AESOP SFP Berlin workshop booklet 2017

AESOP planning Workshop sustainable food

Making Measuring Rethinking sustainable food systems

23-24 March 2017

Berlin, Germany

Welcome Sustainable food planning is gaining attention and relevance among urban planners, landscape architects, policy makers and researchers around the world. As many successful worldwide approaches have already demonstrated, the integration of food issues into the policy and planning agenda has the potential to improve urban livelihood, design resilient cities and fulfil multiple social, ecological and economical functions. We think that young professionals and PhDs students have a major role to play in such renewal of planning practices and thinking.

This workshop is organised by the AESOP Sustainable Food Planning PhDs and young professionals group. The event is open to early-career participants (young professionals, practitioners, PhD students, post docs, etc.) from all around the world, working on the multiple fields of sustainable food planning. Participants don’t need to be based at AESOP-affiliated institutions. We are calling for contributions in areas of practical experiences as well as research, which are addressing both the current constraints of food systems, and the potential challenges and benefits of food system change. Participants are invited to present research results as well as work in progress with open questions for joint discussions.

Organisation Committee: Coline PERRIN INRA Montpellier, France

( French National Institute for Agricultural Research)

coline.perrin@inra.fr

Beatrice WALTHALL

Center for Metropolitan Studies

(Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, & Technichal University, Berlin, Germany)

beatrice.walthall@metropolitanstudies.de

Kathrin SPECHT ZALF

Müncheberg, Germany

kathrin.specht@zalf.de ( The Leibniz Centre for Agricultural Landscape Research (ZALF), an institution of the Leibniz Association.)

Radu - Mircea GIURGIU USAVM

radu.giurgiu@outlook.com

Jan - Eelco JANSMA WUR

janeelco.jansma@wur.nl

Cluj-Napoca, Romania

(University of Agricultural Scienes and Veterinary Medicine)

Wageningen, The Netherlands

(Wageningen University & Research and AERES University for Applied Sciences)

University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine Cluj-Napoca, Romania

AESOP Sustainable Food Planning Fashioning a sustainable food system is one of the most compelling challenges of the 21st Century. Because of its multi-functional character, food is an ideal medium through which to design sustainable places, be they urban, rural or peri-urban places. For all these reasons, food planning is now bringing people together from a diverse range of backgrounds, including planners, policy-makers, politicians, designers, health professionals, environmentalists, farmers, food businesses, and civil society activists among many others.

PhDs and Young Professionals Thematic Group The Group aims to bring together academics, policy-makers and practitioners from an international audience that are at the beginning of their career. The group goal is to help young researchers and practitioners to build a network in the field that can lead to future collaborations and develop a multidisciplinary and international participation at the AESOP Sustainable Food Planning Conferences.

AESOP SFP Berlin Workshop 2017 Aknowledgements We would like to thank AESOP association for funding and Georg-Simmel Center for Metropolitan Studies, Berlin for hosting the Workshop

Venue

Georg-Simmel Center

for Metropolitan Studies

Mohrenstr. 40-41, 10117 Berlin, Germany

Table of contents

Table of contents..................................................................................5 Programme............................................................................................7 Outline....................................................................................................8 Contibuting Experts.............................................................................9 Field Trips.............................................................................................10 Parallel Sessions Programme...........................................................11 Instructions for the presenters.......................................................12 Short Papers MAKING.....................................................................13 Short Papers RETHINKING............................................................27 Short Papers MEASURING.............................................................45 Posters...................................................................................................55 Map of Berlin w/ highlights of the workshop...............................57

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Programme 23 March [day one] 12:30 - 13:30

Welcome and Opening Remarks

13:30 - 14:30

Key Note Speaker: Katrin BOHN

14:30 - 14:45

Break

14:45 - 16:15

Parallel Sessions on Making, Measuring, and Rethinking Sustainable Food Systems

16:15 - 16:30

Coffee Break

16:30 - 18:00

Parallel Sessions on Making, Measuring, and Rethinking Sustainable Food Systems

18:00 - 19:00

Wrap-up

19:00 - 21:00

Joint Dinner (optional)

24 March [day two] 08:30 - 09:00

Opening

09:00 - 09:30

Reports of the Three Sessions

09:30 - 11:30

* Workshop Networking: Neela ENKE

11:30 - 11:40

Short Break

11:40 - 12:00

Wrap up (survey/evaluation, conclusion)

12:00 - 13:30

Lunch and Transfer

13:30 - 16:30

Field Trip

16:30 - 17:00

Farewell

* Interactive training session on techniques to strengthen and support: - effective introduction of yourself and your work - articulate central themes and core messages - interpersonal communication

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Outline The workshop consists of three parallel sessions:

Making

s us t a i n a b l e f o o d s y s t e m s

The scope of this session is to present and discuss the involvement and commitment of practitioners, politicians, institutions and civil society in the field of sustainable food, how they change the food system.

An increasing number of initiatives combine various actors and practices to shape a more sustainable food system (i.e. CSA, Community Gardens, Urban and Vertical Farming, Food Sharing, Participatory Budgeting, etc.). Which challenges is this alternative food movement facing? Beyond the scope of each initiative, how do actors and practices create deeper structural changes towards more sustainable food systems? Topics for presentations can include (but may not be limited to) the following areas: •Presentation of innovative initiatives, policies •Linkages of different actors and networks •Creation and support of new practices •Challenges (for the initiatives) and conditions to create structural change •Contribution of projects to democratize food governance

Measuring sustainable food systems The scope of this session is to present and discuss applied methods and approaches used for the analysis of sustainable food systems. A range of approaches and methods can be used to measure effects or impacts of projects on the food system. They refer to or combine different disciplines (e.g. social sciences, environmental sciences, planning, agricultural sciences, etc.). We invite papers that address the following issues: •Methods and approaches for food system analysis •Methods and approaches to measure effects and impacts of the projects •Scales of measuring •Linking the methodologies of Social Sciences with Natural/ Applied Sciences

Rethinking sustainable food systems This session seeks to present different concepts and approaches that shed light into new perspectives about building more sustainable food systems. Various concepts and approaches have been developed in order to study, understand and improve nowadays food systems. For instance, spatial approaches such as global, regional, local food systems serve as an analytical lens to connect geographic places where food is produced to where it is consumed. Food Planning approaches, on the other hand, focus more on policy and planning priorities to shape a more sustainable, healthier and just food system.

Participants are invited to discuss alternative concepts and approaches that have not been widely applied and may require more consideration. Suggested topics include: •Concepts and approaches for food system analysis from social, economical or environmental perspectives •Concepts and approaches to address food system change/transition •The meaning of food initiatives, concepts or systems in terms of environmental/climate, social, agricultural or economic parameters

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Contributing Experts Katrin Bohn teaches and researches sustainable architecture and urban design with a focus on urban food production, mainly as a senior lecturer at the University of Brighton.

Katrin BOHN Contact information:

Bohn&Viljoen Architects 18 Copleston Road London SE15 4AD, UK Tel.:++44 (0)20 7639 9774 E-Mail: katrin@bohnandviljoen.co.uk

Together with André Viljoen, she runs Bohn&Viljoen Architects, a small architectural practice and environmental consultancy based in London. Bohn&Viljoen have taught, lectured, published and exhibited widely on the design concept of CPUL City (Continuous Productive Urban Landscape) which they contributed to the international urban design discourse in 2004.

Katrin’s projects on productive urban landscapes include feasibility and design studies as well as food growing installations and public events, mainly for UK and German clients.

Dr Neela Enke holds a doctorate degree in Biology from Freie Universität Berlin and has over 10 years’ experience as a researcher in several research institutions in Germany, France, Croatia, Scotland, and Czech Republic.

She is also a coach and certified mediator for doctoral candidates, postdocs, professors, university employees and teams.

Dr Neela ENKE

In 2012, Dr Neela Enke founded Scienza, a small science coaching consultancy based in Berlin. As a trainer, she offers workshops on career development in Science as well as diversity and conflict management.

Contact information:

Scienza Science Coaching Berlin Samariterstraße 30 10247 Berlin, Germany Tel.: +049 (0)30 – 68 07 63 68 E-Mail: nenke@scienza-berlin.de

BOHNANDVILJOEN ARCHITECTS

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Field trips

1. Allmende Kontor at Tempelhofer Feld With 5.000 m2 and about 250 slots, the Allmende Kontor is one of Berlins biggest community garden. The garden, located on the former Tempelhof Airport Field, represents a nucleus for many aspects: alternative ways of food production, social diversity and inclusion, commoning, and the usage of public spaces. Hence, the garden connects questions surrounding the food system to a larger picture of contemporary urban struggles and potentials to create a more sustainable future.

Allmende Kontor Tempelhofer Feld, 12049, Berlin

2. TopFarmers

TopFarmers Berlin Treskowallee 123, 10318 Berlin

Top Farmers researches and develops AquaTerraPonic farm systems for sustainable food production.

AquaTerraPonics Technology runs water and nutrients entirely in a fully integrated closed/circular/system.

The water is filtered through living substrates (terra) where plants find the nutrients they need to grow. The system does not depend on pesticides and herbicides, but instead maintains and strengthen itself by diversity, expertise and biological control.

(Description abstracted from website: http://www.topfarmers.eu/)

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Making, Measuring and Rethinking

Parallel Sessions

14:45 - 16:15

Making

Room 415

Convener: Radu

14:45 - 15:15

Mehuys

A Food System Approach of Cape Town, South Africa

15:15 - 15:45

Leloup

Creation of short food supply chain in Lima

15:45 - 16:15

Zhou

From Urban Greening via Urban Agriculture to Urban Agritecture

Rethinking

Room 311 -

Cardoso

Convener: Coline

Landscape Planning for Food System Change

14:45 - 15:15

Bartholdsson Foodscape as form, function and approach

15:15 - 15:45

Jansma

Almere Oosterwold: A first glance at the planning of an Urban Food Scape

Measuring

Room 211

Convener: Beatrice

14:45 - 15:15

Ismael

Development of a new surveys methodology of sensory science to detect the intention-behavior gap in the organic food consumption

15:15 - 15:45

Stempfle

Assessing Venice Food System

15:45 - 16:15

SanyĂŠMengual

Quantifying the global sustainability of urban food systems

16:30 - 18:00

Making

Room 415

Convener: Coline

Allocation of public land to farmers

17:00 - 17:30

Hasnaoui Amri Doernberg

17:30 - 18:00

Lazzarini

A new space for local cooperation

16:30 - 17:00

Urban food policies in German city regions

Rethinking

Room 311

Convener: Jan Eelco

16:30 - 17:00

Triboi

Urban pastoralism: An environmental tool for recreating and maintenance of ecological corridors

17:00 - 17:30

Bernot

Beyond the Desert: Unequal access to food in Detroit

17:30 - 18:00

Delgado

Urban Agriculture in Portugal

Room 211

Rethinking/Measuring

16:30 - 17:00

de Vries

Research by designing for local food

17:00 - 17:30

Cattivelli

Urban gardening and social inclusion of foreign citizens

17:30 - 18:00

Lewis

The state and impacts of urban food production policy

Convener: Radu

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Instructions for the presenters For each paper presentation we reserved 30 minutes. This is more than usually at conferences, but it leaves you ample time for discussing your paper with your peers. You have 15 minutes to present your paper. At minutes 10 and 14 the convener will give you a sign. The more time you use for the presentation the less stays for Q&R and discussions.

You could prepare some questions you want to discuss in advance.

During the session we expect you to stay in the room of your session. The break half way gives you time to change of session room.

Each room has a laptop and a beamer at which you can present a ppt. For special request please ask the convenor of your session (see the schedule)

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Short-Papers

Making Mehuys M., Welther M., A Food System Approach of Cape Town, South Africa; Community Gardens as a Catalyst for Sustainable Change

matthieu.mehuys@gmail.com

Leloup H.,

Creation of short food supply chain in Lima; Fair trading or a superficial trend?

Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne; PRODIG, Paris, France helo.leloup@gmail.com

Zhou H.,

From Urban Greening via Urban Agriculture to Urban Agritecture; Taking Shanghai as a Case Study

Technische Universität Berlin, Institute of Art Science and Historical Urbanism, Centre for Metropolitan Studies Germany hemeng.zhou@metropolitanstudies.de

Hasnaoui Amri N., Perrin C.,

1.

Allocation of public land to farmers;

a way to support multifunctional agriculture on the urban fringe? at INRA, UMR Innovation, Montpellier, France nabil.hasnaoui@supagro.inra.fr 2.

Doernberg A., Voigt P., 1.

1.

Zasada I., Piorr A.,

Lazzarini L.,

Urban food policies in German city regions:

An overview about actors and steering instruments 1. Leibniz Centre for Agricultural Landscape Research (ZALF e. V.), Müncheberg, Germany, 2. NAHhaft– für eine nachhaltige Land- und Ernährungswirtschaft e.V., Berlin, Germany, doernberg@zalf.de

A new space for local cooperation:

the case of the Agro-Environmental Agreement in Aso Valley in Italy Interuniversity Department of Urban and Regional Studies and Planning DIST, Politecnico di Torino, Italy luca.lazzarini@polito.it

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AESOP Workshop

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Sustainable Food Planning

A Food System Approach of Cape Town, South Africa

(Community Gardens as a Catalyst for Sustainable Change) Mehuys, M. and Welther, M.

Abstract –The industrialisation and globalisation of food systems caused a lot of changes on how food is produced, processed, marketed and consumed. As most current food systems overexploit natural resources, these systems cannot be regarded as sustainable and raise several challenges. Moreover, in the face of a growing population and therefore an increasing food demand, sustainability problems arising from food systems will likely become more serious, especially in urbanising cities and even more in developing countries. Cape Town is facing big urban challenges, as beside its increasing gap between rich and poor and the unequal economic and social growth, other issues such as the increase in lack of food security in households, land use conflicts and environmental degradation are occurring. The purpose of this paper is to give a short overview of Cape Town’s urban food system to be able to further examine how the government, planners and communities can tackle the urban food challenge by striving towards a more sustainable food system.

Keywords – Food Systems, Cape Town, Local, Community Garden Preferred session: Making

INTRODUCTION Since the industrial revolution, urbanisation has increased immensely, resulting in more than half of the world’s population living in cities, which is expected to reach 66 per cent by 2050. Considering the expected population growth to 9.6 billion people by that same year (United Nations, 2013), challenges and conflicts are arising, as simultaneously the food demand will drastically grow and available agricultural land to produce food will decrease. This challenge specifically affects rapid urbanising cities, as nearly no food is produced within the urban fabric and the demand for food, water and energy is much higher.

Developing countries already have to deal with these challenges in many cases. (World Resource Institute, 2014) Cape Town, located in South Africa, is with its segregated society and dualistic economic sector (formal and informal) representing a very unique and interesting case, as it has to tackle similar food issue challenges occurring in the Global North (e.g. overconsumption) as well as in the Global South (e.g. malnutrition, food insecurity) (FAO, 2012; Battersby et.al., 2009). Moreover several other important aspects such as the stagnating economy and ever more degrading environment are contributing to the difficult urban challenge, Cape Town is facing. In the last decades a renewed interest in food issues has emerged, manifested in urban agricultural or community related projects (Viljoen and Bohn, 2014). Moreover, global

impacts such as the food price crisis in 2008 brought attention to the need of new alternative solutions (Lagi, 2011). Municipalities and planning institutes such as the American Planning Association (APA) have also started to acknowledge that food – amongst the other essentials for life: air, water, and shelter should be included in the planning of cities (APA, 2007). Therefore the following question is arising: How can a more sustainable food system be created in the specific case of Cape Town?

PROCEDURE AND METHODOLOGY After examining Cape Town’s urban food challenge, literature is compared and/or assessed to the relevance of improving the food system in Cape Town.

This is done by looking at the topics of a sustainable food system; a local food system; how planners play an important role in integrating food issues on a governmental level and in guiding community initiatives.

A final specific scope is implemented on the aspect of a community garden as a central point for food issues and community life improvements.

THE URBAN FOOD CHALLENGE A drastic population growth alongside with urbanising cities, defines Cape Town’s urban food challenge. This aligns with an enduring failure of economic growth, which contributes to an endemic rural and urban poverty. This poverty results in a chronic food insecurity defined by an inadequate food access. (Battersby et.al., 2009) The continuous growing population and growing cities leave evidenced harmful traces in the environment. With the growing demand for water, energy and food, the ecological footprint of cities is drastically increasing and stretching far beyond its physical boundaries. Also Cape Town’s footprint with 128300 km² stretches far beyond its boundaries and is 52 times bigger than its own size, which is similar to the extent of the whole Western Cape Province (City of Cape Town, 2007). Moreover, South Africa’s current food system, based on industrial agricultural and mostly very unsustainable methods as well as its global dependency, is producing and supplying food at the moment while also contributing to an impending food crisis. The dualistic agrarian system in South Africa and the industrialisation of the food system affected and even broke down the diversity of local food cultures and local food economies. (Battersby et.al., 2009) In summary, Cape Town’s food system can be considered as a very complex system in a state of economic, environmental, and social crisis. Therefore it

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can be claimed that the challenges of a drastic inequality, mass urbanisation, lack of economical growth leading to urban poverty and expansions of informal settlements. Also climate change has increased the need of inputs for food production, food scarcity and environmental degradation resulting in critical food insecurity.

SUSTAINABLE CHANGE According to a revolutionary paper of Pothukuchi and Kaufman (1999), acknowledging the high relevance of food in the city, the meaning of a sustainable food system can be defined as a system, which is secure, meaning that urban dwellers can rely on it as well as that it is flexible and resilient to changes. Furthermore, referring to the out coming food security, a sustainable food system should provide nutritious food, which is affordable, accessible and available for all layers of society at all times.

As Cape Town’s food system is globally oriented the specific feature of the localisation is seen as one of the key instruments to create a balance between global and local food supply and therefore increasing the resilience and sustainability of the city and its communities. Furthermore referring to Viljoen and Bohn (2014), it might be helpful to break down the food system into smaller components, to tackle more local challenges without loosing the focus on the bigger scale. Knowing this, it is not enough to purely focus on localising a food system without addressing other local challenges, which are the external interinfluencing drivers of a food system. This aspect is highly relevant in Cape Town where drastic local challenges as e.g. the inequity of the society are shaping and shaped by the current food system.

With this localisation, the relevance and responsibility of local governance and planners comes into focus, as food issues have to be integrated in urban development and therefore in urban life. As urban life considers several aspects ranging from economy, society, culture and environment, food issues should be ideally embedded on the smallest geographical and social subdivision of a city, representing a community within a neighbourhood. Hence the concept of a local community foodshed seems to tackle several placebased challenges and therefore contributes to a sustainable community life.

Political decisions and implications are often a rather slow and bureaucratic process, as often seen in Cape Town (Millstein, 2010). Therefore it is essential to elaborate other possibilities allowing and enabling communities to start own initiatives and actively take part in changing the current food system, without pure dependency on the government. Hence, planners are identified as a key role in addressing food integration in the local context, through the collaboration with the government to develop top-down strategies for the city development as well as the support and cooperation with the community (combining top-down and bottom-up planning), which is essential to approach this complex issue holistically (Viljoen and Bohn, 2014).

The food integration on community level leads to the focus of community gardening, which can have

Sustainable Sustainable Food Food Planning Planning

direct influences on the food system as well as a positive impact on social, economical and environmental aspects inter-influencing the food system. (Draper and Freedman, 2010) The success of a community project and its potential impact lies in the importance of adjusting to the local community needs. Therefore a deep-grounded social analysis of a specific community is essential to reach the best outcome in a certain area. The development of key steps should be undertaken by a community, ideally guided by planners, to develop a place-based community garden tackling several local challenges. Therefore the holistic implementation of food on community level with all the demonstrating activities has definitely the potential to function as a catalyst as different food processes get integrated in the community life and therefore lead towards a more localised and sustainable food system.

REFERENCES APA. (2007). Policy Guide on Community and Regional Food Planning, [pdf] Chicago: APA Battersby, J., Fincham, R., Frayne, B. and Haysome, G. (2009). Urban food security in South Africa: Case study of Cape Town. Working Paper Series 15.

Msunduzi and Johannesburg: Development Planning Division.

City of Cape Town. (2007). The Economic Imperatives of Environmental Sustainability, [pdf] Cape Town: City Department of Economic and Human Development.

Draper, C. and Analysis of the Associated with States. Journal 492.

Freedman, D. (2010). Review and Benefits, Purposes, and Motivations Community Gardening in the United of Community Practice, 18(4):458-

FAO. (2012). Food, Agriculture and Cities: Challenges of food and nutrition security, agriculture and ecosystem management in an urbanizing world, [pdf] Rome: FAO. Lagi, M., (2011). The Food Crisis and Political Instability in North Africa and Middle East. [pdf] Cambridge: New England Complex Systems Institute.

Millstein, M. (2010). Limits to Local Democracy: The Politics of Urban Governance Transformations in Cape Town. [pdf] Working paper no 2. Sida: Swedish International Centre for Local Democracy.

Pothukuchi, K. and Kaufman, L. (1999). Placing the food system on the urban agenda: The role of municipal institutions in food system planning. Agriculture and Human Values, 16:213-224.

United Nations (2013). World Population Prospects: The 2012 Revision, Key Findings and Advance Tables, [pdf] New York: United Nations.

Viljoen, A. and Bohn K. (eds.) (2014). Second Nature Urban Agriculture. First Edition. New York: Routledge.

World resources institute (2014). Creating a sustainable food future, A menu of solutions to sustainably feed more than 9 billion people by 2050, [pdf] Washington, DC: United Nations.

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Sustainable SustainableFood Food Planning Planning

Creation of short food supply chains in Lima: Fair trading or a superficial trend?

H. Leloup1

Abstract – Short food supply systems are a new phenomenon in Lima, widely inspired by experiences that took place in Northern-Hemisphere cities. During the last decade, this type of food distribution has exploded, finding a market amongst the city’s growing middle class. It is often thought that short food supply chains intrinsically improve retribution for urban and peri-urban producers. Nevertheless, the integration of producers in these systems is subject to a number of limitations. This article sets out to investigate how these systems are conceived and implemented.1 Keywords - Urban and periurban agriculture, short food supply chain, Lima.

Preferred session: Making sustainable food systems.

INTRODUCTION This research initiative addresses urban agriculture and the emergence of new food systems in the city of Lima, Peru. In particular, we focus on new consumer expectations in this field and municipal policy ramifications.

Lima is in a unique situation among developing cities. It faces the expected issues of major cities in the Southern Hemisphere, such as fast and uncontrolled growth, pollution, lack of public spaces and endemic poverty, but it also shares some features of wealthy cities, with an emerging middle class and growing demand for higher quality of life.

In particular, inhabitants require more open spaces and a more efficient public transport system, with ever increasing concern about food. A demand for fresh, local and organic products is emerging, giving the impression in the media of a resurgence of local agriculture, and urban agriculture in particular.

Indeed, luxurious restaurants are beginning to promote the local origin of their products as sales incentive. As a result, local farmers’ markets are spreading within the city, first in wealthy neighbourhoods, and during recent years in more mixed ones. However, access to these markets is very selective for producers. Divides are opening between farmers who are able to become part of the so-called “alternative” food system and those who cannot, and between consumers who can afford “good food” - understood as local short food supply chains with a provenance that can be traced from the field to the consumer’s plate - and those who still depend on the traditional supply chain (supermarkets or markets).

Local food supplies are often designated as new opportunities for precarious operators. These new ways of trading are supported by local politicians, which is often necessary for markets to be maintained in the long term (Leloup, 2016).

1

H.Leloup is pursuing a doctorate at Université Paris 1 Panthéon

Sorbonne; PRODIG, Paris, France (helo.leloup@gmail.com)

However, the question arises as to whether this is an inclusive measure, fairly accessible for all producer and consumer profiles. For whom have they been created?

RESEARCH METHODS This project set out to understand and define the place of urban producers within the city. Therefore, our data are primarily derived from a series of surveys of farmers who produce livestock and plant products, located both in the suburbs and in more central neighbourhoods. In parallel, other types of surveys were conducted with municipal authorities, and representatives of NGOs and institutions that work with food producers throughout the city.

These surveys were undertaken in Lima over four periods between 2013 and 2016, ranging from 2 to 6 months. This fieldwork allowed us to follow the producers throughout different stages of their activities, facing a range of climatic pressures.

The results of these surveys were then crossreferenced with official data, through agrarian censuses and market information.

Particular focus was given to spatial analysis, in order to understand the dynamics of the activity and the links created between sites of production, trade, and consumption.

MAJOR RESULTS Food plays a key cultural and societal role in contemporary Lima. The city is billed as the culinary capital of Latin America (Matta, 2010), the result of a growing movement that has come to be known as the “gastronomy boom”. Nonetheless, poor nutrition remains an issue in Peru, giving rise to high rates of obesity (MINSA, 2012).

In this context, since the year 2000 Lima has witnessed the creation of “bioferias”, offering the direct sale of environmentally friendly products.

These initiatives have the dual objectives of reducing the economic injustices of conventional supply chains, and offering high quality products. Most items sold are locally sourced, with some being certified organic; they meet the demands of consumers seeking a healthy diet and food that is respectful of the environment and socially responsible (Gomez and Morales 2012). These direct sales at farmers’ markets are becoming increasingly successful. The first feria was created in 2002 in Miraflores; today there are 8 spread over several districts of the city (see figure 1).

These markets are an application of short supply chain systems, defined as “a commercial chain where the number of intermediaries between consumers and producers is low” (Aubry et al., 2010). In our case, the intermediaries are the municipal governments, NGOs or consumer

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associations that organize the initiatives.

Sustainable SustainableFood Food Planning Planning

The lack of organization remains the main impediment to the generalization of this form of trading. New food systems such as short supply chains impose new commitments on producers: regular trips to the market sites, meetings with other producers and with institutions, new ways of producing (organic) in order to meet urban expectations. In parallel, despite a number of limitations the traditional chain remains competitive with short supply chains, and offers the producers the chance to concentrate on farming.

In conclusion, we found that short food supply chains are profitable for producers that already have capital in place (here, the capital can be understood as financial, moveable property, or social capital through producers’ organizations).

As far as consumers are concerned, an effort has been made to promote bioferias outside of privileged areas, but figure 1 shows the concentration of these markets in the central and coastal area, which is also the wealthiest (INEI, 2014).

In Lima, the main purposes of local food supply are not achieved, and it is still considered a privilege - for both producers and consumers.

REFERENCES Allen, P., 2010. Realizing justice in local food systems. Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 3(2), pp.295–308.

Figure 1. Agricultural land and fresh food trading sites Source: INEI, Minagri, satellite images, (Robert, 2013). By: Leloup, 2015

The integration of small scale producers thanks to a new food system is subject to several limitations. Only producers that are members of associations are permitted to sell at ferias. Indeed, for the institution in charge of implementing and promoting a feria, it is easier to deal with one organized group than with individual, independent farmers. As a result, the producers that are not organized remain as isolated as they used to be before the appearance of short supply markets.

DISCUSSION The results of our research show that models and their application should be considered with care. In northern countries, experiences such as farmers’ markets have been proved to offer new opportunities to precarious producers, that is, small scale producers that are not involved with agroindustry (Chiffoleau, 2008). In Lima however, most produce is still traded along extensive supply chains (Bey, 1995; Leloup, 2016). Even if the distance between the site of production and that of consumption is short, the length of the supply chain in terms of intermediaries is still significant, due to the lack of labour force (Ba and Aubry, 2011). Other technical points can be underlined, such as the necessity for the producer to have their own mobility in order to reach the ferias. For most producers, this represents a considerable obstacle to direct sale.

Aubry, C., Dabat, M.-H. & Mawois, M., 2010.

Fonction Alimentaire de l’agriculture urbaine au Nord et au Sud : Permanence et renouvellement des questions de recherche. In ISDA 2010. Cirad-InraSupAgro, 13p.

Ba, A. & Aubry, C., 2011. Diversité et durabilité de l’agriculture urbaine : une nécessaire adaptation des concepts ? Norois. Environnement, aménagement, société, (221), pp.11–24.

Bey, M., 1995.

Production paysanne et approvisionnement de Lima.

In Nourrir les métropoles d’Amérique Latine : approvisionnement et distribution. Paris: L’harmattan, pp.121-145.

Chiffoleau, Y., 2008. Les circuits courts de commercialisation en agriculture : diversité et enjeux pour le développement durable. MARECHAL G., Les circuits courts alimentaires, Dijon, Educagri Editions, pp.21-30.

Gomez, R. & Morales, M., 2012. La agricultura organica: los beneficios de un sistema de produccion sostenible. Documento de discusion., Centro de Inversigacion de la Universidad del Pacifico, 45p.

INEI, 2014. Una miranda a Lima Metropolitana.

Lima, Perú, 81p.

Leloup, H. 2016. L’agriculture de proximité à Lima, vers un système productif plus juste pour les producteurs et les consommateurs ? Justice Spatiale, (9), pp.1-13.

Matta, R., 2010. La construction sociale de la cuisine péruvienne. Hommes & Migrations, (1), pp.96–107.

Minasa, 2012. Un gordo problema: sobrepeso y obesidad en el Peru, Lima, Perú: Minasa (Ministerio de Salud), 24p.

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From Urban Greening via Urban Agriculture to Urban Agritecture Taking Shanghai as a Case Study Hemeng Zhou1 Abstract – Through literature review, case studies and interviews, this paper tries to research the development from urban greening via urban agriculture till today´s urban agritecture in Shanghai; to explore the interrelation and interaction among the increasingly diverse and multi-functional urban greening infrastructure combined with landscape function and food production; and to analyze the feasibility and challenges of urban agritecture in the future.1 Keywords – urban greening, urban agriculture, urban agritecture Preferred session: Making

and planning reviews of the development of urban greening and urban agriculture will be accomplished.

As there are not enough publications about urban agriculture and agritecture in Shanghai, case studies and interviews with workers in the farms (group 1, 10 interviewees) as well as experts (group 2, 10 interviewees) from different directions (e.g. urban planning, architecture, landscape architecture, economy, sociology, etc.) about current development condition have been taken between June and August 2016 as supplement materials. The interviews are being coded

by MAXQDA.

INTRODUCTION China develops fast – Shanghai especially!

Since President Deng (president after Mao) has emphasized to take Shanghai’s development as a focus in 1990, Shanghai has changed a lot over the last 27 years – from a small fishing village to an international economic, financial, trading and shipping metropolis. During its quick expansion and urbanization, Shanghai has faced a series of environmental problems, which have led to relatively fast development of urban greening and urban agriculture compared to other cities in China. However, it still lags other international metropolises.

Taking Shanghai as a case study, this paper aims to research the development process from urban greening via urban agriculture to urban agritecture during the economic and urban development in Shanghai, to discuss the importance, feasibility as well as sustainable development strategies of urban agritecture for the future.

Here I use a new concept – urban “agritecture” (agriculture + architecture) to define the agricultural forms integrated with architecture. It is categorized into outdoor and indoor forms (Outdoor forms: roof farm, balcony farm, façade farm, etc.; indoor forms: vertical farm, underground farm, roof greenhouses, etc.). Urban agritecture is from my opinion a new trend that combines agricultural, greening and other functions for densely constructed city centers.

METHODS Since the development of urban greening system in Shanghai is closely related with urban planning system due to the top-down implementation mechanism of China’s one-party system, both literature reviews

Hemeng Zhou is from TU Berlin, Institute of Art Science and Historical Urbanism, Centre for Metropolitan Studies (hemeng.zhou@metropolitanstudies.de).

2 Till 1949 0.132 m2 greening area / capita 3 In 1982 0.46 m2 greening area per capita 4 3 m2 / capita in 2000 5 12.51 m2 / capita in 2008 1

ANALYSIS Urban greening: The development process of urban greening in Shanghai since 20th century till today can be illuminated from a metaphor: the greening area per capita has been increased from “the area of a pair of shoes”2, via “the area of a piece of newspaper”3, via “the area of a bed”4, to “the area of a room”5. During the same period, the population in Shanghai has increased massively from 5 million in 1949 to over 24 million in 2015.

Before 19496, foreign colonial rulers have built a number of parks, gardens, green belts, etc. 7 . Although rounds of greening plans have been accomplished since then, they were planned or corrected from different departments of the government and were uncoordinated (Liu et al., 2007). In 1946 Shanghai’s first urban master plan – <great Shanghai metropolitan plan> – has been started, in which greening area per capita has been mentioned due to the big difference compared to other international cities like Berlin and Paris (Chen, 2016). Until 1984 the greening system planning has been for the first time incorporated into the (fourth) urban master plan, in which the State Council has emphasized to pay highly attention to urban greening development8. Since the 1990s, urban greening has been more systematically planned.

Interestingly, between 2002 and 2008, the construction area of urban greening has been more than the sum ever in the past (Wu, 2010) mostly caused by the preparation for EXPO 2010. Despite this fast growth, the development of urban greening or in environmental protection in Shanghai lags still behind other international metropolises (Ling, 2003).

Urban agriculture: 1949: the founding of People’s Republic of China For instance England has built the first park in Shanghai in 1866.

Since Shanghai has been the direct-controlled municipality even before the founding of People’s Republic of China, the development of Shanghai has played a very important role for China and therefore urban master plans should be reported to the State Council.

6 7 8

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Shanghai is located in the Yangtze River estuary where the climate is greatly suitable for agriculture and belongs to the Yangtze River Delta plains that have fertile soil. Therefore Shanghai has congenital advantage for developing (modern) agriculture (Deng et al., 2010). Before the development of urban agriculture, sub-urban agriculture has been developed since 1950s in Shanghai, to guarantee the food supplement to the city under the background that the national market of agricultural products was not mature enough and the transportation was difficult. In the late 1980s – shortly after the greening planning has been incorporated into urban master planning – the concept “urban agriculture” has been translated by a research institute in Shanghai and introduced to researchers in a seminar for the first time. This concept has opened a new thought and has been so valued that it was quickly applied in urban agriculture planning and construction in big cities in China like Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen in the next years.

In 1995, Shanghai firstly suggested to change the development of sub-urban agriculture to urban agriculture, as sub-urban agriculture has faced the conflict between construction and agriculture land function while the demand of agricultural products has been raised fast. Although the development of urban agriculture has made a huge progress over the last two decades, till end of 2009, the arable area per capita in Shanghai was only 0.12 acre, which was less than 1/12 of the national average, while the construction area was 40% over the total land area of Shanghai, which was even higher than other international metropolises like London, great Paris, Tokyo circle, etc. – the shortage and the continual decrease of land resource has limited the development of urban agriculture (Deng et al., 2010).

Urban agritecture: Under this background, urban agritecture showed up in the last decade as a supplement and a combination of urban greening and urban farming in the city center, generally because (1) land resource price has continually increased (e.g. average real estate price has increase by about 10 times from 3327 RMB / m2 in 2000 to 32000 RMB / m2 in 2015, although citizens could not buy the land but just pay for the usage right); (2) citizens have more demand of experiencing farming and greening in city centers instead of driving hours to a sub-urban farm; (3) the general occurrence of food safety problems encourages people (especially parents and old or rich people) to spend more time or money on so called “organic” products, although there is no certification system in a national level in China.

The case studies in 2016 showed that the development of urban agritecture is still in the starting phase in Shanghai. For outdoor forms: compared to other forms, roof farms are popular and can profit well from education activities, but focus more on recreational and educational rather than productive function at the moment. For indoor forms: the later constructed roof greenhouses as additional construction on buildings

are illegal according to relative laws. So indoor farming has developed slowly. Indoor farms located in CBD or sub-CBD9 as show cases have almost no productive functions, while the highly productive indoor farms that are not located in the city center are struggling for survival10.

Despite this, the demand for safe food is huge and the market is open and mature for urban agritectural products. There are already small cases and companies almost in every district in the city center. The experts have also shown the confidence during the interviews and thought that the development of urban agritecture is a positive direction bringing not only ecological but also social and educational benefits for citizens and cities, and have talked a lot about the importance of the support from the government in the interviews (interview analysis is still in process).

CBD: central business district Chinese have different eating habits from westerners. Salad, produced usually in indoor farms, is welcomed only from young

generations that are pretty influenced from western culture in Shanghai.

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CONCLUSION The development from urban greening via urban agriculture to urban agritecture is not a linear process.

They develop at the same time and do not replace but keep impacting and supplementing each other – generally the amount and the area of urban greening infrastructure as well as urban agriculture increase along the direction from urban to sub-urban area; the contribution of urban agritecture is the opposite, which brings a new possibility to green the city center in the future without land resource limits. Different forms of urban agritecture influence the space and citizens differently – generally outdoor forms of urban agritecture (e.g. roof farms) supply more recreational and ecological functions; indoor forms (e.g. vertical farms) are more productive but less recreational. This will also bring different temporal influences to reduce the stress in certain spaces for certain groups. So according to the need of atmosphere creation or urban design, different forms can be used in different areas for different functions in city centers, to construct a sustainable and multi-functional food production net.

REFERENCES CHEN, D. 2016. How has Shanghai’s Future been planned in 1946? Oriental Morning Post.

DENG, C., XIE, B., WU, Y., LI, X. & FU, L. 2010. The Quantitative and Comprehensive Appraisal of Urban Agricultural Sustainable Development in Shanghai. Jounal of Natural Resources, 25, 1577-1588.

LING, Y. 2003. Thought and Policy of Urban Agriculture Development. Social Science, 4.

LIU, B., WEN, Q. & LIU, S. 2007. Planning Analysis and Optimization Strategies of Shanghai Green Space System. Urban Planning Forum, 4, 108-112.

WU, J. 2010. Analysis of Optimizing Urban Spatial Structure and its Effects on Environment in Shanghai. China Populaion, Resources and Environment, 20, 345-348.

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Allocation of public land to farmers:

a way to support multifunctional agriculture on the urban fringe?

Nabil HASNAOUI AMRI, Coline PERRIN Abstract – This paper examines how city councils progressively engage in the promotion of multifunctional peri-urban agriculture. It relies on a document analysis and interviews within Montpellier metropolis (France). We compare and assess two procedures of public farmland allocation, and explore the conditions for an improved dialogue between urban and agricultural stakeholders. 1 Keywords – farmland management; urban agriculture; land access; public policies; governance.

Preferred session: Making

INTRODUCTION In a context of increased urban demands for food and environmental, recreational and landscaperelated services in the Global North, city councils express a willingness to preserve farmland and support multifunctional peri-urban agriculture (PUA).

However, farmers on the urban fringe often struggle to access to land because of three main constraints: urban sprawl; increasing land prices; and frequent land retention by owners (who prefer to keep their parcels unfarmed, awaiting their possible conversion to urban uses). In this context, can allocation of public land be a driver to support farmers’ access to farmland and to allow a transition towards a more ecological farming and more local food networks?

Such allocations have been recently relaunched by various local authorities (regions, municipalities) in France and Italy (Di Donato et al, 2016). However, knowledge is still lacking on how to best conduct such public allocations and on their impacts on PUA. The aim of this paper is to compare and assess two procedures of public farmland allocation conducted by the Montpellier city council since 2010. Have these initiatives stimulated a transition to a greener type of farming and to a more local food supply?

Which lessons can be learned by policy makers concerning these procedures?

The Montpellier region has experienced a rapid demographic growth since 1960. Suburban sprawl has extended into the former vineyards. The decline of the wine industry has freed up land for other types of farming: forage cultivation, cereal crops and more market gardening oriented toward the urban market (Perrin et al., 2013).

Montpellier metropolis is an interesting case study because it has conducted two successive allocations of public land to farmers in very different ways, the first from 2010 to 2012 and the second from 2015 to 2016. It thus offers a unique opportunity to compare different procedures, while the surrounding urban and farming context remains the same.

1Nabil

HASNAOUI AMRI and Coline PERRIN are working at INRA, UMR Innovation, Montpellier, France (nabil.hasnaoui@supagro.inra.fr; coline.perrin@inra.fr).

1

METHODS This paper is based on data collected through document analysis (planning documents, minutes of public deliberations, maps produced by the metropolis and the SAFER, a farmers’ organization in charge of monitoring the farmland market) and through interviews (with farmers, government officers and staff). One of the authors has been working for the metropolis since 2015 and was involved in the second farmland allocation. He collected data as a participant-observer.

RESULTS Two allocations with different scopes In 2010, the Montpellier agglomeration bought a 192 ha estate and rented 110 ha of cultivable land to local farmers (Table 1). Ten wine growers strengthened their productive capital and received long-term leases. Two young farmers developed conventional market gardening. An incubator for diversified organic agriculture was created. Half of the surface of arable land was allocated to conventional cereal growers via short-term leases.

Table 1. Two successive allocations of public lands Period City administration name Nb ha to allocate Nb tenants

2010-2012

2015-2016

Agglomeration

Metropolis

110

14

17

2

Type of tenants (nb /share of surface) 14 / 83%

1 /32%

- new farmers

- active farmers

2 / 8%

1 /36%

- agricultural incubator

1 / 9%

Type of leases (share of surface) - long-term (18 years)

48%

- short-term (2 or 3 years)

52%

Nb: number

100% ?

Ha: hectare

In 2015, the Metropolis launched a call for proposals in order to allocate two parcels, imposing social and environmental constraints. Alternative profiles were selected: an organic market gardener and a starting farm coop with multifunctional goals. Both match the agro-ecological transition and are able to provide short food supply chains (SFSC) to the city.

How can we explain such an evolution in four years?

Change in the political context These two allocations were introduced in very different political contexts.

In 2010, the 192 ha estate was a land opportunity.

It was not related initially to any agricultural or food plan. This estate was however contiguous to an

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"agriparc" planned in the 2006 city-region-wide masterplan. In 2011, the Local Agenda 21 program thus included this estate as an experimental site to develop the concept of agriparc, defined as a periurban perimeter where agriculture is protected and multifunctional, combining production, SFSC, landscape and biodiversity management, and leisure and educational activities. Nevertheless, most of the farmers who rented this land in 2012 do not actually contribute to the multifunctional objectives of the agriparc.

In 2014, a new team was elected. In 2015, it launched an "agro-ecological and food policy". The former "Agglomeration" became a "Metropolis" with extended competences in land-use planning and economic development. These two departments conceived a new procedure for farmland allocation, with a call for proposals based on the concept of "nourishing agro-ecology". The applicants were expected to respect organic farming practices, provide SFSC, and welcome city dwellers on farm.

Stakeholders and proceeding changes The Agglomeration relied on the SAFER farmers’ organization to manage the first allocation. The call for proposals was short (20 days). The SAFER organized a selection committee with mainly conventional farmers, as this organization was historically oriented towards the expansion of existing farms (Sencébé, 2012). Most beneficiaries were thus informed and supported by conventional farmers’ unions (FDSEA, JA, Figure 1). The organic peasants incubator was supported by the peasants' union (Conf') informed by a local elected official. The applicants were not directly consulted before the decision.

2010-2012

Communauté d’Aggloméra�on de Montpellier (Land management department)

(Technician)

delegates

Wine coopera�ve

The first procedure was quick and allowed the allocation of large surfaces to a diversity of farmers.

Despite the agriparc framing, it did not reinforce the local weight of agro-ecological and local-food oriented practices. The second procedure was slower, and faced internal administrative lack of know-how and external tensions due to "algorithmic" (Muller, 2000) changes in the allocation process. It opened, however, new opportunities for the city to gain legitimacy in dealing with agriculture and food. Beyond the Metropolis, local private and public players are interested in a process that brings agro-ecology and food on the urban agenda and provides a method to allocate land dedicated to these functions. Such interest shows that these initiatives are territorial innovations (Giraut, 2009), requiring learning processes.

Lessons learned from these initiatives are relevant for local policy makers seeking to take action in favour of farmers’ access to agricultural land. There is no perfect method, but it is crucial to be explicit from the very beginning about the objectives of the allocation, the expected profiles of the applicants and the ways to assess and control them. This transparency increases trust between farmers and the city council, but may also reveal tensions between diverse farming styles and their viability regarding the constraints imposed by the public owner. The renewal of city-agriculture relations underlines the need to explore the conditions for the coexistence of actors in agricultural and urban development.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The authors thank the French National Research and Technology Agency (ANRT) and the Montpellier Mediterranean Metropolis funding via the CIFRE project n°2015/0420; and the French National Research Agency (ANR) funding via the JASMINN project n° ANR-14-CE18-0001.

REFERENCES

SAFER Conf’

Adear

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Ac�ve farmers

to

FDSEA Organic peasants incubator

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Young farmers JA

Figure 1. Agricultural and territorial players implied in the first phase

The second allocation process was led directly by the Metropolis with a constant concern for best practices, transparency, and replication. The selection committee was composed of elected officials and technical staff from the Metropolis and from the municipalities where the parcels are located, advised by a local young farmer practicing organic market gardening for SFSC. The selection was based on a weighted criteria list, announced in the call for proposals (open for 4 months), and explained during collective site visits. Each applicant had the opportunity to defend his project directly.

Di Donato, B., Perrin, C., Cavallo, A. (2016). Strumenti di gestione dell’agricoltura urbana e periurbana: esperienze a confronto tra Roma e Montpellier, Agriregionieuropa, 12 (44): 59-62.

Giraut, F. (2009). Innovation et territoires. Les effets contradictoires de la marginalité. Revue de Géographie Alpine, 97(1) : 6-10.

Muller, P. publiques publique. année, 2:

(2000). L'analyse cognitive des politiques : vers une sociologie politique de l'action Revue française de science politique, 50e 189-208.

Perrin, C., Jarrige, F., Soulard, CT. (2013). L’espace et le temps des liens ville-agriculture : une présentation systémique du cas de Montpellier et sa région.

Cahiers Agricultures, 22(6): 552-558.

Sencébé, Y. (2012). La Safer. De l'outil de modernisation agricole à l'agent polyvalent du foncier : hybridation et fragmentation d'une institution. Terrains & travaux, 20(1): 105-120

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Urban food policies in German city regions: An overview about actors and steering instruments

Alexandra Doernberg, Paula Voigt, Ingo Zasada, Annette Piorr1

Abstract – Although food repesents an emerging topic on the municipal policy and planning agenda, structured scientific examination of political strategies and planning activities at local level is lacking. With the aim of gaining new insights into the origin and capacity of policy action, we investigated the existence of municipal strategic and planning approaches related to food issues in ten large German cities. We analysed the role of different actors as well as the application of policy and planning instruments. We employed different empirical methods such as document analysis and expert interviews. The findings reveal that food planning and policy activities are fragmented and are often based on individual initiative within the administration, and that integrated urban food policies and their implementation through urban food strategies are still an exception. Municipal actors follow mainly sectorial approaches, using a wide array of steering instruments, i.e. informational instruments and public procurement policies. Still, their capacities for policy implementation remain limited due to lacking financial and staffing resources. Therefore, the potential of the multi-functionality of food addressing multiple sectors in sustainable urban development is still underexploited.1 Keywords

- food policy, policy instruments, case

study Preferred session: Making sustainable food systems

INTRODUCTION For decades, the food issue has been seen as a steering subject of higher governance levels and national and supranational institutions like the World Trade Organization or policy instruments like the European Common Agricultural Policy. Today, city administrations and civil society initiatives are starting to bring food policy back on to the municipal agenda, aiming at food security or re-linking urban and rural spaces, where national and supra-national sectorial policies (e.g. agriculture, health, environment) are neither locally targeted nor integrating enough (Barling et al.,2002; Sonnino, 2009).

The ‘food’ topic constitutes also an unexploited potential for sustainable urban development by touching issues such as transport, health, economic development and employment (Sonnino, 2009; Stierand, 2014). As food issues become an increasingly important governance arena, food policy coun-

A. Doernberg, I. Zasada and A. Piorr are working at the Leibniz Centre for Agricultural Landscape Research (ZALF e. V.), Müncheberg, Germany, (contact: doernberg@zalf.de) P. Voigt is from NAHhaft– für eine nachhaltige Land- und Ernährungswirtschaft e.V., Berlin, Germany, (contact: paula.voigt@nahhaft.de).

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cils, food strategies and plans evolved in many places, either in top-down or bottom-up processes. They define objectives, shape measures and apply instruments which address the challenges of the specific local situation (Morgan, 2009; Pothukuchi, 2009; Dubbeling, 2013; Moragues et al., 2013).

In the German context, urban food policy activities started late and have yet only a limited visibility in the international academic and practice community (Stierand, 2014).

This empirical study sketch out the food policy situation in Germany, provide an overview about policy instruments on local level and address the following research questions: (i) Is local food policy and planning on the agenda of German cities, and if so, what kind of initiatives can be observed? (ii) Who are relevant actors within the local food planning and policy activities? (iii) How do actors shape the food system, and more specifically, which instruments and measures do they apply and which resources do they have at their disposal?

MATERIAL AND METHODS Due to the novelty of the topic and the limited information and scientific knowledge base regarding local food systems, we decided for an explorative research approach of national case study (Doernberg et al., 2016). Based on a screening of websites as well as policy and planning documents (preliminary research) among German cities of more than 500,000 inhabitants, we identified ten cities applying ‘a basic approach’ of urban food policy, which means that they implemented policies and projects, and communicate them to the public without a food strategy. These ten cities2 were selected for the indepth case study, where we conducted interviews with experts in the city administration and document analysis.

RESULTS Despite of the frequent absence of overarching strategies, all studied cases have ongoing, but rather individual and non-integrated policy activities and projects related with food and agriculture. They are driven by either internal, local initiatives or external drivers and support systems on Federal and European level. Especially Local Agenda 21 processes play a relevant role for the initiation of food projects.

From the perspective of the administrative actors other administrative units are the most relevant

Berlin, Bremen, Cologne, Düsseldorf, Frankfurt, Hanover, Leipzig, Munich, Nuremberg

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actor group that are involved in the implementation of food projects or steering processes on municipal or regional level. Interestingly, city departments dealing with use of the urban space (urban, green area and landscape planning, real estate authority) were mentioned in fewer cities. Other relevant actor groups are economy and civil society, which are important as partners in running food projects.

The municipal actors follow mainly sectorial approaches and make use very different steering instruments. The studied cities apply most often informational, informal and procedural instruments, followed by economic instruments, which include public procurement. In contrast, regulatory and formal planning instruments were used quite rarely.

Resources coming from public budgets at local level are quite limited. City administrations bring in mainly staffing resources, and only few cities established additional positions. External financial resources origin from European funding (e.g., school fruit scheme), federal and country programs. In addition, large environmental foundations, private sponsoring and volunteer work are providing relevant financial and personnel support.

DISCUSSION

Our findings show that in Germany integrated urban food policies and their implementation in form of urban food plans or strategies are still in their beginnings. Food and other complex issues like sustainability, climate adaption are quite new fields for policy and planning on the municipal level. They have in common the need for cross-sectorial thinking, a limited body of regulatory instruments and resources for policy implementation on this (Mendes, 2008).

Currently policy action in the German case studies is often project-based. Actors have limited room for manoeuvre and the policy activities rely often on individual engagement and external triggers and funding sources.

Although the cities are active in different policy fields and apply different instruments, we found a large consistency in the type of policies applied.

Most often these policies aim to influence consumer awareness and behaviour of consumers or other actors in the food chain (informational instruments).

These are the instruments where actors are familiar with from other contexts, whereas the set of regulatory and planning instruments for steering food issues were not that often named in the empirical study.

However, purchase and consumption practises in institutions and public canteens belong to the primary public steering areas, targeting to change demand through public procurement policies. Changing public procurement strategies is a powerful (market) instrument of city governments and semi-public actors for enhancing the sustainability of the food system (Sonnino, 2009; Wiskerke, 2009). Here we see also for German cities and towns a still comparably unexploited potential (Arens-Azevedo, 2012); Morgan et al., 2006).

The mainstreaming of the food issue, e.g. through international initiatives, the participation in

SustainableFood Food Planning Planning Sustainable

thematic city networks (e. g., Organic Cities Network) or the Milan Urban Food Policy Pact (2015) can serve as driver for an enhanced commitment and awareness-raising at local level. Also, the existing Local Agenda 21-processes could offer a good approach to more systematic perspective on sustainability of food systems.

REFERENCES Arens-Azevedo, U. (2012). Regionale Produkte in der Gemeinschaftsverpflegung: Aktuelle Situation, Hemmnisse und Förderndes bei der Verwendung.

Vierteljahrshefte zur Wirtschaftsforschung, 81(4): 147–161.

Barling, D., Lang, T., & Caraher, M. (2002). Joinedup Food Policy? The Trials of Governance, Public Policy and the Food System. Social Policy and Administration, 36(6): 556–574.

Doernberg, A., Voigt, P., Zasada, I., & Piorr, A. (2016). Urban food governance in German cities: actors and steering instruments. In: A. Wilcox & S. Vinall (Eds.), Social and technological transformation of farming systems. Diverging and converging pathways. Newport. WG 5.6:1-14.

Dubbeling, M. (2013). Cityfood: Linking Cities on Urban Agriculture and Urban Food Systems. Retrieved from http://www1.montpellier.inra.fr/daume/writeable/do cuments/ruaf.pdf.

Mendes, W. (2008). Implementing Social and Environmental Policies in Cities: The Case of Food Policy in Vancouver, Canada. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 32(4): 942–967.

Moragues, A., Morgan, K., & Moschitz, H. (2013).

Urban Food Strategies: the rough guide to sustainable food systems. Document developed in the framework of the FP7 project FOODLINKS. Morgan, K. (2009). Feeding the City: The Challenge of Urban Food Planning. International Planning Studies, 14(4): 341–348.

Morgan, K., Murdoch, J., & Marsden, T. (2006).

Worlds of food: Place, power, and provenance in the food chain. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

Pothukuchi, K. (2009). Community and Regional Food Planning: Building Institutional Support in the United States. International Planning Studies, 14(4): 349–367.

Sonnino, R. (2009). Feeding the City: Towards a New Research and Planning Agenda. International Planning Studies, 14(4): 425–435.

Stierand, P. (2014). Speiseräume: Die Ernährungswende beginnt in der Stadt. München: oekom.

Wiskerke, J. (2009). On Places Lost and Places Regained: Reflections on the Alternative Food Geography and Sustainable Regional Development. International Planning Studies, 14(4): 369–387.

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A new space for local cooperation: the case of the Agro-Environmental Agreement in Aso Valley in Italy Luca Lazzarini1

Abstract – Local economy of Aso Valley in Italy is specialized in the intensive cultivation of fruit trees, which concentrates almost the 60% of the regional production. During last decades the intensive character of cultivations involving a high use of chemical products has given rise to problems regarding the health conditions of local farmers and the high levels of pollution of the water system. The aim of this contribution is to focus on a policy tool, the Agro-Environmental Agreement, introduced by the Rural Development Plan of Marche Region through which public and private actors are gathered around a project aiming at improving the sustainability of local agriculture productions.

Keywords – Inter-municipal cooperation, Soft spaces of governance, Aso Valley Preferred session: Making Sustainable Food Systems

INTRODUCTION Within the context of the global advance of Neoliberalism, new economic and social dynamics are connoting nature and structure of spatial governance. According to some researchers, one of the many ways to frame and interpret this process of change is to describe the emergence of a progressive dualism between the hard spaces of government and the soft spaces of governance (Luukkonen et al., 2012; Haughton et al., 2013). While the first refer to the formal territorial units of government typically with legally defined and definitive territorial boundaries linked to democratic electoral processes, the soft spaces are those “in-between” spaces of governance existing outside, alongside or in-between the formal statutory scales of government (Allmendinger et al., 2009). As already noticed by Kazepov (2008), this emerging dualism is strictly related to the process of policy rescaling involving neoliberal institutions, according to which the local level has been increasingly playing a crucial role in managing services and in setting up place-based strategies as a way to respond to the increasing territorial competition. Within these complex changes in the structure of local governance, the analysis of the forms of intermunicipal cooperation (IMC) growingly connoting the relational space at the local level has been recently gaining more interest in the debate (Teles, 2016; Swianiewicz, 2011).

The aim of this contribution is to focus on one case study, the Agro-Environmental Agreement (AEA) in Aso Valley in Italy taken as an example of IMC, to demonstrate how the creation of a soft space of governance with a strong interaction with local actors has

Figure 1. Areas involved by the agreement (Source: Province of Ascoli Piceno, 2009)

been able to improve the sustainability of the methods of cultivation of intensive agriculture productions.

THE AGRO-ENVIRONMENTAL AGREEMENT: SHAPING LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN AN INTEGRATED VISION

The local economy of Aso Valley, located in the centre of Italy, is specialized in the intensive cultivation of fruit trees, which concentrates almost the 60% of the regional production and places the valley among the most advanced agricultural contexts in Italy. Nevertheless, until the last decades, the intensive character of cultivations implying an excessive use of chemical products has given rise to problems regarding the health conditions of local farmers and the high levels of pollution of the water system. Aiming to answer to these problems, few local farmers, supervised by an agronomist working for Assam agency (belonging to Regional administration), decided in 2008 to start applying some alternative methods of cultivation in some portions of their land. Few months later, the idea to engage European funds to sustain these practices was launched by the Regional administration through the creation of the Agro-Environmental Agreement, a policy tool introduced for the first time by the Rural Development Plan (RDP) 2007/13 and proposed again by the current RDP 2014/20 (Fig. 1).

AEA contents and aims were explored through a series of semi-structured interviews made from November 2016 to January 2017 to local stakeholders differently involved in AEA activities. Some innovative aspects have emerged from this analysis. First, the originally bottom-up dimension of the agreement: AEA idea and aims were deeply rooted in local farmers’ initiative, which later was able to raise the interest of higher institutions, such as the Regional administration2 and the Provincial administration, that became

PhD Candidate in Urban and Regional Development at the Interuniversity Department of Urban and Regional Studies and Planning DIST, Politecnico di Torino, Italy (luca.lazzarini@polito.it).

2 In Italy, the Regional administrations are in charge of designing and managing most of the agriculture policies according to the laws DPR 8/1972 and DPR 616/1977.

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Figure 2. Development of the first generation of AEA (Source: Coderoni, 2014)

the AEA project leader in the first generation of the agreement (Fig. 2) (Coderoni, 2014). Second, the key role played by AEA in shaping local governance processes, which was evident after the institutional changes in 20143 that radically reduced the powers exercised by Provinces giving a new central role to municipalities in policy making processes. Moreover, in AEA second generation introduced by the current 2014/20 RDP, the restructuring of the Provinces has triggered the self-organization of a group of 13 municipalities whose cooperation has played a crucial role in managing the AEA beneficiaries consisting in more than 100 farmers located in an area of about 8000 hectares. Last but not least, the integrated dimension of the agreement that, aiming at combining agricultural and environmental policies, has promoted the multifunctionality of agricultural enterprises, reorienting agriculture toward territorial management policies.

A NEW (SOFT) SPACE FOR INTERMUNICIPAL COOPERATION

AEA incentives besides producing some direct benefits in the reduction of the use of pesticides, in the improvement of the health condition of farmers and of the biological quality of the agricultural products, carried out also some indirect benefits, such as the increase of the overall environmental and ecologic performance of Aso Valley territory (Coderoni, 2014).

In this sense, the sum of the positive outcomes coming from the employment of low-impact techniques by more than 100 local farmers in a surface without solution of continuity has meaningfully improved the natural equilibrium of the valley, preserving farmers’ income and the profitability of agricultural productions.

From the policies’ point of view, the “soft” nature of the agreement implied the possibility to strategically aggregate around a project some local public and private actors and to orient public funding towards the improvement of the sustainability of the methods of cultivation. The interaction between municipalities and the crucial work done by the farmers’ association in coordinating farmers and municipalities have been essential factors to finalize the contents of the agreement. Accordingly, AEA can be conceived as a soft space of IMC, as a fertile space in which public institutions favourably gathered around a project, interacting with local actors and improving the sustainability of territorial management.

The Law n. 56 (called Delrio from the name of the main promoter Graziano Delrio) was approved by Italian parliament on April 7, 2014.

SustainableFood Food Planning Planning Sustainable

AEA experience shows that, after institutional changes occurred in Italy in 2014, certain “soft” forms of IMC are filling the space left empty by Provinces, recreating relations stretching both across formally established boundaries and scalar levels of planning and across previously sectoral divides (Metzger et al., 2012).

The limits of soft spaces, already well documented by researchers (Haughton et al., 2013), raise some issues regarding the necessity to frame them into a more integrated vision. Accordingly, the lack of a structural and long-term vision on territory could reduce the stability of policy intervention and leave behind the weakest territorial contexts. On the other hand, the democratic deficit characterizing most of the soft spaces is the result of the widening of the gap between powerful and influential stakeholders and local populations and it produces concerns about their legitimacy. For all these reasons, the chance of harmonizing the combination between the two planning models emerges, especially when dealing with agricultural areas preservation against pressures given by city expansion. In this sense, melting between the soft and the hard could be (one of) the way(s) to give stability to strategies of land use protection, with the need to not forget to foster complementary practices of development in rapidly changing contextual conditions.

REFERENCES

Allmendinger, P., Haughton, G. (2009). Soft spaces, fuzzy boundaries and meta-governance: the new spatial planning in the Thames Gateway. Environment and Planning A, 41: 641-633; Coderoni, S. (2014). L’accordo agroambientale della Valdaso. In: Vanni, F. (eds), Agricoltura e beni pubblici, Roma: INEA, p. 151-184; Haughton, G., Allmendinger, P., Oosterlynck, S. (2013). Spaces of neoliberal experimentation: soft spaces, post-politics, and neoliberal governmentality.

Environment and Planning A, 45: 217-234; Kazepov, Y. (2008). The subsidiarization of social policies: actors, processes and impacts. Some reflections on the Italian case from a European perspective. European Societies 10(2); Luukkonen, J., Moilanen, H. (2012). Territoriality in the strategies and practices of the Territorial Cohesion Policy of the European Union: territorial challenges in implementing ‘soft planning’. European Planning Studies, 20: 481-500; Metzger, J. & Schmitt, P. (2012). When soft spaces harden: the EU strategy for the Baltic Sea Region. Environment and Planning A, 44:263-280; Provincia di Ascoli Piceno (2009). Accordo Agroambientale d’Area per la tutela delle acque e dei suoli da fitofarmaci e nitrati area Valdaso. Progetto Esecutivo.

Provincia di Ascoli Piceno; Swianiewicz, P. (2011). Working together. Inter-municipal cooperation in Five Central European Countries, Budapest: Open Society Institute; Teles, F. (2016). Local governance and Inter-municipal cooperation, Houndmills: Palgrave Pivot.

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Short-Papers

Rethinking 1.

Saavedra Cardoso A., 2.

Domingos T.,1.

Magalhaes M., 1.

Melo-Abreu J., 3.

Palma J.,

Landscape Planning for Food System Change;

Bartholdsson A., Jansson J.,

Foodscape as form, function and approach:

Assessing the ecological potential for a territorial Lisbon foodshed 1. Linking Landscape, Environment, Agriculture and Food (LEAF), University of Lisbon, Higher Institute of Agronomy, Lisbon , Portugal 2. High Technical Institute, Lisbon University, Department of Mechanical Engineering, Lisbon, Portugal 3. Researcher at MARETEC, at the High Technical Institute, Lisbon University, Lisbon, Portugal andreiasaavedra@gmail.com

Exploring the relationship between food and landscape in the context of city planning The Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Örnsköldsvik, Sweden anbn0003@stud.slu.se

1.

Jansma J.E., 2. van der Valk A.,

Almere Oosterwold

Triboi R.,

Urban pastoralism ;

A first glance at the planning of an Urban Food Scape 1. AERES university of Applied Sciences in Almere, 2. Wageningen University and Research, The Netherlands janeelco.jansma@wur.nl

An environmental tool for recreating and maintenance of ecological corridors University of Architecture and Urbanism "Ion Mincu" Bucharest roxana.triboi@gmail.com

Bernot E.,

Beyond the Desert:

Unequal access to food in Detroit École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Centre de Recherches Historiques, Laboratoire GGH-Terres, Paris, France elsa.m.bernot@gmail.com

Delgado C.,

Sustainable Post - Crisis Food Systems

Lessons learned from the Portuguese Experience CICS.NOVA – Interdisciplinary Centre of Social Sciences, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal cmndelgado@gmail.com

de Vries J.,

Research by designing for local food

transparency in and validation of the core process Van Hall Larenstein Universiyt of Applied Sciences, Velp, and the LE:NOTRE Institute, Wageningen, the Netherlands geronimo@introweb.nl

Cattivelli V.,

Urban gardening and social inclusion of foreign citizens.

Lessons from Lombardy

Comune di Cremona, Cremona, Italy valentina.cattivelli13@gmail.com

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Landscape Planning for Food System Change.

(Assessing the ecological potential for a territorial Lisbon foodshed) Saavedra Cardoso, Andreia (A). Domingos, Tiago (B). Magalhães, Manuela (C).

Melo-Abreu, José (D). Palma, Jorge (E).1 Abstract – Research on food planning has been recently supported in North-American and European planning for accounting how cities might change their food provisioning to respond to the rising demands for a more sustainable and ethical food system. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the agro-ecological potential of the Lisbon city-region – Ribatejo e Oeste (RO), to increase its regional food self-reliance (RFSR), adopting the “demand restraint” and the “food system transformation” approaches to food system sustainability and change. Three diet scenarios are considered – meat-based, plant-based and strict vegetarian, all isocaloric and defined according to healthy dietary patterns. The evaluation of the agro-ecological potential for RFSR uses agro-climatic and agro-edaphic agricultural suitability models, and with a landscape planning methodology Foodshed Landscape Plans are proposed.

Results presented in this study show the opportunity for food system relocalisation, of circa 70% of total food needs, in all diet scenarios, while ensuring the sustainable use of the ecological basis of food security.

The “food system transformation”, in what regards food system relocalisation demands, is therefore ecologically feasible on this city region, although a dietary transition would imply a significant land spare, which strengthens the "demand restraint” perspective for a transition to food system sustainability.

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Keywords – City-region food systems, Landscape and Food planning, Foodshed, Food system change.

INTRODUCTION The relationship between the vulnerability of the agro-food system and the origin and destination of food refers to the concept of foodshed, originally coined by Hedden to mean the “dikes and dams” that conduct the food from production areas to cities (Hedden, 1929). In recent years, foodshed analysis has emerged as a method in food systems planning designed to measure the potential of a determined nation, region or city to depend on its ecological productive capacity for food provisioning (Horst & Gaolach, 2015; Peters et al., 2016).

The purpose of this paper is therefore to evaluate the agro-ecological potential of the Lisbon city-region – Ribatejo e Oeste, to increase its regional food selfreliance (RFSR), adopting the “Demand Restraint” 1A.

Researcher at Linking Landscape, Environment, Agriculture and Food (LEAF), University of Lisbon, Higher Institute of Agronomy, Lisbon , Portugal (andreiasaavedra@gmail.com); B. Professor at the High Technical Institute, Lisbon University, Department of Mechanical Engineering, Lisbon, Portugal (tdomingos@ist.utl.pt); C. Professor at University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Higher Institute of Agronomy, Linking

and “Food System Transformation” (Garnett, 2014) perspectives to food system sustainability.

METHODS In order to evaluate the agro-ecological potential of Ribatejo e Oeste to increase its Regional Food SelfReliance (RFSR) this study proposes an agro-climatic and agro-edaphic agricultural suitability models (Magalhães, 2008; Saavedra Cardoso, 2016). The agro-edaphic suitability was developed with a MCDA – Multiple Criteria Decision Analysis developed in a Geographic Information System (GIS), that evaluates several criteria – Soil Ecological Value (Cortez et al., 2013), Land Morphology (Cunha et al., 2017), and Hill slope.

The agro-edaphic suitability model was the base for the Land-Use Potential Plan, identifying the area ecologically suitable for agriculture, forestry, for agrosilvo-pastoral systems, and for Multiple uses (Fig.1).

The agro-climatic suitability model used is a productive assessment and crop zoning model – the CSS_Zoner, a Crop Continuous System Simulation (Melo-Abreu et al., 2015. The model simulates the growth and production of any annual crop, biennial or perennial, with the main climate variables, texture and soil depth and the necessary plant requirements.

(Barata et al., 2015).

The diets design and accounting takes as reference guidelines for healthy dietary patterns (USDA, 2010) and besides the meat-based diet (MB2) two other possible alternative dietary scenarios – Plant-based (PB) and Strict Vegetarian (VEG) are considered for assessing the required land use change and the impacts on RFSR. This is done considering agro-climatic and agro-edaphic agricultural suitability models for representative crops from the nine food groups: meat & eggs, dairy, fresh fruits, vegetables, cereal grains, tubers, vegetable oils, pulses and nuts and seeds.

The animal diets where taken from Portuguese Life Cycle Analysis studies, and when necessary experts where consulted (Castanheira et al., 2010). As animal feed, grain cereals and silage, pulses meal, and oilseeds meal were considered for intensive systems Landscape, Environment, Agriculture and Food (LEAF), Lisbon, Portugal (mmrm@ist.utl.pt);D. Professor at University of Lisbon, Higher Institute of Agronomy, Linking Landscape, Environment, Agriculture and Food (LEAF), Lisbon, Portugal (demeloeabreu@gmail.com); E. Researcher at MARETEC, at the High Technical Institute, Lisbon University, Lisbon, Portugal (jorgempalma@tecnico.ulisboa.pt).

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SustainableFood Food Planning Planning Sustainable

of meat production – pork and poultry and dairy cattle. Conversions from feed items to crop amounts were determined and complete animal diets were accounted considering the requirements of edible meat & eggs, dairy sub-categories for each human diet chosen. Beef and calf (bovine meat) production was considered on a grazing system on permanent pastures and in open woodland pastures (montado).

To evaluate land requirements and agro-ecological potential for food self-reliance it is developed a potential foodshed model that considers for each representative crop the best cell – with the higher productivity, and therefore the best agro-ecological suitability.

RESULTS The total mass balances (%) obtained for the food and feed crop requirements for the three diets where: 71,64 % (MB2), 76,06 % (PB) and 84,11% (VEG) and the annual land required are on Fig. 1, 2. The regional agro-ecological potential for food self-reliance is higher when considering the strict-vegetarian diet than the omnivorous diet alternatives, meat- and plant-based.

Figure 2. Land-use plan – Meat-based scenario (MB2)

REFERENCES Barata, L.; Leitão, M.; Saavedra Cardoso; Cortez, N.; Varennes, A. (2015). Textura e Espessura Efectiva do Solo. In: Ordenamento potencial da paisagem de base ecológica aplicação a Portugal, pp. 228-254.

Lisboa: LEAF. Castanheira, E. G., Dias, A. C., Arroja, L., & Amaro, R. (2010). The environmental performance of milk production on a typical Portuguese dairy farm.

Agricultural Systems, 103(7): 498-507.

Cortez, N.; Leitão, M.; Pena, S. (2013). Solo In: Estrutura Ecológica da Paisagem, conceitos e delimitação: escalas regional e municipal, pp. 83-104.

Lisboa: ISApress.

Cunha, N. S., Magalhães, M. R., Domingos, T., Abreu, M. M., & Küpfer, C. (2017). The land morphology approach to flood risk mapping: An application to Portugal. Journal of environmental management, 193: 172.

Figure 1. Total annual land requirements, by food and feed group and diet scenario

CONCLUSIONS Results presented suggest the high potential for food system relocalisation, while ensuring the sustainable use of the ecological basis of food security, in all diet scenarios.

The Food System Transformation perspective, in what regards food system relocalisation demands, is therefore ecologically feasible on this case study area.

The regional food system has a great potential for supplying a large share of current food needs, but public policies for development of Territorial Food Systems (TFS) should be pursued.

Although, a dietary transition would imply an important land spare, and reduce environmental food impacts, if the strict vegetarian scenario was adopted, which strengthens the Demand Restraint perspective for a food system change and transition to sustainability.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank the financial support for this study provided by FCT (Portuguese Science and Technology Foundation), through the doctoral degree grant SFRH/BD/78547/2011.

Garnett, T. (2014). Three perspectives on sustainable food security: efficiency, demand restraint, food system transformation. What role for life cycle assessment?. Journal of Cleaner Production, 73: 1018.

Hedden, W.P. (1929). How Great Cities are Fed. Boston: D.C. Heath and Company.

Horst, M., & Gaolach, B. (2015). The potential of local food systems in north america: A review of foodshed analyses. Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems, 30(5): 399-407.

Magalhães, M. R. (2008). Plano Verde do Concelho de Sintra – 2.ª fase. Lisboa: LEAF. Melo-Abreu, J. P. M.; Silva, J. F.; Themudo Barata, L.; Saavedra Cardoso, A. (2015). Modelo de avaliação produtiva e zonagem de culturas temporárias e perenes. Lisboa: LEAF. Peters, C. J., Picardy, J., Darrouzet-Nardi, A. F., Wilkins, J. L., Griffin, T. S., & Fick, G. W. (2016).

Carrying capacity of US agricultural land: Ten diet scenarios. Elementa, 4(1).

Saavedra Cardoso, A. (2016). Agro-food planning and agro-urbanism in metropolitan regions. Doctoral degree thesis in Landscape Architecture. Higher Institute of Agronomy, Lisbon University.

U.S. Department of Agriculture and U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (USDA) (2010).

Dietary Guidelines for Americans. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

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Sustainable Planning SustainableFood Food Planning

Foodscape as form, function and approach

Exploring the relationship between food and landscape in the context of city planning Anneli Bartholdsson and Jessica Jansson 1 Abstract This paper aims to present an overview of a current master’s thesis in progress. The thesis deals with the relationship between food and landscape, and in what ways that relationship takes form in our environments. Our aim is to study the everyday urban environment through the foodscape - lens to understand how the food system shapes the dynamics of the urban landscape, and vice versa . As landscape architect students we ask ourselves if a food perspective on physical planning can gain new insights and methods in the planning of m ore sustainable cities. With increasing urbanization people are getting more distanced to food production.

(Re)connecting ourselves to the landscape and t o the food is one way towards more sustain able living.

Linking food to urban development is not common in Swedish planning practice s . Through literature and planning documents we hope to gain knowledge to develop our thinking in how and why a foodscape perspective on planning can be useful, or even crucial 1 to sustainable living.

Keywords: f oodscape planning, foodscape characterization, food a nd landscape relation Preferred session: Making

INTRODUCTION This paper presents a master thesis in progress. As food is inevitable to human beings, we all have a relationship to food and it shapes our everyday life.

The task to obtain food has shaped cultures and the whole ecosystem over time and more drastically in the recent decades. Now the question of how urban people shall live sustainably is urgently calling for answers and actions as the percentage of people living in cities is growing and is expected to continue to do so (Regeringskansliet, 2017).

Long food chains have also made western urban citizens alienated from growing, harvesting, gathering and preparing food. Due to these tendencies the relationship between people, food and the landscape is damaged in urbanized regions all over the world (Feagan, 2007). In order to redesign cities to become more sustainable, reconnecting people with food and the landscape can be important, as well as linking the planning and food systems (Roe et al. 2016).

Swedish planners generally don’t take cities’ food supply, nor the consequences (and possibilities) of food consumption, into consideration in their work.

Instead this is regarded as a rural development issue (Forsström, Jönsson, 2015). We believe that to build healthy cities, there is a need for a change in the planning system, where food planning allows 1

Anneli Bartholdsson and Jessica Jansson are master students at the

Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Institute of Landscape Architecture, Planning and Management, Alnarp, Sweden (anbn0003@stud.slu.se; jejn0003@stud.slu.se).

more space and attention. Hence, we will investigate the possibilities to use the relationship between food and landscape - the “foodscape” - as an approach to urban strategic planning within Swedish municipalities. Could this approach benefit the planning practice and in the longer run lead to more sustainable cities?

METHOD Research literature formed an initial knowledge base. The readings range from food democracy, embodiment of place, health, history of industrialization, urban planning and food production in crises. The literature search then focused on Swedish planning and the two municipalities chosen for a case study, Örnsköldsvik and Uppsala (in Sweden, municipalities and cities are often used interchangeable; hereafter we use the term municipalities as it in political contexts is the most suitable). In the local planning documents we looked for food strategies or similar features in master plans, i.e. urban gardening guidelines, localization and availability of grocery stores, preconditions for food services, markets, alternative food networks, nature based learning and foraging possibilities.

Other types of contemporary discussions in politics, media and social media are continuously observed.

The case studies will examine whether mapping a cities foodscape could be helpful for understanding foodscapes in the local context. Further analysis will focus on how the concept can be implemented in the planning practice. The case studies will be carried out as a foodscape characterization inspired by the work described in the article; Identity, food and landscape character in the urban context (Roe et al.

2016).

FINDINGS SO FAR

Municipal planning documents Neither Uppsala nor Örnsköldsvik have a municipal food strategy. Not much is said when it comes to the correlation between physical planning and food systems in the municipal planning documents.

Appearances of the correlation exist but are incoherent.

The more or less compulsory aims for sustainability are prominent in both municipalities.

Included aspects are public health, biodiversity, ecosystem services and effective use of land and resources as well as economic growth. Food systems; the production and consumption of food, are in general mentioned in conjunction with some of the sustainability aspects.

Appointing 2017 as the year of urban farming, Uppsala municipality will highlight urban farming and the possibilities of edible plants in public space, including placing fruit pickers in public parks to encourage foraging (Uppsala kommun, 2016). With

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only one public allotment garden at present, Örnsköldsvik municipality intends to increase urban gardening (Örnsköldsvik kommun, 2011). Also school gardening is meant to be developed (Örnsköldsvik kommun, 2012).

Both municipalities aim to create local and circular food chains, which meet the increasing demand for local and organic food (Uppsala Kommun, 2017; Örnsköldsvik kommun, 2012). Such food chains are said to go in line with the National sustainability goals as well as stimulating the local economy.

Local, small scale food production is interesting also in terms of tourism; to attract both foreign and native visitors (Uppsala Kommun, 2017). In Örnsköldsvik, recreational fishing is another example of developing food-related activities for tourists and locals (Örnsköldsvik kommun, 2012).

Regional planning documents Some regions in Sweden have their own food strategies. Örnsköldsvik is part of the Västernorrland Region which has a food strategy (LRF, 2015). It emphasizes increased production within the whole food industry but also more local, organic produce and northern varieties (LRF, 2015). The region of Uppsala does not have a food strategy although seminars and discussions have been held as a first initiative for a development strategy (Länsstyrelsen Uppsala Län, 2015).

National documents A national food strategy for Sweden has recently been proposed (Regeringskansliet, 2017). The initial aims of this strategy are increased employment and sustainable economic growth. Increased productivity and export is to be prioritized and realized in a way that avoids negative impact on the environment.

Sweden is said to have good preconditions for sustainable food production compared to other countries. Our consumption patterns need to change into more sustainable and healthy ones.

Among other things, the importance of grocery stores is emphasized since they control the supply.

Hence the planning matter of locating grocery stores is a big part of shaping food chains, both personal and societal. In Örnsköldsviks policy for commerce, grocery stores are directed to be located close to residential areas, easily reached by foot, bike or bus and peripheral establishments are not recommended (Kommunfullmäktige, 2014).

INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS The research so far has shown that the two case study municipalities to some extent do include the correlation between food (systems) and physical planning, but there are no organized processes or strategies for intentional food planning. Instead there are scattered comments and aims to be found in several planning documents concerning the subject.

Comparing the two municipalities so far tell us that Uppsala covers more aspects of food- planning than Örnsköldsvik. A possible explanation is that Uppsala has almost four times the population in approximately one third of the area of Örnsköldsvik, meaning less land but more planning resources.

Because of the different natural conditions for food production we question the usefulness of comparing

Sustainable Planning SustainableFood Food Planning

the two. The need for being place specific, to start from the uniqueness of the place and situation, is consolidated.

DISCUSSION

Roe et al. suggest foodscape characterization to be helpful for planners concerning regeneration, lifestyle change and business (2016). Trying to understand the varying actors complex relation to urban environments through food might be a good way of seeing urban dynamics trough a new lens (ibid). Our aspiration is to analyze the, in our opinion, lack of coherence when it comes to how food production and consumption shapes our habitat. With this analysis as a base, we strive to find ways of interpreting the food perspective into the planning practice in the same lines of thought as Roe et al (2015). Conversations with planners from the two municipalities can help us understand the local planning situation and standards, from where we can make substantial suggestions. The case studies will hopefully contribute, or even be the headline for such discussions.

REFERENCES Feagan, R. (2007). The place of food: mapping out the ‘local’ in local food systems. Progress in human Geography, 31 (1): 23-42.

Kommunfullmäktige (2014) Handelspolicy Örnsköldsvik . Örnsköldsvik. (KST/2014:134) LRF, Länsstyrelsen Västernorrland (2015) Livsmedelsstrategin för Västernorrland.

Available: https://www.lrf.se/mittlrf/regioner/vasternorrland/regionallivsmedelsstrategi-for-vasternorrland/ [2017-03-06] Länsstyrelsen Uppsala Län (2015) Dialog om regional livsmedelsstrategi.

Available: http://www.lansstyrelsen.se/uppsala/Sv/kalender/2 015/Pages/dialog-om-regionallivsmedelsstrategi.aspx [2017-03-05] Regeringskansliet (2017) En livsmedelsstrategi för Sverige − fler jobb och hållbar tillväxt i hela landet.

Stockholm. (2016/17:104) Roe, M., Sarlöv Herlin, I., & Speak, S. (2016) Identity, food and landscape character in the urban context. Landscape Research, 41(7): 757-772.

Uppsala Kommun (2016) Fritt fram att plocka kommunens frukt.

Available: https://www.uppsala.se/organisation-ochstyrning/nyheter-och-pressmeddelanden/fritt-framatt-plocka-kommunens-frukt/ [2017-03-05] Uppsala Kommun (2017) Landsbygdsprogram för Uppsala Kommun.

Uppsala. (KSN-2015-1907) Örnsköldsviks kommun (2011). Grönplan för Örnsköldsviks centralort . Örnsköldsvik.

(1443529117289) Örnsköldsvik kommun (2012) Översiktsplan för Örnsköldsvik kommun . Örnsköldsvik.

(1447687867329) Forsström, E., Jönsson, M. (2015) Regionala livsmedelsstrategier, en kartläggning av regionala livsmedelsstrategier i Sverige.

Kungl. Skogs- och Lantbruksakademien. Stockholm: KSLA.

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Almere Oosterwold

A first glance at the planning of an Urban Food Scape Jan Eelco Jansma1 and Arnold van der Valk2 Abstract â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Oosterwold, potentially opens a new chapter in the planning of urban food (land)scapes. Urban agriculture plays a pivotal role in the development of this new area of the Dutch city of Almere. This research attempts to unravel new strategies for planning and planners, through the understanding and interpreting of the development of the food scape of Oosterwold. It uses two lenses, the Multi-Level Perspective on transition (MLP) and of the Social Practice Theory (SPT). These lenses might open a window to a flexible yet robust strategy of planning in which planning enables rather than directs, as well as they might put new angles to current planning theories.

Keywords â&#x20AC;&#x201C; planning, urban food scape, urban agriculture Preferred session: rethinking

landscape to a genuine green, self-sustaining and small scale urban landscape. Future residents have a maximum of freedom to change the space to their place. To direct these ambitions, authorities provide future residents with a set of 10 rules (Jansma and Dekking, 2016). One of these rules is that at least 50 percent of the area is designated for urban food production, in the plans defined as urban agriculture, the remainder is allotted for housing and commercial activities (20 percent) and infrastructure, nature development, water infrastructure and public green (30 percent). Oosterwold shows a sharp departure from the strict spatial organisation and segregation between rural and urban areas, blueprint development plans, and an institutionalised approach in planning in The Netherlands.

INTRODUCTION Food achieves a growing relevance at the urban (policy) agenda, with the emergence of short food supply chains, urban food production initiatives, and urban food networks (Wiskerke, 2015). This growing relevance of urban food poses a new task for planners. Already in 2000 Puthukuchi and Kaufman (2000) emphasised the importance for planners to include food (systems) issues in urban planning, because of its embedment in live and health of urban dwellers. Notwithstanding the up rise of interest in urban food over the last decade, food has rarely been included in urban planning (Ilieva, 2016). The integration of food in the urban system is complex, it comprises multi stakeholder groups, covers different planes and exceeds different jurisdictions (Mansfield and Mendes, 2013). Planning has no clear answer to the request of anchoring urban food within the urban fabric. More-over urban planning is in search of new, adaptive, non-linear strategies to respond to comparable local demands for self-organisation and multifunctionality in regional territorial associations (De Roo and Rauws, 2012).

This research wants to address the question how new planning strategies can be deployed to ensure that food (production) finds a permanent place in the (peri) urban food (land)scape. In the absence of a comprehensive theory, clear strategies or even well-developed examples, the starting point of the search of answers to this question is a case which holds a possible direction: Oosterwold.

CASE In the following decades Oosterwold is hoped to ensue as new city quarter of 15,000 homes east of the Dutch city of Almere (200,000 residents). Oosterwold has no final image nor blueprint development plan for the 4,300 ha area of land it will cover. Local authorities have the ambition that the Oosterwold area transforms from the current open agricultural

Figure 1: Almere Oosterwold a new extension of Almere (NL).

METHOD This research attempts to unravel new strategies for planning and planners, through the understanding and interpreting of the development of the urban food scape of Oosterwold (Fig.2). It chooses to view this development of the food scape through the theoretical lens of the Multi-Level Perspective on transition (MLP; Geels, 2011) and of the Social Practice Theory (SPT; Shove et al, 2012). Both approaches look at changes and stability in sociotechnical systems, each from a different perspective.

Where MLP is more about niches and landscapes that form and change so-called regimes; SPT explains the pathway of changes in our daily routines, so-called practices. Both lenses share similarities; the regimes influence and shape our daily practices and vice versa. Hargreaves et al (2013) argues that a closer look at the critical points of intersection between practices and regimes could lead to a better understand how changes occur or disappear.

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will remain in the hands of a small group of committed consumers and will never develop.

DISCUSSION AND FINAL REMARKS

Figure 2: The key of the research question: two lenses to understand the change of the urban food (land)scape of Oosterwold.

OBSERVATIONS Late 2013 Oosterwold opened for settlers. Although local authorities have high ambitions to change the development procedures in Oosterwold, the reality is unruly, because still some legal procedures are obligatory. To facilitate the settlers with their journey through these procedures, each potential settler is provided with a ‘roadmap’, how to navigate from their initial idea to realisation. Late 2016, about 300 initiatives settled or started the procedure to settle in Oosterwold.

Although it is in a too early stage to share results of the changes in the food scape of Oosterwold, some preliminary observations can be made. We choose to take land ownership and food distribution out of the turmoil of the first year of Oosterwold.

Land ownership From the MLP point of view land ownership still is rooted in the current regime of real estate development and agriculture. In Oosterwold the majority of the land is property to the state and private sector, but is farmed by the current farmers. These farmers do not feel the urge to change their current practice of farming for the global market. Hence, the area needs urban agriculture pioneers from outside who are willing to invest in the area, but the costs of investment (of land) are high and the development pathway uncertain. Real estate developers on the other hand also do not feel the urge to develop in Oosterwold. Due to the rule of 50% urban agriculture, estate developers can only realise the real estate if this is balanced with (at least 50% of) land to farm. To them a unknown practise, interpret as a too risk full and costly endeavour. Thus the current settlers in Oosterwold predominantly are private person acquiring land to build their home with at most a large (kitchen) garden. This leads to a small scale foodscape where food production at larger scale is secondary.

Food distribution From the SPT perspective, local food distribution must gain and maintain a position within the everyday practices of shopping, eating and cooking of Almere residents. On the other hand (from the MLP perspective), the way food distribution is organised in the current agro food regime does not leave room for the local produce. Thus if the local produce will not be adapted in daily practices of the local residents as well as in the way food is distributed, it is a serious risk that the urban agriculture in Oosterwold

A first glance at what happens in the urban food scape of Oosterwold after the development started in 2013 seems unruly even opaque. The perspective of MLP and SPT supports in focussing at what really is happening and why it is as it is. The interpretation possibly opens a window to a flexible yet robust strategy of planning in which planning enables rather than directs. For example, in the case of land ownership a potential route is the enablement of new types of ownership of land, where estate developers and farmers share the rights or a land conservation trust which purchase land to lease to urban farmers.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I gratefully acknowledge the support of the municipality of Almere and the Province of Flevoland of my PhD research.

REFERENCES

De Roo G, Rauws, W S, (2012) “Positioning planning in the world of order, chaos and complexity: On perspectives behaviour and interventions in a nonlinear environment”, in Complexity Theories of Cities Have Come of Age. Eds J Portugali, M Meyer, E Stolk, E Tan (Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg) pp 207-220 Geels F W, (2011) “The multi-level perspective on sustainability transitions: responses to seven criticisms” Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions, 1 (1): 24-40 Hargreaves T, Longhurst N, Seyfang G, (2013), “Up, down, round and round: connecting regimes and practices in innovations for sustainability” Environment and Planning A 45: 402-420 Ilieva, RT, (2016). “Urban Food Planning: Seeds of transition in the Global North” (New York, Routledge) Jansma J E, Dekking A G J, (2016), “Pivotal Position for Large-Scale Urban Agriculture in Bottom-Up Development in Almere” Urban Agriculture Magazine 31 46-48 Mansfield B, Mendes W, (2013), “Municipal Food Strategies and Integrated Approaches to Urban Agriculture: Exploring Three Cases from the Global North”. International Planning Studies, 18 (1): 37– 60 Pothukuchi K, Kaufman J L, (2000), “The Food System” Journal of the American Planning Association, 66: 113-124 Shove E, Pantzar M, Watson M, (2012) The Dynamics of Social Practice: Everyday Life and How it Changes (SAGE Publications Ltd, London) Wiskerke J S C, (2015) “Urban food systems”, in Cities and Agriculture: Developing Resilient Urban Food Systems, eds H. De Zeeuw, P. Drechsel (Routledge, London) pp 1–25 1Jan

Eelco Jansma, AERES university of Applied Sciences in Almere, Wageningen University and Research, The Netherlands. (janeelco.jansma@wur.nl) 2Arnold van der Valk, Wageningen University and Research, department of land use planning, The Netherlands.

(Arnold.vandervalk@wur.nl)

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Urban pastoralism (An environmental tool for recreating and maintenance of ecological corridors) R. Triboi

Abstract â&#x20AC;&#x201C; The evolution of urbanization has created a favourable context for urban pastoralism in the last decade. Factors like chaotic fragmentation of the periphery, development and urban gaps or waste land, the abandonment of agricultural exploitation of arable land, the demand for dairy and meat products, European Union subventions, increased the activity of urban pastoralism (inside but especially outside cities).

The phenomenon can be observed also in neighbouring countries in the Balkans.

The ecosystem, social and economical services brought

by Urban pastoralism are multiple but are not given enough recognition by residents and authorities due to the general negative perception of these practices next to the urban residential areas.

Keywordsâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;urban agriculture, pastoralism, ecological corridors, environmental benefits, sustainability.

Preferred session: Rethinking

INTRODUCTION Pastoralism use to be in the ancient times the most efficient activity and represents a low-impact form of agriculture (PASTORAL 2,2001). Romania has the third largest flock in EU, estimated at 11 million breeding ewes and also 10% of the sheep in the EU (Eurostat 2012). Small-scale farmers own 70% of the sheep flock. The practice of pastoralism is an ancient tradition well anchored in Romanian national identity.

The current attitude of ignoring or marginalizing this phenomenon can have negative consequences: the persistence of conflict of interest issues and negative ecological effects caused by spontaneous grazing that might lead to its extinction .

Urban pastoralism could be seen as an important tool for sustainable urbanism and for creating unity in a very fragmented and heterogenic landscape. It values both the agricultural, social, economical and ecological dimension of urban lands.

This paper aims to address the following issues: What management strategy and which urban policy is needed in Romania to address the current situation urban pastoralism in order to enhance the benefits and reduce the downfalls of this practice?

METHODS AND SOURCES This article is based on several research trips from 2013 to present, to collect information about the phenomenon of urban pastoralism.

The bellow information addresses funding requests, but the census conducted by the Sanitary Veterinary Direction shows that in 2014 were 2000 heads of sheep and goats in Bucharest and almost 37,000 in its periphery. A simple estimation of dairy products based on the numbers mention above leads us to a 1 million euro market of cheese in the capital only.

I base my data on participant observation and discussion with shepherds around Bucharest urban pastures. A Google map image of Bucharestâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s belt driveway in the pastoral seasons allows the observation of this practice in the interstitial spaces between inarticulate residential and service areas. The study of satellite plans permits an easy identification of shelters and path of herds.

THEORETICAL FRAME AND ORGANISING CONCEPTS More recently, the multi-functional aspect of urban agriculture and more specifically of urban pastoralism gained attention all over the world. The Eastern European context as a transition area between western (developed, industrialised) and third world (undeveloped, agricultural) countries is an oversimplified approach without much to learn from. Therefore, a closer look at the specificity of this area could bring some interesting lessons to the research and practice on urban agriculture and pastoralism in general and on the wider benefits provided by this activity.

RESULTS Unarticulated urban space development that generated gaps of vacant land The radical change of property form by "de-collectivization" at the beginning of the '90s and the uncontrolled expansion of the city over the rural and agricultural suburbs created a chaotic mix of urban areas.

The last economic crisis slowed down the residential and service sectors taking over land and allowed the installation and development of herds of sheep and goats in the "residual spaces", while land remained uncultivated. Usually, the owners have flocks of a few hundred animals, mostly around 500 heads (the studied cases) that enables them to camp temporary with

R. Triboi from University of Architecture and Urbanism "Ion Mincu" Bucharest (roxana.triboi@gmail.com)

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minimal costs for shelters and annexes. However, this also leads to poor conditions for processing and stocking of animal products.

A phenomenon difficult to quantify In Bucharest area the funding requests from APIA (Agency for Payments and Intervention in Agriculture) shows that until 2012 the number of goats and sheep had an upward trend (almost 45 000).The economic potential of this form of agriculture near the city is obvious.

Table 1.

Evoluton of sheep and goats flock in he Bucharest area Year

sheeps

2010

23 439

goats 6 149

2011

34 119

9 276

2012

32 015

9 248

2013

25 176

7 336

source: Agency for Payments and Intervention in Agriculture (APIA).

CONCLUSIONS

Negative aspects of this practice The cultural and social impact on urban and local communities is significant. Locals are for example annoyed by the smell and they fear the shepherdsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; dogs.

This attitude is reflected also in the media where most of the articles are ironic regarding fines application, even if the perception of the pastoralism in general is highly positive (www.tion.ro).

Changing public perception of this particular form of pastoralism is therefore important if we consider the benefits to the ecosystem brought by this activity.

That could be done by public events related to pastoralism activities.

Possible approach at the political level An important step would be the recognition of the use of "construction designated land" and private properties as pasture areas by urban planners and policy makers. New types of zoning should include such forms of land utilization, temporary or permanent and the resulted ecological corridors should be identified and maintained through a better management by authorities together with herd owners.

Important benefits of urban pastoralism Because in Romania the management of green public spaces is badly managed by public authorities, the introduction of urban grazing as a regulated practice may allow higher benefits from the urban areas left un-used (commercial and industrial complexes on the outskirts, the roadsides, etc.). Even more, the most important possible benefits are related to this spontaneous practice in the peripheral urban areas. Some of them I have listed here: - Articulating unused green lots; - Developing biodiversity in general;

Sustainable Planning SustainableFood Food Planning

-Create a mosaic of habitats and preserving a variety of backgrounds.

- Maintaining a diverse flora through restorative management and differentiated.

- Saving forever and rustic species, valuing local breeds.

- Limiting or halting the development of certain invasive species without machines or chemicals; - Establishing biological corridors.

- Reducing the environmental footprint for management public green spaces by green waste removal, natural fertilization of soils, eliminating the noise generated by mechanical equipment, and probably the most important is the decrease of management costs, especially in difficult accessible places; - Providing a picturesque landscape; - Preventing reforestation; - Supporting short supply circuits (milk, cheese, meat); - Ensuring the social dimension of green space; - Creating animation-related events (mowing, milking); - Providing a pedagogical function on agriculture and food (http://www.faire-territoire.fr).

REFERENCES

Garric, A.(2013) ,Des moutons pour tondre en ville, vrai gain pour l'environnement, Le Monde, 12.04.2013.

Huband S., Mccracken D. I., Mertens A.(2010):Long and short-distance transhumant pastoralism in Romania: past and present drivers of change, Pastoralism 8(1), 55-71 Eurostats2012: Sheep and goat numbers.

PASTORAL2 (2001): The impact of scale and accession on biodiversity value. PASTORAL: the agricultural, ecological and socio-economic importance of extensive livestock systems. Report of the 2nd workshop of the PASTORAL project. Romania: Moieciu de Sus; 2001. October Juler C.(2014), DupÄ&#x192; coada oilor: long-distance transhumance and its survival in Romania .

Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice, 2014 4:4 http://www.tion.ro/cu-stana-de-oi-langa-vile-intrun-cartier-din-apropierea-timisoarei-protest-laprimaria-mosnita/1526199 http://www.fabriques-ap.net http://www.faireterritoire.fr/2014/20140520_pastoralisme_urbain_es pace_vert.php http://www.ecopaturage.com

R. Triboi from University of Architecture and Urbanism "Ion Mincu" Bucharest (roxana.triboi@gmail.com)

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Beyond the Desert

Unequal access to food in Detroit E. Bernot1

Abstract – 1 This paper deconstructs the “food desert” cliché that is so often used to portray the city of Detroit (Michigan, USA). Two distorted images arise when using this term: that of a place “naturally” deprived of food resources, an image that abolishes all debates on the structural facts which explain the actual unequal access to food in the city; and also on a population that wouldn’t be self-reliant to acquire food. Long term field work has revealed multiple existing practices and strategies, and indicates more accurate criteria to build knowledge related to food access in the city.

Keywords – spatial inequalities – food access - Detroit Preferred session: Rethinking

INTRODUCTION The city of Detroit is characterized by a segregation rooted in economic, political and cultural causes. To this day, the city has gone through deeply unequal development. Many neighbourhoods of the inner-city are affected by endemic poverty; private and public services are scarce. This overall situation inevitably affects the city’s food distribution system.

Anyone interested in the food offer in Detroit runs into the expression “food desert”. We will question how accurate this term is to explain the food access situation.

Academic writings are mostly based on statistical rather than on empirical analysis. This study will deal with the accuracy of the criteria chosen to evaluate food access in the city.

Those paper's conclusions ignore the daily consumption practices of the category of people mentioned. This point will be taken up further on.

ON THE FIELD This paper is based on three field works combining observation-participation, interviews and cartographic analyses.

This was enabled by volunteering work in the ‘Keep Growing Detroit’ organization, the Capuchin Soup Kitchen, and Earthworks Farm. Regular attendance at the Detroit Food Policy Council and other public meetings provided more data. More systematic and quantitative census and data collects were done in other markets (Eastern Market, Downtown Farmers Market, Wayne State Market) thanks to informal work at the Brother Nature Farm market stand. Inventories and observations were also made in various supermarkets and factual interviews were conducted on sixty-eight inhabitants of the city.

1E.

Bernot is a Phd student at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Centre de Recherches Historiques, Laboratoire GGH-Terres, Paris, France (elsa.m.bernot@gmail.com).

But the material for this paper mostly comes from field work that was carried out from Spring 2013 to Autumn 2015. The data were collected through daily observations, mostly in Briggs | North Corktown neighborhood, Hope Takes Root its community garden, Brother Nature Farm and Spaulding Court Community’s kitchen garden. Beyond those places, daily interactions with the residents helped to measure the diversity of existing food habits.

DECONSTRUCTING THE CLICHÉS The term “food desert” was initially coined to reveal the inequalities in access to quality food. The use of this term to qualify Detroit was popularized after a report from the Mari Gallagher Institute, Examining the impacts of food deserts on public health in Detroit. Ten years later, the expression is frequently found in the media and academic sphere (Linn, 2011; Hill, 2014). Three factors remain a constant in its definition: physical access difficulties, cost barriers, and to be an inhabitant of a deprived neighbourhood.

While some carefully avoid the term (for instance, K. Pothukuchi), it remains frequently used, to describe the food situation in Detroit (Weatherspoon et al., 2015), to develop a subject linked to food access (for instance, urban agriculture: Paddeu, 2014) or to reveal food access inequalities and introduce the concept of “food justice” (Billings, Cabbil, 2011). It is also common that the academic papers dealing with Detroit food situation first mention the lack of large chain food stores (Zenk et al., 2005): in 2007, the last grocery chain, Farmer Jack, closed its two last inner city stores. These analyses meet two main bias.

1/ The access to a food store is measured only through physical access (distance, transport means) and economical access (incomes, goods cost), these two aspects being correlated to socio-cultural status (socio-racial discriminations).

2/ The authors often come up with the idea that if Detroiters do not eat well (according to their standards), it is because the places of sell (often limited to supermarkets) are rare.

HOW TO DEFINE “ACCESS”?

The enquiries and interviews conducted in Detroit show there isn’t systematic correlation between the location of the home of the inhabitants, their income and the location of the grocery stores they shop at.

The inhabitants do not necessarily go to the closest outlet, even if they do not own a car, neither to the cheapest one, even if they have little income. Physical or spatial distance from the place of sale are not

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meaningful criteria. However, three other factors have to be taken into account.

1/ Social determiners as class, culture, gender or age (Shaw, 2006), enforced by the will of social distinction, either voluntarily chosen or submitted to, and materialized by forms of implicit segregation or self-exclusion: Wayne State’s students do not buy at the same grocery stores than Afro-American mothers.

2/ Positive or negative representations associated to some places or people, in a city well-known for its segregation and high crime rate: some consumers do not mind buying goods through a bullet proof window, but will not feel comfortable if there is a security guard standing at the door. Others might have the inverse feeling.

3/ The existence of solidarity networks nuance the weight of economical criteria (incomes, car ownership): donations, exchanges of services, car lending, between family members, friends, neighbors etc. are not taken into account when food access is evaluated.

Inhabitants daily practices to buy goods reveal diversified know-how and strategies going much further than going to and from supermarkets or corner liquor stores. First, let’s remember that markets are numerous in Detroit: more than 250 outlets are listed, including 110 liquor stores for 140 grocery stores (produce dealers, bakers…) (Pothukuchi et al., 2008; Linn, 2011). These numbers offset the image of a “food desert”. However, it is true that they remain low for a city of over 600.000 inhabitants. But a study published in 2015 indicate 3.500 food supply outlets in Detroit: beyond liquor store and supermarkets, any store selling food is taken in account (such as drugstores like CVS), as well as restaurants, farms and community gardens, farmers markets, and about a hundred food assistance programs (Taylor et Ard, 2015).

More marginal collective and individual practices complete this list. Thousands of kitchen gardens have been located (Keep Growing Detroit, 2016), the CSA network is growing, discussions held by city representatives and city council members for the adoption of a Lifestock Ordinance reflect a certain interest for animal husbandry; Community centers, churches and local organizations provide collective meals. Interpersonal friends, neighbors and family networks enable food exchanges; Unofficial street food venders, occasional practices such as fishing, hunting, harvesting, unsold food picking and dumpster diving are as many strategies that are difficult to be statistically taken into account. Besides, one strategy does not exclude another, while one person can also shop in different stores.

CONCLUSION Clichés tirelessly and durably repeated about Detroit irritate some inhabitants, activists, organizers and city representatives: the Detroit food system faces consequent problems that demand long term mobilizations and a massive amount of work to render it less unequal. Reducing it to clichés hinders this groundwork. The term “food desert” implicitly depicts Detroit as a uniformed whole, with no atten-

Sustainable SustainableFood Food Planning Planning

tion being paid to the shades and patterns that distinguish a neighborhood from another. Moreover, the term not only implies that this situation would be the result of a “natural necessity”, an unavoidable phenomenon resulting from a natural situation, but also that Detroiters are unable to get proper food without shopping malls and supermarket chains in the city. By contrast, terms such as “unequal distribution of food resources”, or “food access inequalities” place more structural stakes in the balance and suggest alternative solutions to address the mainstream food system distribution problems.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Warmest thanks to Alex B. Hill, Shane Bernardo, Patrick Crouch, Robbie Moore, Andrew D. Newman, Greg and Olivia Willerer, and all the Detroiters who shared their knowledge and experiences.

REFERENCES Billing D., and Cabbil L. (2011). “Food Justice: What’s Race Got to Do with It?”, Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts, 5(1): 103-112.

Gallagher Mari Institute, (2007). Examining the impact of food deserts on public health in Detroit, report.

Hill A. (2014). A Critical Discourse on Detroit’s “Food Desert” Metaphor, Wayne State University (unpublished).

Keep Growing Detroit (2016). http://detroitagriculture.net/

Annual

Report,

Linn R. (2011). “The Food Grasslands of Detroit”, Mapping the Straight, http://mapdetroit.blogspot.fr/ Paddeu F. (2014). « L’agriculture urbaine à Detroit : un enjeu de production alimentaire en temps de crise ? », Pour, 224(4): 89-99.

Pothukuchi K., Mahamed R., Gebben D. (2008).

“Explaining disparities in food code compliance by food stores: Does community matter?” Agriculture and Human Values, 25(3): 319-332.

Shaw H. (2006). “Food Deserts: Towards the Development of a Classification” Geografiska Annaler.

Series B, Human Geography, 88(2): 231-247.

Taylor D., Ard K. (2015). “Food Availability and the Food Desert Frame in Detroit: An Overview of the City’s Food System » Environmental Practice, 17: 102-133.

Weatherspoon D. and L., Oehmke J., Dembele A. (2015). “Fresh vegetable demand behavior in an urban food desert” Urban Studies, 52(5): 960–979.

Zenk S., Schulz A., Israel B., James S., Bao S., Wilson M. (2005). “Neighborhood Racial Composition, Neighborhood Poverty, and the Spatial Accessibility of Supermarkets in Metropolitan Detroit”, American Journal of Public Health, 95(4): 660-665.

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SUSTAINABLE POST - CRISIS FOOD SYSTEMS (Lessons learned from the Portuguese Experience) Cecília Delgado 1

Abstract ––The central argument of the present paper is that Urban Agriculture in Portugal is a growing field that has been largely expanding as a result of the effects of the 2008 socio-economic crisis. In addition to a fair number of allotments promoted by some municipalities and institutions, a significant number of short food chains initiatives that share in common the values of the social and solidarity economy are consolidating in a post-crisis scenario, despite the lack of a most needed facilitating public policy. Such initiatives are paving the way to shift from Urban Agriculture as an answer to the effects of the crisis, in the European peripheries, towards a full fledge postcrisis emergent sector.

In summary those innovative initiatives can contribute to establish positive bridges to re-search and exchange on how public policies could contribute to building better food systems in Europe.1 Keywords – Urban Agriculture; Crisis; Short Food Chains; Portugal; Urban Agriculture in Europe Preferred session: Rethinking sustainable food systems

INTRODUCTION TO USING THE TEMPLATE This short paper is part of a larger research and development project on the State of the Art of Urban Agriculture [UA] in Portugal that began at the end of 2014. The process involved so far a scoping study on urban agriculture and the refinement of research questions; design of research instruments; identification and selection of empirical cases; case study visits; interviews of relevant actors and key informants; data processing and analysis; dissemination of results in scientific journals; and feedback to engage actors locally, nationally and internationally.

Since the integration of Portugal in the European Union in 1986, UA was neither part of key issues in debates nor a supported sector. It is only since the early 2000’s that local food systems and UA in Portugal started to take benefit of European Programs.

In addition, European Research Programs as Cost Urban Allotments Garden in European Cities [20122016] and Cost Urban Agriculture Europe [20122016] that integrated Portuguese teams and practices (Bell et al., 2016, Lohrberg et al., 2016), played a significant role in connecting Portuguese UA practices and debates with those taking place in other European countries.

There is therefore a tremendous need and a unique opportunity to deepen these debates. This also means to understand carefully the specificities

1Cecília Delgado is from CICS.NOVA – Interdisciplinary Centre of Social Sciences, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Av. de Berna 26-C, 3rd Floor, Lisbon, Portugal, (cmndelgado@gmail.com).

and trends of UA in Portugal, as well as converging and diverging points with what is happening elsewhere in Europe. This being said, the focus of the present communication is to understand what can be learned from the UA Portuguese experiences emerging in the post-crisis scenario, and its relevance to food systems in Europe? In doing so, one could highlight policies that would be tailored to specificities of UA in the country and at the same time identify if some of the practices and approaches that are being implemented can contribute to the development of European UA and more widely to sustainable food systems in European cities and regions postcrisis.

METHODS In order to better define UA, it was decided to get the perception of 12 key relevant informants with national recognition. A semi-structured interview covering several UA dimensions was applied. In addition, they were asked to indicate those projects, programs and practices that according to them were the most illustrative of UA in Portugal. The list ended up in 29 projects and programs.

Additionally a variety of methods and tools was used to gather and validate non systematic data: [a] systematic and repeated web site visits were made; [b] site-visits; [c] in-depth interviews of prime informants and practitioners and farmers involved; [d] occasional exchange with producers, consumers, supporters and partners; [e] networking activities and participation in seminars on urban agriculture related events in order to get better insights into practices.

RESULTS The multidimensional method applied leads to conclude that UA in Portugal: [1] embraces allotment gardens, specific programs and projects, productive farms and short food chains enterprises; [2] deals essentially with unprocessed vegetables and fruit; [3] takes place dominantly on either public or institutional lands and; [4] is spearheaded by municipalities but to a lesser extent by civil society initiatives; 5] from a spatial point of view, is dominantly a metropolitan phenomenon i.e. Lisbon and Porto.

When we observe UA practices through time three periods can be identified: [1] slow emergence of experiences before the peak of the 2008 socioeconomic crisis as the first one as formalized in 2003; [2] post-crisis swift expansion of experiments and programs; [3] slight decrease of number of experiences and possible stabilization after 2015. In conclusion, that UA expanded swiftly since 2008 economic crisis and the slight decrease after 2015 raises a theoretical and practical issue on how to

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shift from an answer to a crisis-driven urban agriculture to a permanent post-crisis sustainable food systems approach.

In order to illustrate the post-crisis UA Portuguese scenario, the research explores further three innovative practices of short food supply chains (Moustier and Renting, 2015) identified as an emerging category of UA Typology in Portugal. They represent paradigmatic cases (Flyvbjerg, 2006) of short food chains, targeting urban consumers primarily from Lisbon and Porto Metropolitan Areas.

Table 1 highlights Fruta Feia, Biovivos and Cabaz do Peixe main dimensions. All the initiatives are emerging in the post-crisis scenario. Interestingly, Fruta Feia and Biovivos give continuity to mainstream products, vegetables or fruits in Portuguese UA. All are distribututing raw products. They have generates jobs, in a country badly hit by the crisis.

Table 1. Basic comparative data on four Portuguese short circuitsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; initiatives* Fruta Feia

Biovivos

Cabaz Peixe

2013 Fruits and vegetables

2014 Microgreens

2015 Fish

Production location Distribution location Number of consumers

Peri-urban

Urban

Peri-urban

Urban

Urban

Urban

2500

20 + 50

+ 300

Distributions points Sales per week

7

16

7

800 pots

100 baskets

Distance production to distribution

Up km

Jobs created

8+ producers

Starting date Products

2100 kets

basto

80

Up km 2

to

20

Up to 50 km

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social innovation in UA not only can be economically viable, but also can contribute to youth job creation, as Mougeot (2015) pointed out, a major issue in European countries.

In spite of this, the limit today is that the experiences are still very raw, rooted in unprocessed food products as vegetables and fruits and do not consider the complete food chain. In consequence, transformation of what is being produced as food and non-food products, e.g. compost, is still extremely weak. For that reason, there is a need to re-frame the system, in order to build a comprehensible food planning system that considers the wide-ranging potential of urban-rural food chains, on a national level.

In summary, UA-based short food chains can be a driving force to move from UA as an adaptive measure to crisis, to further post-crisis sustainable solutions along with the much-needed support of public policies. In the meantime, the current Portuguese challenge is to avoid the historical scenario i.e. Portugal as a provider of raw unprocessed products, and, in this case organic food, for the sole benefit of Northern Europe and transnational countries.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The research is funded by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundation [FCT] grant: SFRH/BPD/94286/2013 The author acknowledges the contribution of all informants and expresses her gratitude to each individual who has made this work possible.

REFERENCES BELL,

S.,

FOX-KĂ&#x201E;MPER,

R.,

KESHAVARZ,

N.,

BENSON, M., BENSON, M., NOORI, S. & VOIGT, A. 2

* Data updated in January 2017

DISCUSSION AND PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS Practices of UA-based short food chains described here cannot be isolated from a new culture of social enterprises emerging in Portugal. This is probably a distinctive feature that links up all three experiences. Not surprisingly, all of them are emerging under the impulse of young social entrepreneurs with high academic skills and their activities are strongly relying on social networks.

All together they point out that short food chains initiatives in the post-crisis scenario of Portuguese UA, with strong social economy and environmental perspective, have the ability to grow in periods of crisis recovery.

In addition, these practices have particular relevance as they illustrate that Portuguese post-crisis food systems have shifted from production to distribution. Therefore we argue that Portuguese emerging approaches are of relevance to other European cities as they show a ground-breaking shift from a crisis approach based on food production for selfconsumption, to food within a social and environmental perspective generating economic added value. Why is this important? It shows clearly that

2016.

Urban

Allotment

Gardens

in

Europe.

Routledge.

FLYVBJERG, B. 2006. Five Misunderstandings About Case-Study Research. Qualitative Inquiry 12, 219245.

LOHRBERG, F., LICKA, L., SCAZZOSI, L. & TIMPE, A. 2016. Urban Agriculture Europe, JOVIS. MOUGEOT, L. 2015. Urban Agriculture in Cities of the Global South:

Four Logics of Integration. In:

IMBERT, D. (ed.) Food and the City: Histories of Culture and Cultivation. Harvard University Press.

MOUSTIER,

P.

Agriculture

and

developing

&

RENTING,

short

countries.

chain Cities

H. food

2015.

Urban

marketing

and

in

Agriculture:

Developing resilient urban food systems.

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Research by designing for local food transparency in and validation of the core process Jeroen de Vries1 Abstract – This research project explores productive and relevant methods for practice-led designing that contribute to our knowledge of landscape architecture. It makes use of the execution of design experiments, more precisely defined as “research through designing (RTD) of existing landscapes on the level of sites and areas”.

It shows how to organise RTD for clearly answering research questions for a specific site or area. It demonstrates how landscape designs can provide a well-founded answer to the share of local food that can be produced within defined urban areas.

It focuses on the organisation of the core of the design process and the way that the results of designing can be made transparent and validated.1

urban agriculture is defined that can be used as building blocks.

Keywords – landscape design, urban food system.

Figure 1. A typology of urban agriculture (Vries, de & Preferred session: Rethinking.

INTRODUCTION This research project explores productive and relevant methods for practice-led designing that contribute to our knowledge of landscape architecture.

It makes use of the execution of design experiments, more precisely defined as “research through designing (RTD) of existing landscapes on the level of sites and areas” (Nijhuis and Bobbink 2012).

Firstly, it shows how to organise RTD for clearly answering research questions for a specific site or area. Secondly, it provides a well-founded answer to the share of local food that can be produced within defined urban areas. The designs are based on a defined framework and one or more scenarios.

METHODS The methodological question concerns the strategy, approach, and procedure of ‘practice-led research through designing’ that is carried out by a teacherdesigner-researcher in the context of landscape design (Grocott 2010). This generates questions such as: How does one set up this kind or research?

Which methods are applicable? For this a subset of research questions is drawn up: Research process How does one organise a prac�ce-led RTD programme for the theme of local food?

What is characteris�c for the method of RTD? How does one make sure that is transparent and traceable how the answers to the research ques�ons are produced?

How can one validate and assess the designs that are delivering the results and which criteria should be used for this?

What are the possibili�es and constraints for applying the chosen method to research ques�ons for other subjects?

Landscape architecture Which type of research ques�on can be answered by RTD? What kind of knowledge does landscape architecture bring with RTD? Which requirements should the presenta�on of the designs meet in order to draw adequate conclusions about the research ques�ons?

To what extent has the exper�se of the landscape designer consequences for the content of results?

Is it necessary to make high quality designs (architectural, aesthe�cally, ecological, etcetera) in order to provide good answer to research ques�ons?

In order to plan, design and evaluate a local food system for urban areas, a set of different types of Jeroen de Vries is from Van Hall Larenstein Universiyt of Applied Sciences, Velp, and the LE:NOTRE Institute, Wageningen, both in the Netherlands (geronimo@introweb.nl).

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Fleuren 2014; Roggema 2015)

The production types of urban agriculture contribute to the integral development of urban food systems and increase the share of locally produced food. For local food two research questions are formulated: 1. Which spatial types of urban agriculture are needed to design a local food system in an existing urban landscape?

2. How can one test to what extent a design provides the desired production capacity?

RESEARCH STRATEGY The research strategy is to work with a case study.

After defining the research questions and setting the framework, the research by designing will be modelled. The research approach will be illustrated by schemes and diagrams that facilitate the discussion on the role of this kind of research in the context of education.

The strategy involves applying various methods while focussing on the design competence: literature research, designing, illustrating, academic writing, peer review, consultation of third parties such as stakeholders and experts.

During the design process questions will arise: about the situation, the starting points of design, the users, local food production, the meaning of a design drawing, and good design. These questions will be answered by making assumptions, by further inquiry, or will be given a place in the research by formulating a method on how to answer these. The design process generates questions and answers that will be structured into knowledge.

The case study concerns the amount of food that neighbourhoods in the city of Arnhem can produce.

RESEARCH METHODS

The method consists of a self-directive and heuristic open ended research. It is founded on the theory of

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the action-oriented theory of reflective research and makes use of the spatial representation of possible spatial and functional solutions for a landscape, an area or a site.

This research differs from practice-oriented research because it is meant to contribute to the development of knowledge for landscape architecture, which in its turn might benefit design practice and design education. Within this there is a distinction between the projective design-led project and the research activities that are characterised by reflection on process and content.

The main part of the method is drawing explorative designs on the basis of a programmed question.

The start of each design is a combined research and design brief. The design process generates a dialogue that results from interaction between the programme, the context, the situation and the knowledge and starting points of landscape design.

The dialogue develops in the form of a circular process. There are three levels of reflection on the design process: what does it produce for the programme, are parts of the research & design method transferable (is it useful for others and other projects?) and what are the possibilities and constraints of this research method?

The reflection firstly takes place internally and then by external feedback by submitting the design to third parties (peers, stakeholders, experts) or by organising a survey. The external reflection aims to assess whether the conclusions are shared by others. Each design has its own cycle (propose>make>discuss>reflect> propose again> etcetera, and start again).

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Figure 3. Structure of the research scheme

The first designs led to adding two more types of urban agriculture: orchards and food forests.

Various questions arose from the process of which two are discussed here. First whether the designer should be an experienced designer who is competent in using the full body of knowledge of landscape architecture? An answer to that is that the competence of the researcher-designer should be clarified and that the designs can be validated by review of peers or supervisors. Secondly how does the researcher know whether the amount of feedback for each design is sufficient to validate the spatial design and its consequences? It is concluded that this point is reached if additional feedback provides no new insights into the design solutions.

The designs for two neighbourhoods in Arnhem are confirming that the local food system within these urban areas may provide for half the amount of vegetables and fruits and to a lesser extent for the amount of potatoes and fish. Within these areas there is no space for dairy production and grains.

REFERENCES Grocott, L. (2010). Design Research & Reflective Practice: the facility of Design-oriented research to translate practitioner insights into new understandings of design, Doctor of Philosophy, School of Architecture and Design, College of Design and Social Context RMIT University.

Figure 2. The cycle of researching by designing

RESEARCH STEPS AND INTERMEDIATE CONCLUSIONS The structure of the research scheme is shown in figure 3. The core of the research consists of making spatial designs: exploratory designs, designs of the different types and designs for the areas. In order to make the research transparent it is essential to produce structured design briefs for each design assignment. The researcher designer makes in the course of the design process notes on considerations to adjust the framework or the methodology or ideas for further research. Both the internal dialogue on the actual situation and the interpretation of the context (social, ecological, economic) are addressed.

Nijhuis, S. and I. Bobbink (2012). Design-related research in landscape architecture. Journal Design Research 210 (4): 239-257.

Roggema, R. (2015). Towards fundamental new urban planning for productive cities: the quest for space. In: Proceedings of the second international conference on Agriculture in an Urbanizing Society: 179-180. Rome.

Vries, J. de, and Fleuren, R. (2015). A spatial typology of urban agriculture for design purposes. In: G. Cina and E. Dansero (eds). Localizing urban food strategies. Farming cities and performing rurality.

7th International Aesop Sustainable Food Planning Conference Proceedings: 297-306.

Torino.

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Urban gardening and social inclusion of foreign citizens.

Lessons from Lombardy Valentina Cattivelli Abstract Urban gardens are sharing social and urban regeneration experiences spread mainly in the rapid urbanization municipalities. They promotes local social cohesion by fostering socialization among individuals with different educational and social extraction, or belonging to different generations. The present paper would investigate also their contribution to foster social integration in Lombardy, the Italian region with the highest number of urban and foreign gardens

Keywords – urban gardens, Lombardy, foreign citizens’ integration.

Preferred session: Making

INTRODUCTION Urban gardens strengthen social relations differently (Cattivelli, 2014).

In a more relaxed context compared to other traditional meeting places such as streets or shopping centers, in an urban garden, individuals can communicate more easily, are more likely to know each other and to exchange ideas and experiences – and not just about agricultural techniques.

Families can strengthen their ties by spending more time together: after a day of work or school, parents can teach their children to cultivate or harvest fruits and vegetables, grandparents can educate their grandchildren to the practices of urban agriculture, but also the principles for a healthier diet and respect for the environment.

This strengthening of neighborhood and family ties helps to consolidate the existing system of values and traditions, to strengthen the sense of community and to cement the social capital that is the basis of any form of participation (policy, volunteer, etc).

In this “construction”, it is not investigated the contribution made by foreigners. They also rent for urban gardens, to a lesser extent, and thanks to this more favourable climate to share they could integrate better. This article briefly describes the most significant experiences of urban horticulture conducted by foreigners in the towns of Lombardy, where the number of foreigners, both regular and migrants, is very high.

SOCIAL IMPORTANCE OF URBAN GARDENS Urban gardens could contribute to build and enforce the more heterogeneous social structure at local level (Sommerfield, 2010).

Moreover, they help to produce a new repertoire of rituals and practices that do not destabilize the dominant agricultural and social culture, but enrich it and make it more complete. By exchanging information and learning new concepts, in fact, people create new social schemes characterized by a rich variety of lifestyles, ethnicities and age groups; at the same time, they do not forget to hand down popular anecdotes and suggest local beliefs by contributing to the preservation and transmission of peasant civilization values and traditions that would otherwise be forgotten.

The transmission and enrichment of these new social patterns takes place with the dialogue during cultivation. The actors are the families and especially the grandparents with their grandchildren, or young scholars who cultivate to test theories that they learn on the books with the more experienced farmers (Tilston, Wade, 2006). It can also occur between people with different cultural and professional backgrounds, but also from different countries.

Despite being down the number of allotments assigned to foreigners, their cultivation could make faster their integration into local society, learn the habits and traditions of the place where they now reside.

At the same time, they can help local people to break down mistrust towards them or little knowledge of their countries of origin by suggesting recipes and production techniques. Thanks to the cultivation of typical products of their land of origin they sometimes overcome some difficults to find them in the most popular channels of food distribution.

WHY LOMBARDY? Lombardy is one of the regions with the highest number of urban gardens in Italy.

In its provincial capitals, there are about 2.800 urban gardens and their number has increased by 40% when compared to 2012. Urban gardens are most popular in Milan, Bergamo and Brescia.

These cities are characterized by high land consumption and strong urbanization. In the south cities, such as Cremona and Mantua, where in recent years the conversion of agricultural land for residential and productive purpose is increased, the number of urban gardens is low, but growing.

The diffusion of urban gardens is then motivated by the need to increase regional environmental quality, but not only for this reason.

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According to the OECD, Lombardy Region is characterized by a strong pollution given by a high amount of fine particles in the air. As a consequence, this region has one of the worst environmental performances in Italy and in Europe.

In contrast, this region has one of the best social performances across Europe. Civic engagement of the local population is considerable: the high number of people who vote in local elections is very high and, when compared across all OECD regions, the Lombardy region is in the top 24%. At the same time, choosing to associate for social purposes is deeply entrenched thanks to the over 5000 voluntary associations present in all regions. These data demonstrate the interest of local people to participate actively in the local administration and adopt solutions and projects to promote greater social inclusion.

This attention is shown also by local municipalities.

Of about 1500 Lombard municipalities, altogether 255 have made urban gardens.

Housing type and population density influences the proportion of green space available: their extension is usually between a few square meters up to 50-70 square meters. These lands are mostly owned by the municipality; private citizens rarely make their own plots available free of charge to other people. Thanks to a public procurement procedure, local administrations rely on land to cultivate momentarily. The “aspiring farmers” must have some requirements set by municipal regulation. Usually, they are residents in the municipality for some years, elderly and people with no income. In a few cases, they are favored families. In other (rare) cases, lands are transformed spontaneously by citizens without permission.

THE RESEARCH METHOD To study the presence of foreign gardeners, I submitted a question to all Lombard municipalities.

After, to municipalities with gardens, I submitted a questionnaire to understand the presence and relevance of the foreign gardeners. After, I interview 30 foreign gardeners to measure their judgement about this horticulture experience and their perception about their integration.

URBAN GARDENS AND FOREIGN CITIZENS

In the procedures for the award of the land, municipalities set of criteria. No Lombard municipality active in horticulture includes citizenship as a selection criterion. A provision of this kind would be contrary to the Constitution, as well as morally unacceptable. However, many municipal regulations reward the residence in the town for a few years or age. Firstly, foreign citizens move towards the major urban centers and then, after some time, in those smaller and very small. Due to the low average age, foreigners are heavily penalized in assignments.

Discrimination does not take place on the basis of geographical origin or possession of a residence permit, but the length of stay in the town and age.

Despite the risk of penalization, within the 255 Lombard municipalities considered, 34 municipalities

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allow urban gardens to foreign citizens (more than one out of ten municipalities). The foreign gardeners is a European citizen in 60% of cases (Spain and Germany the most represented countries). The remaining 40% is given by Albanians and Moroccans mostly. They have high average age, over 40, and nearly all have families. So people are already entrenched in the country of destination. The rate of the vegetable abandonment is similar to that of the Italian citizens (even this very low), while the satisfaction rate is high. Foreign citizens cultivate to save on food shopping, to have fruits and vegetables in season and pastime. They grow mostly products easy to use and consumption (lettuce, tomatoes, etc.). Respondents, most of them claims to have made friends with the other gardeners and feel even more part of the community. They exchanged news and information about their lives and their past, the cultivation techniques, but also of customs, traditions (not only agricultural) of their country of origin.

They prefer to grow their own, i.e. not involving other members of their family. In short, they said that this experience was not useful to learn Italian and in particular the words related to agriculture.

Those who cultivate the garden claiming to be more interested in the social lives and their common policy.

On the other hand, municipalities do not report any cases of vandalism or neglect before the agreed period, but only of the difficulties due to the understanding of certain legal terms included in the preparatory documents to the granting.

CONCLUSION The cultivation of urban gardens helps integration among foreign citizens in Lombardy. Despite the difficulties of access to the gardens because the municipal regulations reward seniority and years of residence, immigrants are able to lease. Their number seems to be growing. The impact on their integration appears favourable: these gardeners feel more integrated and participate more actively in the social life of their town.

REFERENCES Cattivelli, V. «L’esperienza degli orti urbani nel comune di Milano: una lettura attraverso gli open data comunali.» Agriregionieuropa, 2014: anno 10 n°39.

Sommerfield, A. W. T. & Zajick, J., 2010. Growing minds: Evaluating the effect of gardening on quality of life and physical activity of older adults.

HortTechnology, 20(4), pp. 705-710.

Tilston, C. & Wade, J., 2006. Modern family gardens.

New York: Wiley-Academy.

Direct interviews

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Short-Papers

Measuring Ismael D., Ploeger A.,

Development of a new surveys methodology of sensory science to detect the intention-behavior gap in the organic food consumption

Stempfle S., Coppo G.,

Assessing Venice Food System;

University of Kassel, Faculty of Organic Agricultural Science, Organic Food Quality and Food Culture Department. Witzenhausen, Kassel, Germany dianaismael1@hotmail.com

A pathway for building an Urban Food System Sustainability Assessment coping with massive tourism

University Iuav of Venice, Department of Design and planning in complex environments, Venice, Italy stempfle@iuav.it

SanyĂŠ-Mengual E.,

Quantifying the global sustainability of urban food systems Participatory research design in the SustUrbanFoods project

Research centre in urban environment for agriculture and biodiversity (ResCUE-AB), Department of agricultural sciences (Dipsa), Alma Mater Studiorium-UniversitĂ di Bologna, Italy esther.sanye@unibo.it

Lewis O., Moschitz H., Home R.,

The state and impacts of urban food production policy; A case study of Lausanne, Switzerland

Research Institute of Organic Agriculture FiBL, Frick, Switzerland olivia.lewis@fibl.org

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Development of a new surveys methodology of sensory science to detect the intentionbehavior gap in the organic food consumption Diana Ismael1, Angelika Ploeger1a

Abstract - Healthy food and natural environment are among the first consumers concerns, and they appear as the main driving force for consumers’ attitude towards purchasing organic food. Human emotions, which are highly provoked by the five senses, sight, smell, taste, hear and touch, play an important role in the consumption behavior of the organic food. The intention-behavior gap in the organic food consumption is considered a disadvantage in the marketing field as it may leads to misunderstand the consumer behavior accurately.

In this paper, two types of surveys, cognitive and sensory, will be designed, performed and analyzed to understand the differences between the actual behavior and the real emotions of the participants. In addition, a new methodology based on sensory evaluation discipline will be designed to study the implicit emotions of the participants and avoid their biased response. The developed methodology in this research will possibly be capable of eliminating the intention-behavior gap and will therefore result in more effective methodology to understand consumer’s behavior in depth.

Keywords: Emotions, Organic food, Non-Organic Food, Intention-behaviorgap.

INTRODUCTION The consumption attitude of the organic food is highly influenced by knowledge, memory, motivation, emotion, and other factors (Dember and Warm, 1979; Chryssochoidis, 2000; Padel and Foster, 2005; ColomGorgues, 2009; Gracia and de Magistris, 2007). Although consumers express great positive attitudes towards organic food, their actual behavior, which is expressed by relatively lower level of actual purchasing than expected, falls short to these attitudes (Padel and Foster, 2005; Vermeir and Verbeke, 2006; Pearson et al., 2007; Carrington et al., 2010; Aschemann-Witzel and Aagaard, 2014). This intention-behavior gap leads to more challenges for environmentally friendly-products marketing, and it also results in misunderstanding the consumer’s needs in the organic food market (Gupta and Ogden, 2006). ______________________________________ University of Kassel, Faculty of Organic Agricultural Science, Organic Food Quality and Food Culture Department. Witzenhausen, Kassel. (dianaismael1@hotmail.com)

1,1a

Previous research acknowledged this gap and it was attributed to different reasons such as lack of knowledge, limited availability and high prices (Vermeir and Verbeke, 2006). Yet, the role of emotions on consumers’ behavior and their final decision is still not completely understood and cannot be ignored.

This study will be the first to address the relationship between the consumer intention-behavior gap and their implicit emotions by developing a new sensory evaluation methodology. Previous findings of neuroscience and brain research show that 90-95% of the decision-making is unconscious (Zaltman, 2003), and the respondents in normal cognitive survey may answer the reviewer in a biased way, or provide some socially desirable answers which leads to misleading and invalid results (de Leeuw et al., 2008). The current study will also shed the light on the cultural variable influence on this intention-behavior gap by studying samples from two different countries from different regions, Germany (Europe ) and Sri Lanka (Asia ), because the previous research showed that the consumer behavior differences across cultures are too large and too stable to be ignored (De Mooij, 2010).

Methods This study will use a quantitative descriptive research design to investigate the intention- behavior gap in organic food consumption in different cultures. An equal number of German and Sri Lankan assessors will participate in this study. The data collection will be based on two types of surveys, cognitive and sensory surveys.

The cognitive survey will be conducted using demographic questionnaire (dichotomous and closed Multiple Choice Questions) to understand the assessors’ attitude towards organic food through.

The goal of the sensory survey is to determine the evoked emotions of the assessors by consuming organic food.

EXPECTED RESULTS Conducting both cognitive and sensory survey within different cultures will lead to the main following potential results:

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- There is difference between the participants’ reflected emotions in the cognitive questionnaire and their shown emotions in the sensory evaluation.

- There is a cultural influence on the intention-behavior gap.

- Environment, trust and price are the main driving factors behind the consumption behavior of organic food in each culture.

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Colom-Gorgues A. (2009). The challenges of organic production and marketing in Europe and Spain: Innovative marketing for the future with quality and safe food products. Journal of International Food & Agribusiness Marketing, 21(2-3): 166-190.

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de Leeuw E. D., Hox J. J. and Dillman D. A. (2008).

International handbook of survey methodology Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. European association of methodology series.

REFERENCES

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De Mooij M. (2010). Consumer Behavior and Culture: Consequences for Global Marketing and Advertising.

SAGE.

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Dember W. N. and Warm J. S. (1979). Psychology of Perception. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York.

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Destatis (2015).

Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland, https://www.destatis.de/EN/Homepage.html

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Gracia A. and de Magistris T. ( 2007). Organic food product purchase behaviour: a pilot study for urban consumers in the South of Italy. Spanish Journal of Agricultural Research, 5(4): 439-451.

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Gupta S. and Ogden D. (2006). The attitude-behavior gap in environmental consumerism(eds). APUBEF

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Padel S. and Foster C. (2005). Exploring the gap between attitudes and behavior –understanding why consumers buy or do not buy organic food. British Food Journal, 107(8): 606-625.

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Pearson D., Henryks J. and Moffitt E. (2007). What do buyers really want when they purchase organic foods.

Online Journal of Organic Systems, 2(1).

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Vermeir I. and Verbeke W. (2006). Sustainable food consumption: Exploring the consumer “attitude– behavioral intention” gap. Journal of Agricultural and Environmental ethics, 19(2): 169-194.

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Zaltman, G., 2003. How customers think: Essential insights into the mind of the market. Harvard Business Press.

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Aschemann-Witzel J. and Aagaard N. (2014).

Elaborating on the attitude-behaviorgap regarding organic products: Young Daish consumers and instore food choice. International Journal of Consumer Studies, 38(5): 550-558.

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Bellizzi J. A., C. A. E. and H. R. W. (1983). The effects of color in store design. Journal of Retailing, 59(1): 21-45.

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Carrington M. J., Neville B. A. and Whitwell G. J. (2010). Why ethical consumers don’t walk their talk: towards a framework for understanding the gap between the ethical purchase intentions and actual buying behaviorof ethically minded consumers.

Journal of Business Ethics, 97: 139-158.

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Chryssochoidis G. (2000). Repercussions of consumer confusion for late introduced differentiated products.

European Journal of Marketing, 34: 705-722.

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Assessing Venice Food System.

A pathway for building an Urban Food System Sustainability Assessment coping with massive tourism Sarah Stempfle, Giacomo Coppo1 Abstract – This contribution focuses on Food System Assessment as a pivotal process for building Urban Food Strategies, offering both analytical and empirical elements from a research in progress. Starting from the exploration of selected case studies, the research is meant to trace a pathway for assessing Venice’s food system. A great attention is given to the role of the foodsector in shaping the urban foodscape, in regard to its relations with massive tourism.1 Keywords – Urban Food Strategy, Sustainable Food System Assessment, Tourism.

Preferred session: Measuring

INTRODUCTION If the key-role of cities in steering change towards sustainable, resilient and inclusive Food Systems (FS) is well recognized, it has been less stressed that assessing their current foodscapes and providing appropriate sets of indicators are essential both for building informed strategies or plans (Moragues et al., 2013) and for measuring progress and achievements (Prosperi et al., 2016).

FS are multi-dimensional complex systems, composed of many phases and influenced by many actors. Their study has thus been approached from many disciplinary perspectives, each of them bringing important contributions. The lenses of Urban Metabolism are useful to address the analysis at its preliminary stage. Material Flows Analysis (MFA) allows to identify flows of food and food-related resources across an area, in spite of the systems dispersion brought by globalisation. Nonetheless, when limiting the metabolic analysis to its macrodata, a “black-box effect” occurs if we do not proceed through an immersion into the internal processes that take place within the system (Zhang Y., 2012). A better understanding of these processes can be addressed integrating other approaches, such as the Life Cycle Assessment (LCA).

For making robust a Food System Assessment (FSA), literature suggests to: consider the diverse spheres of food-related issues, as well as the involvement of a broad range of stakeholders from public, private and civil society sectors (Moragues et al. 2013); define analytical parameters and research boundaries (Blay-Palmer et al., 2015); give sets of indicators in all the environmental, social and economic dimensions of food sustainability and security (Prosperi et al., 2015).

The comparative analysis of some implemented cases of urban food strategies, enriched of this cognitive background, represents for us an important basis for tracing a food-action roadmap for the City of Venice, which has signed the Milan Urban Policy Pact in 2015 without having initialized any action yet. Believing in the propulsive role of research, we’d like to offer a base of work carrying a preliminary assessment of the Venetian FS. Adopting a place-based approach and a policy-oriented perspective, we are starting this pathway focusing on the foodservice sector, identifying it as the most problematic, but also strategic area for addressing foodrelated issues. In fact, Venice must cope with feeding not only the urban inhabitants, but also the massive tourist flow that daily runs over the city, importantly participating to the building of food demand and supply. Thus, the foodservice sector, highly interlinked with tourism, takes on a great weight and role in shaping the Venetian foodscape, especially within the historical city-centre.

METHODS The review of existing Food Strategies and Action Plans started within the work of a master thesis (Coppo, 2016), gathering an evolving database of case studies that supports operative research as a “reference observatory”. The research has been conducted on the web. From the vast amount of collected documents, we selected 11 institutionally approved strategies that: I. implement a systemic approach to food in urban environment; II. define objectives and actions; III. operate not only to ensure food accessibility and affordability, but even to improve FS sustainability. The resulting sample 2 is limited but diversified and permits us to explore different ways of proceeding in different phases of food strategy setting. Besides taking advantages from the comparative analysis of the selected cases, the design-building of the research on Venice's foodscape also complies with corroborated methodological suggestions about FSA (Moragues et al., 2013; Blay-Palmer et al., 2015). Mostly focusing on the linkages between tourism and the foodservice, the work is organized in three stages. Stage-1 consists in a rapid and explorative analysis of the Venetian foodservice sector, both in quantitative and qualitative terms, underpinned by existing data and docu-

The sample includes: Healthy and Sustainable Food for London (London 2006), Spade to Spoon (Brighton & Hove 2006+2012), Food Works (New York 2010), Cultivating Food Connections (Toronto 2010), Eating Here (Greather Philadelphia 2011), Calgary Eats! Food System Assessment and Action Plan (Calgary 2012), Vancouver Food Strategy (Vancouver 2013), Une Alimentation Durable pour Tous (Lyon 2015), Food Policy di Milano (Milan 2015), Good Food, mieux produir bien manger (Bruxelles 2015) and Good Food Action Plan (Bristol 2016).

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Sarah Stempfle is a PostDoc Research Fellow at University Iuav of Venice, Department of Design and planning in complex environments, Venice, Italy (stempfle@iuav.it).

Giacomo Coppo is a young researcher collaborator at University Iuav of Venice, Department of Design and planning in complex environments, Venice, Italy (gc.giacomo.coppo@gmail.com).

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ments, web research and informal discussions with stakeholders. Stage-2 proceeds with a deeper inquiry guided by an issue-based approach, collecting new circumstantial data through a survey and indepth interviews. The survey is meant to cover a statistically significant, stratified sample that allows inferential insights, differently from other less systematic attempts to assess the foodservice performances on selected themes (e.g. the FWRA’s study on food waste among U.S. restaurants, or the rating process employed by the British “Sustainable Restaurant Association”). The identification of keyissues to be addressed benefits from the “reference observatory” analysis and other existing surveys.

Stage-3 aims to turn the results in usable knowledge for informed decision-making, individuating relevant areas of policy and action, achievable objectives, possible indicators, and best practices (both local and foreign) to be fostered, enhanced or scaled-up.

RESULTS The comparative analysis of case studies reveals a various and changing framework in the structuration of the Food System Assessment, spacing from baseline studies limited to descriptive contents to indicator-based assessments, with different levels of scientific soundness or comprehensively. What clearly appears is that only indicator-based assessments permit an effective implementation of strategies, accompanied by monitoring and evaluation. The setting of themes and indicators varies case by case, but it progressively seems to embed an enrichment of food discourses towards a wider new paradigm of sustainability (Marsden and Morley, 2014). In this regards, emerges the relevance of supplementing quantitative data on resources flows, economic or health-related aspects with more qualitative information on the social, political and cultural dimensions. The collection of data gleans from a plurality of sources and methodologies, from public statistics to specific scientific investigations, from surveys to focus groups. The main information lacks usually concern people’s food behaviours, food item provenience and environmental impacts related to specific products and diets. On the whole, we agree with the point of Prosperi et al. (2015) that a theme-based and goal-oriented framework is preferable in building an assessment process.

The research carried on Venice – currently beginning Stage-2 – shows that the foodservice is an important and growing sector of the city, with a high impact on urban environment and in close relations with tourism routes. Reworking and geo-referring the Chamber of Commerce’s database, we could detect 1348 businesses operative in the historical centre and the islands in 2016, while at municipal level the sector represented the 11% of the total economic activities in 2015. Typologically, the Venetian foodservice is polarized by conventional restaurants from one side, and bars or similar service without kitchen from the other side. Preliminary elements of qualitative analysis highlight the presence of operators attentive to food-related issues, sometimes organized in informal/semi-structured networks of restaurateurs and local growers adopt-

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ing logics of integrated agri-food and territorial responsibility. The regulative framework, and even more some recent labelling experiences (e.g. “Venice Quality Food” or “Venezia Sostenibile”) show weak and still isolated efforts of addressing food issues. The survey will be crucial in the pursuit of the assessment, exploring the areas of: procurement, supply building, food waste production and management, environmental performance, social responsibility. Besides, it will be the basis for designing the indicators and the courses of actions.

CONCLUSIONS We argue that the coexistence and integration of different evaluating methods is important when assessing FS, in order to gather their multidimensional features. MFA and LCA methods from environmental sciences should be accompanied by best practice descriptions, case comparison, surveys and interviews from social sciences. In the environmental sphere, beside an imperative for waste reduction, a higher connection between FSA and Agricultural Sustainability Assessments is desirable to inform food choices of the indirect effects produced on external systems.

The research on Venice’s FS shows that a selective approach can be developed to fashion an initial assessment, exploring deeply a relevant area of activity and its internal and external interlinkages.

The assessment process highlights the need for more participatory systems in data collection, as well as in strategy building. Some early indication for policy and action can be individuated as it is: increase the direct-to-foodservice marketing, strengthen the networks of stakeholders, develop a systemic approach within the local food chain, intensify interactions between different food sectors and introduce mechanism of circular economy.

REFERENCES Blay-Palmer, A., Renting, H., & Dubbleing, M. (2015).

City-Region Food Systems: A Literature Review.

RUAF Foundation.

Coppo, G. (2016). Cibo e alimentazione catalizzatori di azioni nelle agende politiche urbane. Pianificare la transizione del Sistema Alimentare partendo dalla città, nodo di concentrazione del consumo. Master degree thesis. IUAV University of Venice.

Marsden, T., Morley, A. (2014). Sustainable Food Systems. Building a New Paradigm. New York: Routledge.

Moragues, A., Morgan, K., Moschitz, H., Neimane, I., Nilsson, H., Pint,o M., Rohracher, H., Ruiz, R., Thuswald, M., Tisenkopfs, T. & Halliday, J. (2013).

Urban Food Strategies: the rough guide to sustainable food systems. Document developed in the framework of the FP7 project FOODLINKS. Prosperi, P., Moragues, A., Sonnino, R. & Devereux, C. (2015). Measuring progress towards sustainable food cities: Sustainability and food security indicators. Report of the ESRC financed Project “Enhancing the Impact of Sustainable Urban Food Strategies”.

Zhang, Y. (2013). Urban metabolism: A review of research methodologies. Environmental Pollution 178:463–47

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Quantifying the global sustainability of urban food systems Participatory research design in the SustUrbanFoods project Esther Sanyé-Mengual1, Giorgio Prosdocimi Gianquinto1

Abstract –Urban food systems are growing in number and variety in cities of the developed world as a response to the global environmental crises, the globalized food system and the social injustices of cities.

Available literature has partially quantified the sustainability of such systems, mostly focusing on environmental benefits. The Susturbanfoods project aims to develop an interdisciplinary scheme to quantify the sustainability of urban food systems from a three-bottom perspective (i.e., environment, economy and society). To do so, a participatory research design process was performed in November 2016 to explore the perceptions and definitions that stakeholders have with regard to the sustainability of urban food systems. This contribution presents the Susturbanfoods project and the results from the stakeholders’ workshop. The global definition of sustainability exposed by the stakeholders is detailed as well as the basis for integrating such views in current methodological schemes, such as life cycle assessment and ecosystem services.

Keywords – sustainability, participatory research, quantitative assessment, urban food systems, life cycle assessment, ecosystem services.

Preferred session: Measuring

INTRODUCTION In the last decade, urban food systems (UFS) have grown in number and popularity in the cities of the developed world (Mok et al., 2013). The promoters of UFS highlight the role of UFS as re-connecting elements between the consumers and the producers (Steel 2008), as environmentally-friendly forms of local production (Sanyé-Mengual, 2015), as urban landscapes suppliers of diverse ecosystem services (Langemeyer et al., 2016) and as locations for social organization and contestation (Camps-Calvet et al., 2016). UFS include diverse typologies, ranging from high-tech building-integrated farming to multi-functional urban gardens (Cohen et al., 2012) thereby contributing to the urban sustainability from a threebottom perspective: environment, economy and society. However, most studies have focused on the quantification of the environmental benefits of UFS and their costs (Sanyé-Mengual 2015, Goldstein et al., 2016) or their contribution to food security (Orsini et al., 2015). Studies on the global sustainability of UFS are still missing in the literature, also related to the lack of methodologies that can evaluate all the aspects of UFS.

THE SUSTURBANFOODS PROJECT The SustUrbanFoods project “Integrated sustainability assessment of social and technological innovations towards urban food systems” is a Marie SkolodowskaCurie Action (MSCA) that focuses on mind this gap.

SustUrbanFoods aims to develop an interdisciplinary methodological framework for quantifying the sustainability of UFS, with the goal of providing with new tools and data to support policy- and decision-making in the design and implementation of sustainable UFS. SustUrbanFoods follows a participatory research design process where stakeholders of UFS are invited to share their perceptions and knowledge for determining the relevant elements of sustainability and quantitative and understandable pathways for these elements. This process aims to create a method useful for policy-makers and the general public.

OBJECTIVE

This paper presents the results of the participatory research design process, highlighting the definitions of sustainability provided by the stakeholders of UFS. METHOD: PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH DESIGN

Two workshops with the participation of 51 stakeholders and international students of the ERASMUS+ Urban Green Train project were performed. The stakeholders were asked to define the sustainability elements of UFS and the quantitative indicators that could be used to value them. The exercises were performed in groups (up to 6 members) through mindmapping.

Data analysis A network analysis of the elements of sustainability was performed to evaluate the connections and trends between concepts and stakeholders’ groups.

The more stakeholders’ groups indicate the same term, the more central this item is on the network.

The more times the element is mentioned, the more connected it is (i.e., larger size of name).

RESULTS: DEFINING SUSTAINABILITY

Environmental sustainability The most relevant elements of the environmental sustainability were all benefits, most of them related to the local ecosystem: improved biodiversity, microclimate regulation and organic waste recycling. Stakeholders highlighted the negative impacts of agriculture and the use of chemicals. An isolated group was

1 Esther Sanyé-Mengual and Giorgio Prosdocimi Gianquinto are from the Research centre in urban environment for agriculture and biodiversity (ResCUEAB), Department of agricultural sciences (Dipsa), Alma Mater Studiorium-Università di Bologna, Italy;

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identified in the network (Fig. 1a): the administrations defines the environmental sustainability only based on territory and land.

Social sustainability Social inclusion, training opportunities, community building and improved access to affordable food were the most central and connected elements of the social sustainability network. The limited community participation was the most mentioned limiting factor of UFS (Fig. 1b).

Economic sustainability The reduced costs related to UFS (e.g., due to selfproduction) and the creation of new jobs and businesses are the most mentioned elements (Fig 1c).

DISCUSSION

For the three dimensions of sustainability, the most central elements were also the most connected ones, highlighting the relevance of them in the discourses of the different stakeholders’ groups. Stakeholders tend to agree more in the benefits (Fig 1, green nodes) than in the impacts (red nodes). The presence of isolated groups can have negative implications. In the case of environmental sustainability, the closed and exclusive definition of the administration can limit the deployment of policies that respond to the environmental needs of the other stakeholders’ groups.

CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER STEPS

The elements and quantitative indicators provided by the stakeholders in the participatory process are key to design a comprehensive method that quantifies the global sustainability of UFS. Most of the identified elements can be evaluated by employing current methods. As next step, life cycle sustainability assessment (LCSA) and ecosystem services will be integrated to evaluate both the impacts and benefits of UFS, respectively. Shortcomings of the methods will be identified (e.g., elements not included) and methodological advancements will be proposed for the SustUrbanFoods method. The resulting method will be applied in 12 case studies in Italy, Germany, France and Spain, thereby having a global picture of the global sustainability of UFS in Europe.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The author would like to thank the participants to the workshops and the European Commission for the eco-

Sustainable SustainableFood Food Planning Planning

nomic support through awarding the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Action “SustUrbanFoods: Integrated sustainability assessment of social and technological innovations towards urban food systems” (MSCA-IF708672).

REFERENCES Camps-Calvet, M., Langemeyer, J., Calvet-Mir, L., Gómez-Baggethun, E. and March, H. (2015). Sowing Resilience and Contestation in Times of Crises: The Case of Urban Gardening Movements in Barcelona.

Partecipazione e conflitto 8:417–442.

Cohen, N., Reynolds, K. and Sanghvi, R. (2012). Five Borough Farm: Seeding the Future of Urban Agriculture in New York City. Design Trust for Public Space, New York.

Goldstein, B., Hauschild, M., Fernández, J. and Birkved, M. (2016). Testing the environmental performance of urban agriculture as a food supply in northern climates. Journal of cleaner production 135:984– 994.

Langemeyer J., Latkowska M.J., Gomez-Baggethun E., Voigt A., Calvet-Mir L., Pourias J., Camps-Calvet M., Orsini F., Breuste J., Artmann M., Jokinen A., Béchet B., Brito da Luz, P., Hursthouse A., Stepien M.P. and Baležentiene L. (2016). Ecosystem services from urban gardens. In: Urban allotments in Europe.

Routledge, London.

Mok, H.F., Williamson, V.G., Grove, J.R., Burry, K., Barker, S.F., and Hamilton, A.J. (2014). Strawberry fields forever? Urban agriculture in developed countries: A review. Agronomy for sustainable development. 34:21–43.

Orsini, F., Gasperi, D., Marchetti, L., Piovene, C., Draghetti, S., Ramazzotti, S., Bazzocchi, G. and Gianquinto, G. (2014). Exploring the production capacity of rooftop gardens (RTGs) in urban agriculture: the potential impact on food and nutrition security, biodiversity and other ecosystem services in the city of Bologna. Food security 6:781–792.

Sanyé-Mengual, E. (2015). Sustainability assessment of urban rooftop farming using an interdisciplinary approach. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Steel, C. (2008). Hungry city: how food shapes our lives. Vintage Books, London

Figure 1. Network of elements of the environmental sustainability (a), social sustainability (b) and economic sustainability (c).

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Sustainable Food Sustainable FoodPlanning Planning

The state and impacts of urban food production policy A case study of Lausanne, Switzerland O. Lewis, H. Moschitz, R. Home1

Abstract – Urban food production has the potential to be both socially and environmentally beneficial. Increasingly, cities are creating urban food policies, including the 137 signatory cities to the Milan Urban Food Policy Pact. City level policy is key to dealing with the issue of urban food production, which is currently affected by policies and instruments from a range of departments, both directly and indirectly.

The aim of this study is to assess the potential of an urban food production policy in Lausanne, Switzerland. It has two objectives: to assess the current policy landscape affecting urban food production, and to consider how current policies are affecting urban gardeners, an often overlooked group. The methodology of Weber et al. (2014) on evaluating environmental policy instrument mixes is used with adaptations to achieve these objectives. The results will be used to contribute to an interdisciplinary study on urban gardens, connecting motivations, practices and outcomes; and the information found could be practically and academically relevant by assessing the current status of policies affecting food production..1 Keywords – urban food production; urban gardens; policy inventory.

INTRODUCTION Urban food production is frequently discussed as a method of increasing city sustainability through reducing food miles and reconnecting the urban population both physically and mentally with their food source. Urban food production, or urban agriculture, comprises three principal types of activity as defined by the Urban Agriculture Europe typology: urban food gardening, urban farming, and nonurban oriented farming (Simon-Rojo et al., 2016).

While it is clear that urban agriculture is an increasing trend both as a practice and a topic of scientific and popular discussion, the policy landscape lags behind. A variety of policies affect urban agriculture, and it may be unclear to practitioners which city department is responsible for the assortment of issues that can arise. Additionally, policies set at higher levels may not reflect the actual needs of cities. Research on urban agriculture policy states that “there is a clear need for more local policies, set to provide greater detail to the principles of a European policy frame, but both adapted to local circumstances and integrated with other policy frameworks” (Curry et al., 2014). Creating local policy is however an inter-sectoral process, as “food policy All authors are working at the Research Institute of Organic Agriculture FiBL, Frick, Switzerland (olivia.lewis@fibl.org; heidrun.moschitz@fibl.org; robert.home@fibl.org) 1

can imply a shift from sectoral thinking and acting towards a more integrated and territorial way of thinking about policy” (Plantinga & Derkzen, 2012).

This study aims to assess the potential of an urban food production policy in Lausanne, Switzerland. It has two objectives: to assess the current policy landscape affecting urban food production, including its framing and (in)consistencies, and to consider how current policies are affecting urban gardeners, an often over-looked group.

Selecting methodology In the text “Policy analysis for sustainable development: the toolbox for the environmental social scientist”, Runhaar, Dieperink and Driessen (2006) identify 5 basic types of research questions related to policy analysis. To achieve the objective of assessing the current landscape, including its framing, we are interested in the two questions of policy content and policy organization. To achieve the objective of understanding how policies are affecting urban gardeners, we are interested in policy effects.

Runhaar et al. (2006) subsequently propose five methodologies and elaborate, through a table, which methodologies are relevant to each of the five types of research question. Reconstruction of policy theory and stakeholder analysis are the two methodologies that are able to provide answers in all three of our areas of interest (policy content, organization, and effects) – but reconstruction of policy theory would be impossible to apply when no urban agriculture policy has yet been elaborated, and stakeholder analysis seems inappropriate when the focus is on existing policies and outcomes rather than the role of actors in the problem.

Referring to the framework proposed by Runhaar et al. (2006), Ariho et al. (2016) aim to answer the questions “is there an existing policy framework for the banana subsector in Uganda? Are there policy gaps in the banana subsector?” The objectives of this study are analogous to our own, in that it considers the need for a policy framework in an area currently governed by disparate policies, and wants to examine the existing relevant policies. The study achieves its objectives by using a combination methodology of “impact assessment, discourse analysis, and review of stakeholders”. Using such a combination is thus one possibility for our study; however, Ariho et al. do not elaborate clearly how their data gathering techniques were linked to the theoretical approach.

Addressing the issue of policy instrument mixes more specifically, Weber et al. (2014) propose a new methodology for evaluating these in the environmental policy area. They acknowledge the lack of existing methodological approaches that study policy mixes, rather than individual policies, despite the frequent recommendation of such a policy approach. The methodology is clearly defined,

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allows attainment of both our objectives, and can be modified to deal with the fact that an overarching urban agricultural policy does not currently exist in Lausanne. Their four proposed steps are outlined in the methodology section below.

The methodology proposed by Weber et al. (2014) has similarities to the United Nations Environment Programme Integrated Environment Assessment module on integrated analysis of environmental trends and policies (Pinter et. al n.d.), which also enables analysis of policy effectiveness, gaps, and coherence based on analysis of high-level policies and policy instruments. This points to the practical usefulness of the methodology for policy change, in addition to usefulness from an academic standpoint.

METHODS Step 1: description of the policy theory Since no policy currently exists, reconstruction of the policy theory cannot be done. However, the outcome of this step is the identification of the points of application which can be identified with instruments.

This will be done by reviewing literature to identify appropriate points of application of urban agriculture policy.

Step 2: description of the policy instrumentation A desk-based search will be conducted of policy instruments relevant to the points of application, from local to national level. The programme MAXQDA will be used for inventorying. Expert interviews will be used to review the identification process.

Step 3: analysis of goal attainment Again, since no urban agriculture goal currently exists, other strategic documents will be reviewed for goals relating to urban agriculture, and these will be used to see if the effects of instruments have met the goals. This will be assessed through review of policy documents and interviews with gardeners.

Step 4: evaluation of effectiveness The evaluation of effectiveness is done in two parts: perceived effectiveness and expected effectiveness.

Perceived effectiveness will be evaluated through interviews with relevant stakeholders (e.g. policy makers, experts, gardeners). Expected effectiveness has three components: coverage of points of application, steering power of policy instruments, and coherence and complementarities of instruments. The analysis of these three factors “is based upon academic and empirical literature” (Weber et al. 2014).

RESULTS Three major points of application (comprising 32 detailed points of application) were identified as relevant to urban agriculture policy through “Good Laws, Good Food: Putting Local Food Policy to Work” by the Harvard Law School Food Law and Policy Clinic, specifically the section on urban agriculture (Leib, 2012). The three major points of application are ecological health, resource management, and zoning.

Preliminary results indicate that ecological health issues are mainly managed through legal instruments, supplemented by communicative instruments. There appears to be an absence of economic or urban design instruments in this area.

The instruments are created at federal, cantonal and municipal level and targeted both towards professional farmers and the general population.

Sustainable Planning Sustainable Food Food Planning

WORKING CONCLUSIONS In terms of the importance of understanding the policy landscape: the three largest cities in Switzerland – Zurich, Geneva, and Basel – are all signatories of the recent Milan Urban Food Policy Pact. This signals an interest in urban food policy in Switzerland, which would include policy on urban agriculture. Thus, assessing the current state of urban agriculture policy could help inform Lausanne if they were to develop a coherent policy on the subject. This research will also look into how current policies affect gardeners, as part of consideration of gardeners’ motivations in a larger Swiss project linking motivations-practices-outcomes of urban gardens. Having a consistent policy framework thus would help to give gardeners a clear signal and steer sustainable behavior.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The study is part of the research project “Strategies for Better Gardens: integrated analysis of soil quality, biodiversity and social value of urban gardens” financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation (Sinergia) (no.154416).

REFERENCES Ariho, A., Makindara, J., Tumwesigye, G., Sikira, A. (2016). Assessment of existing policy and legal framework for banana value chain development in Uganda. International Journal of Asian Social Science 6(2):146-165.

Curry, N., Reed, Kirwan, J. (2014). of the European Spanish Journal of

M., Keech, D., Maye, D. and Urban agriculture and the policies Union: the need for renewal.

Rural Development 5(1):91-106.

Leib, E.B. (2012). Good Laws, Good Food: putting local food policy to work for our communities.

Boston: Harvard Law School Food Law and Policy Clinic.

Pinter, L., Swanson, D., Abdel-Jelil, I., NagataniYoshida, K., Rahman, A. and Kok, M. (n.d.).

Integrated analysis of environmental trends and policies. In: IEA Training Manual: Training Module 5.

United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD).

Plantinga, S. and Derkzen, P. (2012). How food travels to the public agenda. In: A. Viljoen and J.S.C. Wiskerke (eds). Sustainable Food Planning: Evolving Theory and Practice, pp.

79-90.

Wageningen: Wageningen Academic Publishers.

Runhaar, H., Dieperink, C., and Driessen, P. (2006).

Policy analysis for sustainable development: the toolbox for the environmental social scientist.

International Journal of Sustainability in Higher Education 7(1):34-56.

Simon-Rojo, M., Recasens, X., Callau, S., Duzi, B., Eiter, S., Hernandez-Jimenez, V., Kettle, P., Laviscio, R., Lohrberg, F., Pickard, D., Scazzosi, L., and Vejre, H. (2016). From urban food gardening to urban farming. In: F. Lohrberg, L. Licka, L. Scazzosi and A. Timpe (eds). Urban Agriculture Europe, pp. 22-28.

Berlin: Jovis Verlag GmbH. Weber, M., Driessen, P.P.J., and Runhaar, H.A.C. (2014). Evaluating environmental policy instruments mixes; a methodology illustrated by noise policy in the Netherlands. Journal of Environmental Planning and Management 57(9):1381-1397.

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Posters Kresic M.,

Water - sensitive transformations of existing residential areas Applying assemblage theory on projects for sustainable urban water management and urban food production Technische Universität Berlin/Technical University, Berlin, Germany marija_kesic@yahoo.com

Franck V., Steglich A., Million A.,

ROOF WATER-FARM:

From the pilot plant to large scale implementation

Technische Universität Berlin/Technical University, Berlin, Germany vivien.franck@tu-berlin.de

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Sustainable Food Planning

Water - sensitive transformations of existing residential areas Applying assemblage theory on projects for sustainable urban water management and urban food production The issue of water is one of these “urban challenges” which is continuously explored on different levels. But still what is in conflict with permanently sustainable development is the present method of managing water in cities. For architects, the undergrounding of water means removing it from their disciplinary focus for more than a century. What appears is still that whole conception of architecture´s relationship to water is quite out of date and far too simplistic. There is plenty of room for improvement how water could have a meaningful relationship with different kinds of the city fabric.

Nowadays prevailing urban hydrology and recreating relationship between water and architecture also means reusing daily water flows in buildings for the purpose of urban food production. Integrating various blue - green infrastructure types for urban food production have already begun to shape architecture around the globe. Using the background that water - sensitive design approach are focused on newly built structures rather than on existing buildings, research is trying to focus on the question: What could be the future opportunities for building - integrated water treatments in existing residential neighborhoods? To do so, the first steps are the identification of processes and activities already taking place in the city of Berlin (e.g.

ROOF WATER FARM project and project DACHFARM).

Research is trying to apply the methodological approach of assemblage way of thinking (the concept of assemblage has been adapted from the work of Deleuze and Guattari, 1987), to provide a theoretical framework for understanding the multidimensionality of a problem. Assemblage theory can be helpful in exploring how to create spaces rich in functional capacities which can generate new assemblages and encourage the unpredictable use of space. (Sennett 1970, 2009 citied in Sendra 2015, p.

822). In a light of that, mentioned projects will be looked through lens of an idea that urban space is composed of the assem-blage of elements (human/non-human, organic/inorganic, and technical/natural) that can be substituted, re - plugged into other places and continuously modified depending on people´s use and needs. Including other human and not – human agents such as people, socio - political claims, technology, and urban actions, etc. will try to make the change all the more natural and transform the rigid spaces of the modern city into places with the potential for continuous adaptation.

ROOF WATER-FARM From the pilot plant to large scale implementation Abstract –ROOF WATER-FARM (RWF) explores ways of building-integrated wastewater recycling and urban food production.

After three years of research, the RWF con-cept has been proven technically feasible and hygienical-ly save. Ongoing research requirements in the second research phase include identifying relevant steps from the pilot plant to large scale implementation in an urban setting.

THE ROOF WATER-FARM RESEARCH PROJECT Water-farming technologies such as aqua- and hydroponics have long been applied for their multiple advantages when compared to conven-tional cultivation methods. Water-farming proves to be resource- and space-efficient, while at the same displaying great productivity (Rennert, 1992; Graber and Junge-Berberovi, 2009; Bür-gow, 2014). These advantages make aqua- and hydroponics suitable for roof top farms in urban settings, a practice that is commonly applied in cities all over the globe. The ROOF WATER-FARM (RWF) research project builds on the benefits of water-farming techniques and takes this practice one step further. The interdisciplinary research association explores ways of combining building-integrated wastewater recycling with water-farming via aqua- and hydroponics. RWF is fund-ed by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) (2013-2017).

RWF’S CONTRIBUTION TO DEMOCRATIZE FOOD GOVERNANCE RWF entails a technology that allows food to be produced transparently and nearby through the reuse of local resources.

Furthermore, urban spaces are redesigned and reused for urban food production. The participation by urban dwellers promotes food governance and sovereignty.

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Contact person: Beatrice Walthall Phone no: +049 (0)176-72490905 e-mail: beatrice.walthall@metropolitanstudies.de

Mohrenstr. 40-41, 10117 Berlin, Germany

for Metropolitan Studies

Directions to the Venue Georg-Simmel Center

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