies on (Heywood,2003). For example, Edward Said describes how Britain as a Christian power felt it should colonise Islamic countries to safeguard Christianity (Said, 1979), mirroring Nazi ambitions to colonise Germany with its ideology.

Fig. 162// New Reich Chancellery, Berlin, Speer 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939) Fig. 163// Courtyard of the Louvre Museum, and its pyramid (Benh Lieu Song, Wikimedia Commons, 2010)

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Speer’s ‘theory of Ruin value’ (Speer, 1970)(Ruinenwert) is shown throughout his work for example; Speer’s neoclassical style echoes the romantic ruins of the ancient world (Speer, 1970). The idea that the architecture, even in centuries to come, when it ruins, would remind future Germans of the great Nazi past, in a similar way to the ruins of ancient Greece or Rome, great civilisations, of which the Nazi’s admired (Speer, 1970).

Ruienenwert highlights Speer’s hope of Nazi architecture becoming monuments to Nazi glory, therefore the next few paragraphs will look at Speers architecture using theories associated with monuments and memory, especially as memory can be said to be ‘now inseparable from identity politics’ (Tilley et al. 2006), due to its use as a tool of nationalist movements, as nationalist movements play on memories of a better past for votes, such as the Nazis playing on the more stable times of the German empire, compared to the Weimar republic (Nicholls, 1979).

Nazism’s intention to bridge the grandeur, power and order of the German empire (still a nostalgic time for a large part of the German population) and the new Reich, disregarding the liberal reforms, reparations and instability of the Weimar republic (Nicholls, 1979), this is achieved as ‘monuments and memorials exist as means of fixing history’ (Tilley et al. 2006) therefore allowing Nazi architecture to act as a direct link to the German empire and ancient world. Monuments having the ability to provide stability and permanence (Tilley et al. 2006) through the collective memory of Nazi intentions, for example the use of the New Reich Chancellery (1938-9)(Fig. 162) as a ‘stage for Germany’ (Speer, 1970) provided a memory of Nazi strength through its monolithic quality, for the future Germany.

Nazi architecture was also an opportunity to stabilise Germany after the economic crisis of the Weimar republic (Nicholls, 1979), as it projected an image of permanence of a stronger Reich, compared to the instable Weimar era, allowing for the foundation for the ‘1000 year Reich’ (McDonough, 2003), a past example to provide stability was the establishment of the Louvre museum in 1793 (Paris)(Fig. 163), during the French revolution to shape a stable image of French history, even during a period of instability (Tilley et al. 2006).

Pierre Nora describes, as history destroys first hand memories, a ‘social and encompassing symbiosis is maintained through objects’ (Tilley et al. 2006) this relates to the ruin value ideal, whereas the monumental Nazi architecture would act as Nazi propaganda for centuries to come, as Nazism is embedded within objects (such as buildings)(Tilley et al. 2006).

The monumentality of Speer’s architecture allows for it to act as ‘civic compositions

Fig. 164// New Chancellery, Gallery, Berlin, Speer 1939 (Das Bundesarchiv, 1939) Fig. 165// Hall of mirrors, Palace of Versailles, Paris (Myrabella, Wikimedia Commons, 2011) Fig. 166// Logo of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) (NPD, 2013) Fig. 167// Destruction of Swastikas at the ZeppelinhaupttribĂźne, Nuremberg, 1945 (Dana, 1945)

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that teach us about our national heritage and public responsibility and assume that the urban landscape is the emblematic embodiment of power and memory’ (Tilley et al.

2006) for example; the Zeppelinhaupttribüne (1934) tried to reshape the Nuremburg landscape to form an ideological scar. This is important in Speer’s ‘Ruin theory’ as Marshall Berman argued we ‘fear that everything in our self-liquidating modernity is threatened with oblivion’, (Tilley et al. 2006) the Nazis would have been especially concerned due to the instability of the preceding republic.

Mosse describes how National Socialism drew people together by participation in national rites and festivals (Tilley et al. 2006), for example the Nuremberg rallies held at Speer’s Zeppelinhaupttribüne (Nuremberg, 1934)(Speer, 1970), teaching Nazi propaganda. This occurred within Speer’s monolithic work, it fashioned his architectural style into a national style for the Nazi party, to spread the Nazi philosophy across Germany, by Speer becoming ‘Hitler’s architect’ (Speer, 1970).

Speer’s architecture can also be shown to be successful at showing the intentions of the Nazi regime, the aim of authoritarian power ensued by Hitler was fairly explicitly expressed within Speer’s architecture, for example; the simple fact that the New Chancellery (1938-9)(Fig. 164) contained a gallery twice the size of the ‘Hall of mirrors’ at the Palace of Versailles (1623-1770)( Speer, 1970)(Fig. 165), centre of French totalitarian power. Signifying the Nazi quest for totalitarian rule and highlighting the chancellery as the personification of the Nazi Reich, for example; Hitler stated it was to receive ‘Germany through me’ (Speer, 1970); superior to other cultures, like the Nazis felt the Aryan race was (McDonough, 2003). Highlighting the mass movement intentions through Speer’s use of ‘Versammlungsarchitektur’ (assembly architecture) (clivejames.com, 1983) to gather Germans together in ritual celebration of the Nazi cause, for example the Zeppelinhaupttribüne (1934) being a gathering place (Speer, 1970).

Though the monolithic style had direct relationships to the imperial power of ancient empires and hoped to allow Nazi power to penetrate the urban landscape, well into the future through Speer’s theory of ruin value (Ruinenwert)(Speer, 1970). It may have been unsuccessful at representing this intention because, for example neoNazi parties have never achieved the substantial success in post-war Germany, even when the division of Germany led to the destruction of German grandeur absolving political power to other superpowers, not itself (history.state.gov, n.d.). The neoNazi, National Democratic Party (NPD)(Fig. 166) never even entered parliament (electionresources.org, 2014). Also due to demolition of Nazi architecture during and after WWII, for example the new chancellery’s demolition in 1949 by Soviet forces (germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org, n.d.) and the fact Speer didn’t construct very many buildings, with few surviving in their original state, for example the

Fig. 168// Casa Vicens, Barcelona, Gaudí 1888 (Salva López, Wall Street Journal, 2015) Fig. 169// Pergamon Altar reconstruction in Berlin (Raimond Spekking, Wikimedia Commons, 2004) Fig. 170// Zeppelinhaupttribüne in 1936,Nuremberg, Speer 1934 (National Archives and Records Administration, 1937)

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Zeppelinhaupttribüne’s (1934) swastikas and Nazi imagery were dynamited away after the WWII (James, 1983)(Fig. 167), allowing ruin theory to fail as the Nazi ruins aren’t present to be glorified.

The poor construction quality and use of concrete (instead of stone) due to the speed of the construction (for example, the new chancellery was built in only a year) led to unromantic, ugly ruins, not grand ones, undermining the value of Ruinenwert (James, 1983).

Comparison of movements // The architectures of Gaudí and Speer relate, due to their links to nationalism, Catalan and Nazism respectively. Both movements, hoping for the advancement of their nation’s power, towards independence from Spain and away from the instability and crises of the Weimar republic.

They represent their links in different ways, Gaudí embedding Catalan culture and landscape into his architecture, in line with the Renaixença. Not explicitly manifesting Catalan nationalist symbols or imagery in his work, rather taking cues from Catalonia itself, whereas Speer directly related his architecture to Nazi intentions, imagery and its vision for Germany, not as much the German landscape or culture.

In contrast, Speer’s architecture is monumental and creates a ‘civic composition’ (Tilley et al. 2006) therefore shaping the urban landscape explicitly as teaching grounds for Nazi ideology, a clear depiction of power and near religious quality of Nazism (McDonough, 2003), for example this is highlighted by the religious imagery embedded within the Zeppelinhaupttribüne (1934) or the emphasis of permanent glory in Speer’s theory of ruin value (Speer, 1970).

Gaudí’s work creates a vernacular architecture embedding it deeper into Catalan tradition, taking hints from a number of literacy, cultural and landscape cues, for example; the tiles of Casa Vicens (1883-8)(Fig. 168) reflect the African marigolds, which are found on the site (Van Hensbergen, 2001). Whereas Speer seems to solely concentrate on the glorification of the Nazi regime.

Gaudí’s architecture takes cues from the material and forms of traditional Catalan domestic architecture (Oliver, 2006), in line with the Renaixença, Gaudí links his architecture to the entire population of Catalonia.

This is in contrast to Speer, who takes cues from the grand architecture of ancient temples and baroque palaces, for example the Pergamon Altar (Fig. 169) inspiring the Zeppelinhaupttribüne (1934)(Speer, 1970)(Fig. 170) and the Palace of Versailles

Fig. 171// Voting in the September 2015 Catalan elections (Telegraph, 2015) Fig. 172// Sagrada Família Schools Barcelona, Gaudí 1909 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 173// Santa Caterina Market, Barcelona, EMBT 2005 (Gareth Gardner, bdonline, 2013) Fig. 174// Santa Caterina Market, tree like Columns, Barcelona, EMBT 2005 (Gareth Gardner, bdonline, 2013) Fig. 175// La Pedrera, Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Park Güell, Palau de la Música Catalana, Casa Batlló Postcard (Vivas, 1996) Fig. 176// Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Antoni Gaudí Postcard (Vivas, 2010) Fig. 177// Projecte de la Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Postcard (Vivas, 1998) Fig. 178// Nursultan Nazarbayev, President of Kazakhstan (Guardian, 2012)

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inspiring the New Chancellery (1938-9)(Speer, 1970). Gaudí’s focus on domesticity and people may elude to the more democratic nature of the Catalan nationalist cause and Speer’s architecture, the authoritarian and anti-democratic Nazi cause (democracy was linked to instable Weimar republic).

Gaudí’s was an architecture of uniqueness and allowed Catalan nationalism to gain political legitimacy as it helped combine different communities and artistic fields e.g.

Renaixença poetry and Catalan ironwork, (e.g. the Finca Güell’s (Barcelona, 1887) Drac de Pedralbes (Dragon Gate) takes refrerence from L’Atlàntida (Van Hensbergen, 2001)) in an unofficial capacity. This is contrasted by Speer’s architecture being the official architecture of the Reich (Speer, 1970), already holding political legitimacy; Speer’s architecture was to enforce the legitimacy of the Reich. Speer’s architecture is not unique as it transcribes many classical elements from previous styles unlike Gaudí, this may be because Speer’s architecture is set in a world where ‘his’ movement already has political power, whereas Catalanism needed to harness culture and customs to create a platform to become powerful.

Modern politics// Nationalist movements continue throughout Europe to this day, for example in Catalonia itself, nationalism is at the fore with the ‘Junts pel si’ pro-independence coalition winning a plurality in the September 2015 Catalan election (Strange, 2015) (Fig. 171), with the ensuing government trying to form a framework to move towards independence (Kassam, 2015). The current Catalan nationalist’s intentions are very similar to the intentions of the Catalanists of Gaudí’s era, the creation of an independent Catalan state.

The modern Catalan nationalists have tried to again revive Catalan customs after their repression under the Franco regime (1939-75), Catalan nationalists (CiU) instituted a revival of Catalan customs, for example the introduction of Catalan as the only language to be used for teaching in state schools (Miley, 2006), a modern Renaixença.

How Gaudí represented the Renaixença intentions, could therefore be used today.

Firstly, in relation to other architects practicing in Catalonia nowadays, for example; Enric Miralles (1955-2000), who used a similar curved roof to Gaudí’s Sagrada Família schools (1909)(Fig. 172), built next to the Sagrada Família for local children (Van Hensbergen, 2001) in the Santa Caterina market renovation (Barcelona, 1997-2005) (Buxton, 2013)(Fig. 173). Renaixença intentions are represented like within Gaudí’s work, with the tree-like columns (Buxton, 2013)(Fig. 174) reflecting the forests of the Catalan countryside and creating uniqueness from the Spanish norm, separate for Catalonia, transferring nationalist intentions through the borrowing of Gaudí’s vernacular architectural components, such as Gaudí had done with Catalan vernacular

Fig. 179// Ak Orda presidential palace, Astana, Kazakhstan, Mabetex 2004 (Mabetex group, n.d) Fig. 180// Ak Orda presidential palace interior, Astana, Kazakhstan Mabetex 2004 (Mabetex group, n.d)

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architecture (Oliver, 2006).

Secondly, how Gaudí’s work can be used by the Catalan nationalist movement to represent its intentions today, for example; by its very notion that the intentions are the same today as in Gaudí’s time, and the use of his architecture as Catalan nationalist propaganda as tourist material and imagery, e.g. postcards (Fig. 175/6/7).

Speer’s representation of Nazi intentions cannot be directly translated to a modernday German movement, as none are substantial enough to break into the German political mainstream. Though, Speer’s architecture of power can’t be directed towards today’s Germany, it could lie as inspiration for nationalist regimes, for example; Nursultan Nazarbayev (Fig. 178), totalitarian president of Kazakhstan since the collapse of the Soviet union (BBC News, 2015), has tried to forge an independent Kazakh identity by his nation building efforts (Jones, 2010), for example; the construction of a new capital, Astana in 1997 (Fraser, 2015). The Ak Orda presidential palace (2001-4)(Fig. 179) reflects Speer’s architectural style, for example; the grand halls of the New Chancellery are reflected within (Mabetex, n.d.)(Fig. 180), allowing a former Soviet region to gain power and prestige around the world, in the same way Hitler described the New Chancellery (1938-9) as a ‘stage for Germany’ (Speer, 1970), Speer’s architectural intentions provides Nazarbayev with a stage for Kazakhstan.

We cannot say that the use of Speer and Gaudí as inspiration, will make the nationalist movements successful in their endeavours, it helps represent their intentions to the wider public, in the same way Speer and Gaudí’s architecture represents their respective movement’s intentions.

Fig. 181// Casa Milà, Barcelona, Gaudí 1912 (Goacher, 2015) Fig. 182// Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Nuremberg, Speer 1934 (Kitomil blog, 1934) Fig. 183// Santa Caterina Market, tree like Columns, Barcelona, EMBT 2005 (Gareth Gardner, bdonline, 2013)

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CONCLUSION

Catalan nationalism developed throughout the nineteenth century, starting through industrialisation and the revival of Catalan customs through the Renaixença and the Modernisme movement (Conversi, 1997), towards tense crises with the Spanish state (Conversi, 1997). Gaudí’s architecture was conceived during this period of upheaval (Van Hensbergen, 2001).

Nazism was quickly developed through the 1920s, as a reaction against Germany’s lose in WWI and the instability of the Weimar Republic (Nicholls, 1979). Hitler came to power in 1933 (Nicholls, 1979) with Speer starting to become ‘Hitler’s architect’ soon after, representing Nazism in his architecture (Speer, 1970).

Gaudí’s and Speer’s architectures both represent the intentions of their respective nationalist movements, Gaudí through a deep seated implicit connection to Catalan culture and landscape, and Speer in his use of authoritarian imagery.

The way architecture represents the movements’ intentions are shown within a framework of theories, in relation to vernacular architecture (in respect to Gaudí) and relating to monumentality and material culture (in respect to Speer), these theories explain how the intentions are represented, as shown in Part C. Gaudí and Speer could be considered successful at representing nationalist intentions within their work. Gaudí promotes a unique Catalan identity, for example; relating to the vernacular solidity of Catalan traditional domestic architecture (Oliver, 2006) as seen in the monolithic Casa Milà (1905-12)(Van Hensbergen, 2001)(Fig. 181). Speer eludes to the Nazi intention of permanent remembrance of German glory, through the ‘theory of ruin value’ (Speer, 1970) for example embedded in the Zeppelinhaupttribüne (1934)(Fig. 182), being influenced by the ancient Pergamon Altar (Speer, 1970).

The two architectures can be compared to each other due to the ways they represent nationalism. Gaudí embedded Catalan culture and landscape into his architecture, in line with the Renaixença, but not explicitly manifesting Catalan nationalism whereas Speer directly related his architecture to Nazi intentions and its vision for Germany, not the German landscape or culture. They do this by Speer using monumentality, inspired by the grandeur of the ancient world (Tilley et al. 2006) and Gaudí rather using the domestic tradition of Catalonia. (Oliver, 2006) As modern nationalist movements have become ever more popular recently across the world, cues from the architecture of Gaudí and Speer have been taken to respond to this escalation, architecturally, for example Enric Miralles (1955-2000) was inspired by the landscape of Catalonia (in tree-like columns at the Santa Caterina market (2001-5)(Buxton, 2013)(Fig. 183), just as Gaudí had within his works.

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Introduction

08

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Fig. 93, Getty, (1921). Adolf Hitler in 1921. [image] Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/history/world-wartwo/6082639/World-War-2-Hitlers-grim-six-year-record-in-technique-of-perfidy.html [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 94, Wikimedia Commons, (1919). January 1919: Barricade in Berlin during the Spartacist uprising. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alfred_Grohs_zur_Revolution_1918_1919_ in_Berlin_Gro%C3%9Fe_Frankfurter_Stra%C3%9Fe_Ecke_Lebuser_Stra%C3%9Fe_Barrikade_ Kampf_w%C3%A4hrend_der_Novemberrevolution_in_Berlin_02_Bildseite_Schaulustige.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 95, magnoliabox.com, (1919). Members of the right-wing Freikorps armed with flamethrower and supported by an armoured car, 1919. [image] Available at: http://www.magnoliabox.com/art/214875/ members-of-the-right-wing-freikorps-armed-with-flamethrower-and [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 96, Wikimedia Commons, (2006). Weimar Constitution. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Weimar_Constitution.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 97, Encyclopædia Britannica, (1919). Dignitaries gathering in the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of Versailles, France, to sign the Treaty of Versailles, June 28, 1919.. [image] Available at: http://www. britannica.com/event/Treaty-of-Versailles-1919 [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 98, Das Bundesarchiv, (1920). Putschists in Berlin. The banner warns: “Stop! Whosoever proceeds will be shot”. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_ Bild_183-J0305-0600-003,_Berlin,_Kapp-Putsch,_Putschisten.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 99, Wikimedia Commons, (2016). The logo of the German Workers’ Party (DAP). [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:German_Workers_party.png [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 100, Wikimedia Commons, (2006). Emblem of the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP). [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Parteiadler_der_ Nationalsozialistische_Deutsche_Arbeiterpartei_(1933%E2%80%931945).svg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 101, Reichsbankdirektorium Berlin, (1924). 100 trillion German Papiermark, hyperinflation era, 1924. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:GER-140-Reichsbanknote-100_Trillion_Mark_ (1924).jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 102, totallyhistory.com, (2012). Post Putsche, March in Munich. [image] Available at: http://totallyhistory. com/beer-hall-putsch/ [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 103, Das Bundesarchiv, (1925). (From left to right) Gustav Stresemann, Sir Austen Chamberlain, and Aristide Briand at the Locarno negotiations, c. October 1925. [image] Available at: http://www.britannica. com/event/Pact-of-Locarno [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 104, Staatliches Museum Schwerin, (1927). Paul von Hindenburg, President of Weimar Germany 1925-1934 by Max Liebermann. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Liebermann_ portret_van_Paul_von_Hindenburg.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 105, SSA, (1929). Crowd outside the New York Stock exchange after the Wall Street Crash, 1929. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crowd_outside_nyse.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 106, Das Bundesarchiv, (1933). Hitler, at the window of the Reich Chancellery, receives an ovation on the evening of his inauguration as chancellor, 30 January 1933. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_146-1972-026-11,_Macht%C3%BCbernahme_Hitlers.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 107, Office of War Information, NARA, (1933). Reichstag Fire, 1933. [image] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Reichstagsbrand.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 108, Low, D. (1934). The Salute with both hands now (3rd July, 1934), Night of long Knives cartoon. [image] Available at: http://spartacus-educational.com/GERnight.htm [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 109, Das Bundesarchiv, (1938). German and Austrian border police dismantle a border post in 1938, during the annexation of Austria. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_137-049278,_Anschluss_%C3%96sterreich.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 110, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). German Panzer I tanks near the city of Bydgoszcz, during the Invasion of Poland, September 1939. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_ Bild_146-1976-071-36,_Polen,_an_der_Brahe,_deutsche_Panzer.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 111, Mewes, G. (1917). Russian troops awaiting a German attack, World War 1, 1917. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Russian_Troops_NGM-v31-p379.jpg [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 112, Wikimedia Commons, (1919). Spartacist Uprising in Berlin, 1919. [image] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alfred_Grohs_zur_Revolution_1918_1919_in_Berlin_Gro%C3%9Fe_ Frankfurter_Stra%C3%9Fe_Ecke_Lebuser_Stra%C3%9Fe_Barrikade_Kampf_w%C3%A4hrend_der_ Novemberrevolution_in_Berlin_02_Bildseite_Schaulustige.jpg [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 113, Imperial War Museum, (1919). The Signing of Peace Treaty in the Hall of Mirrors, Versailles, William Orpen. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:William_Orpen_-_The_Signing_ of_Peace_in_the_Hall_of_Mirrors,_Versailles.jpg [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 114, Das Bundesarchiv, (1920). Putschists in Berlin. The banner warns: “Stop! Whosoever proceeds will be shot”. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_ Bild_183-J0305-0600-003,_Berlin,_Kapp-Putsch,_Putschisten.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 115, Wikimedia Commons, (2009). Hitler’s DAP membership card, 1920. [image] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hitler%27s_DAP_membership_card.png [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 116, totallyhistory.com, (2012). Post Putsch, March in Munich. [image] Available at: http://totallyhistory. com/beer-hall-putsch/ [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 117, Das Bundesarchiv, (1923). Piles of new bank notes awaiting distribution at the Reichsbank during the hyperinflation. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_ Bild_183-R1215-506,_Berlin,_Reichsbank,_Geldauflieferungsstelle.jpg [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 118, fes.de, (n.d.). Hermann Müller, German chancellor in 1924. [image] Available at: https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Hermannmueller.jpg [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 119, SSA, (1929). Crowd outside the New York Stock exchange after the Wall Street Crash, 1929. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Crowd_outside_nyse.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 120, Das Bundesarchiv, (1936). Franz von Papen 1936. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-S00017,_Franz_von_Papen_crop.jpg [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 121, Das Bundesarchiv, (1933). Hitler’s Reichstag speech promoting the bill was delivered at the Kroll Opera House, following the Reichstag fire.. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-14439,_Rede_Adolf_Hitlers_zum_Erm%C3%A4chtigungsgesetz.jpg [Accessed 24 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 122, Das Bundesarchiv, (1938). German and Austrian border police dismantle a border post in 1938, during the annexation of Austria. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_137-049278,_Anschluss_%C3%96sterreich.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 123, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). German Panzer I tanks near the city of Bydgoszcz, during the Invasion of Poland, September 1939. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_ Bild_146-1976-071-36,_Polen,_an_der_Brahe,_deutsche_Panzer.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 124, Das Bundesarchiv, (1933). Albert Speer. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_146II-277,_Albert_Speer.jpghttps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_ Bild_146II-277,_Albert_Speer.jpg [Accessed 17 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 125, architectuul.com, (2011). Heinrich Tessenow (1876-1950). [image] Available at: http://architectuul. com/architect/heinrich-tessenow [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 126, Wikimedia Commons, (2006). Emblem of the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP). [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Parteiadler_der_ Nationalsozialistische_Deutsche_Arbeiterpartei_(1933%E2%80%931945).svg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 127, Das Bundesarchiv, (1936). “Lichtdom� (Cathedral of Light), Party Congress 1936. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-1982-1130-502,_N%C3%BCrnberg,_ Reichsparteitag,_Lichtdom.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 128, Das Bundesarchiv, (1936). Olympia Stadion, Berlin, 1936. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-R82532,_Berlin,_Olympia-Stadion_(Luftaufnahme).jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 129, Wikimedia Commons, (1937). The German pavilion, 1937 Paris International Expo. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Paris-expo-1937-pavillon_de_l%27Allemagne-02.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 130, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). New Reich Chancellery from Voss Street, 1939. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_146-1988-092-32,_Berlin,_Neue_Reichskanzlei. jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 131, Wikimedia Commons, (2007). Sturmabteilung (SA) Logo. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:SA-Logo.svg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 132, Charlottenburg Palace, (1781). Frederick II (the Great), King of Prussia (Anton Graff). [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Friedrich_Zweite_Alt.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 133, Universal History Archive/ Getty, (1893). Portrait of Kaiser Wilhelm II by Ferdinand Keller, 1893. [image] Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/history/world-war-one/11008289/Palace-where-KaiserWilhelm-II-declared-the-First-World-War-is-to-be-rebuilt-100-years-later.html [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 134, Wikimedia Commons, (2007). German losses after WWI. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:German_losses_after_WWI.svg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 135, architectuul.com, (2011). Heinrich Tessenow (1876-1950). [image] Available at: http://architectuul. com/architect/heinrich-tessenow [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 136, Das Bundesarchiv, (1936). Olympia Stadion, Berlin, 1936. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-R82532,_Berlin,_Olympia-Stadion_(Luftaufnahme).jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 137, Wikimedia Commons, (1937). The German pavilion, 1937 Paris International Expo. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Paris-expo-1937-pavillon_de_l%27Allemagne-02.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 138, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). New Reich Chancellery from Voss Street, 1939. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_146-1988-092-32,_Berlin,_Neue_Reichskanzlei. jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 139, Wikimedia Commons, (1938). Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Nuremberg, 1934. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Zeppelinfeld1.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 140, Swithinbank, H. (n.d.). Pergamon altar reconstruction at the Pergamon Museum, Berlin. [image] Available at: http://www.thousandwonders.net/Pergamon+Museum [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 141, Das Bundesarchiv, (1936). “Lichtdom” (Cathedral of Light), Party Congress 1936. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-1982-1130-502,_N%C3%BCrnberg,_ Reichsparteitag,_Lichtdom.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 142, Hevia García, G. (2013). Casa del Fascio, Giuseppe Terragni, 1936. [image] Available at: http:// www.archdaily.com/312877/ad-classics-casa-del-fascio-giuseppe-terragni [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 143, studyblue.com, (n.d.). New Reichschancellery Plan, 1939. [image] Available at: https://www. studyblue.com/notes/note/n/lecture-11-dealing-with-modernity-3/deck/11269751 [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 144, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). New Reich Chancellery Gallery, 1939. [image] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-K1216-501,_Berlin,_Neue_Reichskanzlei,_ Marmorgalerie.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 145, Wikimedia Commons, (2011). Hall of Mirrors, Palace of Versailles. [image] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Chateau_Versailles_Galerie_des_Glaces.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 146, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). New Reich Chancellery: Hermann-Göring-Straße and Voßstraße junction, 1939. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_146-1988045-28,_Berlin,_Neue_Reichskanzlei.jpg [Accessed 22 Jan. 2016].

Part C// Fig. 147, Hart, C. (2011). Casa Vicens Tile. [image] Available at: http://www.streets-of-barcelona.com/antonigaudi-his-first-building-in-barcelona/ [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 148, Goacher, R. (2015). Park Güell, Gaudí 1914. [Photograph].

Fig. 149, Goacher, R. (2015). Park Güell, Gaudí 1914. [Photograph].

Fig. 150, todocoleccion, (1908). L’Atlàntida and Jacint Verdaguer post card. [image] Available at: http:// www.todocoleccion.net/postales-conmemorativas/8603-jacint-verdaguer-atlantida-antigua-postal-circulada1908~x40668318 [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 151, Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, (2016). Hercules Searching for the Hesperides by Aleix Clapés in the Palau Güell. [image] Available at: http://blog.museunacional.cat/en/the-chronicle-of-a-largesize-painting-restoration/ [Accessed 19 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 152, Goacher, R. (2015). Sagrada Família, Gaudí 1882-. [Photograph].

Fig. 153, Colla Vella dels Xiquets de Valls, (2000). Xiquets de Valls. [image] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Primer_3de10_amb_folre_i_manilles_carregat_per_la_Colla_Vella_dels_Xiquets_ de_Valls_-_Concurs_de_castells_de_Tarragona_2000.jpg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 154, Mutari, (2016). Masia: Catalan architecture. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/

wiki/File:Masia_(Girona_2007).jpg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 155, National Park Service, (2016). Sam Ealy Johnson Log House. [image] Available at: http://www.nps. gov/lyjo/planyourvisit/reconstructedbirthplace.htm [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 156, Vivas, P. (1998). Projecte de la Basílica de la Sagrada Família. [Postcard] Triangle Postals.

Fig. 157, Vivas, P. (1996). La Pedrera, Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Park Güell, Palau de la Música Catalana, Casa Batlló. [Postcard] Triangle Postals.

Fig. 158, Vivas, P. (2010). Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Antoni Gaudí. [Postcard] Triangle Postals.

Fig. 159, enciclopedia.cat, (1905). Banquet of Lliga Regionalista in Barcelona, 1905. [image] Available at: http://www.enciclopedia.cat/EC-GEC-0037797.xml [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 160, Goacher, R. (2015). Sagrada Família Nativity Façade Sculptures, Gaudí 1882-. [Photograph].

Fig. 161, Kitomil blog, (1934). Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Speer 1934. [image] Available at: http://kitomil.blog.cz/ rubrika/ostatni [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 162, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). New Chancellery, Berlin, Speer 1939. [image] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_146-1988-045-28,_Berlin,_Neue_Reichskanzlei.jpg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 163, Benh Lieu Song, Wikimedia Commons, (2010). Courtyard of the Museum of Louvre, and its pyramid. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Louvre_Museum_Wikimedia_ Commons.jpg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 164, Das Bundesarchiv, (1939). New Chancellery, Gallery, Speer 1939. [image] Available at: https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-K1216-501,_Berlin,_Neue_Reichskanzlei,_ Marmorgalerie.jpg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 165, Myrabella, Wikimedia Commons, (2011). Hall of mirrors, Palace of Versailles. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Chateau_Versailles_Galerie_des_Glaces.jpg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 166, Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, (2013). Logo of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:NPD-Logo-2013.svg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 167, Dana, A. (1945). Destruction of Swastika at the Zeppelinhaupttribüne. [image] Available at: http:// bezalel.secured.co.il/zope/home/en/1252746792/1253614267_en [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 168, Salva López, Wall Street Journal, (2015). Casa Vicens, Gaudí 1888. [image] Available at: http:// www.wsj.com/articles/the-restoration-of-casa-vicens-antoni-gaudis-hidden-gem-1430232288 [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 169, Raimond Spekking, Wikimedia Commons, (2004). Pergamon Altar reconstruction in Berlin. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pergamonmuseum_Pergamonaltar.jpg [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 170, National Archives and Records Administration, (1937). Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Speer 1934. [image] Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Reichsparteitag._Der_grosse_Appell_der_Politischen_ Leiter_auf_der_von_Scheinwerfern_berstrahlten_Zeppelinwiese_in..._-_NARA_-_532605.tif [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 171, Telegraph, (2015). Voting in the September 2015 Catalan elections. [image] Available at: http:// www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/spain/11894762/Catalan-election-Record-breaking-turnoutexpected-in-most-important-ballot-in-generations.html [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 172, Goacher, R. (2015). Sagrada Família Schools, Gaudí 1909. [Photograph].

Fig. 173, Gareth Gardner, bdonline, (2013). Santa Caterina Market, EMBT 1997-2005. [image] Available at: http://www.bdonline.co.uk/alex-mowats-inspiration-santa-caterina-market-by-embt/5061579.article [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 174, Gareth Gardner, bdonline, (2013). Santa Caterina Market, tree like Columns, EMBT 19972005. [image] Available at: http://www.bdonline.co.uk/alex-mowats-inspiration-santa-caterina-market-byembt/5061579.article [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 175, Vivas, P. (1996). La Pedrera, Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Park Güell, Palau de la Música Catalana, Casa Batlló. [Postcard] Triangle Postals.

Fig. 176, Vivas, P. (2010). Basílica de la Sagrada Família, Antoni Gaudí. [Postcard] Triangle Postals.

Fig. 177, Vivas, P. (1998). Projecte de la Basílica de la Sagrada Família. [Postcard] Triangle Postals.

Fig. 178, Guardian, (2012). Nursultan Nazarbayev, President of Kazakhstan. [image] Available at: http:// www.theguardian.com/world/shortcuts/2012/nov/06/president-nazarbayev-kazakhstan [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 179, Mabetex group, (n.d.). Ak Orda presidential palace, Astana, Kazakhstan. [image] Available at: http://www.mabetex.eu/en/2/akorda-the-residence-of-the-president-of-kazakhstan-astana-p.html [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 180, Mabetex group, (n.d.). Ak Orda presidential palace interior, Astana, Kazakhstan. [image] Available at: http://www.mabetex.eu/en/2/akorda-the-residence-of-the-president-of-kazakhstan-astana-p.html [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Conclusion// Fig. 181, Goacher, R. (2015). Casa Milà, Gaudí 1912. [Photograph].

Fig. 182, Kitomil blog, (1934). Zeppelinhaupttribüne, Speer 1934. [image] Available at: http://kitomil.blog.cz/ rubrika/ostatni [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Fig. 183, Gareth Gardner, bdonline, (2013). Santa Caterina Market, tree like Columns, EMBT 19972005. [image] Available at: http://www.bdonline.co.uk/alex-mowats-inspiration-santa-caterina-market-byembt/5061579.article [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

09

appendix Ethics form//