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SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018

PART OF THE USA TODAY NETWORK

Protection vs. HOAs is scarce in Arizona Plenty of money, power; little oversight, recourse Catherine Reagor and Jessica Boehm Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

Arizona’s nearly 9,000 homeowners associations go virtually unregulated even as they hold immense power over their residents. While they’re responsible for annoying but trivial matters such as dictating paint colors and enforcing landscaping requirements, these HOAs also manage large sums of money and can foreclose on homeowners. Unlike other industries that operate within the conÿnes of state or federal rules, Arizona’s HOAs operate with few checks and balances: z The people who serve on HOA boards and make all of the community decisions — including the cost of dues and how that revenue will be spent — are homeowner volunteers who need not receive any training on ÿnance or budgets. z The professionals whom HOA boards hire to help manage their communities are not required to be licensed or have any speciÿc training.

coke, cartels, contras

See HOAS, Page 8A HOAs explained: Five things to know about homeowners associations. 10A

corruption

A year later, deported Ariz. mom adjusts to Mexico life

Dennis Wagner Arizona Republic | USA TODAY NETWORK

Daniel González Arizona Republic

and

USA TODAY NETWORK

PRESCOTT LAKES — Mexico City’s police chief was not an imposing man: short and pudgy, with thick

Rothmiller was a lowly Los Angeles police detective

“Durazo was the El Chapo of his time. We knew he was under indictment. Why is he not getting arrested when he comes here?”

who had traveled south with his partner, Kenny Ham-

Mike Rothmiller On Arturo Durazo

jowls. z But as Mike Rothmiller sat across from Arturo Durazo Moreno 35 years ago, the air of authority was unmistakable. z Durazo, known as “El Negro,” was a lifelong friend to President Jose Ernesto López Portillo, and one of the most powerful men in Mexico. z

ilton, to work out an intelligence-sharing deal in preparation for the upcoming Los Angeles Olympics. See CORRUPTION, Page 20A

Moreno, also known as “El Negro” (pictured)

SUBMITTED PHOTO; ILLUSTRATION/USA TODAY NETWORK

ACÁMBARO, Mexico — Guadalupe Garcia de Rayos sits on her bed, plugs in her phone and gets ready for the highlight of her night. The screen lights up with Jacqueline, Guadalupe’s daughter. Jackie’s 15. She smiles, her mouth full of braces. Guadalupe stares back into the videochat app on the phone. A year ago, the two were looking at each other inches apart, through the barred window of a federal immigration vehicle. Dramatic news photos captured Guadalupe’s forlorn face that night, as several hundred angry protesters, including Guadalupe’s two children, tried to block the vehicle from leaving Phoenix. Later that night, she was driven to See DEPORTED, Page 18A

OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES SPORTS, 1C

On Twitter, president laments ‘shattered’ lives

Gifts of Love

President Donald Trump laments in a tweet that “a mere allegation” can lead to “lives being shattered.” Not mentioned by name are the two White House staffers who quit over domestic-violence claims. 1B

German skier Andreas Wellinger celebrates winning a gold medal. Silver medalist Johann Andre Forfang (left) and bronze medalist Robert Johansson, both of Norway, look on. ROB SCHUMACHER/THE REPUBLIC

Up to the minute

Weather

Get the latest news at azcentral.com

High 76° z Low 52° Sunny. Forecast, 2A

Disgraced doctor in Ariz. Serial sex abuser Larry Nassar is now living at a federal prison in Tucson housing an infamous kidnapper and a police detective turned Maÿa hit man. 14A

Sunday $2.00

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2A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

A ‘Jr.’ by any other name would smell alike to a quail Valley 101 Clay Thompson Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

Today’s question: If a daughter, at birth, is given the exact name as her mom, is the daughter then a “junior,” a 2nd, or some other unnecessary identiÿer? And if, at the time of his birth, a male child is named exactly the same as his paternal grandfather, but di“ erent than his father, is he then tagged as a “junior,”

the 2nd, or anything at all? In a male-dominated society it has been assumed — for better or for worse — than a woman might marry and take her husband’s surname so a Jr. or II sort of title would be sort of pointless. Is this fair? Probably not. So if you want to name your daughter for her mother go ahead. It’s a free country. Consider, among others in history, Anna Eleanor Roosevelt, Jr. She was the only daughter of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Anna Eleanor

Roosevelt. She was referred to in court documents as “2nd,” and her mother was referred to as “Sr.” As for the grandfather-grandson thing, I’d say no. In some cultures two people with the same name might have been labeled Jr. or Sr. to tell them apart even if they weren’t related. However, in our culture a child given his grandfather’s name but not his father’s name is not a Jr. We were sitting on our patio shelling peanuts and the quail, who normally hang around the quail block around 20

feet away, came right over. Are quail known to have a good sense of smell? For a long time, people thought birds didn’t have a sense of smell at all. I don’t know why. Turkey vultures, for one, have an excellent sense of smell. I don’t know where quail stand in the ranks of good smellers, but some studies have shown the sense of smell is important to them, even in mating. Have a question for Clay? Reach him at 602-444-8612 or clay.thompson@ari zonarepublic.com.

THE WEATHER PAGE PHOENIX DAILY TEMPERATURE RANGES

SEVEN DAY FORECAST

Average High

MON.

TUE.

WED.

THU.

FRI.

SAT.

HIGH

76 LOW 52

HIGH

70 LOW 55

Mostly sunny. 0 percent chance of precipitation.

HIGH

74 LOW 53

HIGH

71 LOW 58

HIGH

68 LOW 53

HIGH

72 LOW 51

2/4

2/5

2/6

2/7

2/8

The Arizona Republic no longer publishes a daily airquality chart because this reading varies by location and time of day. We will publish high-pollution advisories. Get the latest on air quality, including alerts, at www.azdeq.gov/environ/air or call ADEQ’s hotline: 602-771-2367 or 800-234-5677.

Get the latest local forecast and weather maps at weather.azcentral.com. Download the azcentral mobile app for weather news and notific tions.

Feb 15 NEW

2/9

2/10

SCOTTSDALE

High: 78° Low: 52° Rainfall:..........................0.00” Rainfall to date:.............0.21” Peak wind gust:......... 10 mph

High: 76° Low: 52° Rainfall:..........................0.00” Rainfall to date:.............0.36” Peak wind gust:........... 9 mph

GLENDALE

MESA

High: 78° Low: 46° Rainfall:..........................0.00” Rainfall to date:.............0.25” Peak wind gust:......... 10 mph

High: 82° Low: 52° Rainfall:..........................0.00” Rainfall to date:.............0.32” Peak wind gust:......... 12 mph

Sunrise:

Moonrise:

Sunset:

NORMAL RANGE

85° in 2016

26° in 1933

70°/48°

7:15 a.m. 6:10 p.m.

Moonset:

2:45 p.m.

POLLEN FORECAST

9 10 11+

Absent

Low

Moderate

High Very High

Predominant pollen: none WWW.WATERUSEITWISELY.COM

0.53” is needed on your Bermuda grass if watered 3 days ago. Information: Phoenix Water Conservation Offi e, 602-261-8367.

HUMIDITY/DEW POINT

Most evaporated coolers are effective only when dew point is below 55 degrees. SATURDAY DEW-POINT FORECAST

8 a.m.: 23° Noon: 18° 3 p.m.: 22°

High, low humidity: 35%/12% High, low dew pt: 30°/21° Barometer at 5 p.m.: 29.86”

YOUR WEATHER

ARIZONA Page 52/36 Grand Canyon Valley 48/27 Tuba City 49/33

Kingman 64/41

Flagstaff 47/26

Chinle 47/30

Snowflake 53/37

Prescott 59/36

Lake Havasu City 71/52

Whiteriver 55/38

Scottsdale Phoenix 74/51 76/52 Tempe Thatcher 75/54 70/44 Casa Grande San Manuel 74/50 71/46

Yuma 74/51

Tucson Sells 76/52 74/50 Nogales 72/42

Temperatures are today’s highs and tonight’s lows.

Douglas 70/38

Saturday

Today

Monday

Saturday

Today

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City

Hi Lo Pcp.

Hi Lo W

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Hi Lo Pcp.

Hi Lo W

Alpine Benson Bisbee Buckeye Bullhead City Carefree Casa Grande Cnyn de Chy Coolidge Cottonwood Douglas Flagstaff Gila Bend Globe Grand Canyon Greer Heber Holbrook Kingman Lk Hvsu City Maricopa Nogales Organ Pipe

56 77 70 80 81 71 81 59 81 72 74 54 83 72 59 51 57 65 69 81 81 75 76

46 71 66 75 68 70 74 45 75 64 70 47 76 66 48 43 50 52 64 71 75 72 71

47 70 65 67 67 63 71 52 72 55 69 40 70 66 44 45 50 58 57 70 71 69 65

Page Payson Pinetop Prescott Safford Sedona Show Low Sierra Vista Springerville St. Johns Tombstone Tucson Wickenburg Willcox Williams Winslow Youngtown Yuma

66 63 56 62 76 64 55 71 59 63 73 80 74 74 57 68 78 83

52 58 49 59 70 59 53 68 49 52 68 76 69 68 50 54 74 74

57 50 50 49 73 51 52 66 54 59 67 73 59 68 42 60 68 72

21 0.00 44 0.00 40 0.00 49 0.00 53 0.00 49 0.00 49 0.00 16 0.00 50 0.00 3 5 0.00 40 0.00 22 0.00 50 0.00 42 0.00 20 0.00 17 0.00 21 0.00 21 0.00 3 3 0.00 51 0.00 48 0.00 44 0.00 49 0.00

3 2 pc 44 pc 40 pc 47 s 49 s 51 s 50 s 3 0 s 50 s 43 s 3 8 pc 26 s 51 s 42 s 27 s 3 2 pc 3 6 s 3 5 s 41 s 52 s 51 s 42 s 51 s

NATION

28 s 44 s 3 9 s 50 pc 52 pc 52 pc 52 pc 3 2 c 52 pc 45 pc 3 6 s 28 c 53 pc 42 pc 29 pc 28 s 3 5 s 3 6 s 42 s 54 pc 53 pc 44 s 52 s

3 1 0.02 3 4 0.00 23 0.00 25 0.00 43 0.00 3 3 0.00 21 0.00 44 0.00 21 0.00 21 0.00 42 0.00 48 0.00 45 0.00 3 9 0.00 24 0.00 17 0.00 53 0.00 53 0.00

HOT SPOT SATURDAY Arizona: 83° Gila Bend U.S.: 88° Immokalee, FL

3 6 s 40 s 3 6 pc 3 6 s 44 pc 41 s 3 6 pc 45 pc 3 2 pc 3 1 pc 43 pc 52 s 48 s 41 pc 3 5 s 29 s 52 s 51 s

40 pc 42 pc 3 3 s 3 7 s 43 s 41 pc 3 4 s 44 s 29 s 29 s 42 s 48 s 49 sh 3 9 s 3 4 sh 3 1 pc 54 pc 50 pc

A.O. Tucker took this photo of the sun setting behind the San Xavier del Bac Mission in Tucson.

COLD SPOT SATURDAY Arizona: 14° Sunset Crater U.S.: -36° Chinook, MT

Send your weather pictures to weatherpix@arizonarepublic.com. Find more reader picture at weather.azcentral.com.

Weather (W): s-sunny, pc-partly cloudy, c-cloudy, sh-showers, t-thunderstorms, r-rain, sf-snow flurries, sn-snow, i-ice.

Saturday

Today

Monday

City

Hi Lo Pcp. Hi Lo W Hi Lo W

Albany, NY Albuquerque Amarillo Anchorage Atlanta Atlantic City Austin Baltimore Baton Rouge Billings Birmingham Bismarck Boise Boston Brownsville Buffalo Burlington, VT Caribou, ME Casper, WY Charleston, SC Charleston, WV Charlotte Chattanooga Cheyenne Chicago Cincinnati Cleveland Colo Springs Columbia, SC Columbus, GA Columbus, OH Concord, NH Corpus Christi Dallas Dayton Denver Des Moines Detroit Dover, DE Duluth

43 67 27 29 64 51 63 47 70 20 66 12 45 52 81 3 0 3 9 26 24 77 55 59 58 20 22 45 3 0 16 71 69 42 43 74 44 3 5 16 14 24 56 14

3 3 0.01 3 2 0.00 12 Trace 23 0.01 63 0.10 47 0.24 3 4 Trace 44 0.43 64 0.93 12 0.00 62 0.44 -1 0.00 28 0.00 42 0.01 67 0.00 25 0.19 24 0.06 19 0.07 5 0.00 63 0.00 48 0.3 6 55 0.02 55 0.97 10 0.00 17 0.07 3 2 0.06 26 0.05 8 0.21 62 0.02 66 Trace 3 2 0.11 3 3 0.01 56 0.00 28 0.01 28 0.01 10 0.16 8 0.00 20 0.14 48 0.73 -3 0.00

3 9 3 0 r 48 3 0 pc 43 15 c 3 5 3 2 sn 70 58 r 56 45 r 40 3 0 r 63 43 r 70 47 r 14 -2 sn 71 45 r 15 -12 c 48 29 c 43 40 r 78 47 t 3 6 19 i 3 9 28 i 29 24 sn 3 6 8 s 77 63 c 61 3 3 r 70 60 r 67 44 r 3 6 11 s 25 7 sn 3 9 23 r 3 7 20 i 3 6 16 s 76 65 t 72 65 r 41 23 i 3 6 3 2 r 57 41 r 42 28 c 3 7 19 i 41 15 s 23 3 s 29 13 sn 65 48 r 15 -8 c

3 5 58 47 3 9 67 48 57 46 59 7 61 8 46 45 58 28 3 2 28 19 74 43 66 58 22 25 41 29 3 9 74 72 3 9 40 57 54 3 8 29 19 27 49 9

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City Budapest Buenos Aires Cairo Cape Town Caracas Casablanca Copenhagen Dubai Dublin Edinburgh Frankfurt Geneva

Hi 40 75 74 85 86 61 3 9 77 3 9 3 9 42 40

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Durango El Paso Eugene Evansville Fairbanks Fargo Fort Wayne Fort Worth Fresno Grand Jnctn Grand Rapids Great Falls Green Bay Greensboro, NC Hartford Helena Honolulu Houston Indianapolis Jackson, MS Jacksonville Juneau Kansas City Knoxville Las Vegas Little Rock Los Angeles Louisville Lubbock Memphis Miami Beach Midland Milwaukee Mobile Mpls-St. Paul Nashville New Orleans New York City Norfolk, VA North Platte

48 15 0.00 75 50 0.00 48 3 0 0.00 41 3 1 0.00 -5 -14 0.00 10 -1 0.00 26 24 0.01 42 27 0.00 74 43 0.00 43 18 0.17 23 17 0.06 19 9 0.00 20 3 0.00 55 52 0.06 44 3 7 0.18 14 9 0.02 79 65 0.00 72 49 0.60 3 4 26 0.00 68 60 0.94 82 64 0.00 27 13 0.00 22 13 0.00 52 49 0.94 78 42 0.00 54 3 6 0.22 65 52 0.00 49 3 9 0.10 41 20 0.00 57 3 9 0.68 84 74 Trace 47 22 0.00 22 15 0.08 72 64 0.84 14 0 0.00 58 53 1.58 77 65 0.13 50 43 0.24 69 59 0.01 11 3 0.02

43 21 s 60 3 7 c 48 28 pc 3 4 22 i 11 7 sn 13 -15 pc 29 9 sn 41 27 i 70 41 s 43 25 s 26 11 sn 10 -8 sn 23 2 s 70 59 r 43 3 4 r 15 -4 sn 81 65 pc 50 3 9 r 3 2 16 i 64 3 9 r 82 65 c 29 24 pc 3 2 12 c 66 42 r 61 45 s 44 26 c 76 51 s 42 26 r 45 18 c 44 3 0 c 85 74 pc 46 24 c 27 8 sn 73 59 r 20 -2 s 55 3 2 r 75 57 r 53 43 r 75 56 t 3 4 7 s

45 72 49 42 24 6 28 53 60 45 26 8 20 60 42 10 81 59 3 7 53 79 3 7 3 6 52 64 48 61 45 49 47 85 55 23 68 14 48 64 44 57 21

Saturday

City

Oklahoma City 24 Omaha 11 86 Orlando Palm Springs 77 49 Philadelphia Pittsburgh 49 Portland, ME 41 50 Portland, OR Providence 54 62 Raleigh, NC Rapid City 8 Reno 48 52 Richmond Roanoke 48 Rochester, NY 3 2 Sacramento 66 Salt Lake City 46 65 San Antonio San Diego 64 San Francisco 65 San Jose 71 Santa Fe 63 77 Savannah Seattle 46 66 Shreveport Sioux City 7 Spokane 3 6 Springfield, IL 24 St. Louis 28 St. Ste. Marie 19 Syracuse 3 7 Tallahassee 71 84 Tampa Topeka 23 27 Tulsa Walla Walla 43 Washington, DC 50 21 Wichita Wichita Falls 33 Wilkes-Barre, PA 45

29 sn 43 s 21 pc 27 pc 18 sn 0 c 11 s 3 9 pc 40 pc 28 c 9 s 0 pc 8 pc 3 8 r 17 pc 0 c 69 pc 50 c 20 s 42 r 62 r 3 4 sn 22 s 44 r 46 pc 29 c 50 c 3 0 pc 3 0 s 3 6 c 73 pc 3 6 s 14 pc 59 r 7 pc 3 6 r 60 r 28 pc 3 8 r 11 c

Today

Monday

Hi Lo Pcp. Hi Lo W Hi Lo W 16 0.00 4 0.00 65 0.00 57 0.00 45 0.3 7 3 6 0.07 3 6 0.01 3 4 0.01 43 0.05 61 0.09 0 0.00 20 0.00 50 0.3 8 45 0.3 1 25 0.23 3 7 0.00 28 0.09 41 0.01 51 0.00 47 0.00 42 0.00 23 0.00 64 0.01 3 5 0.00 40 0.41 -2 0.00 24 0.00 20 0.05 21 0.08 3 0.00 25 0.02 63 0.00 68 0.00 13 0.00 18 Trace 3 3 0.00 47 0.92 15 0.03 22 0.00 3 8 0.05

3 8 23 87 76 60 49 3 7 49 49 73 24 55 71 67 3 8 59 52 43 67 59 64 44 79 46 48 18 3 7 26 29 22 41 73 85 3 4 3 8 45 66 41 43 50

19 c 2 s 67 pc 50 s 45 r 25 r 3 3 r 3 1 pc 42 r 62 t -2 s 25 s 54 t 47 r 24 i 3 5 s 38 s 3 4 r 56 s 47 s 42 s 21 pc 65 c 3 2 c 3 5 c -3 s 18 c 8 sn 15 sn 9 pc 23 i 64 r 70 c 10 pc 20 c 26 c 45 r 15 pc 19 c 3 1 r

48 19 86 69 46 3 6 42 48 47 63 6 43 56 50 3 0 60 48 57 62 60 62 54 77 45 53 15 3 5 3 2 3 8 18 3 0 75 84 3 8 49 40 46 44 51 3 9

28 s 14 pc 66 pc 49 pc 27 pc 15 pc 15 pc 26 pc 24 pc 40 r -1 sn 21 sn 3 5 r 3 6 r 12 pc 3 7 pc 30 pc 47 c 52 c 46 pc 3 8 pc 3 0 s 59 r 3 0 s 3 8 c 11 c 22 pc 14 s 21 s 3 s 8 c 64 r 68 c 22 s 29 pc 25 pc 3 1 pc 25 s 3 0 s 16 pc

-10s

-0s

10s

Hi 43 60 75 74 91 54 3 1 75 3 8 71 69 43

Lo W 3 3 sh 47 sh 68 r 59 c 76 pc 46 s 17 s 59 c 29 c 66 s 46 pc 3 0 c

Lo W 26 s 56 pc 60 c 66 s 74 pc 42 s 3 4 c 58 s 3 0 sh 3 1 pc 27 sn 3 1 sn

City Glasgow Agana Havana Helsinki Ho Chi Minh Hong Kong Istanbul Jakarta Jerusalem Johannesburg Kabul Kiev

Hi 3 9 88 88 26 91 66 55 86 70 79 3 7 3 2

Lo W 3 2 sn 77 pc 68 s 23 c 73 pc 53 pc 3 9 r 75 t 53 c 55 pc 3 1 sn 27 pc

City Kingston La Paz Lima Lisbon London Madrid Manila Mecca Melbourne Milan Moscow Nairobi

Hi 87 82 80 60 45 59 87 99 70 48 24 82

Lo W 76 pc 56 pc 69 pc 48 pc 3 2 pc 40 pc 77 pc 69 s 56 pc 3 5 pc 13 sn 57 c

City Nassau New Delhi Osaka Oslo Paris Perth Prague Reykjavik Rio de Jan. Riyadh Rome San Juan

Hi 84 73 46 3 0 44 88 3 8 33 95 89 53 82

Lo W 75 pc 53 c 29 pc 28 sn 29 c 65 s 29 pc 26 sn 79 c 61 pc 3 7 s 72 pc

20s

30s

40s

50s

60s

70s

80s

90s

110s

100s

S h ow n a re n o o n p o s i t i o n s o f we at h e r sys te m s a n d p re c i p i t at i o n . Seattle 46/32 Billings 14/-2

San Francisco 59/47

Minneapolis 20/-2

Kansas City 32/12

Denver 41/15

Detroit 29/13 New York 53/43

Chicago 25/7

Washington 66/45

Los Angeles 76/51

Atlanta 70/58

El Paso 60/37 Fairbanks 11/7 Anchorage 35/32

Showers

Rain

Houston 50/39 Miami 85/74

Honolulu 81/65 Hilo 81/64

Juneau 29/24

T-storms

Snow

Flurries

Showers

6-10 DAY NATIONAL FORECAST Much Above Normal

TEMPERATURES

Much Above Normal

PRECIPITATION

Above Normal

Normal

Below Normal

Much Below Normal

WORLD TODAY City Amsterdam Athens Auckland Baghdad Bangkok Barcelona Beijing Beirut Berlin Bermuda Bogota Brussels

MON.

Sunset:

4:17 a.m.

Mar 9 LAST

LAWN WATERING

TODAY’S TEMPERATURE MILESTONES RECORD LOW

Mar 1 FULL

A higher reading indicates an increased risk of sun damage.

Near Mesa Community College

RECORD HIGH

Feb 22 FIRST

UV INDEX

At Scottsdale Airport

At Glendale Municipal Airport

GET CELLPHONE ALERTS

TODAY 6:09 p.m.

PHOENIX

At Sky Harbor Airport

74 LOW 51

ABOUT THE AIR-QUALITY CHART

SATURDAY IN THE VALLEY HIGH

SUN & MOON

Actual

100 80

TODAY

Average Low

City Santiago Seoul Shanghai Singapore Stockholm Sydney Taipei Tel Aviv Tokyo Vienna Warsaw Zurich

Hi 90 29 48 86 33 88 57 74 54 3 9 33 3 7

Lo W 56 s 17 sf 28 s 74 pc 29 c 70 pc 49 sh 54 c 3 1 sh 3 2 pc 26 pc 3 0 c

CANADA TODAY

MEXICO TODAY

City Calgary Edmonton Halifax Montreal Ottawa Regina St. John’s Thunder Bay Toronto Vancouver Victoria Winnipeg

City Acapulco Cabo San Lucas Cancun Chihuahua Guadalajara Hermosillo Mazatlan Mexico City Monterrey Puerto Vallarta Rocky Point Tijuana

Hi Lo W 5 -13 sn -3 -13 s 42 3 5 r 3 2 18 sn 27 13 sn -2 -22 pc 41 25 i 14 -9 pc 28 17 sn 44 26 s 43 3 2 pc 8 -19 c

Hi 86 81 83 74 73 80 79 71 87 82 68 68

Lo W 73 pc 62 pc 76 pc 3 9 pc 47 pc 53 pc 61 pc 48 pc 47 c 61 pc 61 pc 56 pc

PRESIDENTS’ DAY Window Special!

Presidents’ Day Special ENDS Saturday, February 24th

Buy 1 window or patio door, get 1 window or patio door

40% OFF

Call to schedule your appointment. Limited appointments are available. AR-0008764916-01

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Renewal by Andersen of Greater Phoenix is an independently owned and operated affiliate operating in AZ. Offer not available in all areas. Discount applied by retailer representative at time of contract execution and applies to purchase of 4 or more windows and/or patio doors. Buy two windows and/or patio doors, get the second two windows and/or patio doors, of equal or lesser value, 40% off. Discount applied to lowest priced window and/or door products in purchase. Cannot be combined with other offers. Visit www.TopAZwindow.com for offer details. To qualify for discount offer, initial contact for a free Window and Patio Door Diagnosis must be made and documented on or before 2/24/18 with the appointment then occurring no more than 10 days after the initial contact. No payments and deferred interest for 12 months available to well qualified buyers on approved credit only. Not all customers may qualify. Higher rates apply for customer with lower credit ratings. Financing not valid with other offers or prior purchases. No Finance Charges will be assessed if promo balance is paid in full in 12 months. Renewal by Andersen retailers are independently owned and operated retailers, and are neither brokers nor lenders. Any finance terms advertised are estimates only, and all financing is provided by third-party lenders unaffiliated with Renewal by Andersen retailers, under terms and conditions arranged directly between the customer and such lender, all subject to credit requirements. Renewal by Andersen retailers do not assist with, counsel or negotiate financing, other than providing customers an introduction to lenders interested in financing. Southwest Windows & Doors LLC AZ ROC lic. #311233. “Renewal by Andersen” and all other marks where denoted are marks of Andersen Corporation. ©2018 Andersen Corporation. All rights reserved. ©2018 Lead Surge LLC. All rights reserved. *Special Presidents’ Day $200 discount valid during first appointment only. 1

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Feliciana Talachy (Pueblo of Pojaque) performs during the World Championship Hoop Dance Contest at the Heard Museum in Phoenix on Saturday. MARK HENLE/THE REPUBLIC

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4A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

PET OF THE WEEK

KNOW AN EXCEPTIONAL BOY HIGH SCHOOL ATHLETE?

Help azcentral sports recognize the top boy athletes in local high school sports. Nominate your pick today, and he could be featured as a Boy Athlete of the Week in The Arizona Republic and on highschools.azcentral.com.

Nominate now at nominations.azcentral.com

Are you ready to find a Buddy? A furry friend. The truest pal. Your best Buddy. All of these are what Buddy’s future forever family will adopt into their home once they choose to give him a second chance at life. The 10-year-old Parson Russell Terrier was brought to the Arizona Humane Society when they could no longer keep him in the household. Upon arrival, it was clear that Buddy was apprehensive of his new environment. Shaking and nervous with his tail tucked between his legs, it was a lot for him to take in. Although he was apprehensive, it was clear Buddy wanted to give affection and to receive it in return. After a few minutes of interaction in one of AHS’ play yards, Buddy climbed right into his handler’s lap. The perfect ÿt for any lap, Buddy is an extremely affectionate boy who also loves to give kisses. Even though he is older, it does not stop him from being his fun and energetic self. This pup at heart loves to play with all kinds of toys; however, squeaky toys are his absolute favorite. Buddy is also as smart as he is cute. Amazingly enough, he taught himself how to give “high ÿves” and has completely gone against the stigma of being unable to teach an old dog new tricks. Not only can he give you his paw, he also is house broken and crate trained. When he’s feeling extra happy, Buddy even sticks his face through the kennel so he can smile at you.

Buddy ARIZONA HUMANE SOCIETY

As affectionate and loving as Buddy is, he truly is a beautiful “Diamond in the Ruff” who simply takes time to warm up. Understandably, all he asks for is patience and a loving environment he can feel safe in. A nice, calm household with a family he can call his for the rest of his days is all Buddy needs. For those looking to give Buddy a forever home, he will be available on Sunday at noon at the Arizona Humane Society’s Campus for Compassion, 1521 W. Dobbins Road, Phoenix. Buddy’s adoption fee includes his neuter surgery, current vaccinations, a microchip and a free follow-up wellness exam with a VCA Animal Hospital. For more information, call 602-997-7585 and ask for animal number 561836. Previous Pet: Pookey, the 10-year-old Chihuahua, found his forever home and currently resides in Phoenix.

Almanac THOUGHT OF THE DAY “Respect for ourselves guides our morals; respect for others guides our manners.” — Laurence Sterne, Irish-born English author (1713-1768)

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PRAYER Lord, our faith in You comforts us, giving us strength in times of weakness and helping to keep us on the right course. Amen.

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Saturday’s drawing: 01 13 27 41 59. Powerball: 20. Power Play: 5. Saturday’s estimated jackpot: $184 million.

The Pick

TODAY IN HISTORY In 1812, Massachusetts Gov. Elbridge Gerry signed a redistricting law favoring his Democratic-Republican Party — giving rise to the term “gerrymandering.” In 1858, a French girl, Bernadette Soubirous, reported the first of 18 visions of a lady dressed in white in a grotto near Lourdes. In 1929, the Lateran Treaty was signed, with Italy recognizing the independence and sovereignty of Vatican City. In 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt,

British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Soviet leader Josef Stalin signed the Yalta Agreement, in which Stalin agreed to declare war against Imperial Japan following Nazi Germany’s capitulation.

Saturday’s drawing: 05 14 20 23 27 31. Estimated jackpot: $1.1 million. Wednesday’s estimated jackpot: $1.1 million.

Fantasy 5 Saturday’s drawing: 10 15 25 30 35. Estimated jackpot: $201,000.

In 1986, Soviet dissident Natan Sharansky was released by the Soviet Union after nine years of captivity as part of an East-West prisoner exchange.

Pick 3

In 1990, South African black activist Nelson Mandela was freed after 27 years in captivity.

Saturday’s drawing: Morning: 02 03 06 07 09 12 13 15 18 19. Evening: 02 05 06 07 09 10 13 14 17 19.

Saturday’s drawing: 3 3 1.

5 Card Cash Saturday’s drawing: 6S 4S 5H AS AH.

All Or Nothing

Mega Millions

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Friday’s drawing: 28 34 41 46 47. Mega Ball: 14. Megaplier: 3. Estimated jackpot: $136 million. Tuesday’s estimated jackpot: $153million.

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THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC z VOL. 128, NO. 269 z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018

AZCENTRAL.COM z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z 5A

The hours that led to Shooter’s expulsion Yvonne Wingett Sanchez Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

J.D. Mesnard, the speaker of the House of Representatives, was barreling toward the state Capitol in his Honda Civic hybrid after a restless night. He dreaded the day ahead. Don Shooter, a lawmaker from Yuma, had been found by an investigation to have sexually harassed seven women and Mesnard had already stripped him of his committee positions. Days earlier, after researching punishments meted out at statehouses across the U.S. for such behavior, Mesnard called for a censure of him. Such action had not happened in decades, if ever, according to his team’s research. At best, he would have enough votes to issue the embarrassing public condemnation. At worst, the chamber he presided over would go further, and remove Shooter from office, a political deathblow that had not happened in 70 years. It would be a close vote either way, he ÿgured. Somewhere on Interstate 10 headed west, Mesnard’s Samsung Galaxy phone rang. It was the House Republican senior sta‘ with a heads-up: The day was about to get worse. Moments earlier, Shooter had sent an email to all members of the House of Representatives that asked them to stall a vote on him. He claimed a part of the investigation was whitewashed and wrote he wanted the full details of sexual-harassment allegations involving another elected official, Rep. Michelle Ugenti-Rita, R-Scottsdale, to be made public. In his missive, Shooter used explicit language to describe the nature of the allegations, and claimed investigators had disrespected an alleged victim by not fully publicizing the nature of the wrongdoing. When he got to the Capitol, Mesnard stormed into the three-story House building through a back door. Beyond the Shooter problem, it was his job to protect the credibility of the institution and the public’s conÿdence in it, he said during an interview this week with The Arizona Republic about the chaotic hours leading up to Shooter’s expulsion.

A former Senate intern who once hunched over a computer in a basement cubicle, Mesnard would much rather be discussing the complexities of tax reform or education policy than be mired in this tawdry mess. He gathered his team, aides barking in his ear. They were in damage-control mode and had little time to sort through what would come next. A vote was scheduled for 11:30 a.m., less than two hours away. State police manned the chamber and lobby. Their presence was much heavier than normal, with officers stationed in the House parking lot, throughout the lobby and a seating area reserved for guests. Shooter had spent part of the morning walking the narrow halls at the House and was overheard ’ippantly saying that it was either “A good day for a hanging” or “A good day for a lynching.” Those who knew him well, and considered him a friend, ÿgured it was gallows humor, and that he was talking about himself. Others took it as a threat, given the heightened emotions around the place — that Shooter would be doing the hanging. “It showed a lack of sensitivity to what was happening,” Mesnard said. Then, he read Shooter’s two-page letter in its entirety. It referenced an anonymous young woman who spoke to investigators about her claims of harassment involving others at great personal cost. He wrote her claims were “dismissed and hidden” by the report. Mesnard got on the phone, this time calling the person who is only described in the report as “Interviewee 2.” Up until that moment, he had not talked to the woman about her claims. He wanted to see if she had given Shooter permission to pull her into his defense. “If it was true, it was concerning because the report is indeed incomplete, or apparently there was going to be a Part 2,” Mesnard said. “If it wasn’t true, then it was concerning because he had brought this person in as a pawn, further jeopardizing her anonymity.” Mesnard was told Shooter was not speaking for her. See SHOOTER, Page 16A AR-0008755869-23

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6A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

AZ Politics

Did Reagan regret ‘amnesty’ law? ‘To humanely regain control of our borders’

On Politics Dan Nowicki Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

Republican U.S. Senate candidate Kelli Ward has made the point several times: President Ronald Reagan’s “biggest regret” was granting amnesty as part of 1986 immigration-reform legislation and then counting on Congress to secure the border, which never happened. Ward, a former state senator from Lake Havasu City, and her campaign attribute the claim to Ed Rollins, who served in the White House as an aide to Reagan and who was national director of Reagan’s 1984 re-election campaign. Rollins also now is serving as Ward’s campaign chairman as she pursues Arizona’s GOP Senate nomination in a three-way race against former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio and U.S. Rep. Martha McSally, a Tucson-area congresswoman. Ward’s argument: President Donald Trump and Congress should learn from the failure of the 1986 law as they move forward with the debate on the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and additional border-security upgrades and immigration system changes. The DACA program — created in 2012 by then-President Barack Obama to protect from deportation undocumented immigrants who were brought to the United States as children — is set to expire March 5. In an interview on Breitbart News’ satellite radio show, Ward said: “In 1986, Ronald Reagan — great president, amazing conservative, lover of liberty and of America — granted amnesty; and Ed Rollins, who is helping me with my campaign, told me that President Reagan’s biggest regret as president was granting amnesty and then trusting Congress to deliver on border security. It didn’t happen then, and it’s not going to happen

Kelli Ward speaks to supporters during her Senate campaign kickoff event on Oct. 17 in Scottsdale. MICHAEL CHOW/THE REPUBLIC

now if we do this in the wrong order.”

Did Reagan regret amnesty? The suggestion that Reagan regretted the amnesty law is not new. But previous versions of this story usually attribute the claim to his longtime friend Ed Meese, who served as Reagan’s attorney general. David Bier, now an immigration policy analyst with the libertarian Cato Institute, researched the matter in 2013 and concluded the former president’s so-called regret was an “internet myth.” Bier quoted Reagan as suggesting in a 1980 candidates forum that it would be better to allow immigrants to come in and out of the country legally with work permits instead of “talking about putting up a fence.” “... It seems that Reagan would understand that his law failed to stop illegal immigration, not because we allowed people to stay, but because we refused to allow more to come — in his farewell address, he said he wanted an America

‘open to anyone with the will and heart to get here,’ ” Bier wrote for the Daily Caller website. “That doesn’t sound like regret to me.” In an email exchange with The Arizona Republic, Michael Reagan, the former president’s son, said that his father never regretted the amnesty part of the 1986 compromise, but did regret that there was no follow-through on the enforcement measures or border security. “He would hold the Dems’ (Democrats’) feet to the ÿre this time because he would have learned,” Michael Reagan wrote in one message. The Cato Institute’s Bier remains skeptical. “I checked it as much as I could, and I tried to trace the development of it, and it looks like one of these things that is just an internet myth,” Bier told The Republic. “It certainly did not originate with anyone who was close to Reagan. If you follow the Google development of this thing, somehow it ended up in Ed Meese’s mouth, but he told us back in 2013 that that didn’t come from him, that he never heard that from Reagan.”

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, signed into law by Reagan on Nov. 6 of that year, provided amnesty to nearly 3 million undocumented immigrants who proved that they had been in the United States prior to Jan. 1, 1982. The law’s sanctions against employers who hired undocumented immigrants were never vigorously enforced and, when they were, received a strong backlash from business interests. The law also didn’t include a mechanism to allow for the legal entry of lowskilled foreign workers. So when the U.S. economy boomed in the 1990s and early 2000s, the labor demands were met by new undocumented immigrants. “Our objective is only to establish a reasonable, fair, orderly, and secure system of immigration into this country and not to discriminate in any way against particular nations or people,” Reagan said upon signing the legislation. “... Future generations of Americans will be thankful for our efforts to humanely regain control of our borders and thereby preserve the value of one of the most sacred possessions of our people: American citizenship.” Reagan, who died in 2004, indicated that he considered the 1986 law’s employer-sanctions program to be crucial in preventing future illegal immigration. “It will remove the incentive for illegal immigration by eliminating the job opportunities which draw illegal aliens here,” he said. Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., is the only member of Arizona’s current Capitol Hill delegation who was in Congress in 1986. Though he later became a champion of comprehensive immigration reform, McCain voted against the 1986 immigration law as a then-member of the U.S. House of Representatives. Nowicki is The Arizona Republic’s national political reporter. Follow him on Twitter, @dannowicki.

Montenegro’s path shapes immigration views Ronald J. Hansen Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

Like other Republicans running for a vacant West Valley congressional seat, Steve Montenegro vows to “build the wall,” oppose “amnesty” for undocumented migrants and support other “America ÿrst” immigration policies. Unlike the other 8th District candidates, Montenegro could easily have been on the other side of the wall he favors. Montenegro, 36, is a minister, a former state senator, and an immigration hardliner who came to this country — legally — at age 5 from then-war-torn El Salvador with his parents. He expects other migrants to do the same. “I think it’s kind of crazy, or I’ll even use the word insane, to suggest that the moral or Christian or even right thing to do is to simply let everybody in who wants a better life because no country could survive with that level of immigrants,” Montenegro said. “I think it’s safe to at least think there ought to be limits.” Montenegro got to the U.S. because his father was a minister, a work-related provision in immigration law that allowed the family a path not open to everyone. His ideas have helped put him in the running to replace Trent Franks, a fellow Republican who quit his congressional seat in disgrace after 15 years and several allegations by his staff of sexual misconduct and retaliation. “I often tell people ... I don’t believe that I am more special than anybody else because easily my life could have been different,” Montenegro said. “But God’s mercy and grace and the United States giving us the paperwork to immigrate was life-changing. I can’t tell you enough how much I value that and why this is personal to me.” But his views have also put him at odds with others in the immigrant community. Yasser Sanchez, who has known Montenegro professionally for years, is also a Hispanic immigrant and a conservative Republican. They have very different views on immigration, however. “I ÿnd it inspiring that a family like his was able to come to Arizona and the United States and establish roots. I wish that we could have the same compassion and love and mercy for other people who can’t ÿnd that loophole,” said Sanchez, a lawyer who handles immigration cases. “Why is he not willing to extend the same mercy to others that his family got?

It ba‘es me as a Latino Christian.” El Salvador is the smallest and most densely populated country in Central America, with a population today of 6 million. It is about the size of New Jersey. In 1979, a coup toppled the government and sparked a civil war that lasted until 1992. It killed 75,000 and displaced millions. In 1980, for example, a death squad raped and killed three American nuns and a lay worker in El Salvador in an incident that raised awareness in the U.S. of the unfolding mayhem in Central America. A year later, Salvadoran government soldiers, who had been trained by the U.S. military, massacred more than 800 villagers in El Mozote over three days. About half of the victims were children. Montenegro’s father traveled the country as a minister and had brushes with the violence. “Numerous times they had to come to those stops, those checkpoints. The danger of driving someplace where bullets were ’ying, that’s not because you’re involved politically. That’s just because the environment in the country is so dišcult,” Montenegro said. Montenegro admits he is hazy on his family’s immigration from El Salvador. His grandfather immigrated to the U.S. in the 1970s, but Montenegro’s father couldn’t stay because he was already an adult by that time, Steve Montenegro said. Montenegro’s father returned to El Salvador, met the woman he married, worked in a church and started raising four children, Steve Montenegro said. His parents sought visas to immigrate to the U.S. Montenegro’s Salvadoran passport shows he arrived in Los Angeles on Aug. 23, 1986. The record shows Montenegro was admitted as an SD-3, or the child of a minister. It is a long-standing work-related provision that allows ministers with sponsoring congregations to immigrate to the U.S., and bring their families. Today, Montenegro still thinks of his family’s move as a miracle from God. “It’s one of those things that you’re grateful to the Lord,” he said. It also was fortunate timing. On Oct. 10, 1986, an earthquake in the capital city killed more than 1,000 people and left 200,000 homeless. Meanwhile, the civil war raged for another six years. Ro That same year, a national debate over U.S. immigration policy took its ÿnal turns. On Nov. 6, 1986, President Ronald Rea-

gan signed into law immigration legislation that toughened employment-veriÿcation laws while granting amnesty to millions of undocumented immigrants who had already spent years in the U.S. Montenegro, who had turned 5 a month before his arrival, was admitted “for permanent residence” and became a naturalized citizen on Dec. 20, 1993, when he was 12 years old, according to passport and naturalization records he showed The Arizona Republic. But the family didn’t immediately ÿnd success in their new homeland. “It’s not like you all of a sudden arrive and they say, ‘Here’s a pastorship. Here’s a church, go and be a pastor,’ ” Montenegro said. “My dad actually got a job as a truck driver and my mom was the secretary in an ošce. If they had any extra time on weekends, they would sell World Book Encyclopedias. They did that for the ÿrst two years until there was a church in Colorado that they were asked to go.” Four years later, they moved to Detroit to minister before settling in Arizona in 1995. If the Montenegros found their lives in the U.S. challenging, other Salvadorans encountered far worse. As the Salvadoran civil war escalated, refugees ’ed to the U.S. by the thousands. They came, but were rarely welcomed. The Reagan administration, which supported the Salvadoran government’s efforts at defeating leftist rebels, treated incoming Salvadorans as economic migrants, rather than as asylum seekers ’ eeing rampant human-rights abuses. That limited the number who could legally immigrate to the U.S. Immigrants from con’ict in Guatemala faced the same political dynamic. Only 3 percent of Salvadoran and Guatemalan asylum applicants were approved in 1984, according to an analysis by the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute. By contrast, 60 percent of Iranian applicants and 4 0 percent of Afghans ’ eeing the Soviet invasion received asylum at that time. As awareness of conditions in Central America grew, a sanctuary movement began in 1982 at Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson, then led by the Rev. John Fife. The church deÿed federal immigration ošcials and took in about 13,000 refugees. Other churches, notably in Texas, did the same. “When refugees from that repression started arriving on our border, we began by forming a legal aid organization helping refugees apply for asylum,” Fife, now 78, said. “What we learned was that no

one from El Salvador or Guatemala was being granted asylum. We were taking in people with torture marks on their bodies. Immigration judges would order them deported the next day.” In May 1986, three months before the Montenegros arrived, Fife and ÿve other church workers were convicted in federal court of conspiring to smuggle aliens. It was a high-proÿle legal victory for the government but brought even more attention to the plight of the refugees. By the end of the year, Reagan had signed the immigration bill that granted amnesty to longstanding undocumented immigrants. In 1990, Congress created temporary protected status as a way of dealing with groups like the 200,000 Salvadoran refugees who were already living in the U.S. at the time. President George H.W. Bush extended their protected status in 1992. President Bill Clinton extended it again in 1993. While the Salvadoran civil war ended in 1992, the hardship there did not. In 2001, El Salvador suffered two major earthquakes, a month apart, that killed more than 1,200 people and displaced more than 1 million. After the quakes, President George W. Bush declared new temporary protections for the Salvadorans who had remained in the U.S. illegally. That temporary protection was extended throughout the Bush and Obama administrations. President Donald Trump said last month he would end the temporary protection in 2019 in a move that affects 200,000 Salvadorans already in the U.S. It is a move Montenegro said he supports. “Every country has the authority and the sovereignty to decide what its immigration policy will be,” Montenegro said. “It is also morally correct to have policy that’s in the best interest of its citizens. For President Trump to be looking out for the interest of Americans, and the people under that civil jurisdiction, is actually the right thing.” It is a decision that could have serious economic consequences for the Salvadoran economy. Remittances is estimated to make up 20 percent of the Salvadoran economy. In the U.S., Sanchez said Salvadorans losing their temporary protection “are in shock. It’s more dangerous now than it was when they left. That’s the reality. ... At the same time, you can’t run a program indeÿnitely.” Fife is equally blunt: “We’re certainly blind to the current conditions in Central See MONTENEGRO, Page 11A

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8A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

HOAs Continued from Page 1A

z The ÿnancial documents that detail how HOAs spend the sometimes millions of dollars they collect from homeowners each year are not publicly reported. “Homeowners associations really are privatized government without accountability. We can control everything from what you paint your home to when you cut your yard, but we aren’t accountable to you and don’t have to respond to you,” said Phoenix lawyer Jon Dessaules, who represents homeowners in lawsuits against HOAs. As a result, homeowners are left with little recourse when an HOA decides to take their home, or a management company embezzles hundreds of thousands of dollars intended to repair roads or replace roofs. Some housing advocates are pushing for reforms — and more oversight. But most of their e“ orts have found little traction. Karen Whiting, who owns community-management association Method Real Estate, went to prison in mid-January for stealing more than $300,000 from four Valley HOAs she managed. The water and electricity were almost turned o“ in the Gilbert Fincher Creek community Whiting was hired to manage because she hadn’t paid the bills, according to Maricopa County Superior Court documents. Whiting pleaded guilty to theft and fraud for taking almost $21,000 from that HOA, $177,000 from Gilbert’s Greenÿeld Lakes HOA, $117,000 from Phoenix’s Paradise Park HOA and $2,4 4 5 from Phoenix’s Gold Key Racquet Club. Board members from those HOAs testiÿed about how the thefts hurt their communities, including home sales falling through and property-tax liens. When HOA members began to suspect wrongdoing, there was no regulatory agency for them to turn to for help. Instead, members themselves reKaren searched and documented the thefts Whiting and then notiÿed Gilbert police. In October, federal prosecutors accused the owners of Phoenix-based Eagle Property Management of taking almost $1.3 million from several Valley homeowners associations. Harlow White; his wife, Nancy; their daughters Rachel Ellerbrock and Kelsey Powell; and Powell’s husband, Michael Powell, were indicted on money-laundering and conspiracy charges. Prosecutors allege the group used funds from the HOAs it managed to pay personal bills and mortgages. Eagle Property managed 4 0 Valley HOAs, including the upscale Scottsdale communities Edge at Grayhawk, Skye Top at Troon and Mission de los Arroyos. Harlow and Nancy White have a September trial date. Kelsey Powell, Michael Powell and Rachel Ellerbrock have sentencing hearings scheduled in July, according to court records. The Powells and Ellerbrock — who face ÿnes of up to $250,000, ÿve years in prison and restitution — pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit transactional money laundering. About half of Phoenix-area homeowners live in a community run by one of Arizona’s HOAs, according to industry estimates. There’s no way to know for sure, because the state does not track them. This lack of oversight is typical of HOAs throughout the country, according to Ron Cheung, an associate professor at Oberlin College who specializes in HOA research. “Very, very few localities even know how many HOAs there are, and I think that is a huge problem,” Cheung said. “We’re underestimating the importance of the thing by not knowing anything about them.” When a homeowner buys into an HOA, he or she agrees to live by the covenants, conditions and restrictions, or CC&Rs. Those documents outline everything from required maintenance to how much a homeowner must pay the association — along with what could happen if they don’t. Homeowners sign these documents at closing, but in the ‘urr y of reading loan and title documents, homeowners can miss important provisions. “Most homeowners don’t understand the foreclosure process and don’t know their HOA can foreclose,” said Arizona Real Estate Commissioner Judy Lowe. A 2017 Arizona Republic investigation found HOAs are foreclosing on a record number of homeowners. Since 2015, HOAs have started foreclosure actions on more than 3,000 Phoenix-area homeowners with at least $1,200 in unpaid HOA maintenance payments. During the recession, many Valley homeowners owed more to their lenders than their houses were worth. Because of the negative equity, investors had no incentive to buy foreclosed properties, and the HOAs let the debts ride. As home prices rebounded, investor interest returned and HOAs began to use foreclosure to collect debts more aggressively. Lowe’s department o“ ers an arbitration process for disputes between homeowners and HOAs, but it doesn’t have jurisdiction over HOA foreclosures. “Community associations are private entities,” said Mark Stapp, director of the master of real estate development program at Arizona State University. “Government can’t come in and tell them what to do, but is that a good thing for homeowners?” Real-estate agents must complete 90 hours of classes and pass a test to sell homes in Arizona. Mortgage loan o’cer s must have 20 hours of education and pass a criminal background check. Contractors are required to take a test and post a bond. Property managers of rental homes must have a real-estate license. Homeowners ÿghting with HOAs are often shocked to learn there’s no one overseeing their community association’s actions. HOA board members generally have no experience at running a community, and they rely on management companies to collect and manage fees, ÿne homeowners and foreclose on them when

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they don’t pay. But management companies aren’t regulated, and community managers aren’t required to take training or education classes like real-estate agents are. “I couldn’t believe there was nowhere for me to go for help,” said Marie De Sanna, who has been ÿghting her Chandler HOA for a few years over its move to foreclose on her for late payments. “My HOA sued me, didn’t respond to my requests for information or even update my account when I caught up on payments.” She said her only option was to hire an attorney, often a di’cult ÿnancial move for homeowners already struggling to make HOA payments or pay ÿnes. Arizona’s largest group of community managers believes it can do a better job of regulating itself than the state can. The Arizona Association of Community Managers o“ ers a training program with classes and certiÿcation for managers. Linda Lang, executive director of the AACM, said some communities will only hire community managers with their certiÿcation. The AACM can, and has, revoked certiÿcation when managers violate the association’s code of ethics, which prohibits bad ÿnancial practices like commingling funds and requires community managers to act in the best interest of associations. Many managers seek out the certiÿcation, but it is not a requirement to be hired to manage a community in Arizona. About 60 percent of community managers are members of the group. “Although there is great concern over no oversight for HOAs, not much can be done without the governor’s help,” said Susan Sweetow, founder of the Southwestern School of Real Estate and author of the book “Arizona HOAs and All That Jazz.” “Licensing for HOA managers would be a great start in protecting the associations.” But most HOA community managers don’t think they should be regulated like real-estate agents. Nick Ferre, a vice president with Community Association Management in Phoenix, said community managers don’t close sales or sign leases like real-estate agents or property managers, so they shouldn’t be regulated the same way. “We don’t have control of HOA boards,”he said. “It is up the board members to manage the community association and prevent any wrongdoing like embezzlement.” Fincher Creek homeowner Cindy Butters went to her ÿrst HOA meeting in early 2015, and only two people were there. She was appointed to the board that night, and within a few months, the HOA’s manager, Whiting, had stolen the community’s last $7,000. “I never would have gone to an HOA meeting, but Whiting kept telling me she would ÿx a security light by my house and then wouldn’t do it,” Butters said. “When I walked into the meeting, I could feel something was wrong right away.” Butters eventually become president of the HOA and spent the following 18 months acting as an unpaid forensic accountant, trying to track where her community association’s money had gone. She found checks Whiting had written to casinos out of the account. Butters also found through her accounting research that Whiting had taken money from three other Valley HOAs, and Butters alerted those boards. The police found that most of the money Whiting took went to gambling. Her Gila River Casinos players card showed Whiting gambled nearly $380,000 between 2013 and 2015, according to court documents. Gary Haenel had a similar story. He took on the presidency of his HOA board at Paradise Parks when two other board members resigned in 2014 . A year later, Whiting was a no-show at the community’s annual meeting. A few days later, it was clear she had cleaned more than $117,000 out of Paradise Parks HOA accounts. “I didn’t hire Whiting; a previous board did,” Haenel said. “We have a lot of other senior citizens in our community, and it was devastating what she did to our community.” He was there for her sentencing in early January. “The judge told her she had choices, and she still stole the money,” he said. “She left a lot of victims.” The Arizona Homeowners Coalition sprouted a few years ago from a group of homeowners irked with their HOAs. The group educates homeowners about their rights and spends most of its spring at the state Capitol, lobbying legislators to increase protection for owners and ÿghting bills they believe would hurt people living in HOAs. Dennis Legere, a lobbyist for the coalition, said pursuing licensing for community managers is the Legislature’s “token e“ ort to try to do something” about HOA complaints. It comes up — and then fails — almost every year,

but has yet to be introduced this session. He said there are some legitimate reasons why managers should be licensed — “they manage a lot of money” — but he said it’s not the most e“ ective way to root out bad-acting HOAs and community managers. “It won’t help homeowners,” Legere said. “If it doesn’t help homeowners, it just adds more bureaucracy to a system that’s already ÿlled with bureaucracy.” Plus, Gov. Doug Ducey has made it clear that he won’t support licensing, he said. Last April, Ducey said in a veto letter that his administration would not be in the business of regulating homeowners associations. Instead, the coalition is ÿghting for increased ÿnancial disclosure and foreclosure protections. One of the bills Legere is pushing, but has yet to ÿnd a sponsor for, would require HOAs to disclose ÿnancial documents, including their balance sheets with expenses and losses, to interested buyers before they enter the contract to buy the property. “The current legislation stipulates that the only time homebuyers are required to be provided any information on associations … is after they’ve already signed the contract to buy the house. That’s just fundamentally wrong,” Legere said. Sen. John Kavanagh, R-Fountain Hills, initially agreed to sponsor the disclosure bill but backed out before the legislative session began. In an interview with The Arizona Republic, Kavanagh said he realized the bill would have been too burdensome on HOAs. He said it would force HOAs to produce documents every time a potential buyer “nibbles,” which could become expensive to the association. Rep. Paul Mosley, R-Lake Havasu, introduced a bill that would clarify the HOA foreclosure process and make it more di’cult for HOAs to take people’s homes. The bill would allow HOAs to foreclose only on missed assessments — not the attorneys fees that usually get rolled into a homeowner’s total debt. It also would require HOAs to accept partial payments on the debt, as opposed to mandating a homeowner pay o“ the total amount owed all at once. Legere said the bill could e“ ectively end HOA foreclosures and force HOAs to work with homeowners instead of immediately seeking foreclosure. The advocacy group is also pushing for legislation that would clarify the HOA-initiated foreclosure process and add protections for homeowners. Real-estate attorney Diane Drain, who fought against unethical and illegal Arizona foreclosures during the housing crash, said there should be legislation to force HOAs to make the foreclosure process clearer. “All we need is one sheet, with big letters saying that their HOA can foreclose if they miss $1,200 in payments, that homebuyers must sign,” she said. But so far, the only HOA bill that’s gotten any traction at the Legislature would have actually made it easier for HOAs to foreclose, allowing associations to start the process after six months with no minimum debt. Currently, an HOA can foreclose only after one year of missed payments or if a homeowner accumulates a $1,200 debt, whichever comes ÿrst. Kavanagh, who sponsored the bill, eventually withdrew it after a barrage of media coverage and backlash. He said he believes his bill would have actually helped homeowners, because those with dues of more than $200 per month would have been granted more time before a foreclosure. “My bill was going to give people with moderate to high assessments ... six months to get their act together,” Kavanagh said. Homeowners can pay $500 to ÿle complaints against their HOA with the Arizona Department of Real Estate. The agency handles arbitration and can recommend cases for administrative hearings. Administrative-law judges hear arguments and review the community’s governing documents, and then decide if a homeowner or the HOA board violated the CC&Rs. Disputes heard through the hearing process in the past include: z What maintenance an HOA is required to perform. z Whether an HOA can remove someone as president of a community pickleball club. z Alleged mishandling of HOA board elections. Homeowner complaints against HOAs were up 30 percent last year, according to the agency. Criminal cases like HOA managers embezzling from communities are handled by police and prosecutors. Butters and another Fincher Creek HOA board member called the Gilbert police to report Whiting’s theft and then turned over their investigation to them. “We had nowhere to go for help. There are no government agencies handling HOAs,” said Butters. “We could barely a“ ord to hire a lawyer, but we had to.”

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AZCENTRAL.COM z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z 9A

10A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

The 5 things you should know about homeowners associations Jessica Boehm Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

About half of Valley homeowners live in homeowners associations, but many don’t realize the responsibilities that come along with that. If you live in an HOA or are considering buying into one, make sure you know these ÿve basic things to avoid headaches and potentially high-dollar penalties.

What is an HOA? An HOA is exactly what it sounds like — a mandatory association made up of the homeowners in a neighborhood. If you buy into a neighborhood with an HOA, you agree to live by a set of rules called the covenants, conditions and restrictions, or CC&Rs. These documents are unique to each HOA but can include landscaping and maintenance requirements for the outside of the home and limitations on things like street parking. HOAs also come with mandatory dues.

What powers do HOAs have?

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HOAs usually have control over anything on the outside of the home. Speciÿcs can vary and are outlined in the CC&Rs, but here’s a look at what an HOA typically manages: z Condominium: Condos usually come with heftier HOA fees, but that’s because the association will take care of everything outside of your unit. That means if your paint starts to wear or your roof gets leaky, the HOA likely bears the cost. But condos also can have stricter limitations than other HOAs. They’re known to control the number (and sometimes type of) pets you can keep in the unit and the numbers of renters and vehicles you can have. z Single-family home: In a traditional neighborhood HOA, the homeowner is responsible for the upkeep of the outside of the home, and the HOA has the power to make sure they do so. HOAs can ÿne homeowners for things like excessive weeds or holiday decorations left up for too long. They can also require the owner to repaint the house (in a color that ÿts the neighborhood’s character) or replace broken rooÿng tiles.

What can an HOA charge? z Regular assessments: Every HOA has regular dues that go toward mainte-

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nance of common areas, enforcement, etc. Sometimes these are due monthly, while others are only owed once a quarter. The costs can range from $50 to $1,000, and the board can vote to raise them to account for rising costs. z Special assessments: If there’s an emergency cost (a condo roof breaks, a pipe bursts in the community park, etc.), the board can ask the homeowners to approve a special assessment, which is due on top of the regular assessment. If enough homeowners approve the additional cost (it depends on the HOA, but usually 51 percent is required), then the additional fee will be levied. z Late fees: If you don’t pay your assessments on time, the HOA can charge late fees, rolled into your balance. z Fines: If you break one of the association’s rules (leave your garbage can out too long, don’t pull your weeds, etc.), the association can slap you with a monetary penalty.

What happens if I don’t pay? If you don’t pay the regular or special assessments, the HOA can take drastic steps to recoup its money. When a homeowner falls behind, an HOA can take the individual to court and get a judgment for the money the association is owed. Then, it can use a variety of tactics, including garnishing wages, to retrieve the money. If the amount owed is more than $1,200, or if a homeowner hasn’t paid an assessment in more than 12 months, the association can seek foreclosure and sell the home at auction. A 2017 Arizona Republic investigation found HOAs are foreclosing on a record number of homeowners — more than 3,000 in the Phoenix area since 2015.

Why are there so many HOAs? There are at least 9,000 HOAs in Arizona, and about half of all Valley homeowners live in one. Why? Because HOAs save cities money. Neighborhoods are more than just groups of houses. They also have streetlights, paved streets, retention basins and sometimes parks. Those things cost money that cities don’t have — or don’t want to use. Instead, they encourage residential developers to take on that cost, and the developers create an association to pay for and maintain these features throughout the existence of the neighborhood.

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line to succeed the governor if he or she leaves office, as has happened several times in the state’s history. Seitchik responded, saying Reagan’s “attack machine is already in overdrive” the day after Gaynor jumped in the race. He had considered a run since late last year. “The fact is, Arizona voters have lost conÿdence in Secretary Reagan’s ability to manage and administer safe and secure elections,” Seitchik said. “Steve Gaynor wants to restore trust and conÿdence in Arizona’s election process …” Gaynor, a Paradise Valley resident who owns an investment ÿrm and printing business, has never run for public ofÿce. Two other Republicans have also ÿled to run: Lori Klein Corbin, a Republican Party national committeewoman and former state senator; and Kevin Gibbons, a home loan officer. Because they jumped in the race after the start of the year, Gaynor, Corbin and Gibbons aren’t required to ÿle their ÿrst campaign-ÿnance reports until April 15. Two Democrats vying for their party’s nomination reported raking in far less cash than Reagan: state Senate Minority Leader Katie Hobbs, D-Phoenix, raised about $201,550; and attorney Mark Robert Gordon raised just over $60,000. Reach the reporter at dustin.gardi ner@arizonarepublic.com or follow him on Twitter: @dustingardiner.

Dustin Gardiner Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

Arizona Secretary of State Michele Reagan’s new opponent in the Republican primary could give her a run for her money — literally. Wealthy businessman Steve Gaynor has officially jumped into the race for secretary of state, the state’s No. 2 elected office and next in line to the governor. Gaynor ÿled paperwork to run on Thursday. He enters the race with an apparent ÿnancial edge: Gaynor has put $620,000 of his own money into the campaign, according to Brian Seitchik, his political strategist. Reagan, by comparison, raised nearly $520,000 through the end of last year, her campaign-ÿnance report states. She personally loaned her campaign $85,000. Kyle Moyer, Reagan’s campaign manager, responded to a question about Gaynor’s foray into the race with an o‘ ensive blitz. Moyer called Gaynor a “millionaire outsider” who’s trying to buy his way into the governor’s office and has no experience running elections. “He’s paying six ÿgures to get greater proximity to the ninth ’oor ,” Moyer said on Friday. “He’s not interested in serving as secretary of state.” Arizona’s secretary of state is ÿrst in

Montenegro

There are signs that is already happening. In 2017, there were 17,000 unaccompanied children from there apprehended at the U.S. border. That was up 87 percent in one year. Montenegro acknowledges his immigration views upset some who presume he must think di‘ erently because of his background. But, he said, there are many immigrants who went through the process legally and want to see that upheld. “I think there’s irony that most people who advocate for illegal immigration or for amnesty, or who do so on the basis that these people deserve a better life, are usually the same liberal voices that demonize the very values that make America so great.” Republic reporter Daniel González contributed to this article.

Continued from Page 6A

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AZCENTRAL.COM z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z 13A

12A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

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*One giveaway and two food certiﬁcates per completed guest registration card age 40 or better. PebbleCreek and Robson Ranch residents not eligible. While supplies last. Event subject to change without notice. **Go to robson.com to see the ofﬁcial rules. The housing at any Robson Resort Community™ is intended for occupancy by at least one person 55 years of age or older per dwelling unit, although the occupants of a limited number of dwelling units may be younger. One person must be at least 40 years old in each unit. No one in permanent residence under 19 years of age. Homes at PebbleCreek are offered and sold by PebbleCreek Properties Limited Partnership, owner/agent. PebbleCreek Construction Company, general contractor, ROC 190149. Homes at SaddleBrooke are offered and sold by SaddleBrooke Development Company, owner/agent. SaddleBrooke Construction Company, general contractor, ROC 192901. Homes at Robson Ranch are offered and sold by Sun Lakes-Casa Grande Development, LLC, owner/agent. Robson Ranch Arizona Construction Company, general contractor, ROC 192584. Homes at Quail Creek are offered and sold by Robson Ranch Quail Creek, LLC, owner/agent. Robson Ranch Arizona Construction Company, general contractor, ROC 192584. Homes at SaddleBrooke Ranch are offered and sold by SaddleBrooke Development Company, broker for Robson Ranch Mountains LLC, owner. Robson Ranch Arizona Construction Company, general contractor, ROC 192584. Please review the CC&R’s for the Villas regarding details for home exterior, landscaping & common areas maintenance. No offer for sale or lease may be made or accepted prior to buyer’s receipt of an Arizona subdivision public report. A public report is available on the Arizona state real estate department’s website. Please review the CC&R’s for the Villas regarding details for home exterior, landscaping & common areas maintenance. Restaurants and golf courses currently are open to the public. The golf courses, pro shops and practice facilities at Robson Ranch, SaddleBrooke, The Preserve and SaddleBrooke Ranch will be owned by the developers or their assignee(s). Availability of these facilities for use by owners of interests in any of the developments is at the pleasure of the owners of the facilities. All photos/pictorials are artist’s conception. This shall not constitute an offer in any state where registration is required or if in violation of law. ©2018 Robson Communities®, Inc. All rights reserved. 18RC022

AZCENTRAL.COM z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z 13A

12A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

MODEL OPENING CELEBRATIONS

TODAY

Models Re-Grand Opening at Robson Ranch

FEBRUARY 11TH

11AM - 3PM

Model Homes Open Daily 9am To 6pm

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PHOENIX AREA

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Tangerine Rd. 10,000 Homes SOLD OUT 12 MODELS

Map not to scale

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Jim mi e

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14A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

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About 20 residents were evacuated in Cochise County amid the Knob Hill Fire that has engulfed about 2,000 acres and started Saturday on the western side of the Dragoon Mountains, the Cochise County Sheri“ ’s O‘ce said. The ÿre, in the peaks south of Tucson and just north of Tombstone, started on private lands just after 10 a.m. Saturday. Sheri“ ’s O‘ce spokeswoman Carol Capas said the ÿre appears to have been started by a human, but could not o“ er more details. The ÿre is under investigation, according to an update on the Forest InciWeb site. The Cochise County Sheri“ ’s O‘ce issued evacuation notices to the Dragoon Mountain Ranch area between St. David and Middle March Road and pre-evacuation notices in the Stronghold areas. O‘cials posted updates on the ÿre and photos of smoke billowing over the mountains on the Cochise County Sheri“ ’s O‘ce Facebook page. The Sheri“ ’s O‘ce said an error in the mass-notiÿcation system led to residents as far south as Sierra Vista receiving pre-evacuation notices. The o‘ce said it would correct the issue “immediately.”

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Larry Nassar, the disgraced former Michigan State University and USA Gymnastics doctor, has been transferred to a federal prison in Tucson currently housing one of the 21st century’s most infamous kidnappers and a police detective turned Maÿa hit man. On Saturday, the serial sex abuser was listed as an inmate at U.S. Penitentiary Tucson, a high-security facility that houses 1,387 inmates along with a 149-inmate minimum-security satellite camp in Pima County, according to its website. Operational since 2007, the prison — among 17 highsecurity federal lockups in the country — is part of a federal correctional complex near the Arizona State Prison Complex in south Tucson, about 2 miles from Interstate 10. Nassar, identiÿed as federal inmate No. 21504-040, isn’t the ÿrst high-proÿle inmate at the facility in the southern Arizona desert Brian David Mitchell, the Utah street preacher convicted of kidnapping Elizabeth Smart, who later wrote about surviving her nine-month abduction and Mitchell’s brutal assaults as a teen, is currently serving a life sentence there. So is Louis Eppolito, a former New York Police Department detective-turned-hit man who worked on behalf of the Maÿa. James J. “Whitey” Bulger, the south Boston crime boss, resided at the Tucson facility before being transferred to a facility in Florida. Convicted mass shooter Jared Loughner also spent time in the prison before being transferred. Loughner is now serving a life sentence at the Federal Correctional Center in Rochester, Minnesota, for a shooting rampage in 2011 near Tucson that killed six people — including a child and a federal judge — and left 13 others, including former U.S. Rep. Gabrielle Giffords, injured. And former U.S. Congressman Randy “Duke” Cunningham, R-Calif., was released from the prison in 2013 after serving a seven-year sentence for tax evasion and conspiracy to commit bribery and fraud that funded an extravagant lifestyle. Nassar, 54, was transferred Thursday morning from the Eaton County jail near Lansing, Michigan, to the Milan Federal Correctional Institution near Ann Arbor. He was sentenced on Monday in Eaton County on sexualassault charges. A judge in January sentenced Nassar to 4 0 to 175 years in prison on seven sexual-assault charges. Another judge sentenced him on Feb. 5 to 40 to 125 years in prison on three sexual-assault charges. He must serve the entirety of his federal sentence before he can serve his state sentences. The Lansing State Journal contributed to this article. Reach the reporter at 602-4 4 4 -8515, jpohl@azcen tral.com or on Twitter: @pohl_jason.

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Helicopter carrying seven people crashes in the Grand Canyon BrieAnna J Frank Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

A helicopter carrying seven people crashed in the Grand Canyon on Saturday afternoon, o‘cials said. The Eurocopter EC130 crashed under “unknown circumstances” in the Grand Canyon, Federal Aviation Administration spokesman Allen Kenitzer said. The aircraft sustained “substantial damage,” Kenitzer said. The Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board are investigating the crash. No further details were immediately available.

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AZCENTRAL.COM z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z 15A

Tempe curling fans try the Olympic sport

Police shoot and kill armed 78-year-old man

BrieAnna J Frank Arizona Republic

Jason Pohl Arizona Republic

USA TODAY NETWORK

Curling fans took to the ice Saturday in Tempe with a local club to learn about the sport that’s being watched on millions of televisions around the world during the Olympics. The Coyotes Curling Club hosted the lessons to teach beginners how to curl. About 15 more sessions will be held within the next two months. Steve Leavitt attended the event with his wife, Dawn, and 8-year-old son Aries. Aries said he wants to be a professional curler. Saturday was his ÿrst time getting on the ice to try the sport known for its curious yet elegant gliding, crouching and sweeping moves. Aries said he hopes curling takes him to the Olympics one day. “I just want to have fun and not slip on the ice or break my head open or hurt myself,” he said of his newbie e“ ort in Tempe. “It sounds phenomenal,” Steve Leavitt said of his son’s Olympic-curling career plans. “I always hoped I would have a son who would grow up to be a professional curler. I’m just going with it.” Aries said curling is about “teamwork and friendship.” He hoped trying the sport would introduce him to new friends. Steve Leavitt said if the Saturday venture was a success, he’d look into joining a league. “Anything we can do to have fun together as a family, we’re always looking for that,” Leavitt said.

Flagsta“ police o‘cer s shot and killed a 78-yearold man on Friday night who they say brandished a gun at them and a bystander while ignoring law-enforcement commands to drop the weapon. O‘cials have identiÿed the man as Flagsta“ resident John Hamilton. A woman called police about 8:52 p.m. and said a man with a gun confronted her in the 700 block of West Coconino Avenue. Police responded and encountered an armed man who ÿt the description, Flagsta“ police said in a news release. For “several minutes,” o‘cer s demanded that Hamilton drop the gun and not point it at anyone, police said, but he disobeyed their commands. After several minutes, O‘cer s Daniel Beckwith and Travis Rowden both ÿred their weapons at Hamilton, who fell. After receiving medical aid, he was pronounced dead at the scene, according to the police release. No one else was injured. Beckwith and Rowden have been placed on paid administrative leave pending the results of an investigation, o‘cials said, which is standard procedure. Republic reporter Derek Hall contributed to this article. Reach the reporter at 602-444-8515, jpohl@azcen tral.com or on Twitter: @pohl_jason.

Victor Ren Arizona Republic USA TODAY NETWORK

A Phoenix ÿreÿghter was arrested Friday on suspicion of stealing money from other ÿreÿghters at stations around the city, o‘cials said. Ryan Donahue, 36, is suspected of stealing money at eight ÿre stations in the city, said Phoenix police Sgt. Alan Pfohl. Pfohl said the man also is suspected of starting two dumpster ÿres in order to divert ÿreÿghters away from stations so he could take money while they responded to the calls. There were no injuries from the two ÿres, Pfohl said. Cash was taken from other ÿreÿghters’ wallets and from a pool of funds they contribute to for purchasing food or other station needs, Pfohl said. Investigators arrested the ÿreÿghter after they observed him taking money from a station at 43rd and Virginia avenues, Pfohl said. Police followed the man and made the arrest at a parking lot at 19th Avenue and Bell Road. During an interview with police, the man admitted taking money from the eight stations and starting the ÿres, Pfohl said. Phoenix Fire Department Capt. Larry Subervi said the department is focused on helping police with the ongoing investigation. “We had noticed a pattern,” Subervi said. “When there is a theft, that gets reported through the battalion chief, so we work closely with Phoenix PD on this.” Subervi said ÿre stations around Phoenix have started taking more security precautions. “Since we have noticed this pattern, we have made sure that all of our bay doors are locked,” Subervi said. “We have been securing our stations di“ erently than we have in the past.” Donahue was booked into the Fourth Avenue Jail in Phoenix on eight counts of theft, two counts of arson, one count of burglary and one count of criminal damage, police said.

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He’d had it. He realized that a censure would not be enough. He had already warned Shooter he would move to oust him if his misbehavior continued. “At that moment, in my mind, and I think in the eyes of many, this was another violation, another harassment, creating a much more toxic environment, from the joking he was doing to bringing this person in,” he recalled thinking. “And I’m a man of my word.” The night before, Mesnard ÿelded text messages and emails from lawmakers about the looming vote. They wanted to make sure he was implementing extra safety precautions. Mesnard didn’t consider Shooter a threat, but he didn’t want to take any chances. An Arizona Department of Public Safety o“cer was summoned from the Senate for extra protection. Mesnard then walked to Shooter’s ofÿce with a police detail in tow. Sitting across the desk from Shooter, Mesnard told him he was scaring people with this reference about “a hanging.” He said Shooter seemed surprised. “ ‘I know you’re trying to add levity,’ ” Mesnard recalled telling Shooter. It didn’t seem to matter. Still, he continued his months-long quest to convince Shooter to resign to spare his colleagues a hard vote. He told him an expulsion vote could tear the House apart. And, he said, Shooter was doing a disservice to those he was asking to defend him because they could be perceived as soft on sexual harassment. Shooter wouldn’t budge. “Finally, I said, ‘OK, I’m moving to expel you,’ ” Mesnard said. Shooter responded: “You gotta do what you gotta do.” Then, Mesnard asked Shooter for his display gun, a .38-cailber. Shooter was asked if he had any other guns. He sat for a moment, and then opened a drawer in his desk and took out a box that held a small .22-caliber handgun. Mesnard took the display gun and the police o“cer took the other. Mesnard left Shooter and headed back to his o“ce . The speaker instructed his sta‘ to modify his resolution for a censure. Around the corner, the Clerk of the House of Representatives tweaked one word in Mesnard’s House Resolution 2003. It now carried the short title, “Don Shooter; expulsion.” “… with concurrence of two-thirds of its members, hereby expels Representa-

tive Don Shooter,” the resolution read. The word “censure” had been removed. About 11:30 a.m., as other members mingled on the ’oor , Mesnard’s team blasted out a news release. Shooter’s letter, he wrote, was “a clear act of retaliation and intimidation, and yet another violation of the House’s harassment policy.” The speaker was seeking expulsion. Mesnard and senior sta‘ began pulling lawmakers into Mesnard’s o“ce from the House ’oor — some had not seen Shooter’s email. Moments later, Mesnard walked from his o“ce to the ’oor to the wooden dais overlooking the chamber, and gaveled the session in. “It’s a monumental moment, it’s a historic moment — unfortunately,” he remembered thinking. “But at that point, I was in implementation mode.” He stepped o‘ the dais onto the turquoise carpet, and walked to his desk to introduce the resolution. Then, he returned to the rostrum. With voting underway, he gave Shooter the ’oor . In the front row of the gallery, directly above Shooter, sat one of his accusers, Amy Love, a lobbyist for the Arizona Supreme Court. Love had provided investigators with one of the most graphic incidents about a 2013 encounter in his o“ce, back when he was in the Senate. Shooter deÿantly defended himself before voting against his own expulsion. He had apologized for his behavior, he told them. And he’d stood on that carpet and “took it like a man.” He then dropped his microphone on his desk and abdicated his seat, walking through the low-lit members’ lounge to the House parking lot, escorted by state police. He got in his Mercedes sedan and drove away. He missed the sometimes tearful, sometimes testy ’oor speeches from his onetime peers. The vote was 56 to 3 for expulsion. After the vote, Mesnard walked the halls to make sure the members who were still around were OK. Not long after, Shooter’s nameplate came o‘ his o“ce door. That night, relieved the vote was over, Mesnard got on a plane to visit his sister in Missouri. Shooter’s former assistant and House pages spent the next day packing up the o“ce, and their former boss returned to the Capitol on Saturday, escorted by state police, to collect. Follow the reporter on Twitter @yvon newingett and on Facebook. Contact her at yvonne.wingett@arizonarepublic. com and 602-444-4712.

AZCENTRAL.COM z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z 17A

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18A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

Guadalupe Garcia de Rayos video chats with her kids from her room in Acambaro, Mexico, more than 1,400 miles from her family in Mesa. PAT SHANNAHAN/THE REPUBLIC

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Nogales, Arizona, and sent across the border into Mexico — becoming, by all accounts, the ÿrst person deported as a result of President Donald Trump’s newly ordered no-holds-barred approach to immigration enforcement. A year later, Guadalupe Garcia de Rayos is living with her parents and extended family in Acámbaro, the same colonial town in central Mexico where she grew up before crossing the border illegally into the U.S. when she was 14. It has been a rough year for the 36year-old mother. She struggles daily with depression, unable to earn a decent living despite help from the Mexican state government opening a tortilleria — tortilla shop — while coping with the emotional pain of being separated from her husband of 18 years and their two children, 17-year-old Angel and Jackie, all of whom remain 1,400 miles away in Mesa. At night, she is tormented by the hard choices the family must face: Should her husband and American children come live with her in Mexico? Or should they stay in the United States, separated perhaps forever, clinging to hope that she may one day be allowed to return? In the meantime, barred from returning to the U.S. even for visits, Garcia de Rayos continues her life here. She usually rises at 6:4 0 a.m. each morning to open the tortilleria, located a short walk from her family’s adobe and cement house. She spends several

hours making and selling corn tortillas with help from a single employee. She opened the shop in July, after the governor of the state of Guanajuato sent her a check for 320,000 pesos after her deportation received widespread news coverage in Mexico and the U.S. With the money — the equivalent of about $17,000, a small fortune in Mexico — Garcia de Rayos purchased three pieces of equipment: a large vat to cook dried corn, an industrial-size grinder to turn the corn into masa, and a machine that spits out fresh tortillas on a conveyor belt after the dough has been stu“ ed through a funnel. To draw in customers, she also bought a yellow awning with the name of her business, Tortilleria Lupita’s, in black letters. The tortilleria sits o“ a sidewalk on a narrow street, lined with adjoining houses, a few blocks from the town’s central plaza. Garcia de Rayos can hear the bells from the main cathedral toll every hour. She had the awning hung outside the store, above the doorway, and to add a touch of beauty, she placed two plants on the front step. Because the tortilleria is inside an empty house owned by her uncle, Garcia de Rayos doesn’t have to pay rent. But so far, the tortilleria has been a bust. Within a few blocks, there are several other tortillerias, each with their own established clientele. As the newest tortilleria, Guadalupe de Rayos’ business can’t compete. Meanwhile, her tortilleria brings in about 150-200 pesos — about $8 to $10 — a day. That is less than she earned in a Continued on next page

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Continued from previous page

single hour as a maintenance worker in Mesa. The earnings are enough only for Garcia de Rayos to pay a woman she hires to help her with the laborious work of running the shop. So now she is looking for a better location closer to the center of town. On a recent morning, however, the tortilla-making machine, still shiny and new-looking, sits idle. A part had broken loose and jammed the motor, knocking the machine out of service. Garcia de Rayos doesn’t have money to pay a repairman. So instead of making tortillas, she is at home, nursing a cold. Sheets covering the window in her room flap loudly as a ÿerce wind blows in from outside. A series of cold fronts had swept through the area, dropping temperatures at night into the high 30s, unusual for this subtropical region. Garcia de Rayos is sure she caught her cold from sleeping in her unheated room. The glass covering the window broke months ago. But Garcia de Rayos couldn’t a‘ ord to replace it. Her nose red from her illness, she sits on the edge of her bed, next to a mound of blankets, wearing a blue hoodie to keep warm. Her second-floor bedroom overlooks a small courtyard in the center of the house she shares with her mother and father, her sister and brother-in-law, her three nieces and two aunts — 10 family members in all. To reach her room, Guadalupe must climb a set of uneven cement stairs that wind treacherously around the inner walls of the courtyard. With no railing, a fall from the top could be fatal. The house lacks many of the comforts she grew accustomed to in Arizona. The cement shower and dishwashing basin are outdoors, exposed to the sun and rain. The kitchen is so small, family members take turns sitting at the wooden table during meals. After she was deported, Garcia de Rayos was reunited with her family members, many of whom she had not seen in years, including her mother and father, a sister and a brother. Some she had never met, including her three nieces, who were born after she left Mexico for the United States 21 years earlier. Being surrounded by their love helps her get through the pain of being separated from her husband and children. She also tries to keep busy. Besides running the tortilla shop, she helps her sister and mother at a stand they run, selling cups of sliced fruit, in the center of town, across from the Catholic cathedral that anchors the town plaza. But when darkness falls, she dreads

returning to her bedroom alone. “It is very di’cult, even though I am pretty happy to be with my family here,” she says. “But once nighttime comes, I miss my children dearly.” She points at a bed on the other side of the room, below a poster of Jesus, blond and blue-eyed, raising his hand as if giving a blessing. “That is where my children sleep when they visit,” she says. Angel and Jackie have visited their mother three times in Mexico: for a week in March during spring break, for a month in July and for two weeks during Christmas break. As U.S. citizens, they are free to travel back and forth between the U.S. and Mexico. To get there, they must travel ÿrst from Phoenix to Guadalajara, Mexico’s second-largest city, a nearly three-hour flight, and then drive four more hours to Acámbaro, a bustling railroad hub with cobblestone streets, known throughout Mexico for its sweet bread. Angel and Jackie live with their father in a comfortable split-level home with a two-car garage and a large yard in east Mesa. Their father has not seen his wife since she was deported. He asked that his name not be published, because he fears his family could be targeted by “racist people.” He works at a restaurant as a cook. After his wife was deported, he said, he took on a second job at a shoe store to make up for the loss of income from her job at Golfland Sunsplash, an amusement park in Mesa where she earned about $12.75 an hour cleaning the pools and doing other maintenance work. Even though it means living apart, Garcia de Rayos says she doesn’t want to raise her two children in Mexico. They will receive a better education and have more opportunities in Arizona, she says. She worries about her children getting sick here. The week before, her pregnant sister-in-law lost her baby because the hospital didn’t see her in time. She doesn’t want her children exposed to the violence in Mexico. She hears about people getting killed daily on the news, and even witnessed a shooting while walking in the center of her town. “Do you think this is a safe place for my kids? It’s not,” Garcia de Rayos says. “I know people criticize me and say, ‘Why doesn’t her family go live over there (in Mexico)?’ They have no clue how bad it is over here.” Garcia de Rayos was deported the day after she had gone to the Phoenix ofÿces of Immigration and Customs Enforcement for what, until then, had been a routine check-in. In March 2009, Garcia de Rayos pleaded guilty to a felony charge of

criminal impersonation for using someone else’s Social Security number to work illegally. The charge stemmed from a work-site raid conducted by former Maricopa County Sheri‘ Joe Arpaio in 2008 at Golfland Sunsplash. After three months in the Estrella Jail, she was transferred to ICE custody and spent three more months at a federal detention center in Florence before she was released on a $6,000 bond. Garcia was deemed a low deportation priority under the Obama administration, and ICE declined to deport her for eight years, even though she was issued a ÿnal order of removal in 2013, as long as she checked in annually and stayed out of trouble with the law. The temporary reprieve also made her eligible for a work permit, which she used to return to her job at Golfland Sunsplash, this time legally. Then Trump was elected. Days after the inauguration, on Jan. 25, 2017, Trump signed one of three executive orders related to border security and immigration, following through on a campaign promise to greatly expand deportation priorities. During a major speech on immigration Trump delivered in Phoenix in August 2016, the candidate had declared, “No one will be immune or exempt from enforcement.” Garcia’s annual check-in with ICE fell on Feb. 8, just two weeks after Trump ordered ICE to take a more aggressive stance toward immigration enforcement. Her deportation drew international attention, and reflected a sudden and dramatic shift in U.S. immigration policy from the Obama administration. During Trump’s ÿrst nine months in o’ce, from Jan. 20 to Sept. 30, 2017, ICE made 110,668 arrests, a 4 2 percent increase over the same period a year earlier, according to a report last month by the Migration Policy Institute on Trump’s immigration record. Of the 110,568 arrests, 29 percent were people with no criminal conviction, the report said. By comparison, 90 percent of people removed by ICE from the interior of the U.S. in 2016, under the Obama administration, had been convicted of serious crimes. “This is a sharp break from the end of the Obama administration, during which interior enforcement focuses almost exclusively on criminals,” the report said. Before going to her check-in, Garcia de Rayos said she knew there was a possibility ICE would arrest and deport her. But in the back of her mind, she thought the agency might not follow through so quickly on Trump’s order. The Rev. Ken Heintzelman, the pastor at Shadow Rock United Church of Christ, o‘ ered to let Garcia de Rayos

take sanctuary from ICE inside the church, where six immigrants facing deportation have lived since June 2014. But Garcia de Rayos said she declined. She needed to keep working to help support her family. The other option was to try hiding from ICE. But ICE knew where she lived. And she said she didn’t want to be always looking over her shoulder. Looking back, Garcia de Rayos says she doesn’t have any regrets about turning herself in to ICE. Showing up for the check-in was the right thing to do, she said. A devout Catholic, she prayed before the ICE check-in that she wouldn’t be deported. Now she prays that she will be reunited with her family in Arizona. But that won’t be easy. Garcia de Rayos’ felony conviction virtually destroyed her chances of ever returning to the U.S. legally, even though a sister who is a U.S. citizen applied for her to get a green card 15 years ago. Her children could also sponsor her for a green card once they turn 21. But Republican-led proposals in the House and Senate, backed by Trump, would eliminate Garcia de Rayos’ children and sister from sponsoring her for a green card. “I think only a miracle can help me,” Garcia de Rayos says, back in her bedroom. “I hope God touches those people’s hearts so that they may take that felony o‘ my record.” Later that night, Garcia de Rayos slowly navigates her way up the cement stairs in the darkness to her bedroom. She is returning from a walk with her brother-in-law’s sister, ready for the highlight of each night. Garcia de Rayos picks up her phone and presses the keys, calling her daughter in Mesa. Jackie appears. For several minutes, Garcia de Rayos is no longer separated from her family. She asks her children in Spanish how their day has gone. Jackie tells her she’s been sick and stayed home from school. Garcia de Rayos asks what their grandma brought over for them to eat, since their father is out that night attending a prayer meeting at church. “She made me the noodle soup you used to make,” Jackie tells her. In the background, Angel is clowning around. “Angel, stop!” Jackie yells, in English. Angel then gets on the phone. He’s also been sick, with allergies, he tells his mom. I love you so much, Garcia de Rayos repeats over and over in Spanish. Take care of yourselves. “Los quiero mucho. Cuidense. Adios.” Then the screen on her phone goes dark. Garcia de Rayos suddenly looks very alone, sitting on her bed, holding the phone in her hand.

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20A z SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2018 z THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC

Corruption Continued from Page 1A

A Los Angeles Police Department informer close to Durazo — a former Colombian police officer who immigrated to the United States — had set up the entente. And a police cavalcade had brought the detectives to their meeting with the chief. Then, immediately after the introductions, Durazo leveled an accusation: The American guests were CIA agents posing as cops. Through a translator, Durazo brushed o“ their denials and began talking about arms shipments and drug smuggling. “You know what I do for the CIA and the Contras?” he asked. That comment, which made no sense at the time, echoes in Rothmiller’s memory. Only years later would Americans learn about a secret U.S. campaign, then underway, to arm insurgents ÿghting Nicaragua’s leftist government. In that moment, however, it seemed that Mexico’s top cop was trying to sidetrack their negotiations. Rothmiller and Hamilton tried to steer the conversation to counterterrorism. There were reports that a Colombian organization known as the 19th of April Movement might be plotting an attack on the Olympics. The detectives wanted help from Mexico to prevent an attack. Again, El Negro played tough. He said he might be willing to share information — but only if the detectives would get him access to a U.S. database of stolen vehicles. Rothmiller balked. Before heading south, he had run a background check and learned that Mexico City’s police chief was dirty. Durazo had been indicted by a Florida grand jury seven years earlier for cocaine trafficking. And, to Rothmiller’s bewilderment, those charges were somehow erased from the U.S. justice system. Knowing the value of stolen-vehicle data to Mexican crime syndicates, Rothmiller told El Negro that a detective could never make such a deal — then held his breath. Durazo eventually abandoned his demand. He agreed to share information on terrorist groups. And he gave the two LA cops badges with credentials identifying them as majors on the Mexico City police force. On the ’ight back to LA, Rothmiller’s head swirled with questions: What was all the CIA talk? How did someone make a federal drug indictment disappear? And who was this guy? Now a silver-haired author living in Prescott, Rothmiller never saw Durazo again. But he kept watching, and kept wondering. El Negro would become the most notorious lawman in Mexican history, a fugitive from his own government. And the target of a frantic, worldwide manhunt by the FBI, trying to stop a presidential assassination. That drama, previously hidden in classiÿed U.S. government ÿles, is partly revealed in Rothmiller’s recently published book, “Secrets, Lies and Deception.” But here is the full story, never told before. (While each detail of Rothmiller’s account could not be independently veriÿed, all key facts were corroborated by FBI reports, news archives, books, interviews and other records. Some FBI documents cited in this story were obtained independently by Virginia Colwell, an architectural historian in Mexico City, whose father, Jack Colwell, was among the FBI agents who captured Du-

Mike Rothmiller is an ex-policeman and a proliÿc author. TOM TINGLE/THE REPUBLIC

razo.) Rothmiller worked in the LAPD’s Organized Crime Intelligence Division. After the Mexico trip, he continued planning Olympic security, aided by a pair of Durazo’s police colonels, plus the Colombian snitch. Over time, Rothmiller says, those sources assured him Durazo was, in fact, tied to the CIA, and they alluded to U.S. government involvement not just with Nicaraguan rebels, but with drug smugglers. Although skeptical, Rothmiller developed an appreciation for his informer’s savvy and his connections. The informer had once served as a police officer in Bogota, and seemed to have tentacles everywhere. But he would learn years later, while reading FBI ÿles on El Negro, just how far they reached. Those documents contain dozens of references to an informer known as “Source Two.” The person’s name is blacked out, but the identity unmistakable: the Colombian. FBI reports say Source Two was so close to Durazo that he served as a personal aide when El Negro moved to Los Angeles, even registering the former chief ’s vehicles to his home address in Southern California. The FBI records mention that Source Two, as a Bogota police officer, became a conÿdante to Colombia’s most powerful politicians in the late 1960s. After the adult son of a politician was involved in a fatal shooting, FBI records say, Source Two agreed to take the blame. In return, the Colombian government helped him ’ee to the United States to avoid arrest. The Arizona Republic recently tracked down Source Two at his modest California home. Clear-eyed, feisty and articulate, the balding 82-year-old sipped co“ ee at a kitchen table, conÿrming the FBI reports and asking not to be identiÿed for security reasons. He said he began working for Colombia’s secret police as a teenager and advanced in rank, becoming close with President Guillermo Valencia Muñoz. Source Two said he and the son of an important political ÿgure went out with two women one evening. He fell asleep in the car and was awakened by gunÿre: For reasons that are unclear, his friend had shot one of the women. To avert a national scandal, Source Two said, he agreed to become a scapegoat. “I was so stupid. Unfortunately, I’m a very loyal person,” he explained. “I say, ‘Well, I was drunk. I did it.’ ” Source Two vanished to Miami, then New York, where he got a job at a customs house. During the early 1970s, he was approached there by a Colombian government official o“ ering $250,000 for help with a cocaine-smuggling oper-

ation. Source Two said he has always hated drugs and terrorists, so he went to federal prosecutors and agreed to be the frontman for an undercover sting. When the case broke, he said, Colombian cartels posted the $250,000 bribery sum as a bounty on his head. The Justice Department gave Source Two U.S. citizenship and a new identity, placing his family under witness protection with names they still use today. The government also helped launch his new career as informer. He worked primarily on salary as a contract operative for the FBI, with additional jobs for the Customs Service, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the IRS, the U.S. Marshals Service and local law enforcement. His civilian job, distributor for a body-armor company, served as cover while he traveled the world gathering intelligence and setting up criminals. As suggested in FBI ÿles, Source Two was a shadow — running stings without being publicly exposed. There were exceptions, however: Court records show he led a 1,500-pound cocaine seizure by the Mohave County Sheri“ ’s Office in Arizona. And he put a major narcotics trafficker behind bars in Texas. Source Two said he has never counted up the investigations or criminal convictions, but there were many brushes with death. “I’ve been in the middle of very, very, very bad people. Many times I got set up and everything,” he said, pointing skyward. “And I got protection from the Lord.” In the late 1970s, Source Two said, FBI handlers asked him to target Durazo. At the time, El Negro had not yet been convicted of orchestrating cocaine

shipments from Colombia through Mexico to Miami, but was suspected. Source Two said he came up with a ruse, persuading an international police association to give El Negro an award for law enforcement in Washington, D.C. Source Two arranged to be Durazo’s guide on tours of the FBI Academy and the U.S. Supreme Court. Soon, Source Two was making trips to Mexico City to visit his new friend, who not only gave him a badge as police major, but also made him a general in Mexico’s military — a title he ’aunt ed during sting operations. Source Two said he had no part in Durazo’s Miami indictment but isn’t surprised the criminal charges simply vanished: “Like (Manuel) Noriega in Panama, he dealt with all the (U.S.) agencies because they needed his cooperation in Mexico.” Portions of Source Two’s account are substantiated not just by FBI records, but by Albert Zapanta, now president and CEO of the U.S.-Mexico Chamber of Commerce. Zapanta, who has held numerous U.S. government positions, became acquainted with Source Two and Durazo during the 1970s in Mexico City, where the chief gave him credentials as a police major. Zapanta says he suspected Durazo was a CIA asset, adding, “I had to believe it had to do with arms and drugs.” He also wondered about Source Two, a “promoter of relationships” who seemed to work for U.S. intelligence. “He was a likable guy,” Zapanta adds, “but would I trust him? No.” Rothmiller’s impression of Source Two at the time: “U.S. agents, spies and cops buzzed around him like gringo bees. And there was no doubt he had access to the deepest secrets within the Mexican intelligence community.” In fact, Source Two became one of Rothmiller’s most valuable assets, putting him onto major cases that involved cocaine shipments into California and weapons trafficking out of the country. Those investigations were underway on Aug. 10, 1982, when Rothmiller — driving near his home — was ambushed by a gunman on a motorcycle. Six shots from a machine pistol peppered his unmarked police car. Rothmiller was not hit. But he crashed, injuring his back, and the gunman escaped. Forced to take medical leave, Rothmiller applied for worker’s compensation beneÿts. LAPD administrators denied them, alleging he had fabricated the shooting and injury. Misconduct charges were ÿled. After hearing evidence, a judge not only ruled in favor of See CORRUPTION, Page 21A

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Corruption Continued from Page 20A

Rothmiller, but ripped the Police Department, which was headed at the time by Chief Daryl Gates. Rothmiller received compensation for the injury and stress caused by an LAPD campaign of harassment and false charges. Despite the outcome, Rothmiller’s law-enforcement future was over, and he resigned from the department. But there would be another chapter in his personal conflict with Chief Gates. And the strange story of El Negro would get more tangled. In 1982, Mexico elected a new president, Miguel De La Madrid Hurtado, who vowed to root out corruption. Durazo lost his job. Within months, one of his top aides published a best-selling book, “Lo Negro del Negro Durazo” (”The Dark Side of Blacky Durazo”), which in chilling detail revealed the former chief ’s role in murders, bribery, drug dealing and other crimes. By early 1983, with rumors spreading through Mexican media that Durazo would face criminal charges, he went underground. He began jetting around the world, with a home base in California. Rothmiller knew El Negro had a condo in Marina del Rey’s oceanfront towers, frequented a plush LA restaurant, and hung out with American judges and law o“cer s. Once again, the reality made no sense. “Durazo was the El Chapo of his time,” Rothmiller recalls. “We knew he was under indictment. Why is he not getting arrested when he comes here?” The questions remained unanswered for years, overshadowed for Rothmiller by career developments. After leaving the police force, he worked in television, eventually hosting a show on ESPN called “The Gamesman,” where he wrestled alligators, soared with the Blue Angels and took on other challenges. He also began writing books. The ÿrst, “LA’s Secret Police,” was published amid a furor over the 1992 Los Angeles riots. Rothmiller described the attempt on his life, suggesting a link with his investigation of drug cartels and arms shipments. He also mentioned his Colombian snitch. But the volume focused on a police spy campaign waged by Gates against California political ÿgures and Hollywood celebrities. Rothmiller’s revelations helped force the closure of the LAPD’s Orga-

nized Crime Intelligence Division — and, along with the riots, contributed to Gates’ departure as chief. Rothmiller wrote more than a dozen books. He began paying attention to the Iran-Contra scandal, which included allegations that Reagan administration operatives coordinated with cocaine tra“ck ers to ÿnance military shipments to Nicaraguan insurgents. The Kerry Report of 1988, a U.S. Senate investigation, spelled out the Contra collaborations. Rothmiller also followed investigations into the Mexico City torture and assassination of DEA Agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena. Although the 1985 slaying initially was blamed on cartel leaders and corrupt Mexican o“cials, two former DEA o“cials in 2013 went public with claims that the CIA played a role. Phil Jordan of Scottsdale, former head of the DEA’s El Paso Intelligence Center, and Hector Berrellez, a retired agent who oversaw the investigation into Camarena’s death, contend a CIA operative named Felix Rodriguez was present during Camarena’s torture, and the murder was carried out in part because the DEA agent had uncovered connections between cartels and Mexican airstrips used to ferry drugs and weapons for the Contra operation. The CIA has denied involvement in Camarena’s death. Via email, an agency spokeswoman declined to provide records or answer questions about ÿgures in this story. However, the spokeswoman conÿrmed Rodriguez was a CIA operative. Against that backdrop, Rothmiller ÿnally acted on his curiosity about El Negro, ÿling public-records requests with the FBI, the State Department and other agencies. Inquiries were stonewalled or denied, he says. Then, inexplicably, the FBI mailed him a CD full of classiÿed reports. The documents read like a spy novel with a stunning twist. El Negro’s legend began in Cumpas, a Sonoran village about 100 miles south of the Arizona border, where Arturo Durazo Moreno grew up. López Portillo, the future Mexican president, was his neighbor and close friend. Both entered government service. El Negro became a member of Mexico’s right-wing Guardias Blancas (White Guards), a militia notorious for violently quashing reformists during the 1960s. When López Portillo ran for president in 1976, Durazo became his personal security chief. That relationship proved troublesome for American authorities. According to records obtained by

Rothmiller, just before López Portillo was sworn in, then-U.S. Ambassador Joseph Jova met with the presidentelect to warn about Durazo’s Florida cocaine indictment. Jova told López Portillo that Durazo could face arrest in the U.S. and urged him not to give El Negro a prominent government job. López Portillo ignored that request, creating a potential diplomatic nightmare. But, as Rothmiller puts it, something very odd happened: “The U.S. agencies then conspire to remove the warrant from the Look-Out system. They keep the indictment secret and allow this cocaine tra“ck er to travel freely in and out of the U.S. during the next six years. ... He (Durazo) held meetings with senior U.S. o“cials and, during the term of his appointment, continued his cocaine tra“cking, engaged in extortion, kickbacks and murder.” By all accounts, Durazo used Mexico City’s federal police department as a personal crime syndicate. His o“cial salary was reportedly $1,000 per month, yet he amassed a fortune. There were mansions in Mexico and getaways in the U.S., Canada, Spain and elsewhere. One Mexican compound featured a horseracing track, a man-made lake, a casino and a discotheque. Another, replicating Greece’s Parthenon, is now a popular museum of corruption. When López Portillo left o“ce in December 1982, the new president, De La Madrid, fulÿlled a reform promise by replacing the capital city’s police chief. El Negro already was a subject of Mexican movies, books and ballads. Now, a criminal probe was underway. But the target, tipped o’ by insiders, slipped away — with help from a Colombian pal in Los Angeles. Source Two conÿrms FBI reports that describe how he helped Durazo import vehicles to California, cash checks, seek visas and set up business meetings as an aide and conÿdante. Source Two said he solidiÿed trust by using his influence to get Durazo’s wife, Silvia, through U.S. Customs with gold elephant statues and $300,000 cash. By late 1983, Durazo still had not been charged with a crime in Mexico, and there was no o“cial U.S. e’ ort to track him down. But early the next year, an urgent bulletin was sent from the Los Angeles FBI o“ce to then-bureau Director William Webster: “THREAT TO KILL MEXICAN PRESIDENT MIGUEL DE LA MADRID ... THIS COMMUNICATION IS CLASSIFIED IN ITS ENTIRETY. LEGAT (legal attache for the FBI), MEXICO CITY, HAS DISSEMI-

NATED INFORMATION REGARDING THE ALLEGED THREAT BY DURAZO TO HAVE THE PRESIDENT OF MEXICO KILLED … MUCH CONCERN HAS BEEN GENERATED OVER THIS THREAT INASMUCH AS THE DEPUTY MEXICO FEDERAL ATTORNEY GENERAL HAS ADVISED THAT DURAZO MAY HAVE AS MUCH AS ONE BILLION DOLLARS AT HIS DISPOSAL.” According to the FBI, Durazo hoped that by eliminating Mexico’s new leader, he could avoid prosecution. The alert described how the chief of Mexico’s Federal Security Directorate, José Antonio Zorrilla Peréz, had asked U.S. authorities if American agents could secretly capture Durazo in the U.S. — without a warrant or extradition — and haul him back to Mexico as a “forcible escorted deportation.” Zorrilla, who claimed his government allowed U.S. agents to take similar actions in Mexico, was informed such a plan would be kidnapping — unacceptable and illegal. The Mexican o“cial tried another tack, asking “WHAT WOULD BE THE RESULT IF SOMEONE WAS MERELY SENT TO KILL DURAZO?” The American legal attache answered that it would be “intolerable.” The attache eventually suggested an alternate plan: American agents could launch a sting in hopes of drawing Durazo into a murder plot while inside the U.S. — a violation of the Neutrality Act. How would such an operation be carried out? The attache explained: “BY HAVING U.S. SPECIAL AGENTS OF THE FBI POSE AS MERCENARIES CONTRACTED BY DURAZO TO ACCOMPLISH THE ASSASSINATION OF THE (Mexican) PRESIDENT, THUS CATCHING DURAZO IN AN OVERT ACT.” That same day, the FBI communique says, Mexico’s deputy attorney general conferred with U.S. Ambassador John Gavin and asked for a meeting with U.S. Attorney General William French Smith to request an “urgent, direct investigation by the FBI to resolve this threat.” Federal agents learned of the Mexican assassination plot from informers in California. The ÿrst, identiÿed in records only as “Source One,” was interviewed by FBI agents on Dec. 14, 1983. He claimed to be a close friend of the Durazo family and reported that a relative of El Negro told him, “They are going to kill the president” of Mexico. Then came the February 1984 interSee CORRUPTION, Page 23A

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Corruption Continued from Page 21A

view with Source Two, who told U.S. agents he’d known El Negro for years and helped him relocate to Los Angeles. According to Source Two, another of Durazo’s relatives was soliciting assistance for a presidential murder. A week later, Source Two had a follow-up conversation with the Durazo relative about who might ÿnance the assassination, the FBI report says. Source Two said he was told El Negro would pay. In o“cial reports, some FBI agents questioned Source Two’s trustworthiness. They wrote that several years earlier, he failed a polygraph test and was “discontinued with prejudice” as an operative. Nevertheless, a key FBI memo concluded Source Two was “very reliable,” and he might be the crucial go-between in an undercover operation. During interviews with The Republic, Source Two denied failing any polygraph test or possessing stolen property. He said he earned a reputation for integrity. According to FBI records, Durazo lived a “playboy lifestyle,” theoretically making him easy to locate. He frequented the ritzy Westwood Marquis Hotel in Los Angeles. He bought a condo in nearby tower where the top ‘oor cost $11 million, including helipad. Perhaps more importantly, as a former police chief, El Negro had vast resources. Agents believed he was getting intelligence from law-enforcement ÿgures in the U.S. and Mexico. Because of that, FBI bulletins were top secret — not even entered into a national crime computer. Durazo’s crony network included prominent American politicians, judges, police chiefs and federal agents, as well as o“cials overseas. In March 1984 , assassination fears peaked as President De La Madrid scheduled a spring visit to Washington, D.C. The U.S. Secret Service was warned with a teletype that stressed, “THIS MATTER IS BEING GIVEN THE HIGHEST PRIORITY.” On March 6 of that year, the FBI Terrorism Section in Los Angeles asked bureau headquarters for permission to launch a sting. A decision from headquarters arrived March 23: “THE POSSIBLE RESULTS THAT COULD BE OBTAINED BY THIS UCO (undercover operation) WOULD NOT JUSTIFY THE RISKS AND EXPENSES … APPROVAL TO CONDUCT

UCO IS NOT BEING GRANTED AT THIS TIME.” By June 1984 , the threat of a De la Madrid assassination was prompting executive-level communications. A teletype to FBI headquarters noted: “The President of Mexico, MIGUEL DE LA MADRID, has personally conveyed this sense of urgency to the President of the United States, RONALD REAGAN, Attorney General WILLIAM FRENCH SMITH, and FBI Director WILLIAM WEBSTER.” That month, Mexican courts ÿnally charged Durazo with extortion, illegal arms possession and tax violations. The search continued for weeks with dead-end leads. Then, in late June, FBI agents got a tip: Durazo would be arriving by plane at the airport in San Juan, Puerto Rico, to meet family members. A federal greeting party was dispatched. Shortly after the ‘ight landed, news shot across the FBI teletype: “SAN JUAN DIVISION ARRESTED CAPTIONED SUBJECT, ARTURO DURAZO, ON 6-29-84 WITHOUT INCIDENT ... SUICIDAL TENDENCIES.” El Negro was ‘o wn to Los Angeles. In court, a defense attorney told the judge Durazo would not survive extradition because he held too many secrets about powerful people. “You can’t return this man to Mexico,” the lawyer said. “He’ll be executed somewhere along the line.” The prediction proved wrong. Durazo was convicted in Mexico and sentenced to 25 years. He was paroled after serving just seven, and died of natural causes in 2000. But for Rothmiller, a riddle continued to nag — not just about El Negro or the CIA, but about why someone had tried to gun him down more than three decades ago. It was not until 2013, when former DEA agents Berrellez and Jordan went public with allegations about a CIA role in Camarena’s death, that Rothmiller ÿled a swarm of records requests under the Freedom of Information Act. Sorting through the ÿles, the former detective no longer wonders how Durazo’s cocaine indictment vanished, or who protected him: “I’m convinced it was the CIA because of the Contra thing,” he says. “The weapons running.” In his book, Rothmiller contends El Negro was “an integral player in this top-secret operation.” Rothmiller admits there’s no smoking-gun proof. But, at least for an ex-cop who worked intelligence, circumstantial evidence ÿts like pieces cut with a jigsaw. “If you had a puzzle of Abe Lincoln, and you had everything but his eyes, you’d say, ‘Oh, that’s Lincoln,’ ” he says. “It kind of completes the circle.”

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Sources: Gerontol A Biol Sci Med Sci. 1995 Nov;50 Spec No:5-8, American College of Sports Medicine, Exercise and the Older Adult, US Department of Health and Human Services, Osteoporosis Research, Education and Health Promotion, Annals of internal medicine (Impact Factor: 16.1). 04/1996; 124(6):568-72, J Am Geriatr Soc. 1995 Jul;43(7):756-60, J Am Geriatr Soc. 2004 May;52(5):657-65, Health Day March 11, 2014, Journal of Strength & Conditioning Research: October 2012, Volume 26, Issue 10, p 2806-2811, Archives of Internal Medicine August 6, 2012, Nutrition & Metabolism May 17, 2012

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