Men Who Could Draw

Men Who Could Draw: The Cartoons of Norman Ethre Jennett and the North Carolina Election of 1898 Rachel Marie-Crane Williams

I

n 1898 America became entangled in the Spanish American war over Cuba. Meanwhile, the Democrats, Republicans, and Populists of North Carolina engaged in a bitter battle for power. The issue on which the Democrats built their platform was white supremacy.

As a result of the rhetoric they generated through newspapers, cartoons, and orators, Wilmington, North Carolina became an epicenter of racial violence and the site of the only coup d’etat in the United States. Black men lost their voting rights, the first Jim Crow Law was passed and the state would never be the same again.

The Democratic Party controlled the

North Carolina Legislature from 1876 until 1894.

In the fall of 1894 the Republicans and Populists joined together on the same ticket and became the Fusion Party.

While there was a good deal of internal strife, they were victorious in the election. For the first time in decades the Democrats were no longer the most powerful political force in the state.

Leaders in the Democratic party turned to a campaign

of race baiting and fear-mongering. This political strategy was devised by Furnifold Simmons the leader of the N.C. Democratic Party, Charles B. Aycock, the “Idol of the East,” who would eventually be elected governor, and Josephus Daniels, the influential editor of the News and Observer. All were “Men who could write, speak, and ‘ride.’”1 All of these men would grow famous and become pillars of the Southern brotherhood of patriarchy, white supremacy, and statesmanship in the annals of North Carolina History.2

Furnifold Simmons

Negro congressmen,Negro solicitors, Negro revenue ofms, ficers,Negrocollectorsofcusto tions, Negroesinchargeofwhiteinstitu NegroconNegroesinchargeofwhiteschools... dmen,Nestablesarrestingwhitewomenan nand gromagistratestryingwhitewome gro men,whiteconvictschainedtoNe convicts,andforcedtosocial equitywiththem...3 White men have long neglected poor and en...for suffering white wom them it is everything whether

Ntoegcoro Suntprinemue!!!acy

is

4

Charles B. Aycock

Josephus Daniels

Josephus Daniels, the editor of The News and Observer, one of the most important men in Simmons’ inner circle, knew that in order for their campaign to be successful they would need to fuel the imagination, ignorance and fear of whites through horrible and humorous images and stories about AfricanAmericans.

Simmons, Daniels, and Aycock began to design the Democratic campaign strategy at an unofficial meeting at the Chatawka Hotel in Newbern, N.C.5

March,1898

Josephus Daniels hired Norman Ethre Jennett, North Carolina’s, “first political cartoonist”.6 By July, 1898 Jennett had returned to North Carolina and was drawing daily cartoons for The News and Observer. His work became instrumental in spreading Norman E. Jennett the rhetoric of white supremacy and a growing ennett’s cartoons and fear of “negro domination.” inflammatory stories printed

by Daniels helped the Democrats brew hate and discontent among whites. Daniels published accounts in The News and Observer of incidents that involved interracial violence.

Broadsides of The News and Observer were reprinted and distributed to voters by local Democratic leaders.7

J

We were never very careful about winnowing out stories or running them down... they were played up in big type.8

The stories and images in The News and Observer, purposefully linked sexuality and manhood, with class issues and fear.

Jennett’s cartoons, depicted and promoted racist

stereotypes. Each of these depictions was tied directly to racist myths and ideas found in popular culture. They were designed to spawn white supremacy and fear..

September 27, 1898 The News & Observer

The Democrats hoped whites would believe that AfricanAmericans wanted to dominate the economy, politics, and their bodies. Many of the stories and images the Democrats used have been recirculated at other times in history when there was intense racial strife between blacks and whites.9 Black men are lusty beasts

“They” are the Enemy Rumors of revolt and violence were spread. Howard Odum called this the “folkways of self-defense.”11 He stated that whites believed violence was justifiable if they caught wind of an armed uprising in advance.

, 1898 ctober 8 O & 8 9 er 1, 18 rver Novemb News & Obse e Th

Black men were portrayed as dangerous predators who sought to “soil” the purity of white women and in turn the white race as a whole.

It is natural for blacks to rape white women, even though lynching is a possible consequence;theyarebiologically driven by a need to “improve” their stock.10

Many African American men saw the Spanish-American war as

a chance to prove their manhood and patriotism. 12 Black soldiers are When they return home they will cowardly & dangerous be dangerous because now they are trained to fight and kill!!!

Ironic...I fight to nned “liberate” dark-ski g like people while livin en a second class citiz at home.

In April the press praised black soldiers, but by October newspapers stated, that “soldiers”, in quotation marks, on trains, “... stood in the aisle, occupied two seats each and took off their shoes.” In The Newberne Journal black soldiers were called “creatures” that should be transported in “cattle cars”.13

October 5, 1898, The News & Observer “Scene on The Atlantic and N.C. Railroad -What Occurred When Negro ‘troops’ Were travelling on that Railroad under Republican Management”

All of these myths were embedded in images, songs, and stories from popular culture. Jennett drew on these familiar tropes to reinforce their messages in the Democrat’s campaign.

September 11, 1898, The News & Observer

October 15, 1898, The News & Observer

Racist stereotypes had been a part of popular American culture for decades.

The political climate of racial tension and division grew

“When I Do The Hootchy-Coochy In The Sky”

By Gussie L. Davis, 1898, courtesy of the Library of Congress.

steadily after Reconstruction.

In the 1890s comical depictions of African Americans superseded even the negative images of the Irish.

“Coon” songs sung by men in blackface were a common form of entertainment.14

Racist images publications and print media all across the White Atlantic. According to Lemons, whites used comedy to openly humiliate African Americans and deal with the growing hatred and tension between blacks and whites. 15

Charles Bartholomew, The Minneapolis Journal, July 2, 1898

W.A. Rogers, Harper’s Weekly August 27, 1898,

In 1898 themes of imperialism and white supremacy populated the print landscape of American newspapers. Caricatures of native people who lived in Cuba, Guam (Ladrones), the Philippines, and Hawaii were common. Often these images were accompanied by speech bubbles filled with, “...what US whites imagined “[Southern] Negro” dialect to be.” 16 Like Kipling, these images portrayed dark skinned people as “The White Man’s Burden.”17

Courtesy of The Library of Congress

Cartoonist tried to persuade readers to support Uncle Sam’s thirst for an empire with images of happy, innocent “savages”.

The United States ignored

the irony of liberating dark-skinned people abroad while within the US

borders lynching, segregation, and domestic imperialism were still commonplace. At the turn of the century, whites were unified across boundaries of class; they formed a new national identity supported by notions of white supremacy.

Charles Bartholomew, The Minneapolis Journal, July 30,1898.

While the US spent 1898 acquiring Hawaii, The Philippines,

and Guam and wresting control of Cuba from Spain, the Democrats in North Carolina were engaged in a battle for control of the state. The twisted logic of white supremacy was tangled with an ongoing national discourse of imperial patriarchy. This discourse linked to “true manhood” fed on the white fear of “Negro domination”

Norman Jennett, The News & Observer, August 13, 1898

Charles Bartholomew The Minneapolis Journal, May 12, 1898

In 1897 Rebecca Latimer

called for the lynching of black men who raped white women. She believed that black men sexually crossed the color line because white men encouraged them to break election laws in order to garner their votes and win control; this lawless crossing led to rape, stealing, and murder.18

Eventually, Alexander Manly, the black son of the former white governor Charles Manly, responded.

Alexander Manly was the editor of The Wilmington Record, the only African American daily paper in the state of North Carolina. His response to Felton caused indignation among Democrats and Republicans. 19

“ The papers are filled often with reports of rapes on white women and the subsequent lynching of the alleged rapist...every negro lynched is called a “Big Burly Black Brute”. When in fact many of those who have thus been dealt with had white men for their fathers and were not only “black” and “burly” but were sufficiently attractive for white girls of culture and refinement fall in love with them as is very well known to all.” 20

While William Randolph Hearst was running exaggerated stories in The New York Journal of the atrocities Cuban women were suffering at the hands of the Spaniards, the papers in North Carolina were filled with stories of fearful white women threatened by black men. Portions of Felton’s speech were used by the Democratic press to condemn Manly and equate Fusion party politics with images of lawless and lewd black men.

Various headlines from The News and Observer from 1898

Images of helpless women

September 7, 1898, Puck Magazine

populated the print landscape in the United States and in North Carolina.

Women were often drawn by cartoonists begging for help from white men. These white men were symbols of patriarchy and patriotism while women symbolized both women as a whole and the fate of the nation or state.

November 3, 1898 The News & Observer

The Democrats in North Carolina wanted white male voters to equate democratic control and white supremacy with the assured safety of white women.

According to Glenda Gilmore “To be remade into killers, white men had... to believe that one duty--the exercise of patriarchy-prevailed over all other commandments, including the biblical injunction against murder.�21

The counterpart to the democrats’ helpless white women was

the “Honest white man.” Jennett depicted the honest white man as a force that could stop the tide of “negro domination.”

There was implied violence in many of the images produced by Jennett to persuade white men to join Democrats in their rally against African Americans.

“Honest” white men were depicted as the only force preventing “negro domination”, the sexual exploitation of white women, and the miscegenation of the race. The News and Observer represented honest white men as the only group capable of “saving” North Carolina.

September 6, 1898, The News and Observer

Jennett’s cartoons, editorials by Daniels, and other outrageous stories, deployed in deliberate combination in the press, engendered images of African Americans designed to elicit fear and hate.

Jennett lampooned black and white politicians committed to the Fusionist party in ways that called into question their manhood, leadership, and loyalty to the white race.

His favorite targets were Governor Daniel Russell, Isaac H. Smith, Oliver Dockery, Senator William Lee Person, Cyrus Thompson, James Young, Hal Ayers, and A.E. Holton.

These men were held up as a contrast to “honest� white men. The Democrats portrayed them as men controlled by African Americans in the state; by late September and early October black men were associated through images in the press with devils, beasts, and vampires.

The rhetoric of speakers who traveled around the state to rally support for the Democratic party urged Populists to reunite with Democrats in order to prevent the state from being ruined by those interested in “Negro rule.” Benjamin “Pitchfork Ben” Tillman, the popular one-eyed Senator from South Carolina even made appearances in order to rally whites. One of the popular subjects of speakers on the Democratic stump circuit was Alexander Manly.

Why didn’t you kill that damn nigger editor who wrote that?

Send him down to South Carolina and let him publish any such offensive stuff, and He will be killed.22

Some whites were inspired to violence by such speeches.

Hundreds, by some accounts, thousands of men in red shirts made by their sisters, mothers, and wives would congregate on horseback and ride through towns and the countryside threatening violence and even physically terrorizing black families.23

24

Alfred M.Waddell

Threats of physical violence and intimidation by Democrats like

Alfred Waddell a 64 year- old unemployed former Lieutenant Colonel were common fodder for the masses as election day loomed.25 Wilmington became a sight of inevitable racial tension. Violence was not only acted out on blacks but sympathetic whites as well.

After casting his vote in Wilmington Governor Daniel Russell was almost killed on a train returning to Raleigh by a Red Shirt ambush. He barely escaped detection by hiding in a mail car.26

While the United States and Spain were

slowly making peace, the Democratic party assured their victory through a war in the media, the Red Shirt riders, and on the stump through incendiary speeches. This cartoon, “We’ve Got Em on the Run,” appeared in the News and Observer just 6 days before the November 8th election. Two men, one who looks a good deal like Wadell, and another gentleman chase an elephant, symbolic of the G.O.P. carrying Governor Russell, A.E. Holton and Cyrus Thompson. The tail of the elephant supports, like a sharpened pole, the crudely drawn head of an African-American.

The rope trailing behind the fleeing elephant suggests that the staked head belonged to a man who perhaps was lynched and decapitated. This cartoon seemed to foreshadow the violence against Fusionists and African Americans following close on the heels of the election.

On November 8th, 1898 the election was over. The Democrats won by a large margin and gained control of the legislature.

We Won!!!!

While Jennett and Daniels celebrated their victory with Democratic leaders in the capitol city, Democrats in Wilmington gathered together to conspire. Men led, by Alfred Waddell, created a white declaration of independence. Within this document they called for the exile of Alexander Manly and the resignation of the Republican Mayor and Police Chief. They gave African American leaders twelve hours to respond to their demands.27

In spite of the fact

that African-American leaders in Wilmington did respond, an armed crowd of White men led by Waddell gathered together at the armory the following morning. They marched in a orderly way into the black community of Brooklyn and burned Manly’s press to the ground. Eventually a unit of black fire fighters arrived and extinguished the blaze. After the fire, rumors of violence spread through both the black and white neighborhoods of Wilmington.

According to historian Helen Edmonds “...rioters went from house to house looking for Negroes whom they considered offensive and killed them, and poured volleys into fleeing negroes like sportsmen firing at rabbits in an open field...”.28

The bodies of massacre victims were still warm when the

Democrats began a banishment campaign. Their targets were the mayor, African American leaders and business men, those who openly opposed the white supremacy campaign, and the white Republicans and Populists who had been supported by black men. They also fired all black municipal employees. In the days and weeks following the massacre black families hid in the swamps, lived behind locked doors in fear, or left the city seeking a safer existence.

Life in North Carolina was never the same after the elections of 1898 and the Wilmington Massacre which followed.

On January 6, 1899 Francis Winston introduced a suffrage bill written to disenfranchise black men and keep them from voting.30 The North Carolina Legislature also introduced the Jim Crow Railroad Car Law in 1899. Railroads and Steamboat companies were to provide separate but equal accommodations for whites and blacks in passenger stations and waiting rooms.31

Norman Jennett left North Carolina, finished his training in art in New York City and became a fairly successful commercial artist. During his career he worked for the “New York Herald”, “The Evening Telegram”, and “The Brooklyn Eagle.” He was best know for his comic strip “The Monkeyshines of Marsaleen.” Jennett and Daniels continued to correspond for many decades. Jennett died in California in 1970 at the age of 93.32 Josephus Daniels was appointed Secretary to the Navy in 1913 and later the ambassador to Mexico. The News and Observer remained under the control of Daniels’ family until 1995. Daniels passed away in January of 1948.33

Furnifold Simmons was elected as a State Senator for North Carolina in 1900 and was not defeated until 1930.

He died a decade later in 1940.34

Charles B. Aycock was governor of North Carolina from 1901 until 1905.

He was known for his dedication to education. He is still a beloved figure in North Carolina. In 1912, when he was running for the senate seat against Furnifold Simmons he died suddenly of a heart attack. 35

While Daniels, Simmons, Aycock, and Jennett have become part

of North Carolina’s past, their actions continue to impact the present. After 1898 blacks experienced political, educational, psychological, physical, and economic degradation. In 2000, the North Carolina Legislature created the Wilmington Race Riot Commission under the leadership of Representative Thomas Wright and Senator Luther Jordan. Jordan later died and Wright was incarcerated for fraud. In 2006, the commission released their 600 page report which included fifteen recommendations related to four areas, empowerment, education, commemoration, and economic redevelopment. In 2007 the North Carolina Democratic Party State Executive Committee unanimously passed a resolution that acknowledged the role and responsibility of the Democratic Party of 1898 in the Wilmington race rebellion which led to the deaths of many African Americans. The North Carolina NAACP continues to pressure lawmakers in the state to enact legislation related to the recommendations. 36

In July of 2008 African American artist Ayokunle Odeleye installed a monument in Wilmington to memorialize the events of 1898 so that the people of North Carolina will never forget.

37

1) Helen G. Edmonds, The Negro And Fusion Politics In North Carolina, 1894-1901 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1951) 8-33.

2) Furnifold Simmons was a United States senator for North Carolina between 1901 and 1913. Josephus Daniels later became Secretary of the Navy during World War I. According to Helen Edmonds, “There was no man more responsible for shaping public opinion against Fusion than he.” (1951, p. 13). Charles B. Aycock was governor of North Carolina from 1901-1905.

3) Quote taken from an editorial written by Simmons and published in the News and Observer (Raleigh, N.C.), 3 November 1898. (retrieved from: http://www.lib.unc.edu/ncc/1898/sources/ tothevoters.html) 4) Glenda E.Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920. (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press, 1996) 94.

5) Ibid. & David S. Celcelski and Timothy Tyson, eds., Democracy Betrayed (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).

6) H.G. Jones, “The Rediscovery of The ‘Sampson Huckleberry’,” The State: Down Home in North Carolina May 1977: http://files. usgwarchives.net/nc/wayne/bios/norman.txt., retrieved, 1/30/09.

7) Helen G. Edmonds, The Negro And Fusion Politics In North Carolina, 1894-1901 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1951) 141.

8) Timothy Tyson, “The Ghosts of 1898: Wilmington’s race riot and the rise of White supremacy,” The News and Observer, 17 Nov. 17, 2006: section H. 7.

9) For more information about race riots and rumors see: Howard W. Odum, Race and Rumors of Race, (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1997). Harris, Trudier. 1996 I Heard it Through the Grapevine: Rumor in African-American Culture The Free Library (March, 22), http://www.thefreelibrary.com/I Heard it Through the Grapevine: Rumor in African-American Culture-a018372108 (accessed April 04 2010), Patricia A. Turner, I Heard It Through the Grapevine: Rumor in African-American Culture, (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993).

10) Joseph Graves, The Emperor’s new clothes: Biological theories of race at the millennium, (Piscataway: Rutgers University Press, 2003) 77.

11) Howard W. Odum, Race and Rumors of Race, (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1997) 5.

Carolina Press, 1996) 78.

12) Glenda E.Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920. (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press, 1996) 78.

13) ibid. 81.

14) Between 1890 and 1900 nearly 600 “coon” songs had been published (Strausbaugh, 135, 2006). Also see J. Stanley Lemons, 1977.

15) . Stanley Lemons, “Black Stereotypes as Reflected in Popular Culture, 1880-1920,” American Quarterly 29.1 (1977): 104.

16) Kelvin Santiago-Valles, “’Still Longing for de Old Plantation’: The Visual Parodies and Racial National Imaginary of US Overseas Expansionism, 1898-1903,” American Studies Quarterly, 3 (1999):33.

17) The “White Man’s Burden” is a poem written by Rudyard Kipling in 1889 which first appeared in print in McClures Magazine in February of 1899.

18) Gilmore 105.

19) Lewin Manly, The Injustices We Never Forget, News &Observer, The (Raleigh, NC), November 19, 2006.

20) For a complete link to Manly’s editorial in the Daily record see http://www.lib.unc.edu/ncc/1898/sources/0818.html. Also see Appendix G in LeRae Umfleet, The Wilmington Race Riot Commission (Raleigh: North Carolina Office of Archives, 2006) 346-352.

21) Glenda Gilmore, The Flight of the Incubus, in David S. Celcelski and Timothy Tyson, eds., Democracy Betrayed

(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998) 77.

22) Robert Norell, Up from History, The Life of Booker T. Washington (Cambridge:Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009) 162.

23) H. Leon Prather, The Red Shirt Movement in North Carolina 1898-1900, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 62, No. 2 (Apr., 1977), pp. 174-184.

24) Robert Norell, Up from History, The Life of Booker T. Washington (Cambridge:Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009) 162.

25) For a more complete description of Alfred Moore Waddell see chapter 4 in Glenda E.Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 18961920. (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press, 1996).

Also see Chapter 3 in the final report produced by the Wilmington Race Riot Commission in 2006.

26) For more information about the assassination attempt on Daniel Russell see Rob Christensen, The Paradox of Tarheel Politics.

(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2008) 21-23. Also see http://www.lib.unc.edu/ncc/1898/bios/russell.html.

27) For a more detailed account of the events in Wilmington following the election see, Leon Prather, We Have Taken a City, The Wilmington Racial Massacre and Coup of 1898. (Wilmington, Dramtree Books, 1996).

28) Helen G. Edmonds, The Negro And Fusion Politics In North Carolina, 1894-1901 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1951) 168.

29) Ibid, 182.

30) Helen G. Edmonds, The Negro And Fusion Politics In North

Carolina, 1894-1901 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1951) 179.

31) See R.H. Boyd, Separate or Jim Crow Car Laws or Legislative enactments in Fourteen Southern States (Nashville: National Baptist Publishing Board) 35.

32) H.G. Jones, “The Rediscovery of The ‘Sampson Huckleberry’,” The State: Down Home in North Carolina May 1977: http://files.usgwarchives.net/nc/wayne/bios/norman.txt., retrieved, 1/30/09.

33) For more information about Josephus Daniels see: Howard E. Covington, Jeffrey J. Crow ,North Carolina Century: Tar Heels Who Made a Difference, 1900-2000(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001).

34) Ibid and Rob Christensen, The Paradox of Tarheel Politics.

(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2008).

35) Rob Christensen, The Paradox of Tarheel Politics. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2008).

36) Episode #2315, UNCTV, Black Issue Forum, 2007-08 Broadcast Season.

37) See: http://www.wilmingtonnc.gov/home/news/article_detail/ ctl/details/mid/3371/itemid/279.aspx. For more information about Ayokunle Odeleye see: http://www.odeleyesculpturestudios.com/.

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Special thanks to the University of Iowaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Arts and Humanities Initiative, The Obermann Center for Advanced Studies, Timothy Tyson and his family, and especially Sean Kelley.