Simon Goddard, Lille and the Post-urban Economy

LILLE AND THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

3

Google Campus, Dublin. Inthralld.com

Harvard Yard. Flickr.

Laptop Loiterers in Starbucks. Flickr.

INTRODUCTION

The knowledge economy has been sold to us as incredibly urban.

Whether it is images of the Google Campus, of Harvard Yard, or of laptops loiterers in Starbucks, the lifestyle projected by media and by academics including Richard Florida and Edward Glaeser is one that is urban, connected and flexible.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

5

Factory, Roubaix, ca 1900. Archives Departmentale du Nord

However, in a remarkable development, the post-industrial city is also the post-urban.

7

Bayer, EurasantĂŠ, Lille, 2014.

Factories in Tourcoing. Centre de Histoire Locale, Tourcoing.

9

Haute Borne Technology Park, Lille. Bing Maps.

Workers leaving François Masural Fréres, Factory, Tourcoing, 1950. Centre de Histoire Locale, Tourcoing.

11

La Redoute, Roubaix, 2014.

Apple Campus 2. Foster and Partners.

INTRODUCTION

At least this is the case for the fast-growing sectors of health, IT and high technology, whose function, according to Castells and Hall (2004), is to generate the key materials of the information economy.

As late as 1950 industry was located downtown, allowing for the development of specific social diagrams and forms of collectivity.

The contemporary equivalent, technopoles, choose peripheral locations. These reject urban exchange, not only between individuals, but also between companies.

Isolation is now heroic.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

13

DISCIPLINARY QUESTION

How can we re-think technopoles as urban rather than post-urban, with the attendant benefits in terms of transport, communality, corporate responsibility and amenity?

INTRODUCTION

This conflicts with contemporary discourse on urban environments as innovative milieu.

Innovation environments are perceived as urban. This reflects a specific lifestyle represented in marketing brochures, literature and real estate speak. However it often isn’t realised.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

15

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION 5

Object Of Research & Research Questions

LILLE & ITS TECHNOPOLES 21

Object Of Research & Research Questions

HAUTE BORNE TECHNOLOGY PARK 31 Object Of Research & Research Questions

INDUSTRIAL LILLE 47

Essay: Critical Context & Research Significance

RE-THINKING THE INNOVATIVE MILIEU 61

METHODOLOGY 71

Design Project 01 & Project 02 Brief

COURﾃ右 DE COWORKING 75

LITERATURE REVIEW 91

CONCLUSION, BIBLIOGRAPHY & TIMELINE 97

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

17

ENGLISH CHANNEL Dunkirk

Calais

Ypres

St. Omer

Ville de LILLE

Bethune

Lens

FRANCE

Albert

BELGIUM

Ghent

Roeselare Brussels>> Object Of Research & Research Questions

LILLE & ITS TECHNOPOLES Kortrijk

Tourcoing Roubaix 19

Tournai

LILLE Métropole Mons

Douai

Valenciennes

10km Lille Métropole and the surrounding region. Bing Maps.

Cph

Glasgow

Liverpool

Dublin

Berlin Amsterdam

Cork Bruges Lille

Rotterdam Antwerp Brussels

Weimar

Essen

Luxembourg Prague

Kraków

Paris

Kosice Linz Graz Maribor

Pécs

Bologna Genoa Avignon

Gilarães Porto

Marseille

Florence

Salamanca

Madrid

Lisbon Patras

European Capitals of Culture. A good guide to seond-tier cities with ambition.

Lille held this title in 2004.

LILLE & ITS TECHNOPOLES

WHY LILLE? Technopoles are typically government projects that are created in order to develop a particular sector of the economy. Therefore, the most interesting place to observe their creation is not in the global financial centres, whose economic fate is tied to larger forces, but in second-tier cities who compete fiercely to attract and retain global enterprise. The most strategic municipalities build communities of small and medium companies around larger ‘anchors’ (companies or universities), often using the business park or technopole as a mechanism to do so.

Beyond Paris, Madrid and Stockholm, some of the less-prominent European Capitals of Culture (ECC) give a good indication of who these second-tier cities are, cities such as Liverpool, Genoa, Rotterdam, Thessaloniki, Marseille or Kosice. Outside of the ECC, we can also add cities such as Manchester, Lodz, Bilbao and Malmö.

One of the more interesting is Lille, in northern France, previously a textile powerhouse and in decline until the 1980s. Lille was European capital of culture in 2004, an important milestone in its transformation from an industrial economy to a knowledge-based one. Lille will be the case study of this thesis.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

21

Lille Roubaiz Tourcoing

Metz-Nancy Paris Strasbourg

Nantes Saint-Nazaire

Lyon Grenoble Sainte-Etienne Bordeaux

Toulouse Aix-en-Provence Marseille Métropoles d’équilibre

FRENCH LILLE Lille is one of eight Métropoles d’Équilibre in France, a centralgovernment-led program to re-balance France’s economy away from Paris. It was arguably the weakest when it was designated as such in 1964, as it was in the late stages of industrial collapse.

It received the ‘promotion’ in light of a favourable geographical position and the perceived need to include a city from the North.

Today it is the third-largest metropolis in France, numbering over 1 million inhabitants. The metropolitan area is constituted of Lille City, Roubaix, Tourcoing, and a number of smaller villages.

LILLE & ITS TECHNOPOLES

Cambridge Amsterdam 2h45

Oxford London 1h20

Kรถln 2h30*

Brussels 34mn

Lille

Paris 1h CDG 55mn

23

Metz Strasbourg 3h20*

Nancy

EURALILLE Lille is at the frontier50of European development. In 1984 the TGV 100km 0 25 put it on the infrastructural doorstep of the three most important ion and Brussels. In 2007 it formed cities in Europe: pean RegParis EuroLondon, the first Eurometropole together with Kortrijk and Tournai. While peripheral in France, Lille is central in Europe, and its potential as a city lies in taking advantage of this.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

*Anticipated future

travel times

LILLE’S FOUR TECHNOPOLES In both academic literature (Crouch, Fraser & Percy, 2003) and state marketing of Lille Métropole, five ‘sites of excellence’ are highlighted.

These are presented by Lille Métropole as sites for the convergence of a particular industry that is or aspires to be innovative. All have some financial backing from the state, four fit the definition of a technopole. These will be considered in this study as exemplars of the types of work spaces that are at the cutting edge of what is being built in Lille today. Each has been built on greenfield or exindustrial land. They are as follows:

HAUTE BORNE High Tech

EURASANTÉ Health & Biotech

Haute Borne is for R&D and high Eurasanté is linked to Europe’s largest technology businesses. It is intended hospital quarter. Its innovation focus is to prioritise cross fertilisation between health, nutrition and biotechnology. laboratories and enterprise. It is coupled with Lille University 01 - Science.

2 600 Employees 6000 Employees 120 Businesses 140 hectares

12 500 Professionals 300 hectares

L’UNION Eco,Textiles & Multimedia

EURATECHNOLOGIES Digital Startups & Accelerator

L’Union houses the European Centre for Textile Innovation (CETI). Located alongside this will be businesses related to imaging, video games and multimedia.

Successful IT startup space that includes incubator, accelerator, business hotel and conference space, with a global network of partner spaces. Support from all levels of government.

1300 Employees 90 Businesses 80 hectares

1600 Employees 120 Businesses

LILLE & ITS TECHNOPOLES

TOURCOING

ROUBAIX

25

LILLE

page 30-31

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

to London

to Brussels

TGV/DIVAT Rail/Metro Tram Freeways Metropolitan Boundary

0

to Paris

RADIAL RAIL Lille’s public transport is arranged radiating out from the TGV. This privileges an urban development pattern, concentrated around the TGV, Metro and Tram. The DIVAT is drawn at a 500m radius from these stops as a way to promote Transit Oriented Development.

5km

LILLE & ITS TECHNOPOLES

Halluin

Comines Tourcoing

Wattrelos Armentières Roubaix MarcqenBaroeul Lambersart

Lille

Villeneuve d'Ascq

Haubourdin Aubers 27

Seclin La Bassée

Templeuve

Annoeullin Phalempin

Pont-àMarcq

Existing Parc d’Activités (2009) Parcs Underway

Mouchin

0

DISPERSED PARCS D’ACTIVITE While there are four nominated technopoles in Lille, there are over 70 ‘Parcs d’Activité’. Most are more than 1km across, necessitating a peripheral location. They are an alternative economic geography distributed across the metropole, largely avoiding Lille’s world-class rail infrastructure.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

5km

0

METROPOLITAN PLANNING SCHEME (PLU) Lille’s Metropolitan Planning Scheme was launched in 2004. It relies heavily upon zoning. Town centres are designated majority residential (orange/yellow), and a series of ‘Parcs d’Activité’ (pink) are scattered throughout the metropolis, separating domestic and economically productive space.

2.5 km

PA de Tourcoing Est LILLE & ITS TECHNOPOLES

U... - Special Zones: Euralille, and the four Technopoles.

UX - Commercial: Allows for management of peripheral commerce.

UE - Peripheral: Industrial or function needing isolation.

UG - Mixed: Tertiary, Offices, Commerce, Services & Light Industry.

ZL de la Martinoire-Wattrelos

l’Union

Highway

ZAC de Peupliers

Collector Road Road

Eurozone PA du B PA de la Becquerelle

ZA 1

PA du Chat

ZAC de Roubaux E ZA de la Pilaterie

P.A de Quatre Vents Institut Textile de France 29

technologies

de Lille-Seclin

PA de Ravennes-les-Francs

Euralille 1 & 2

ZA du Fort

V2 Shopping Centre S.E.I.T.A. Eurasanté Haute Borne

0

PARCS D’ACTIVITE & ROADS The urban structure becomes apparent when the Parcs d’Activité and Centre Regionale major roads are mapped together.

While Lille has some of the best de Transport rail infrastructure for a city of this size anywhere, its commercial and economic space is structured around roads.

Seclindis

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

2.5 km

Lo

nd

on

Euralille

Euratechnologies

EurasantĂŠ Complementary Uses Technopoles

Object Of Research & Research Questions

HAUTE BORNE TECHNOLOGY PARK

31

s sel rus s/B

ri Pa

Haute Borne 500m Inner Lille with three Technopoles.

500m

Parc Horizon with active farmland in foreground. Haute Borne Technology Park.

HAUTE BORNE

HAUTE BORNE One of the effects of Lille becoming a Métropole d’Équilibre was the establishment of a new town, Villeneuve d’Ascq, and the allocation of state-acquired land for a new Cité Scientifique and Technopole (Haute Borne) in greenfield land on the outskirts of the historical city (refer previous page, bottom right). This was the first strategic action taken by the new metropolis to amplify Lille’s tertiary economy (1968). To found the Cité Scientifique, the Science and Technology portion of Lille University (Lille 01) was relocated from the city centre. This allowed for the development of an adjacent technopole.

While mooted early on, and part of the peripheral strategy, Haute Borne Technology Park was not mobilised as a project until 1999.

The American science park was used as the model. The idea was to link research with the market. However, Lille 01 is not a particularly strong research institution and the mix of occupants at Haute Borne is less than half high-tech and R&D, though it is marketed as such.

Despite this, it is the most popular technopole in Lille.

Consulting Sales & Marketing Banking & Finance

16% 38% 13%

7% Property

IT & Software

22% R&D + High Tech

Haute Borne Technology Park, employee count by sector.

Only 35% of jobs are in technology.

Base data taken from www.parc-haute-borne.fr, May 2014.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

33

00m

02 G.

Osyris Campus CNRS E.

COFIDIS

05 A.

Park Plaza Europarc

F.

B. C.

Green Office

D.

Tereneo

H.

Crèche Olivarius Parc Horizon

03

Synergie Park Centre de Vie Ere Parc

01 DEVELOPMENT PARCELS

02 THE ‘SEED’

03 SERVICES

The site has been sold off in portions that are subsequently marketed by an individual developer as a park within a park (above). Each of these parcels tends to include four or five almost identical buildings (see page 41). The largest became a corporate campus for a bank, Cofidis.

Most technopoles are ‘seeded’ with a government controlled institution. At Haute Borne, the National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS) installed an outpost dedicated to collaboration between scientific disciplines, and including specialised nuclear imaging equipment. A particle accelerator was also meant to arrive, but ended up in Paris.

Haute Borne features a crèche, a restaurant (Centre de Vie) and a hotel.

There is little thought given to contact between the three. Even within the park, they are not particularly easy or pleasant to walk to.

HAUTE BORNE

ANALYSIS OF THE PLAN Haute Borne was launched in 1999. There is a planned total of 250,000m2 of commercial floor space and 40,000m2 of dwellings over 65 of the 135 hectare site. The remaining space is devoted roads, parks and farmland.

03

03

100m

06

05

04

I. 35

J. K. L.

04 FARMLAND & GREENWASH

05 PARKING

06 DWELLINGS

A large portion of the farmland Os on yri the original site has been preserved, s Ca and continues to be operational.

See mp us image, previous page.C The park CN is OF credentials RS heavily marketed for its ‘eco’ ID I S drawing from its Plandscape design. ark Pla endemic to However, the car reliance z E the urban formurois not ataall ‘eco’. par c Gr een Of fice Ter ene o Cr èch e Ol

Haute Borne includes over 4000 surface car parking spaces. It is around these that each of the development parcels is organised (see next spread). Any challenge to the development pattern must take this fact into account.

While there was a provision for housing as part of the project, it remains separated from the productive space, with a distinctly different disposition.

In fact, the housing is the only urban part of the project.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

Europarc

SINGLE COMPANIES When there is at least one company per building, an arrayed urban disposition addresses itself solely to the parking lot. Little attempt is made to encourage interaction between buildings, and by extension companies.

HAUTE BORNE

TYPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

37

Cofidis Consumer Finance

CORPORATE CAMPUS As larger organisations attempt to form into groups, buildings remain addressed to the parking lot by necessity. The arrangement of the lift and stairwell enforce this. Therefore rather than facing in to the central courtyard, as the urban form suggests, buildings have their back to it. Isolation persists, and will remain while parking is so closely tied to the architecture.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

A.

B.

C.

D.

E.

F.

G.

H.

I.

J.

K.

L.

12 Buildings at Haute Borne.

Those built by the same developer are almost identical.

Refer plan analysis for location.

HAUTE BORNE

19.5m 32.3m

Building 12, Parc Horizon Technology Park Office/Lab 1242 sqm (GFA) Architect Unknown

Architectural Diagram

Circulation 12 sqm 2%

Workspace 583 sqm 90%

Figure/Ground

Urban Diagram

Floor Plan Footprint 650 sqm

Europarc

THE DOM-INO OFFICE TYPE This case study is taken from the top row of images on the left, Europarc. Floor space is maximised through a single entry that leads straight from the parking lot, creating an extremely efficient plan. An arrayed urban diagram is reinforced by glazing on all sides, requiring buildings to be set back from one another. Parking and landscaping fill this void.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

39

General Motors Technical Centre, 1956. Louise Mozingo, 2009.

Ramo-Woolridge Research Laboratories, 1960. Louise Mozingo, 2009.

HAUTE BORNE

41

Apple Campus 01, 1993. Bing Maps.

Cofidis Consumer Finance, Haute Borne Technology Park, 2007.

Cofidis Consumer Finance

THE CORPORATE CAMPUS TYPE Cofidis’ corporate campus type can be traced back to the general motors technical centre of 1956. According to Louise Mozingo (2011:13), these were originally built to house middle management research and development divisions. They feature a central courtyard around which the buildings are arranged. Surface car parking is outermost. This type reinforces the corporate desire for isolation.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

Micro Entity <10

Large 250+

Extra Large

Small <50

Medium <250

100m High Tech

High Tech

IT

IT

Finance and BankingFinance and Banking Property

Property

Consulting

Consulting

Services

Services

Human Resources

Human Resources

Sales and Marketing Sales and Marketing

Haute Borne Program by Area, Sector and Company Size.

Base data taken from from www.parc-haute-borne.fr, May2014.

100m

HAUTE BORNE

Haute Borne

ANALYSIS OF PROGRAM An analysis of the businesses located at Haute Borne reveals an eclectic mix, where high tech businesses are in the minority. Of the 129 companies located within the park 72 are in high tech, representing only 35% of the workforce. These tend to be the smaller companies within the park, as is evident opposite. On the one hand, this suggests that the park could have a much tighter urban form and perform better against its stated aim of synergy.

On the other, it reveals that the science park is not functionally specific, attracting banks, estate agents, sales and marketing agencies amongst others. In short, the occupancy contradicts the marketing.

By Size Micro Entity Small Company Medium Enterprise Large Enterprise Extra Large

73 34 14 7 1

234 710 1217 2786 1660

By Sector R&D + High Tech IT & Software Consulting Services Finance & Banking Sales & Marketing Property and Real Estate Human Resources

39 33 16 10 9 9 9 4

1446 884 125 41 2532 1076 464 40

Five largest companies Cofidis (consumer credit) Laser Contact (marketing) Teleperformance (info hotlines) Monabanq (online banking) Creatus (finance)

1660 500 420 393 373

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

43

URBAN QUESTION

How can relationships between domesticity, recreation and production be built within and around innovation environments?

HAUTE BORNE

CONCLUSION Haute Borne claimed an enormous amount of land under the auspices that a critical mass of high technology businesses may colocate synergetically. The technopole was therefore forced to the periphery of the city, to car-dependence and therefore to an urban form that in fact encourages isolation. The potential for interaction has been blown apart by surface car parking. This hinders synergy.

This is paradigmatic of a broader trend across the metropolis, where large quantities of cheap land are allocated under the ‘UG-Mixed’ zoning as receptacles for Lille’s tertiary economy, never far from a collector road or freeway. It undermines the massive investment made by the city in rail-based collective transport, and creates two competing urban structures for the metropolis, one based on high speed roads, the other on rail. Road is winning.

Business park types are not specific nor functional. The sole logic is cost. Indeed, Haute Borne’s copious, cheap land undermines the potential for businesses to locate in a more urban context. We might ask why it is that Cofidis Consumer Finance chose Haute Borne and not Euralille for its new headquarters, for instance.

The technopole, corporate campus and dom-ino types, as found at Haute Borne, are open to challenge at an architectural, urban and metropolitan scale on transport, land use and ultimately even functional grounds.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

45

50m

Object Of Research & Research Questions

INDUSTRIAL LILLE

47

50m Cadastral parcels in Lille.

Aerial view of Roubaix on a postcard, ca 1900. MediathĂŠque Roubaix.

INDUSTRIAL LILLE

49

Grand Rue, Roubaix on a postcard, ca 1900, Mediathéque Roubaix

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

Industry in Roubaix and Tourcoing. Extract of board no. 2, ‘Lille-Roubaix-Toucoing’, edited by the Société de Documentation Industrielle, Paris, 1929. Archives du Musée d’Histoire Naturelle, Lille.

INDUSTRIAL LILLE

AN URBAN DIAGRAM ORGANISED AROUND PRODUCTION One hundred years prior to the emergence of technopoles in Lille, three social diagrams* existed, organised around industrial production. One was between productive spaces, the other in the domestic sphere, and the last was a relationship between the two.

Relationships between factories (opposite) emerged due to their deep integration within the city fabric of Lille, Roubaix and Tourcoing.

Larger spinning facilities were situated amongst smaller dying and weaving workshops. These were clustered, synergetically, in town, not on the periphery. Some people worked from home.

Relationships between productive and domestic space, and within domestic space itself were facilitated by a form of collective housing, the Courée, which allowed the working poor to locate within walking proximity of their workplace. The Courée will be explored in more detail below.

As can be seen in the next spread, the industrial economy drove a huge expansion from the fortified agrarian town that preceded it, however the new urban form remained largely congruent with the perimeter block logic upon which it grew. The city is again expanding today, however it is the automobile and not the pedestrian for whom this growth is being designed. As stated at the beginning of this document, it is counter-intuitive (and counter productive) that the knowledge economy has led to a post-urban city. Therefore, this thesis plans to investigate Lille’s industrial past for latent potential for an urban conception of its knowledge economy today. *The social diagram is defined and explored in more detail in the essay the follows this chapter.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

51

Plan de Lille et de ses environs en 1740.

Vauban Plan for Lille, Bibliothèque municipale de Lille.

—

Plan of Lille following the annexation of 1858, by Malte-Brun, Archives municipales de Lille

Gravure, 52,5 x 76 cm © Collection et reproduction Bibliothèque municipale de Lille, carton 56-2, 10-3.

50

LILLE MÉTROPOLE COMMUNAUTÉ URBAINE

Plan de Lille après l’agrandissement de 1858, par Malte-Brun, s.d. © Collection et reproduction Archives municipales de Lille VILLE DE LILLE

PlanPlan de Lille de L

© Collection © Collectio et

— 52

LILLE MÉTROPOLE COMMUNAUTÉ URBAINE

e858, 1858, lesles municipalités municipalités successives successives es t les terrains terrains quiqui bordaient bordaient autrefois autrefois rs esles cités cités de de Valenciennes, Valenciennes, Arras, Arras,

VILLE DE LILLE

- au- au déga dé l’établis l’étab monum monu bouleva boule

1740 AGRARIAN

1858 EARLY INDUSTRIAL

Lille’s original plan was laid out by Vauban, France’s celebrated military engineer. Accordingly, the city was heavily fortified, and an agrarian life took place outside its limits.

The city expanded dramatically in the middle of the 19th century, as the textile industry grew.

Fortifications were demolished and extended in order for this to take place.

INDUSTRIAL LILLE

Industrial and Commercial plan of Lille ca 1900, Archives municipales de Lille

Contemporary plan of Lille, Bing Maps 2014

e Lille industriel et commercial, s.d. [vers 1900]

ction et et reproduction Archives municipales des.d.

Lille riel [vers 1900] commercial, [vers 1900]

uction s de Lille Archives municipales de Lille

égagement de la Porte de Paris (43) et à blissement d’une perspective rectiligne et umentale jusqu’au boulevard d’Italie (devenu evard des Écoles, puis Jean-Baptiste-Lebas).

eent Paris de (43) la Porte et à de Paris (43) et à rythmes intenses d’une industrialisation continue, le apportéd’une par l’extension de 1858et s’épuise rapidement.

Le ent ctive rectiligne perspective rectiligne et ent rapide des terrains, dû en majorité à l’initiative privée, sse des prix des parcelles aggravent les carences de le vard jusqu’au d’Italie boulevard (devenu d’Italie (devenu t surtout à destination des classes les plus démunies, ntant une grande part de la population. ean-Baptiste-Lebas). es pourtant Écoles, puis Jean-Baptiste-Lebas).

années 1875, la généralisation des tramways urbains et ns, comme de la bicyclette, facilite les déplacements des 1900 2014 LATE INDUSTRIAL KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY populaires, majoritaires dans les quartiers Saint-Sauveur, Wazemmes tout en20th encourageant les populations The knowledge economy has been built largely At et the Fives, beginning of the century, the textile industry dominateddes bothfortifications, Lille’s economy, and the les outside ‘the triangle’. Fortifications have been torn es à s’installer au-delà dans southern half of the city. It is notable that much down and replaced with transport infrastructure, es de La Madeleine, Saint-André, Lomme, Lambersart ou industry remained within the (now redundant) maintaining the historical barrier between the urg Saint-Maurice, resté extra-muros.

Un nouveau système city wall. centre and periphery. basé sur l’établissement de forts militaires en amont des ons, amoindrit l’importance des remparts. Dès 1880, la LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY alité envisage de nouveau le déclassement d’une partie de

53

The CourĂŠe, the resultant cadastral parcel, and a diagram of its occupation of the perimeter block.

The factory, the resultant cadastral parcel, and a diagram of its occupation of the perimeter block.

INDUSTRIAL LILLE

Diagram 02

THE FACTORY & THE COURÉE The 1881 cadastral plan above is an example of the city fabric that emerged in industrial Lille. Visible within it is the large plot of a factory, and the small units of the Courée, a form of collective dwelling for the working poor. The compact form of the Courée allowed the working poor to locate within walking proximity of their workplace. The resultant relationship between domestic and productive space allowed for the factory whistle to be audible, for a more reliable workforce and for both men and women to earn an income. Further, the wife of the factory owner would visit employees during important occasions, part of a paternalistic relationship between employer and employee (Miller, 2003: 87).

While today many factories and Courées have been torn down, what remains is the cadastral parcels, leading to Lille’s unique parcelisation (see opposite and cover page to this chapter). This is a unique, latent opportunity within the city, and one with the potential to turn historical examples such as the above into projective tools.

Napoleonic Cadastral Parcels, Lille 1881. Archives Départmentales du Nord.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

55

CourĂŠe in Wazemmes Working Class Housing ca 1900 1870 sqm (GFA) 150 workspaces* Architect Unknown 48m

16m

8.6m

5.5m

Circulation 474 sqm 38%

Architectural Diagram

Living space 743 sqm 60%

Figure/Ground

Floor plan Footprint 1255 sqm

Urban Diagram

INDUSTRIAL LILLE

Diagram 03

THE COURÉE In 1906, 1270 Courées existed in Roubaix alone, housing a population of 121,000 (Miller, 2003:86). The tiny dwellings were compensated for by communal, semi-private laneways or courtyards (the Courée) around which the houses were arranged. This is where the communal water pump and toilets would be located, as well as shared clothes drying space. The communality facilitated by the Courée produced both positive and negative effects. Strong social ties were built amongst residents, and children would play together, including those of the factory owner (Miller, 2003:87). By the mid 20th century, both migrants and the elderly would also find community and support in the Courée.

However, there were also overwhelming negatives to Courée life. The tight living facilitated the easy spread of disease (notably cholera) and a high prevalence of adultery. The houses were often poorly constructed and the living conditions were squalid. Nonetheless, the compact form of the Courée generated clear social diagrams.

Couree in Lille metropole, Chahuts.com LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

57

TYPOLOGICAL QUESTION

How can Lilleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial types, including its unique parcelisation, lead an improved spatial formation of its knowledge economy?

INDUSTRIAL LILLE

CONCLUSION The geometry of Lille’s industrial types, including the factory, Courée and resulting cadastral plan constructed clear social diagrams. As an ensemble, the multiple overlaid diagrams created a productive environment that closely resembles contemporary descriptions of innovative milieu. The cadastral plan is a latent record of this that continues to structure the city to this day.

Therefore, how can the industrial become a projective tool to ameliorate the contemporary?

A way this thesis sees to resolve the historical potential with the contemporary urban flight is to undertake typological studies that compare the ‘deep structure’ of Lille’s industrial types with those found in today’s suburban Technopoles, such as those identified above and in preceding chapters. From these, potential can be identified and further typological transformations proposed that not only have the potential to bring together the historical and contemporary, but to further enrich the contemporary innovative milieu through its re-thinking. The perimeter block will be consistent throughout this work.

Lille’s industrial heritage can be the prototype for its contemporary technopoles.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

59

RE-THINKING THE INNOVATIVE MILIEU

Essay: Critical Context & Research Significance

RE-THINKING THE INNOVATIVE MILIEU

61

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

Stanford Research Park, the original technopole. Bing Maps.

RE-THINKING THE INNOVATIVE MILIEU

A great deal is being written today about the urbanisation of the technopole.

Already a decade ago, Manuel Castells and Peter Hall were observing that the great metropolitan cities were the world’s most innovative environments,1 and more recently Edward Glaeser has declared the ‘triumph of the city’ as an innovative milieu.2 The American Institute of Architects and Brookings Institute are describing the urbanisation of peripheral Science Parks into downtown Innovation Districts.3 However, what this discourse fails to address is why it is that so much of the post-industrial economy remains resolutely suburban. Why in this age of prosperous, healthy, lively cities do we have a post-urban economy?

The attractiveness of suburban technopoles, or to provide a more precise spatial definition, science parks, appears on the surface to rest in the synergy that they produce. The logic 01. Manuel Castells and Peter Hall, Technopoles of the World: The making of 21st Century Industrial Complexes (Oxon: Routeledge, 2004), 225.

02. Edward Glaeser, Triumph of the City (Pan Books: London, 2012), 270.

03. American Institute of Architects, Cities as a Lab: Designing the Innovation Economy, 2013, 17.

Bruce Katz and Julie Wagner, The Rise of Innovation Districts: A New Geography of Innovation in America (Metropolitan Policy Program, Brookings Institute, May 2014).

04. Castells and Hall, Technopoles, 12-27 & 152-159.

05. Mozingo, Louise A., Pastoral Capitalism: A history of Suburban Corporate Landscapes (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2011).

06. Paris, Liefooghe & Estienne, ‘Économie et Attractivité: Une Nouvelle Production Urbaine’ in Didier Paris and Dominique Mons, ed., Lille Métropole: Laboritoire du Renouveau Urbain (Lille: Parenthèses, 2009), 63.

07. Katz and Wagner, Innovation Districts.

AIA, City as a lab.

08. The Metropolitan Revolution. www. metrorevolution.org <accessed 17 July 2014>

goes that proximity equals synergy, or at least makes it much more likely.

Hectares of peripheral farmland are claimed by governments under the pretence that exclusive co-location will lead to an innovative milieu. Examples studied by Manuel Castells and Peter Hall suggests otherwise.4 On the one hand, while Silicone Valley was seeded in Stanford Industrial Park, today it has an area of synergy that spans a 40 mile (64km) area. Proximity in this case is a metropolitan proposition.

This makes the shape and form of a park irrelevant, particularly so when Stanford Business Park, the first technopole, has an urban form that hardly reflects any discourse on what constitutes an innovative environment today (FIGURE). On the other hand, Paris Saclay Plateau ‘harbours the most significant concentration of technologically-advanced firms and public and private research laboratories in the whole of Europe’ – by accident.

This area, close to Versailles, grew through the virtue of large tracts of vacant, inherited, government-owned land, an ‘aristocratic’ location and the decentralisation of the Sorbonne.

Any synergetic relationships function at a global scale, and most resident institutions ‘proudly guard’ their isolation. For Silicone Valley and Paris Saclay, the park emerges less as a place of synergy, and more as one of comfortable isolation. This is consistent with the phenomenon of Pastoral Capitalism described by Louise Mozingo.5 LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

Within Lille, Paris, Liefooghe & Estienne have described the situation more bluntly.6 To them, Lille’s three landscape technopoles (Haute Borne, L’Union and Euralille) function on the logic of ‘sufficient surface area, cost-efficient buildings, clear roads and ample parking’. They are ‘mid-points between Howard’s Garden City, and Le Corbusier’s Ville Contemporain’.

Despite Lille Métropole marketing all three of these locations as synergetic, their attractiveness is driven by other factors. This is no more evident than at Haute Borne Technology Park, described earlier in this report.

It is not surprising, then, that contemporary discourse has turned to the potential of an urban Technopole, or ‘Innovation District’, as the American Institute of Architects, Brookings Institute and others have labelled them.7 These attempt to leverage the urban as a more effective framework for synergy. Books including The Metropolitan Revolution are describing how innovation environments were previously ‘pastoral’ but are now moving to the city.8 Barcelona’s 22@ district and Boston’s Innovation District are examples.

However, definitions remain vague. The American Institute of Architects defines Innovation Districts as ‘creative, energyladen ecosystems where innovative design and development patterns can help entrepreneurs, established companies, and leaders in all walks of life build unexpected relationships

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and find transformative solutions.’9 This statement doesn’t even contain the word ‘urban’. The problem is that as the discourse increasingly focuses on immaterial relationships such as synergy and innovation, it becomes increasingly difficult to translate architecturally. It also raises some difficult to answer questions. How is an Innovation District different to say the banking concentration at London’s Canary Wharf, or to advertising agencies on New York’s Madison Avenue? If an Innovation District is open to everything, how is one brought into being? And critically, why are so many STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) companies, including Apple, Google and Facebook continuing to choose suburban, or as I have called them, post-urban locations?

The Brookings Institute defines three types of Innovation District.10 The ‘Anchor Plus’ model is one in a city centre seeded on a particular institution. The ‘Re-Imagined Urban Areas’ model is where an existing, often post-industrial district undergoes a ‘physical and economic restructuring’.

Barcelona’s 22@ district, one of the earliest Innovation Districts, is the archetype. Lille’s Euratechnologies also fits this model. The third is the ‘Urbanised Science Park’ where isolated suburban science parks are densified through infill. Haute Borne and Eurasanté could both become these kinds of Innovation Districts.

More precise work regarding the mechanics of synergy has been put forward by Carlino et al. in their study of the agglomeration of R&D labs.11 This revealed two distinct proximities that had a measurable effect on synergy.

The first and the most effective is a distance of one quarter mile (400m) or a 5 minute walk. The second is 40 miles (64kms) or the scale of the labour market pool and the metropolis. The authors found that when R&D labs cluster at these two scales they are substantially more productive in terms of the patents they receive. These figures are not surprising as walking distance and the labour market pool are natural points of exchange, but they serve well as clear frames through which to evaluate the geography of innovation. What emerges from this is that while suburban technopoles allow for metropolitan scales of synergy, they fall short at the scale of the pedestrian.

Further, the suburban logic of Lille’s technopoles often discourages walking altogether.

Lille is in the early stages of developing a planning tool targeted directly at walking. The DIVAT (DIsques de Valorisation des Axes de Transport or Transport Axis Validation Disks) are elaborately-named circles drawn at a 500m radius around Lille’s railway, metro and tram stations to analyse, develop and reinforce the quality of Transit Oriented Development in the metropolis.12 Constituting part of Lille’s planning code, although still

only defined in an elementary way, they are a reminder to professionals and politicians alike of the potential of the city’s existing public transport assets. Lille’s technopoles fall almost entirely outside of these 500m radii.

The DIVAT are therefore a ready-made, yet poorly exploited alternative structure for Lille’s tertiary economy. Their potential is particularly salient given the opportunity for facilitating synergy at both metropolitan and walking-distance scales. The question that therefore emerges is why has Lille’s world-class rail infrastructure not been exploited more effectively for its flagship knowledge economy projects?

The answer, in short, is that the relationship between employment and transport in Lille Métropole has been led in large part by the market.

Lille is not yet an attractive-enough city to dictate company location, and its previously weak financial position placed an urgent caveat on any development to be ‘market-friendly’.

Euralille and Haute Borne are both products of this line of thinking, and 09. AIA, City as a lab,19.

10. Katz and Wagner, Innovation Districts, 3.

11. Gerald Carlino et al., The Agglomeration of R&D Labs (Philadelphia: Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, 2011), 0.

12. Céline Depière, ‘Pour une stratégie foncière dans les DIVAT de la communauté urbaine de Lille’ in Didier Paris, Dominique Mons and Christine Liefooghe, Vivre Ensemble dans l’espace métropolitain: Nouveaux liens, nouveaux lieux, nouveaux territoires (Lille: Plateforme d’Observation des Projets et Stratégies Urbaines, 2013), 566.

13. For Euralille refer Céline Kuklowsky and Bert Provan, Lille City Report (London School of Economics: Housing and Communities, Case Report 71, 2011), 58.

Haute Borne is covered earlier in this document.

RE-THINKING THE INNOVATIVE MILIEU

are the two most successful business poles in Lille – though neither has succeeded in the way that it intended.13 This again points to qualities other than park-scale synergy driving their success.

The DIVAT is an ideal alternative structure for Lille’s knowledge economy.

This raises the question of what form does a Transit Oriented Innovation Environment (TOIE) take, and how can the post-urban economy be attracted to, and ultimately demand, this kind of setting? The city and state have significant power in defining urban projects in France, which they exercise sometimes to the point of financial loss to ensure projects meet their vision.14 In this sense, Lille Métropole takes the role of a developer, but with community development rather than profit as its primary objective. All of Lille’s technopoles are a product of this system. Implicit within it is that the existing metropolis is in one way or another unfit to attract enterprise.

This frames economic development as a problem of land use. The cadastral parcel emerges as the fulcrum of this 14. In discussion with Marie Chamboll, Espace Naturel et Urbain, Lille Métropole, May 2014.

15. Such as the American Institute of Architects, as described earlier.

16. Bjørn Asheim, Lars Coenen and Jan Vang, ‘Faceto-face, buzz, and knowledge bases: sociospatial implications for learning, innovation, and innovation policy’, Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 25(5: 2007), 655 – 670.

17. Christine Liefooghe, ‘Lille Métropole : de la reconversion industrielle aux défis de l’économie de la connaissance et de la créativité’ in Didier Paris, Dominique Mons and Christine Liefooghe, Vivre Ensemble dans l’espace métropolitain: Nouveaux liens, nouveaux lieux, nouveaux territoires (Lille: Plateforme d’Observation des Projets et Stratégies Urbaines, 2013), 78.

discourse, representing an obstacle to urban planning that is overcome by moving projects to the periphery, and to land-use patterns such as Haute Borne.

The parcel is the location of a ‘context’ that is supposedly hampering Lille’s economic potential, either through its size, its contents or its neighbours.

What is missed is the potential of Lille’s unique industrial parcelisation to become a projective tool in defining the urban form of innovation environments. If the DIVAT becomes the urban structure, how does the cadastral parcel shape urban form?

Two innovations in Lille’s industrialera parcelisation make it uniquely interesting for the knowledge economy.

Both came about through the creative use of the interior of perimeter blocks.

The first is the inclusion of very large plots, those for factories, within an urban context and with massing that frames a legible streetscape (Image, over page). The second is the very small plots of the Courée that sit to the rear of an average parcel and can be built with modest capital. With these two scales, and the more regular sized plots that define perimeter blocks, a heterogeneous urban articulation has emerged that suggests the kind of multi-scalar ‘ecosystem’ described by commentators on innovation environments today.15 Indeed, Lille’s industrial urban tissue fits almost exactly the descriptions given of Innovation Districts today.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

How then, might innovation environments be re-thought in order to attract the post-urban economy into urban structures such as the DIVAT? In this regard, the work of Asheim, Coenen and Vang is pertinent.16 They differentiate between three kinds of transferrable knowledge and in so doing progress beyond the vague and slippery terms often applied to innovation environments today. The first category of knowledge that they identify is the analytical knowledge base, obtained through research, which requires faceto-face contact to develop. Scientific research is an instance of this. The second is the synthetic knowledge base, relating to research and development work, which is advanced through repeated trial and error. This type of knowledge is typically associated with product development, historically found in the suburban corporate campus. The third is the symbolic knowledge base, or what is most commonly associated with the ‘buzz’ surrounding the creative industries. Knowledge relating to ‘buzz’ takes the form of rumours and impressions and other subjective information. The authors are at pains to point out that face to face knowledge sharing is not the same as ‘buzz’.

Christine Liefooghe, in her application of this work to Lille, observes that while the synthetic knowledge base grew during Lille’s industrial era, and the analytical knowledge base is at least evolving in its technopoles, it is the buzz that is proving difficult to develop and thus hampering the creative industries.17

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François Masural Fréres, Factory, Tourcoing, 1950. Centre de Histoire Locale, Tourcoing

RE-THINKING THE INNOVATIVE MILIEU

Taking a step back, the argument for which Eurasanté, Haute Borne and (further afield) Silicone Valley stand in evidence, is that not all so-called innovative businesses feel that an urban location, and the accompanying buzz, is a good investment. In light of the above, their reasoning for this becomes clearer.

In one sense, this confounds attempts to bring post-urban enterprise into the city. As Louise Mozingo has shown, the suburban enterprise is one that prizes isolation.18 However, the emergence of the sharing economy, the attractiveness of urban lifestyles, the robustness of Lille’s parcelisation and the flexibility of car parking all offer opportunities to approach attractiveness in an alternative way. This is because the appeal of many environments branded as innovative has, in practice, nothing to do with synergy. Christine Liefooghe summarises that: ‘The ‘Sites d’Excellence’ are attractive for their architectural offer and the services they propose, in terms of an image of prestige and an address that implies dynamism however the occupation of these sites remains too recent to have created the dynamic of a 18. Mozingo, Pastoral Capitalism, 219 19. Liefooghe, ‘Lille Métropole : l’économie de la connaissance et de la créativité’, 74.

20. Mozingo, Pastoral Capitalism, 6.

21. Katz and Wagner, Innovation Districts, 2014, 4.

22. AIA, City as a lab, 2013, 29.

23. A further example is Pete Engardio, ‘Research Parks for the Knowledge Economy’, Business Week, 01 June 2009, accessed 16 July 2014. http:// www.businessweek.com/innovate/content/ jun2009/id2009061_849934.htm

cluster or further that of an innovative milieu.’19 These words are too generous. Euralille is 20 years old, and Haute Borne’s urban form will likely never catalyse an innovative milieu. What comes first in these places is an agreeable business environment (as defined above) and a particular lifestyle. Pastoral Capitalism was the product of both economic and demographic forces – notably the mass post-war suburbanisation of America.20 An opposite demographic force is operating on business today, where the benefits of an urban lifestyle are being enjoyed by the very same generation whose qualifications and entrepreneurial acumen are being sought by companies in fast-growing, STEM fields.21 One business case for being urban emerges as a lifestyle offer to employees.

It is also strangely artificial to group businesses from a single industry together, and even counter-synergetic.

Cofidis Consumer Finance is likely to have located in Lille as it is a leading hub for distance-selling, with companies such as La Redoute in Roubaix. Why should Cofidis locate with other banks? And as this same distance selling is challenged by e-commerce, could it not benefit from collaborations with IT entrepreneurs such as those at Euratechnologies?

Powerful opportunities for synergy exist across sectors. Indeed, advice from Chicago’s Innovation District is not to play ‘sector favourites’ or to LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

provide financial incentives at all.22 This is because ‘government isn’t great at picking winners’. Perhaps. But at least it is unlikely that a government can curate an effective mix of businesses, foresee the most profitable connections and decide which to privilege. Placing technopoles in a functional strait-jacket does not necessarily aid economic development, as experience from Haute Borne has shown.

The current thesis intends to re-think innovation environments by exploring alternate ways to constitute the Social Diagrams that underpin them. A social diagram is understood as a set of relationships between individuals or enterprises that construct a particular form of communality and with it a lifestyle. As has been shown for industrial Lille, these relationships can exist within productive space, within the domestic sphere, and between the two.

The vague descriptions of networks that characterises the current discourse, such as that of the AIA, is growing in currency as the universal definition of the innovative milieu.23 Not only is the concept of an ‘ecosystem’ of businesses imprecise, it suggests only one of many social diagrams that can apply to innovative milieu. What’s more, not all social diagrams does not need to be the setting of innovation, and indeed it is in the interest of work-life balance that they are not. This is an observation that has significant potential to improve the quality of innovative environments, particularly for companies working with

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an analytical or synthetic knowledge base and so comfortable with measured isolation. Ways in which the social diagrams of innovation environments may be re-structured include through shared facilities, compactness, innovative parcelisation, and a rethinking of parking.

Sharing facilities constructs a social diagram around a particular function, space or piece of equipment that would normally be out of reach to an individual or enterprise. The CERN supercollider is one of the most extreme examples and one that constitutes a complex global dagram. A much smaller particle accelerator was planned for Haute Borne, but ended up in Paris. The exponential rise of co-working spaces around the world is another expression of this logic (Figure, top). Co-working is constructed around shared facilities such as meeting rooms, lecture halls, telepresence spaces, digital fabrication labs and cafes. Some even include laboratory equipment.

They provide a borrowed veneer of professionalism not available to an operation based at home. Indeed, co-working is the express desire for separation between productive and domestic space, an implicit critique of live/work environments. Not surprisingly, co-working is attractive to smaller firms, allowing them a low cost of establishment, and a readymade community to develop social and business contacts. There are co-working buildings at Haute Borne

Worldwide growth of Co-working spaces. Deskmag.com

Micro-unit. Metro.com

RE-THINKING THE INNOVATIVE MILIEU

and Eurasanté, and Euratechnologies is nothing if not one large co-working complex. Therefore this thesis asks can the typically architectural scale of coworking be extended into the urban, up to a radius of 400m?

Alongside sharing, a complementary trend of the ‘micro-parcel’ is emerging, both in productive and domestic space.

In Boston’s Innovation District, housing units are being trialled that are below minimum dwelling standards with a striking resemblance to a university dorm (Figure, bottom).24 The logic is one of cost reduction, making urban habitation more affordable, while at the same time using space constraints as a way of moving people on when their situation improves. The same logic applies to co-working space. In both, it is the shared facilities that makes up for individual space limitations, with striking similarities to the social diagram of the Courée. Therefore, in what way can shared facilities and micro-parcels be combined to form Social Diagrams in both domestic and productive space?

For larger firms, and in particular those operating on an analytical or synthetic knowledge base, sharing takes on a different meaning. Firms not interested in collaboration on an enterprise level can share sporting facilities, créches, bars, cafés and clubs around which social diagrams are constructed, albeit loose ones. What this represents is

an offer made on the grounds of quality of life, one shared with the wider community. Domestic space is an essential part of this offer. What is required is the possibility for a business of significant size to implant itself in an urban context, a point that relates directly to the earlier discussion of cadastral parcels and that below of car parking. This raises the question of what size, shape and context of parcel suits larger companies?

To effectively attract post-urban enterprise into an urban setting, parking must be re-thought, not removed. As has been shown earlier in this report, parking forms an essential part of the Social Diagram established in both the science park and corporate campus, and as such is an opportunity to reconfigure and manipulate relationships between people. It is also sorely wasteful – analysis has concluded that each employee at Haute Borne takes up more space in parking than in workspace.25 As a daily commute by car requires the full-time use of two parking spaces, at least in current configurations, opportunities exist to re-think social diagrams around the hidden costs of car parking, potentially by configuring parking in such a way that it can be more actively managed by employees.

This may become motivation for redefined relationships with domestic space. How can parking be re-thought as a device for constructing social diagrams?

24. AIA, City as a lab, 2013, 25.

25. Depière, ‘DIVAT’, 568.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

What this all leads to is the possibility not only of an alternative, urban technopole structured around the DIVAT, but one that is built around a lifestyle or building amenity offer, rather than a spurious claim of innovativeness.

Not only is direct company to company synergy difficult to establish, it is not always attractive. In industrial Lille, the perimeter block facilitated an urban fabric by regularising the disparate scales of productive and domestic accommodation. This same typological manoeuvre has potential today, and it will be through this that the current thesis will re-think innovation environments in Lille.

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METHODOLOGY

Methodology & Timeline

METHODOLOGY

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LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

00 Introduction The research methodology for this dissertation is constructed within the framework and guidance of the Projective Cities graduate program at the Architectural Association School of Architecture. The target is for a half written, half designed piece of original research that poses and addresses a disciplinary, urban and architectural/typological problem.

These have been developed and outlined in the preceding chapters.

01 Literature An ongoing literature review and development of an inventory of titles is underway, which is presented here as it currently stands. Where titles were not available at the Architectural Association Library the RIBA Library was also consulted, as were online journal databases through the Athens portal. The UCL and British Libraries will be consulted if required. Government reports and websites also form part of this list.

02 Case Studies The selection of case studies is an important step in framing the thesis. Case studies can be both

real and projected. They are a connection point between historical/ political/social contextualisation and architectural geometry. In the preceding chapters the case studies have been presented in detail including the selected city (Lille), the post-urban innovative milieu (technopoles) and Lille’s industrial past (the courée and factory). The number of case studies is likely to expand as the thesis progresses, both from real-life examples and the analysis of design projects completed for the thesis.

03 Primary source material for Cases All Technopoles in Lille have been visited, studied and photographed in person, as have many of the DIVAT areas within the broader metropolitan area. Supplementary information for each case study including architectural and planning documentation has, or will be, assembled through web research, and where required personal contact. Lille’s planning scheme (PLU) has been consulted online, and assembled from over 100 individual maps into the metropolewide map shown earlier in this document. This has been overlaid and compared with CAD plans of all buildings, cadastral parcels, roads,

green space, blocks and municipal boundaries for the Métropole. The metropolitan plan (SCOT), which includes valuable analytical material, has also been studied. Both the Archives Municipales de Lille and the Archives Nationales du Monde du Travail in Roubaix have been visited. In addition, the Archives Départementales du Nord feature a large online database of historical cadastral parcels and photography that has been drawn upon, and will continue to serve as a resource.

04 People Beyond the Projective Cities program staff, and guest critics from within the AA, personal contact has been made with a number of individuals. I have met with the lead author of Lille’s POPSU studies, Professor Didier Paris, who also forwarded the complete, and as yet unpublished, second volume for the reference of this thesis. POPSU is the national forum for analysis of urban policy and design in France.

I have met with Marie Chamboll, Head of Natural and Urban Space at Lille Métropole and leader of the Eurasanté project, to discuss the way in which development is carried out in Lille. I have met with Claire Schorter, lead urbanist

METHODOLOGY

on the L’Union masterplan and collaborator with me on the Saint Sauveur masterplan. Peter Hall, who has written some of the key texts consulted for this work, is based in London and the possibility of discussing this thesis with him will be explored.

05 Drawn Projective Analysis of Case Studies Selected case studies will be analysed and compared through diagramming. This will make evident the typological patterns within the case studies, augmented with further examples in order to clarify the observations. This will be undertaken primarily at an architectural scale, though there are possibilities to achieve it at an urban and even city level. By framing the case studies as typological they can be extrapolated into matrices, which ultimately constitutes a powerful design tool. This is a unique and important aspect of the Projective Cities methodology and part of what gives a common voice to the work of the program.

06 Written Projective Analysis of Case Studies Written analysis of case studies

will interpret, clarify and expand on the design work, helping to illuminate social, historical and political forces chrystalised within the drawn geometry. This analysis will be developed, discussed and contextualised through relevant literature. Like the drawn analysis, the written work will be developed into a projective argument.

07 Design as Projective Case Study In consideration of the emerging arguments, a series of design proposals will be developed that in turn become case studies themselves, designed to sharpen the argument’s forcefulness and relevance. So while this is both a designed and written thesis, the design work will ultimately support and explore the potential of the argument, rather than attempting to answer it. One project and a proposed brief for a second follows this chapter .

08 Conclusion/Editing Finally, both drawn and written material will be brought together and edited to form a clear argument in a drawn and written sense. Additional drawn or written work will be identified and undertaken at this stage as required.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

09 Case Studies to Date Lille Metropolitan Planning Scheme Lille cadastral parcels, roads, urban structure and form.

Lille historical parcelisation and urban form.

Lille’s Technopoles Haute Borne Technology Park Eurasanté Euratechnologies Site de la Union Industrial Lille Courées in Lille and Roubaix.

Factories in Lille Métropole.

Innovative Milieu 22@ District, Barcelona Stanford Research Park Boston Innovation District Design Courée de Coworking Haute Borne Infill ...and others as developed.

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1 Wazemmes

Site

Moulins

CITADELLE

Design Project 01 & Project 02 Brief

VIEUX LILLE

COURﾃ右 DE COWORKING

Euralille

75

Grand Palais

Gare Saint Sauveur

Bois Habitﾃｩ

Entry to workspace Circulation Enclosure Frame Light and air

Skyform

Landform

DESIGN

1

COURÉE DE COWORKING The first design project explores how the knowledge economy might find a place in central Lille. This is facilitated by a ‘typological transformation’ of two architectural types synonymous with the knowledge economy, the ‘Dom-ino Office’ and the office tower.

The transformation is framed through the model of the Courée, and through EU standards relating to small and medium enterprise, or SME’s. The project brief is as follows: How might the Office Tower and the Dom-ino Office be incorporated into central Lille through this, re-structure the diagrams of communality that these types produce?

The design: • Must be within existing urban fabric.

• Must be based on the purchase of up to 10 cadastral parcels.

• Must be in the interior of the block, with maximum three parcels as the entry.

• Must contain all examples of SME’s, from individuals through to medium enterprise.

• All units must front on to circulation space.

• Circulation space must be generous enough to be occupied.

• Facilities for shared use must be provided.

• All parcels purchased will be cleared.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

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Typological Transformation

Tower as part of large scale modernist ensemble.

Office tower as concentration of knowledge workers.

Fragment of historical Lille.

Inhabitation of the interior of the block.

Office as part of sprawling business park.

Office as low-cost, flexible space.

Lift core as linking element of striated space. Laid on side.

Couree is widened, and the central space is programmed.

Narrower floor plates for better light and amenity.

Horizontal core activates low-cost interior.

Central space becomes space of interaction and collectivity.

Building conforms to planning code.

DESIGN

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Diagram of Communality

INHABITING THE OLD TOWN

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

List of competencies (as listed) Republikken Co-working

Disaggregated Shared Facilities

Accountancy Analogue & Digital Media

Retail

Animation ANZ Bank Headquarters, Melbourne.

HASSELL Architects, 2010.

Australias largest single-tenant office.

Example of contemporary BĂźro Landschaft from Sofia Borges, Workscape : new spaces for new work, 2013

Anthropology Architecture Art + Culture CafĂŠ/Restaurant

Author Branding Business Development Communication Design Copy Writer

Foyer, Lounge & Meeting

Facilitation Film/TV Gastronomy

Telepresence

Graphic Design Idea & Concept Illustration Industrial Design

Large Meeting

Interactive Design Journalism Market Analysis Photographer

Presentation Space

Process Leadership Product Design Production

Medium Meeting (3)

Public Relations Quality Surveys Quantity Surveyor

Workshop

Sound Speed Drawing

Gallery

Urban Design Web + Video Medium Meeting

DESIGN

Disaggregated Offices

EU definitions of Small and Medium Businesses

Medium Enterprises Up to 250 Workers or ≤ € 50m euro turnover

Office: Medium Enterprise

Small Companies Up to 50 Workers or ≤ € 10m euro turnover Office: Small Company 81

Office: Small Company

Micro-Entity Less than 10 Workers or ≤ € 2m euro turnover Office/Project Space

Office: Micro Entity

Individual* Single Person Office: Micro Entity/Individuals

Lifestyle worker, Entrepreneur or Freelancer

Office: Micro Entity/Individuals *Non-EU definition

THE DISAGGREGATED OFFICE LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

DESIGN

Courée Configurations

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Pl an tin g

W ork s

Ca fe

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pa ce

The courée is configured responding to the geometry of cadastral parcels.

Program is introduced into the central zone that responds to adjacent workspace.

Perimeter: Office and Support

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Office: Medium Enterprise

Foyer, Lounge & Meeting

Café/Restaurant

Retail

Infill: Office

Office: Small Company

Office: Small Company

Office/Project Space

Office: Micro Entity

Offices: Micro Entity/Individuals

Infill: Support Shared support facilities are introduced in response to office mix and tenancy.

Large Meeting

Presentation Space

Medium Meeting (3)

Telepresence

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

Workshop

Gallery

Medium Meeting

DESIGN

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Private land owners decide to generate own income and build according to design guide on their own land. State provides central strip.

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Private land owners decide to generate own income by building onto infrastructure already in place.

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¤ ¤offices¤ creates rich opportunitiesM Disaggregated for informal interaction between businesses. Both through movement paths and shared facilities.

The central isle becomes a formal setting that facilitates this.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

DESIGN

DISCUSSION The result of this design work is a form of communality amongst businesses, inspired by the co-working logic, that is arranged to encourage interaction, and allow for various scales of enterprise to share facilities. This constructs a number of social diagrams amongst enterprise. More broadly, the location in what is now an area dominated by the domestic, represents a typological inversion of the factory/CourĂŠe diagram found in industrial Lille. Yet in an urban sense the diagram is reproduced. An attempt is made to mediate neighbourhood resistance to the scheme through offering the opportunity for neighbouring properties to benefit in a direct financial way. This is a similar financial logic to the way in which courĂŠes were built historically, and means that this model can ultimately become a market, rather than government driven investment.

The scheme lacks any treatment of car-parking, which would likely be a key consideration of the planning authority. While this could be solved relatively easily with a nearby parking garage, it may still increase congestion in the area. In fact, while the scheme improves the possibility of walking and cycling it is not built with any consideration of collective transport in mind.

Finally, this scheme is likely not attractive to isolationist enterprise, particularly larger firms with closely guarded analytical or synthetic knowledge bases.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

87

DESIGN

2

HAUTE BORNE INFILL A possible second design project is drawn from the way in which Lille expanded from an agrarian to an industrial town during the 19th-Century (refer chapter on industrial Lille). Within the framework of a street masterplan, it was the location of factories that drove the positioning of residential development. This project imagines a modern-day interpretation of this pattern, where Haute Borne is urbanised through the tool of the perimeter block which is introduced in a way that is sensitive to the typologies of the existing buildings. The scheme would fit the description of an Innovation District as an ‘urbanised science park’, as given by the Brookings Institute and detailed in the earlier essay. The increased density drives a business case for extension of the metro, and so places Haute Borne within the DIVAT. Parking, which has been criticised by Céline Depière for taking more space per employee than their workspace, will be re-thought and re-arranged to make way for urbanisation, and social diagrams will be reconstituted as a result. The project brief is as follows: How can Haute Borne Technology Park be urbanised from an Innovation Enclave to an Innovation District, and with this achieve densities that would make a metro extension viable?

The design: • Will be on Haute Borne Technology Park, and work with the existing and proposed architecture on site as of July 2014.

• Will consider car-parking as integral to the park, and important to its re-thinking in an urban sense.

• Will use parcelisation and road alterations to establish a basic structure for the densification.

• Will use the perimeter block to establish an alternative urban form.

• Will target a minimum of 100 dwellings/hectare.

• Will draw out the deep structure of the buildings in the park, and so test its malleability to an urban condition.

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LITERATURE REVIEW

LITERATURE REVIEW

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LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

LITERATURE REVIEW

Manuel Castells and Peter Hall launched the term, ‘Technopole’ into academic discourse with their 2004 global survey of the field.1 While Stanford Research Park in Silicone Valley is identified as the original Technopole and is its popular archetype, the authors note that the term today covers a diverse range (and scale) of projects. What are common among them are the goals of reindustrialisation, regional development and synergy. Some achieve this better than others and synergy in particular is noted as very hard, if not sometimes impossible, to develop. All but one of the 15 case studies in the book are suburban.

The origin of the suburban technopole is explored by Louise Mozingo’s more recent contribution, Pastoral Capitalism.2 Mozingo gives a historical account of the emergence of the corporate campus, from the first instance in 1929 (AT&T Bell Labs), to what became a forceful trend in the post-war America of the 1950s.

Speculative developers observed the popularity of the corporate campus and created the office park, to which Stanford Research Park owes its lineage.

Pastoral Capitalism is a continuing force in regional development to this day. What it offers is a prestigious address without the congestion of the central business district. The suburban location suits the guarded insularity of the corporation well. It aligns with Robert Bruegmann’s assertion that sprawl privelidges ‘mobility, privacy

and choice’.3 It is ‘an alternative economic geography that significantly dominates the economic geography of regions’.4 On the other hand there are serious problems with its suburban location including complete car reliance leading to congestion. Less discussed in popular discourse is how the flight of powerful individuals and companies from central cities diminishes civic and corporate responsibility. This isolationist, separatist attitude is what Mozingo identifies as ‘the crux of the matter’, where bucolic landscapes and modernist buildings serve to ‘mystify the unpleasant actualities of corporate power.’5 The book ends with a call for reform towards a ‘resource-efficient, civic-minded metropolitan landscape.’6 What emerges from these two texts is the conflicted nature of the Technopole. On the one hand, their suburban location is the product of the search for an environment that is attractive to business and large enough to create a critical mass for synergy. On the other, it is descended from an urban type developed by corporations seeking isolation, and has resonances with the oldest withdrawal from the city, the university campus. It is this isolationist tendancy that wedges Innovation Enclaves between the economic and social goals of city governance, a point raised by Graham and Marvin in Splintering Urbanism.

Manuel Castells and Peter Hall were at pains to stress that the innovative LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

milieu has historically been found at the heart of the great metropolitan city.8 A trend towards the re-occupation of the downtown by Technopoles has been picked up on recently by Bruce Katz and Julie Wagner of the Brookings Institute as well as the American Institute of Architects, who dub these spaces ‘Innovation Districts’.9 Katz and Wagner describe these as ‘ the ultimate mash up of entrepreneurs and educational institu¬tions, start-ups and schools, mixed-use development and medical innovations, bike-sharing and bankable investments – all connected by transit, powered by clean energy, wired for digital tech¬nology, and fuelled by caffeine.’10 This marketing speak disguises the vagueness of how Innovation Districts are defined, mostly due to the diversity of real life examples. It’s hard to identify what separates them from simply ‘good urban design practice’. Nonetheless, contributions by Asheim, Coenen and Vang and Gerald Carlino et al have respectively provided greater clarity about the types of knowledge base and the way they relate to synergy and ideal proximities for synergy.11 An understanding of Innovation Districts is emerging, however their urban and architectural expression requires much greater clarity.

European cities, with rare exceptions, never developed the kind of high-rise central business district found in ‘new world’ countries, and so the suburban became the way of accommodating

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LITERATURE REVIEW

larger or clustered enterprise. Lille is now in full swing with this approach, set out in its metropolitan planning scheme (PLU) and metropolitan development strategy (SCOT).12 The hard zoning logic of these plans has been implicitly validated by Rem Koolhaas both in his advocacy and defence of the Euralille project.13 However, it has been criticised as isolationist and not synergetic by Lille’s canon of urbanist-academics through their contribution to the national ‘POPSU’ platform that serves as a forum for the evaluation of metropolitan planning and development.14 Martine Aubry, Lille’s Mayor, is more aspirational in her manifesto for the city, Nouvel Art de Ville.15 This sets out her vision of a city of ‘Quality of Life’, as a next step from the ‘Grand Projects’ that commenced Lille’s recovery from post-industrial ruin. However, while the European Capital of Culture, Gare Saint Sauveur project and Vieux Lille indicate some measure of success in the cultural, residential and retail spheres, the POPSU authors observe that Lille’s flagship economic projects remain more closely attached to the ‘pastoral’ ideal and its attendant isolationist agenda.

Before Lille was a fledgling tertiary city it was an industrial powerhouse. The geography of industrial Lille provides clues to an alternative structure and form for Lille’s tertiary economy that more closely resembles an Innovation District. This is captured in Lille’s contemporary cadastral parcels, as

discussed earlier in this proposal.

Complementing this is historical documentation including Imbert’s 1881 Cadastral Plan of Lille and the Thiébaut archive of photographs of Roubaix from 1900-1920.16 Histories of production and dwelling are given

by Dupuis and Miller repectively.17 The combined effect of this literature is to paint a picture of what might be described as the ‘Innovation District’ of the industrial era, set in a heterogeneous urban fabric that accommodated both macro and micro development, large and small enterprise, and the poor, middle class and wealthy. Mozingo has identified that the ‘initial scheme of land division…is profoundly resistant to change’ and a key impediment to the urbanisation of science parks.18 Lille’s industrial parcelisation therefore presents a unique opportunity – one that is profoundly relevant to the condition of the Innovation District, which by definition eschews the tabula rasa.

This thesis looks for an original contribution through re-thinking the Innovation District in a more rigorous and precise way in the context of the European city where it represents a more profound threat to, and critique of, the heritage listed centre. Lille’s unique parcelisation is an ideal context in which to undertake this work, with broader implications for the potential of the post-industrial city.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

01. Manuel Castells and Peter Hall, Technopoles of the World: The making of 21st Century Industrial Complexes (Oxon: Routeledge, 2004).

02. Louise A Mozingo, Pastoral Capitalism: A history of Suburban Corporate Landscapes (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2011).

03. Robert Bruegmann, Sprawl: A compact History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005).

04. Mozingo, Pastoral Capitalism, 218.

05. Mozingo, Pastoral Capitalism, 220.

06. Mozingo, Pastoral Capitalism, 223.

07. Stephen Graham and Simon Marvin, Splintering Urbanism: Networked infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban Condition (London: Routeledge, 2001).

08. Castells and Hall, Technopoles,145.

09. Bruce Katz and Julie Wagner, The Rise of Innovation Districts: A New Geography of Innovation in America (Metropolitan Policy Program, Brookings Institute, May 2014).

American Institute of Architects Cities as a Lab: Designing the Innovation Economy (2013).

10. Katz and Wagner, Innovation Districts, 2.

11. Bjørn Asheim, Lars Coenen and Jan Vang, ‘Faceto-face, buzz, and knowledge bases: sociospatial implications for learning, innovation, and innovation policy’, Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 25(5) 655 – 670.

Gerald Carlino et al., The Agglomeration of R&D Labs (Philadelphia: Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, September 2011).

12. Lille Métropole, Plan Local d’Urbanisme (PLU), Edition 12/06/2014. http://siteslm.lillemetropole. fr/urba/PLU/index.htm.

Lille Métropole. L’Agence de Développement et d’Urbanisme. Schéma de Cohérence territoriale (SCOT) de Lille Métropole.(Syndicat Mixte du SCOT de Lille Métropole) July 2010. http://www.scot-lillemetropole.org/ 13. Rem Koolhaas et al., Euralille: The Making of a New City Centre (Basel: Birkhäuser, 1995).

Rem Koolhaas with Bruce Mao and Office for Metropolitan Architecture, S, M, L, XL : small, medium, large, extra-large, ed. Jennifer Sigler, (New York: Monacelli Press, 1995).

14. Didier Paris, Dominique Mons and Christine Liefooghe, Vivre Ensemble dans l’espace métropolitain: Nouveaux liens, nouveaux lieux, nouveaux territoires (Plateforme d’Observation des Projets et Stratégies Urbaines, October 2013).

Didier Paris and Dominique Mons, ed., Lille Métropole: Laboritoire du Renouveau Urbain (Lille: Parenthèses, 2009).

15. Aubry, Martine, Coordinator, Un Nouvel Art de Ville: Le Projet Urbain de Lille (Lille: Ville de Lille, 2005).

16. M. Imbert, ‘Plan cadastral parcellaire de la commune de Lille’, 1881. Archives Départmentale du Nord.

B. Thiébaut, ‘Photographies: Roubaix 1900-1911’, Archives Départmentale du Nord. Dupuis et al., Roubaix-Tourcoing et les villes lainières d’Europe (Villeneuve d’Ascq: Septentrion, 2005) 17. Michael Miller, The representation of place: urban planning and protest in France and Great Britain, 1950-1980 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003).

18. Mozingo, Pastoral Capitalism, 220.

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CONCLUSION

CONCLUSION, BIBLIOGRAPHY & TIMELINE

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LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

Real estate board for Synergie Park. Haute Borne.

CONCLUSION

It is not natural or inevitable that the majority of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;innovativeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; milieu are suburban.

Yet neither is it the case that all STEM enterprises feel that a synergetic environment is beneficial. The Innovation District, while needing clearer definition, offers potential for synergy between companies built on an urban structure of walking and public transport.

Just as important is to explore how this same setting can be attractive to isolationist enterprise, while offering social diagrams that extend beyond the productive sphere.

The geography, urbanism and architecture of innovation is ripe to be re-thought.

For Lille, many of the tools already exist to do this in a redundant industrial fabric.

LILLE & THE POST-URBAN ECONOMY

99

PRIMARY Asheim B, Coenen L, Vang J. ‘Face-to-face, buzz, and knowledge bases: sociospatial implications for learning, innovation, and

innovation policy’. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 25(5) 655 – 670.

Aubry, Martine, Coordinator. Un Nouvel Art de Ville: Le Projet Urbain de Lille. Lille: Ville de Lille, 2005.

Baert, Thierry et al. Métamorphoses: la réutilisation du patrimoine de l’âge industriel dans la métropole lilloise. Paris: Le Passage, 2013.

Bruegmann, Robert. Sprawl: A compact History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.

Carlino, Gerald et al. The Agglomeration of R&D Labs. Philadelphia: Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of

Philadelphia. September 2011.

Castells, Manuel and Peter Hall. Technopoles of the World: The making of 21st Century Industrial Complexes. Oxon: Routeledge, 2004.

Couch, Chris, Charles Fraser and Susan Percy, ed. Urban Regeneration in Europe. Oxford: Blackwell Science, 2003.

Couch, Chris, Lila Leontidou and Gerhard Petschel-Held. Urban Sprawl in Europe: Landscapes, Land-Use Change and Policy.

Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007.

Dupuis et al. Roubaix-Tourcoing et les villes lainières d’Europe. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du septentrion, 2005.

European Commission. Directorate-General Enterprise and Industry. Flash Eurobarometer 354: Entrepreneurship in the EU and Beyond. Conducted by TNS Opinion & Social. June-August 2012.

Garreau, Joel. Edge City: Life on the New Frontier. New York: Random House, 1991.

Graham, Stephen and Simon Marvin. Splintering Urbanism: Networked infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban Condition.

London: Routeledge, 2001.

Grosjean, B. Analyse transversale: Formes Urbaines et Organisation de leur croissance. Paris: Plate-forme d’Observation des Projets et

Stratégies Urbaines (POPSU), 2008.

Hall, Peter. Good Cities, Better Lives: How Europe Discovered the Lost Art of Urbanism. Oxon: Routledge, 2014.

Haute Borne Technology Park. ‘Les Enterprise’. Last updated 25 May 2014. http://www.parc-haute-borne.fr/en/parc/

les-entreprises.html

Her Majesty’s Treasury and the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister. Devolving Decision Making: Meeting the Regional

Economic Challenge; The Importance of Cities to Regional Growth. London: Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2006.

Imbert, M. Plan cadastral parcellaire de la commune de Lille, 1881. Archives Départmentale du Nord.

http://www.archivesdepartementales.lenord.fr/

Katz, Bruce and Julie Wagner. The Rise of Innovation Districts: A New Geography of Innovation in America. Metropolitan Policy

Program, Brookings Institute, May 2014.

Koolhaas, Rem et al. Euralille: The Making of a New City Centre. Basel: Birkhäuser, 1995.

Koolhaas, Rem with Bruce Mao and Office for Metropolitan Architecture. S, M, L, XL : small, medium, large, extra-large.

ed. Jennifer Sigler. New York: Monacelli Press, 1995.

‘Les Courées Lilloises’. La Voix du Nord, 21 July 2009.

Lille Métropole Cammunauté Urbain, Ville de Lille and SPL Euralille. Saint-Sauveur: Cahier des Charges Urbain, Tome 1.

Lille: Lille Métropole Cammunauté Urbain, Ville de Lille and SPL Euralille, 2013.

Lille Métropole. Plan Local d’Urbanisme (PLU). Edition 12/06/2014. http://siteslm.lillemetropole.fr/urba/PLU/index.htm.

Lille Métropole. L’Agence de Développement et d’Urbanisme. Projet d’aménagement et de développement durables. (Syndicat Mixte du

SCOT de Lille Métropole) 2012.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Lille Métropole. L’Agence de Développement et d’Urbanisme. Schéma de Cohérence territoriale (SCOT) de Lille Métropole.

(Syndicat Mixte du SCOT de Lille Métropole) July 2010. http://www.scot-lille-metropole.org/

Lille Métropole. L’Agence de Développement et d’Urbanisme. SCOT de Lille Métropole: Le Diagnostic. Syndicat Mixte du SCOT

de Lille Métropole, 2010.

Marshall, A. Principles of Economics. London: Macmillan, 1920 (1890).

Miller, Michael. The representation of place: urban planning and protest in France and Great Britain, 1950-1980. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003.

Mozingo, Louise A. Pastoral Capitalism: A history of Suburban Corporate Landscapes. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2011.

Paris, Didier, Dominique Mons and Christine Liefooghe, Vivre Ensemble dans l’espace métropolitain: Nouveaux liens, nouveaux

lieux, nouveaux territoires. Report by Lille team to Plateforme d’Observation des Projets et Stratégies Urbaines (POPSU).

October 2013.

Paris, Didier and Dominique Mons, ed. Lille Métropole: Laboritoire du Renouveau Urbain. Lille: Parenthèses, 2009.

Pasquinelli, Matteo. Animal spirits : a bestiary of the commons. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers 2008.

Storper, Michael, and Michael Manville. ‘Behaviour, Preferences and Cities: Urban Theory and Urban Resurgance’.

Urban Studies 43, no. 8 (July 2006): 1247-1274

Thiébaut, B. Photographies: Roubaix 1900-1911. Archives Départmentale du Nord.

http://www.archivesdepartementales.lenord.fr/?id=453

Ungers, Oswald Mathias et al. The City in the City/Berlin: A Green Archipelago. Critical edition by Florian Hertweck and Sebastian

Marot. Zurich: Lars Muller Publishers, 2013.

Verif. Classement des plus grosses enterprises de la région Nord, Pas de Calais. http://www.verif.com/Hit-parade/01-CA/02-Par-Region/

P-Nord-Pas-De-Calais. Accessed 07 May 2014.

Xaveer de Geyter Architecten. After-sprawl : research for the contemporary city. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers,2002.

Yaari, Monique. Rethinking the French City: Architecture, Dwelling, and Display After 1968. Amsterdam: Rodolpi, 2008.

SECONDARY Akbar, Omar, curator. Archilab Europe 2008: Strategic Architecture. Orléons: Éditions HYX, 2008.

American Institute of Architects. Cities as a Lab: Designing the Innovation Economy. 2013.

Carré, Dominique, ed. Euralille, Chronques d’une Métropole en Mutation (1988-2008). Paris: Carré, 2009.

Engardio, Pete. ‘Research Parks for the Knowledge Economy’. Business Week (01 June 2009), accessed 16 July 2014.

http://www.businessweek.com/innovate/content/jun2009/id2009061_849934.htm

Hoeger, Kirstin and Kees Christiaanse, ed. Campus and the City: Urban Design for the Knowledge Society. Zurich: ETH Zurich, 2007.

Hutton, Thomas. ‘The New Economy of the Inner City.’ Cities 21 (2)(2004): 89-108, p. 90.

Kuklowsky, Céline and Bert Provan. Lille City Report. London School of Economics: Housing and Communities,

Case Report 71, 2011.

Metropolitan Revolution, The. www.metrorevolution.org <accessed 17 July 2014> ‘Special Report: The future of jobs’, The Economist, 18th Jan 2014.

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101

TIMELINE Summer Design Project 02, Continue Literature Review, Complete Case Study Analysis.

Term 01 Re-write and edit dissertation proposal (2 weeks) Design Projects 03, 04 and on.

Have baby (Oct 17) Finalise Dissertation format.

Term 02 Further Design Projects/develop existing.

Final design review end of Feb. March begin writing and begin on presentation models for Final Symposium.

Term 03 More writing over easter. Aim to complete by May 04, my birthday.

Majority of May spent on refining and drawn/design material for Final Symposium at end of May. Editing, final layout and changes first three weeks of June.