The Observer Issue XIX.1 - Summer in Review: Student Perspectives on Student Protests

Letter From the Editor

Monday, September 26, 2022

Dear Readers,

Allow me to welcome you to issue XIX.1 of The Observer, titled “Summer in Review: Student Perspectives on Student Protests”. This team has worked through the summer to bring you this issue, which expands across centuries and continents. I have enjoyed reading their input immensely, and cannot wait for you to do the same.

As a student publication, we always provide student perspectives on the issues of today. However, in this issue, we have decided to use this unique aspect of our magazine to bring you a variety of stories and opinions about one of the most universal parts of student-hood: protests. Expanding stretching from medieval times to current concerns, this issue includes a fascinating compilation of comments on the impact and evolution of student protests and movements. From Naomi Derfel, we have a piece on the polarization of university politics and isolation of the student conservative. From Sydney Robinson, John Minyen, and Vineeth Jarabana, reflections on pivotal moments in American history for student movements. From Sylvia Kathirkamanathan, a look into the role students played in the Arab Spring demonstrations. From Chonyi Lama, a dive into the Students for a Free Tibet network and the struggle for freedom. Lastly, an article from me on the enduring struggle between authorities and students told through the University of Paris in 1229 and 1968.

I hope you enjoy reading our pieces from these bright young writers and take something from their work. I would like to extend my gratitude to the team for their hard work this summer, and I’m looking forward to our next issues! If you have any comments or concerns, please contact The Observer at theobserver@qiaa.org. If you’d like to contribute an article in the future or apply to join our team, follow us on Instagram (@theobserver.qiaa) or Facebook (The Observer - Queen’s University) for updates.

Now, there is nothing more to say beyond enjoy the first issue of Volume XIX!

Alexandra Paul

Print Editor-in-Chief, The Observer

Table of Peterson and the Young Right: Silencing Dissent

The Beginning of Environmental Protests - 1969 Santa Barbara Oil Spillage

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Jordan Peterson and the Young Right: Silencing Dissent

by: Naomi Derfel

Nearly overnight, Jordan Peterson, a clinical psychologist and University of Toronto professor was catapulted onto the world stage by his 2016 YouTube video, "Professor against political correctness: Part I: Fear and the Law.” In the video, Peterson made several staunch claims about Bill C-16, a law that amended the criminal code to extend grounds for discrimination to gender expression and identity. His central thesis was that rather than simply protecting a vulnerable group from violence and hate, the legislators behind Bill C-16 had a more disturbing hidden agenda: eventual mass censorship. Unsurprisingly like his assertion, Peterson’s video was received in extremes

of either vehement backlash or resolute support.

Peterson’s video resulted in two student protests at UofT: one led by his adversaries who called for his resignation as an anti-LGBTQ+ bigot, and a second, the armageddon, a standoff between these adversaries and his supporters. The second protest took place on October 11, just under two weeks after the publication of the video. Dubbed the “Rally for Free Speech,” it was a self-proclaimed “space for public dialogue” in which Peterson and Lauren Southern, a commentator for rightwing media outlet Rebel Media, were asked to speak followed by an open forum

Jordan Peterson speaking with attendees at a 2018 student summit in Florida. Gage Skidmore

for discussion. Peterson made several attempts to speak, each time being interrupted and overpowered by a white noise machine the adversaries brought. They shoved one another, shouted slurs and threats, and attempted to attack Southern. On the surface, the rally appeared to be an utter failure.

However, I argue that the rally was somewhat of a success. First and foremost, if conservative students were skeptical in any way about not only their right-wing beliefs but about their anti-leftist beliefs before, the chaos and incoherence demonstrated by the liberal student protestors must have affirmed their stances. In his speech, Peterson did not discuss Bill C-16 nor “sexual politics” whatsoever. What the protestors were actually opposing was free speech, ironically demonstrating the validity of Peterson’s original thesis. Their aggressive opposition also illuminated the relative, and frankly objective as well, moderacy of Peterson’s supporters.

Second, much of academic discourse is done privately: between student and professor, mediated by a sheet of paper. Besides the occasional student raising her hand to ask a question or challenge her instructor, a university lecture is, well, a lecture – a one-way conversation. It is easy for students to believe that leftism is both the norm and the only plausible mode of thinking and way of shaping the world as academia continues to shift away from the center and students lack exposure to different points of view. Conservative clubs exist, but they can never achieve the level of influence of a professor grading a

student’s paper with their future in their hands. An event like the Rally for Free Speech drew much needed attention to the simple fact that conservatives in universities exist.

The rally was also a major act of selfsabotage on behalf of the left, who affirmed the right’s characterization of them as emotional, illogical radicals. It is ironic how the proponents of individuality and self-determination – the left –exhibited such a desperate opposition to free speech. I believe this is likely because they feared Peterson for the truth he was to reveal which would undermine their entire movement. If sexual politics were rooted in fact, the left would not be so adamant to shut down conversation that challenged it, and moreover, would not require legislation to mandate it. We do not have laws that state that the earth is round. It simply is. And flat-earthers are free to contest this fact.

Progressives did not suffer any sort of significant defeat in this battle at UofT. And unfortunately, this incident did not occur in a vacuum. Radical leftist protests are like Whack-a-Mole in the West; just when you think you have squashed one (or rather, it has squashed itself), another one pops up seemingly for eternity. Large-scale examples include the Slut Walks, more recent Black Lives Matter protests, and Pride Parades. Radical leftist ideologies such as intersectional feminism, systemic racism, and identity politics continue to be taught as fact. In many of my own courses at Queen's, questions regarding these unproven social theories are asked in the form of true or false or multiple choice.

Every action must have an equal reaction, and therefore it should have come as no surprise that right-wing figures such as Jordan Peterson, and his contemporaries like Ben Shapiro and Candace Owens reached such prominence in the West. Unfortunately, these commentators and their supporters, like the students at Peterson’s rally, were, and continue to be, demonized by the mainstream media and in academia. This demonization has driven moderately conservative students’ views further to the right, and vice versa for the left. Universities have always favoured the left, but never to this extreme. I would argue that they have now become institutions of radicalization. Whether students are being lured to the extreme left or alienated toward the extreme right, universities are, at least in part, programming the political divide we are seeing across the West. And the right is finally fighting back.

Peterson’s rallies may have been some of the first representing this grassroots student uprising against the overtly leftist academia in Canada, but they were not the origin. This movement was already thriving in the United States with the help of Donald Trump and “Students for Trump” clubs at various universities. The US appears to be further down the path of academic radicalization as alt-right clubs with KKK and neo-Nazi affiliations have become increasingly popular. As the moderate right – which I see as Jordan Peterson’s supporters – continue to be repressed and vilified, they will be pushed further and further toward these more radical, dangerous alt-right movements in order to counteract radical leftism. Luckily,

Canadian universities do not appear to be there yet.

I have contemplated one of Peterson’s statements from his rally a lot. He told his audience, “You all have consciousness. You all have the ability to think.” I cannot enter another person’s mind, but I can observe how others attempt to make the impossible reconciliation between free will and the deep desire to be socially accepted. Too often does it seem that the former is brushed aside in favour of the latter. How much easier is it to submit to the masses than it is to strive for selfactualization? In essence, humans are animals. Perhaps the current political scene has revealed a cynical theory of human psychology: that we have overestimated our drive to search for truth to free our minds, and that instead, humanity’s fundamental desire is to simply belong. Of course radical movements - on either end of the political spectrum - are illogical. But who cares, when joining one is a free pass to the road of perdition disguised as redemption.

The Beginning of Environmental Protests 1969 Santa Barbara Oil Spillage

by: Sydney Robinson

On January 28th, 1969, one of the largest oil spills in US history occurred off the coast of Santa Barbara, California, sparking a massive wave of student-led environmental protests across the nation.

The oil spillage was attributed to improper safety precautions at Union oil. Union oil is a former American oil corporation that was in operation from 1890 until 1983. Due to improper safety procedures, over 4 million gallons of crude oil between Santa Barbara and Ventura, flooded the Pacific Ocean across the California coastline leading to the loss of biodiversity.

At the time, no adequate cleanup equipment nor processes were in place, which led to the spread of oil across the Californian coastline. This oil spill caused an onset of environmental protests across

the world, with students being at the front end.

On January 28th, 1969, workers from Union oil were called in to remove a drill pipe from one of the offshore rigs. This, however, came with its complications. While removing the drill pipe, oil and gas started spilling onto the platform. While workers managed to stop the leak at the top of the well, the pressurized oil and gas still managed to flood into the ocean floor. There were no cleanup procedures in place, which would soon prove itself to be consequential. The spillage took months to slow, and the once diverse wildlife of the Santa Barbara coast began to disappear.

The oil spill caught the country's attention. Protests and environmental protection programs were launched by students and

Platform A, Dos Cuadras offshore oil field, Santa Barbara. Doc Searls

and young adults.

Cleanups were organized and began immediately after the spill. Citizens gathered together regardless of political views, to help clean up the catastrophic mess. Students were primary contributors to this.

The University of Southern California (USC) and the University of California, Santa Barbara (UCSB) students were some of the first volunteers to help with the rescue of animals, as well as protesting and pushing for further environmental protections and programs in schools throughout the US.

Thanks to the hard work and dedication of students and local residents, substantive environmental action was finally undertaken after the catastrophe. In 1970, the worldwide movement “Earth Day” was established in recognition of environmental conservation and protection. The Earth Day movement, organized by 25-year-old Stanford graduate Denis Hayes, became particularly noteworthy in the lives of young students since the date avoided events such as spring break and finals season.

Moreover, state-wide environmental programs were established. One of the country’s first environmental studies programs was found at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and teach-ins regarding environmental protection occurred at over 1,500 US colleges.

Many of today's environmental movements, like Earth Day were formed after the 1969 Santa Barbara spillage. This

specific event led to the beginning of environmental protests with young individuals being primary contributors.

The Santa Barbara Oil Spillage was a monumental stepping stone for the advancement of environmental protections. following the event, Union Oil suffered massive fines and backlash, ultimately setting a precedent for events and oil spills leading forward. Additionally, proper safety and cleanup measures were implemented, and federal action soon followed.

Republican President Richard Nixon saw the danger that such incidents posed to the environment. By the end of the 1970s, President Nixon formed the Environmental Protection Agency, which was intended to respond to contamination disasters like such in the future. The Clean Water Act was later passed in 1972.

Federal recognition of the Santa Barbara Oil Spillage demonstrated that regardless of political views, the environment should be everyone's concern. Ultimately, this event struck citizens around the world and caused individuals to recognize how anthropocentric practices can have drastic effects on the environment. The spillage not only caused a surge in environmental advocacy, but also highlighted the ways in which environmental justice encompasses the issues of human rights, social justice, and political corruption. The reaction and initiative of young people, in particular, demonstrated the monumental role of student advocacy in shaping social and political movements.

It must be recognized that climate change

is not a problem for one region or country, but a problem for the entire world. If individuals and governments are unwilling to work together to implement environmental protections, catastrophic events will continue to wipe the earth of its rich biodiversity. Oil spills occur all over the world, and events like the Santa Barbara Oil Spillage should be used as a lesson for other countries practicing oil extraction.

Summer in Review: A Reflection on the US

by: John Minyen

The more things change, the more they stay the same. While it’s hard to visualize the changes we see occurring in our everyday lives, when we take a step back to look at the historical trends that mirror our current political dynamic, things become much clearer. The age of information we live in gives us the opportunity to connect to movements worldwide, new windows into how students react to the changes that are affecting all our lives. Looking at these students should be seen as a benchmark for political discourse in the world, the standard against judging how divisive events have been. Political analysis in the modern age revolves around the principle that

liberalism, conservatism, and nationalism come in peaks and troughs. When liberalism reaches a certain, there is a dramatic swing in the other direction, and vice versa. This process takes decades to run its course, and can be directly correlated to student action in the United States.

The 1950s and 1960s in the United States were defined by the Vietnam War, Jim Crow Laws and the Civil Rights movement. It was the middle of the Cold War, and conservatism mixed with anti-Communist leanings defined the politics of the time. The political divide in the country was at an unprecedented fervor, and the protests

Anti-war demonstrators gather opposite the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., Oct. 21, 1967. Associated Press

against injustice perpetrated under these systems live as hallmarks of their movements. In 1960 in the college town of Greensboro, North Carolina, AfricanAmerican students staged a sit-in at a segregated luncheon to raise national awareness of segregation in the South. This form of protest spread to many other college towns across the South, and is still considered one of the most important events of the Civil Rights Movement. By bringing attention to the oppression they faced through civil action, these students created sympathy and gave voice to their cause peacefully.

Many universities also became indirect bastions for civil liberties, providing safe spaces for students to learn and educate themselves about the issues facing almost half the nation. Students were a defining factor in almost every civil conflict during the Cold War, and gave an emotional glimpse into the American psyche. Looking at the surrounding political culture during these protests, it is clear why the protests themselves were necessary. Without those courageous enough to put themselves on the line for their beliefs, the world we live in could look very different.

Comparing the political situation of the 1950s and 1960s to the 2000s and 2010s would seem to be mismatched, but in reality change has brought more issues to the forefront. The War on Terror after 9/11 led to the exact same culture that bred the House Un-American Activities Committee and anti-Communist sentiment, only replaced with anti-Muslim sentiment. The gross oversteps by the US government in surveillance and privacy breaches led to

protests and the formation of the Student Net Alliance in 2013. The issues do not limit themselves to government though; other civil liberties have been brought into focus in the modern day, especially when it comes to the LGBTQ+ community. The legalization of gay marriage in the United States was a momentous step, backed by demonstrations across the whole of the country in support of the decision. Once again, universities acted as staging grounds from where greater movements could take off, and are often credited as a facet of the beginnings of the movement. Even in this past summer, there has been a dramatic increase in the amount of protests organized by students due to the passage of Roe v Wade. At the Yale law school, students put together a protest draft decision when the draft majority opinion was handed down to vehement opposition. The dramatic shift away from the counterculture and internationalism of the 1980s and 1990s was sudden, and spoke to a trough of conservatism that had taken root. Comparing the two time periods, there are striking similarities in the tone and structure of what is happening across student bodies. The relative silence leading up to these protests, the overall effect and the root causes are all comparable. Observing the link between student activity and political divide gives some of the best insights into how the two interact and reflect on each other. As situations across the world continue to worsen, they will be reflected in movements across universities. The dichotomy of American politics continues to deteriorate, and as the politics change, the protests will change with them.

As long as there are political issues that are causing divides in America, the student body will provide a good outlook on how these issues apply to the greater politics of the world.

Hey, Hey, LBJ, How Many Kids Did You Kill

Today?

by: Vineeth Jarabana

"Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?"

United States (U.S.) President Lyndon B. Johnson, the most powerful person in the world, would often be taunted by this line at student rallies throughout the 1960s. With growing public frustration at American involvement in the Vietnam War, young people in particular began to join in this frustration. The threat of conscription compelled many students to find their voices at these rallies so that they could express their anger towards a hawkish political establishment. These student protests against the Vietnam War demonstrated the necessity of student

activism in a robust democracy.

The Vietnam War began as an armed conflict between the Communist North Vietnam and the U.S.-aligned South Vietnam. Lasting nearly two decades, the Vietnam War represented a proxy war pitting Cold War powers against each other. At first, American involvement was primarily restricted to limited monetary and military support for South Vietnam. Fuelled by Cold War-era concerns of a communist takeover of South Vietnam, the U.S. would eventually expand its involvement to a boots-on-the-ground presence in support of South Vietnam. As American involvement grew, so did the antiwar

Vietnam Anti-War demonstration and march from U.S. Consulate in Sydney, Australia in 1966. State Library of New South Wales

movement in the U.S. Whether it was the human cost or the lack of transparency from the federal government, Americans found many reasons to be skeptical of their country’s participation in the Vietnam War. Students, in particular, were coalescing against the war due to reasons such as the implementation of conscription based on academic performance.

Protests against the Vietnam War illustrated how student activism strengthened democratic institutions by increasing political participation. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), a student activist organization that existed in the 1960s, promoted direct action to end American involvement in the Vietnam War. When reflecting on the impact of SDS, Tom Hayden, former president of the SDS, stated that “any time people feel deeply repressed, when they can’t enact change through politics… then they will resort to participatory democracy as the only way to express themselves." Many students who had long been apolitical were now shocked by the possibility of being conscripted and thus found reason to exercise their democratic freedoms through expressing their views, protesting, and voting. Civic unrest on college campuses across the U.S., in response to the Vietnam War, resulted in greater participation in democratic processes, particularly among young people who have long been disillusioned and disengaged with democratic institutions. In fact, in the decades since the end of the Vietnam War, voter turnout rates among young people and the size of student-led protests have never been able to rival those of the Vietnam War-era.

Opposition to the Vietnam War helped underline the importance of democratic principles by proving that public demonstrations can achieve tangible policy changes. Student participation in the antiVietnam War movement played a critical role in the 1968 U.S. presidential election. All the major presidential candidates announced their Vietnam War exit strategies. Once elected, U.S. President Richard Nixon bowed to the pressure from student activists by ending conscription and transitioning the U.S. military to an allvolunteer force. Students no longer worried that their grades would force them to being maimed or even dying in Vietnam for a war they did not believe in. The end of conscription proved that protests, despite the continuous effort and sacrifice that it entails, helps make the government more responsive to the people.

Student-led opposition to the Vietnam War has had reverberating effects as time has passed. The legacy of student protests against the Vietnam War has not only served as a template for future youth movements across the globe, but also emboldened young people to call for action. For example, the first-ever Earth Day was modeled on student protests against the Vietnam War. Today, young people have applied many of the lessons from the anti-Vietnam War movement to their approach to international issues such as the climate crisis and the rise of authoritarianism. The movement against the Vietnam War highlights the essentiality of student-led activism to a healthy democracy. Given that students of today are the leaders of tomorrow, an engaged

and informed young population is critical for the long-term preservation of democracy.

Students for a Free Tibet: The

Youthful Struggle for Tibetan Liberation

by: Chonyi Lama

Throughout history, student activism has played a pivotal role in shaping social and political change. College campuses and community clubs in particular, have acted as sites of congregation and networking for like-minded young people to voice their opinions on issues of significance. Take Students for a Free Tibet (SFT) - a chapter-based network of activists, young and old, around the world advocating for human rights in China-occupied-Tibet. Founded in 1994 by a group of students and supporters in New York City, Students for a Free Tibet works in solidarity with the Tibetan people in their struggle for freedom and independence. Through education, grassroots organizing, and nonviolent

direct action, SFT campaigns for Tibetans’ fundamental right to political freedom. Moreover, it underscores the cruciality of student-led activism in shaping global social and political movements.

Renowned for its pristine lakes, staggering mountains, and rich natural resources, Tibet lies at the center of Asia, with an area of 2.5 million square kilometers. Also notable with respect to Tibet, is the Tibetan people’s struggle for freedom from the Chinese state. Following China’s Communist revolution in 1948, Tibet, a sovereign nation, was invaded by the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1950. Overwhelmed, Tibet was forced to give up

Protestors hang banners as they scale the cables of the Golden Gate Bridge in 2008. Justin Sullivan (Getty Images)

its independence. After a failed uprising against Chinese rule in 1959, the 14th Dalai Lama – Tibet’s political and spiritual leader at the time – fled into exile in India followed by tens of thousands of Tibetans. Since 1959, China’s government has exercised total political control over Tibet, using all the tools of repression to deter and punish Tibetan resistance. The Chinese government nevertheless rejects any labels of "invasion" or "annexation" and maintains that Tibet has always been a part of China.

The control and repression of the Tibetan people manifests itself in every aspect of life in Tibet. Under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), nobody is free. However, Tibetans have fewer civil and political rights than most. From the mass police surveillance to the torture that takes place in Tibet’s hidden detention centres, every day the Chinese government subjects Tibetans to suffocating control and violent repression. Dissent, protest, or even wishing the Dalai Lama a happy birthday and having a Tibetan flag, will turn you into a criminal. Tibetans have to constantly censor themselves to avoid imprisonment. A 2022 report by Human Rights Watch revealed that authorities in Tibetan areas continue to severely restrict freedoms of religion, expression, movement, and assembly. Following a 2020 announcement tightening controls on online communications that “undermine national unity,” there was a surge of reported detentions of Tibetans for alleged online offenses, especially for those who communicated with people outside of China regardless of the content of their communications.

The report also noted the escalating coercive assimilationist policies though the government's “bilingual education” policy, a practice intended to gradually replace Tibetan with Chinese as the medium of instruction in primary schools throughout the region. Since the 1960s, Chinese has been the language of instruction in nearly all middle and high schools in Tibet, but new educational practices introduced by the government are now leading more primary schools and even kindergartens to use Chinese as the teaching language for Tibetan students. Authorities’ have also heightened surveillance and intimidation at all levels, from online platforms to neighborhoods to schools, and have rendered protests virtually impossible in Tibetan areas. Political prisoners continue to be held captive and murdered, though accurate numbers are unknown due to the extreme control of information dissmeniation in Tibet.

Since the PRC’s occupation of Tibet, more than 150,000 refugees have fled into exile to different parts of the world. However, despite over 60 years of Chinese occupation, the Tibetan diaspora refuses to be conquered and subjugated by the CCP. The emergence of Students for a Free Tibet is one example of Tibetan resistance. The recognition of young people as powerful actors of change is central in its organizational structure. The significance of youth activism is especially paramount in the Free Tibet movement considering the education, knowledge, and skills possessed by young Tibetans. Young people thus, are at the forefront of resistance and advocacy against Chinese oppression. Tibetan youth, the vast

majority of whom may never step foot in their native homeland, refuse to be passive actors in the struggle for freedom. They recognize their birthright as Tibetans to have their language, culture, and freedoms beyond the CCP’s control. Evidently, SFT is not only a source of Tibetan defiance, but also a facet of hope for Tibetans globally.

Today, the Tibetan freedom cause is one of the many ongoing human rights issues in China, alongside the genocide of Uyghur Muslims, the crackdown of democracy in Hong Kong, and the arrests, dissapearances, and killings of those who defy the CCP’s authority. While China’s growing influence in the world has been at the epicenter of recent political discussions, a growing number of these discussions are focused on China’s economic prospects rather than its human rights track record. For democratic countries that pride themselves as champions of human rights, China’s political, economic, social, and cultural prominence globally, poses the difficult challenge of opposing the communiststate. Consequently, democratic countries and institutions such as the United Nations (UN), have done little to address human rights abuses in the PRC - a move that has been widely criticized by human rights groups such as SFT. If we wish to safeguard and preserve human rights and freedoms for generations to come, state actors and intergovernmental organizations alike, must be willing to listen and address the demands of young people.

The Spark that Lit the Fire

by: Sylvia Kathirkamanathan

In a world like the present where we are plagued globally with injustices from economic crisis to lack of human rights, to put youth at the frontlines to combat these issues sounds inauspicious, but could it be what we need?

Youth activism is the demand for social change and justice by those from ages 15 to 24 from many different backgrounds and walks of life. Over the past decade, the uprising of youth activism is evident through the prominent presence of youth involved in combating issues such as corrupt governments and overall seeking long-term change. Although this form of activism has been present for ages, it

entered a new era of success starting with the Arab Spring demonstrations of 2010 and 2011.

What sets this era apart from previous social movements is its utilization of social media. This played a crucial component in increasing attention to the issues at hand as well as organizing these demonstrations and other forms of peaceful protesting efficiently and effectively. It provided a wide platform for free speech and access to a larger audience globally.

Arab Spring is a series of anti-government peaceful protests in parts of the Middle East and North Africa from late 2010 to

A protester holds the Egyptian flag in a protest during the Arab Spring in Cairo’s Tahrir Square in 2011. Pedro Ugarte (Getty Images)

early 2011. These protests targeted dictatorships with the goal of gaining more political, cultural, and economic rights and justice as well as accountability on behalf of the government for the actions of their respective security forces.

The Arab Spring started in central Tunisia in December 2010 with protesters flooding the country's capital, Tunis, resulting in president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali resigning from his position and fleeing the country. Following this, demonstrations emerged in Bahrain for human rights reform, Jordan for the dissolving of parliament and others across Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Syria, and among other countries. These actions resulted in positive change in some countries like Tunisia but were also met with great opposition in other places. For instance, government crackdowns on peaceful protesters in Syria were among the initial factors sparking the civil war, which displaced and killed many Syrians.

These mass demonstrations were all prompted by a desire to challenge autocratic governments and repression through nonviolent, peaceful protesting and using social media. These actions involved a variety of people within the impacted countries but sparked a special interest among youth because of the impact the issues protested had on their progression into adulthood as well as the impact it would have on generations to come.

Scholars associate this new wave of youth activism with the fact that these young generations cannot enter the social status or progression expected during their adult phase due to factors beyond their control.

This is known as waithood; waithood is the extended time period between childhood and adulthood in a social lens due to the lack of transitioning factors such as economic stability and class. Studies show that this phenomenon has increased among Middle Eastern and North African youth as contributing factors are primarily region-specific. Due to corrupt government rulings, youth cannot access the resources that push them into adulthood such as quality education and stable employment. This generates resentment towards the powers that control these inequalities unjustly in conjunction with socio-cultural frustration, serving as a motivating factor for youth to pursue methods of changing their current situations. These methods include engaging in peaceful protesting as well as taking advantage of the audience outreach social media provides as well as connecting activists to other activists or helpful resources.

The actions of the Arab Spring demonstrations laid the foundation for an influx of youth activism consisting of a young generation taking action against corrupt leaders and the government. For instance, youth in Hong Kong in 2019 protested against leadership regarding employment and the housing crisis. Another example includes youth-led climate change movements around the world, with those involved demanding climate justice from different nations. Although people in the past have tried to take action against corrupt leadership, Arab Springs’ ability to capitalize on social media advantages called for an international audience and expanded their voices.

Youth activism stems from a lack of stability and trust in those in power as well as the utmost desire for change and equality. What differentiates the Arab Spring from movements in the past is the use of horizontalism. Horizontalism promotes fair discourse among involved parties in an engaging manner. This in turn prompts new, modern ways of protesting such as non-violent protests, social media campaigns, and more. For example, the horizontalist approach of protestors resulted in mutual relationships and resources from Western activist communities among activist groups.

What I found interesting is that this generation of youth avoids the mistakes of the past of turning a successful continuous movement into an official political party. They reject this model of demanding change to avoid corruption of politics and participation in order to maintain their horizontalist approach and continue to execute this new form of engagement among powers and citizens.

I believe the fresh perspective young generations have to offer in conjunction with modern tools at their disposal promises great potential for success in grand matters of injustice. Additionally, the actions of the Arab Spring brought to light horizontalism that acquired global attention and inspired countless young minds and hearts.

The Arab Spring demonstrations left an everlasting impact on youth activism and have inspired change on a global scale. As the impacts of horizontalist protesting by this young generation continue to pave

new ways for equality and justice around the world, it is promising what can be expected in the future. Although the issues being combatted presently may seem never-ending such as economic crises, women's rights and other important issues, the strength of this young generation should not be underestimated and their aspiration for long-term change is certainly a force to be reckoned with.

Echoing Voices: Protests and the University of Paris Across the Centuries

by: Alexandra Paul

The French, especially Parisians, are notorious for the frequency and scale of their protests. So, it should come as a surprise to no one that one of the earliest recorded student strikes in Europe occurred at the University of Paris. This two-year demonstration happened between 1229 and 1231, before the time of the Aztec Empire, the invention of the printing press, and the fall of Constantinople. After over 700 years in 1968, French students would once again take to protesting in the May 68 unrest. By comparing these two events, which are so separated by time, causes and levels of violence, it becomes clear that student activism is hardly a new phenomenon.

Instead, these expressive and sometimes explosive aspects of post-secondary student life are a core part of universities and colleges’ places in our society.

The first of the two protests began in February 1229 in response to the actions of the city guard after a riot, which broke out because of a dispute between a group of students from the University of Paris and a tavern owner. The university was considered part of the Catholic Church and therefore the students were governed by ecclesiastical courts. However, the outrage caused by the students’ destructive behaviour drove the French regent to intercede and prompt the university to

Classroom at the University of Lyon with markings made during the student occupation in May 1968. George Garrigues

allow the students to be punished by the city guard. The guardsmen soon found a group of students, who may not have been involved in the riot at all, and killed them.

Furious, both the university masters and students left Paris and dispersed to other parts of France and even other countries. This placed an intellectual and economic strain on the city and negotiations began to reopen the university’s doors. In 1231, the Pope, an alumnus of the school, issued a bull guaranteeing it would be independent from local ecclesiastical and secular authority and come directly under papal patronage. As part of the agreement, the masters retained the right to stop lectures for several reasons, including over rent prices.

Racing through time, we come to France in March 1968, when student occupation protests began a chain reaction that led the government to briefly stop functioning. A small far-left group, including 150 students, occupied an administration building at the University of Paris’ Nanterre campus to protest classism and control over university funding. The administration called police and while the group dispersed without incident, it led to months of conflict between students and authorities.

Eventually the university shut down in May, including its Sorbonne campus. Shortly after, the national student union and the university teachers’ union organized a protest with more than 20,000 participants and a riot led to the arrest of hundreds of students. The demonstrations escalated after negotiations broke down and authorities refused to drop charges against students and reopen the campuses.

Students barricaded themselves along part of the River Seine and the ensuing confrontation lasted for hours and resulted in hundreds of arrests and injuries.

The harshness of the government and brutality of police sympathized the student cause with the public and major unions called for a general strike and demonstration. Over one million marched in protest and the prisoners were released and Sorbonne reopened. Students occupied the campus and aired their grievances with French government and society, while workers shifted to protest their own issues. Across the country, students took over university buildings and a third of the workforce went on strike. Less than 30 days after the University of Paris first shut down, President Charles de Gaulle briefly fled to West Germany to ensure support from French army forces, leading to a government breakdown.

Ultimately, the University of Paris strike in the thirteenth century was concerned with the autonomy of university administration and governance. While today, French universities and their students are subject to French laws, the schools still maintain a great deal of autonomy from the government and certainly from the Church. The protests in of May 68 were driven by grievances with the social, political, and economic state of the world – considerably broader than those seven centuries earlier. The students involved in the occupations and subsequent demonstrations and street battles have not yet seen all their issues resolved, but many have improved.

The true bond between these two events,

beyond their connections to the University of Paris, is the violent suppression and ensuing backlash against government forces. In 1229, the university shut down for two years after its students were killed by city guardsmen. In 1968, over one million citizens marched in support of students after their brutalization during their protests. In neither scenario did violence from police forces deescalate the immediate situation or dissuade the students from protesting. Instead, it prompted even more drastic action from those affected.

Universities across the world are focal points for social issues and debates pertinent to their locality and time. While the government can hardly be expected to allow student demonstrations to devolve into anarchy, the introduction of widespread state-sponsored violence, whether by police or military forces, has not proven to ease tensions. Instead, it pushes other members of the university community and eventually the public into sympathizing with those they are trying to silence. Universities should strive to remain forums for students to express their views where they can be challenged by those around them without fear of violent retribution from the administration or government. Young people are a driving force for change and as my generation continues to find its voice, these environments are as critical for us as they were in 1229 or 1968. Whether protesting climate change inaction or campus sexual violence, the student right, which has really become a rite of passage, to protest is precious and should be respected at all levels of authority.