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Notes
105 R. Bellamy, ‘Gramsci, Croce and the Italian Political Tradition’, History of Political Thought, vol. 11, no. 2, Summer 1990, p. 325. 106 Showstack Sassoon, Gramsci’s Politics, op. cit., pp. 269–70. 107 Gramsci, Prison Notebooks, op. cit., p. 418. 108 Eliot’s presentation of this position in Notes towards a Definition of Culture is prompted by fears that the egalitarian tendencies of ‘popular culture’ (and their connection with the ‘social levelling’ policies of Labour Party social democracy) could lead to the denigration of culture in general. The Congress, in a sense, can be viewed as an attempt to disprove this. 109 Regarding the disillusionment among American intellectuals concerning the Soviet Union as the guiding light of emancipation, Edward Shils writes that: by the end of the 1950’s, the truth about the Stalinist purges had been accepted by most intellectuals in the USA. Khrushchev’s revelations of February 1956 at the 22nd Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was only a final and authoritative confirmation of what had already been generally recognised. ‘Intellectuals and the Center of Society in the United States’, in Shils, Intellectuals and the Powers, op. cit., p. 155 note 12. The situation in Western Europe, particularly in France and Italy with their powerful communist parties, was very different, providing the impetus for the formation of the Congress itself. 110 E. Augelli and C. Murphy, America’s Quest for Supremacy and the Third World: A Gramscian Analysis, London, Pinter, 1988, p. 19 (italics added). 111 A. Gramsci, Selections from Cultural Writings, op. cit., p. 98.
2 The political economy of US hegemony 1945–50 1 M. Rupert, Producing Hegemony: The Politics of Mass Production and American Global Power, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 30. 2 P. Abbott, Political Thought in America, Ithaca, NY, Peacock Press, 1990, p. 263. 3 D. Ellwood, Rebuilding Europe: Western Europe. America and Postwar Reconstruction, London, Longman, 1992, p. 20. 4 See V. Zubok and C. Pleshakov, ‘The Soviet Union’, in D. Reynolds (ed.), The Origins of the Cold War in Europe: International Perspectives, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1994, pp. 53–69. 5 S. Lucas, Freedom’s War: The American Crusade against the Soviet Union, New York, New York University Press, 1999, pp. 13–14. 6 ‘The Fair Deal at Home and Abroad: Harry S. Truman’s State of the Union Message, 1948’, in R. Watson (ed.), The United States in the Contemporary World 1945–1962, New York, Free Press, 1965, p. 154. 7 Ellwood, op. cit., p. 34, 80–2. 8 C. Clifford (with R. Holbrooke), Counsel to the President: A Memoir, New York, Random House, 1991, p. 129. 9 The imposition of an interpretation upon the ambiguity and contingency of social life always results in an other being marginalised. Meaning and identity are, therefore, always the consequence of a relationship between the self and the other which emerges through the imposition of an interpretation, rather than being the product of uncovering an exclusive domain with its own pre-established identity. D. Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1992, p. 24.