N360™AI&THEDAMNED

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The Future isn’t Human - And it isn’t Merciful.

AI AND THE DAMNED

There are moments when technology advances faster than the institutions meant to govern it. When familiar frameworks no longer apply, and power shifts quietly — not with ceremony, but with consequence.

This issue of Inner Sanctum Vector N360™ was built for such a moment.

Artificial intelligence is no longer experimental. It is operational — embedded in command systems, shaping battlefields, accelerating decision cycles, and redefining sovereignty, control, and accountability. The challenge before us is not whether AI will be used, but whether it will be understood, governed, and restrained.

Across these pages, a clear truth emerges: technology does not remove the burden of judgment — it magnifies the cost of getting it wrong. Speed is not strategy. Automation is not authority. Innovation without doctrine does not produce advantage.

AI and the Damned is a deliberate title. The “damned” are not those without technology, but those who deploy it without understanding its limits, dependencies, or consequences. Societies that fail to adapt responsibly — strategically, ethically, and institutionally — will not simply fall behind; they will be overtaken and rendered reactive.

This edition was not created for the news cycle. It was built to last. Long after headlines fade, the questions raised here will remain: who commands when machines decide faster than humans; what victory means when territory, data, and cognition are contested together; and how intelligence can serve judgment rather than replace it.

Inner Sanctum Vector N360™ exists to ask these questions before they become regrets.

This issue is offered not as commentary, but as record. Not as prediction, but as preparation.

Not for the moment — but for those who will look back and say: we saw it coming.

Inner Sanctum Vector N360™

EUROPE’S INDEPENDENCE MOMENT

Ursula von der Leyen

President of the European Commission

DRONES OF WAR

LTC Amos C. Fox, USA Ret., Ph.D.

WARGAMING WITH ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE

COLONEL [Ret] Doug DeMaio

ROYAL OFFICE OF THE UAE N360™ WORLD EXCLUSIVE Amb. Dr. Dunston, P

N360™ MIL-0PS

AI COMMAND-INTEGRATION

DOCTRINE

Dr. Linda Restrepo

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GLOBAL THREATS TO UNDERSEA COMMUNICATION CABLES

Dr. Randall K. Nichols

Dr. M. Beckman

UAS/UUV THREATS LAUNCHED FROM SHIPS

Dr. Hans C. Mumm

Dr. Reza Ghaffari DETERMINING POLITICAL OBJECTIVES

Dr. Milan Vego

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CYBER WEAPONS AND CBRNE

Professor Randall K. Nichols

Europe’s ������������ Moment

A fight for a continent that is whole and at peace. For a free and independent Europe.

A fight for our values and our democracies. A fight for our liberty and our ability to determine our destiny for ourselves. Make no mistake – this is a fight for our future.

I thought long and hard about whether to start this State of the Union address with such a stark appraisal. After all, we Europeans are not used to – or comfortable with – talking in such terms. Because our Union is fundamentally a peace project. But the truth is that the world of today is unforgiving. And we cannot varnish over the difficulties that Europeans feel every day.

Forits place in a world in which many major powers are either ambivalent or openly hostile to Europe.

A world of imperial ambitions and imperial wars. A world in which dependencies are ruthlessly weaponized. And it is for all of these reasons that a new Europe must emerge.

This must be Europe's Independence Moment. I believe this is our Union's mission.

They can feel the ground shift beneath them. They can feel things getting harder just as they are working harder. They can feel the impact of the global crisis. Of the higher cost of living. They feel the speed of change affecting their lives and careers.

And they worry about the endless spiral of events they see on the news – from the devastating scenes in Gaza to the relentless Russian barrage on Ukraine. We simply cannot wait for this storm to pass.

This summer showed us that there is simply no room or time for nostalgia. Battle lines for a new world order based on power are being drawn right now. So, yes, Europe must fight.

To be able to take care of our own defense and security. To take control over the technologies and energies that will fuel our economies. To decide what kind of society and democracy we want to live in. To be open to the world and choose partnerships with allies - old and new. Ultimately, it is about having the freedom and the power to determine our own destiny.

And we know we can do it. Because together we have shown what is possible when we have the same ambition, unity and urgency. I have lost count of the number of times that I was told that Europe could not do this or that.

During the pandemic. On the recovery plan. On defense. On supporting Ukraine. On energy security. The list goes on. Every time – Europe stood united and made it. And we need to do the same now. So, the central question for us today is a simple one. Does Europe have the stomach for this fight? Do we have the unity and the sense of urgency? The political will and the political skill to compromise?

Ordo we want to just fight between ourselves? To be paralysed by our divisions.

This is what all of us have to answer – every Member State, every Member of this House, every Commissioner.

All of us. In my eyes the choice is clear. So my pitch today is a pitch for unity. Unity between Member States. Unity between EU institutions.

Unity between the pro-European democratic forces in this House. I am here – and the entire College is here - ready to make this happen with you. Ready to strengthen the proEuropean democratic majority. Because it is the only one that can deliver for Europeans. This must be Europe’s Independence Moment.

Freedom and independence are what the people of Ukraine are fighting for today. People like Sasha and his grandmother. Sasha was only 11 years old when the Russians attacked. He and his mother sought refuge in a basement in their town of Mariupol. One morning,

they went out to get some food. That's when all hell broke loose. A rain of Russian bombs, on a civilian neighborhood. All became dark and Sasha felt his face burning. He had shrapnel just below his eyes.

In a matter of days, Russian soldiers stormed the city. They took Sasha and his mum to what the Russians called a “filtration camp”. Then Sasha was taken away. They told him he didn't need his mum. He would go to Russia, and have a Russian mother. A Russian passport. A Russian name. They sent him to occupied Donetsk. But Sasha didn't give up. On a stop on the way, he asked to borrow a stranger's phone. And he called his grandma, Liudmyla, who was living in free Ukraine. “Baba, just take me home.” She didn't hesitate a second. Her friends told her she was crazy to go. But Liudmyla moved mountains to get to him. With the help of the Ukrainian government, she travelled to Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Russia, and finally into occupied Ukraine. She got Sasha back.

And through the same long journey, brought him to safety. But their hearts are still broken. Every single day they keep fighting to find Sasha's mum – stuck somewhere by Russia's brutal war. I would like to thank Sasha and Liudmyla for allowing me to share their story.

Sadly, Sasha's story is far from unique. There are tens of thousands more Ukrainian children whose fate is unknown. Trapped. Threatened. Forced to deny their identities. We must do everything in our power to support Ukraine's children. This is why I can announce that, together with Ukraine and other partners, I will host a Summit of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children. Every abducted child must be returned.

This war needs to end with a just and lasting peace for Ukraine. Because Ukraine's freedom is Europe's freedom. The images in Alaska were not easy to digest. But just a few days later, Europe's Leaders came to Washington to support President Zelenskyy and secure commitments. Real progress has been made since then. Just last week 26 countries in the Coalition of the Willing said they were ready to be part of a reassurance force in Ukraine or participate financially – in the context of a ceasefire.

We will continue to support all diplomatic efforts to end this war. But we have all seen what Russia means by “diplomacy”. Putin refuses to meet President Zelenskyy. Last week, Russia launched the largest number of drones and ballistic missiles in a single attack. Yesterday, 13

there was a missile attack on a village in Donetsk, targeting people waiting to pick-up their pensions.

More than 20 were killed.

And just today we have seen a reckless and unprecedented violation of Poland's and Europe's air space by more than 10 Russian drones. Europe stands in full solidarity with Poland. Putin's message is clear. And our response must be clear too.

We need more pressure on Russia to come to the negotiating table. We need more sanctions. We are now working on the 19th package in coordination with partners. We are particularly looking at phasing out Russian fossil fuels faster, the shadow fleet and third countries. And at the same time we need more support for Ukraine.

Noone has contributed as much as Europe. Close to €170 billion of military and financial aid so far. More will be needed. And it should not only be European taxpayers who bear the brunt of this. This is Russia's war. And it is Russia that should pay.

This is why we need to work urgently on a new solution to finance Ukraine's war effort on the basis of the immobilized Russian assets. With the cash balances associated to these Russian assets, we can provide Ukraine with a Reparations Loan. The assets themselves will not be touched. And the risk will have to be carried collectively. Ukraine will only pay back the loan once Russia pays for the reparations. The money will help Ukraine already today.

But it will also be crucial in the mid- and long-term for Ukraine's security. For example, funding for strong Ukrainian armed forces as the first line of security guarantees. We will propose a new program. We call it Qualitative Military Edge. It will support investment in the capabilities of the Ukrainian armed forces. Take drones for example. Before the war, Ukraine had none. Today, it is Ukraine's use of drones that is accounting for over two thirds of Russian equipment losses. That is not just an edge on the battlefield.

It is a reminder of the power of human ingenuity in our open societies. But Russia is catching up fast, supported by Iranian designed Shahed drones. And it is seizing the advantage of industrial mass production. Saturday, in one single night, Russia sent 800 drones to Ukraine. So ingenuity helped to open a door for Ukraine's defense. But raw industrial might, on the other side may threaten to sweep it closed. So we can use our industrial strength to support Ukraine to counter this drone warfare. We can help transform Ukrainian ingenuity into battlefield advantage – and into joint industrialization. This is why I can also announce that Europe will front load €6 billion from the ERA loan and enter into a Drone Alliance with Ukraine.

Ukraine has the ingenuity. What it needs now is scale.

And together, we can provide it: so that Ukraine keeps its edge, and Europe strengthens its own.

� Editorial Comment (N360™) Ursula von der Leyen’s State of the Union makes clear that Europe’s survival depends not only on unity, but on independence in defense, technology, and economics. For Inner Sanctum Vector N360™, the lesson is direct: the next frontier of sovereignty is digital and industrial power. Europe’s fight is not just against external threats — it is for the ability to command its own future in AI, cyber, and innovation.Inner Sanctum Vector N360™ extends our sincere thanks to President Dr. Ursula von der Leyen and her staff at the European Commission for making this presentation possible.

Ursula von der Leyen President of the European Commission

Ursula von der Leyen has served as President of the European Commission since 2019, the first woman ever to hold the post. In this role, she has led Europe through defining crises — from the pandemic to Russia’s war in Ukraine — while advancing a bold agenda for security, digital sovereignty, and climate transformation.

Previously, she was Germany’s Minister of Defense, where she pushed NATO modernization and re-anchored Germany’s role in transatlantic security. She also held senior ministerial posts in labor, social affairs, and family policy, building her reputation as a decisive and pragmatic leader.

Today, von der Leyen is at the center of Europe’s global posture, pressing for unity, resilience, and innovation as the cornerstones of the continent’s future.

Drones Are GameChanging, But They Are Not the Answer to the Inherent Challenges of Land War

Introduction

Are drones changing the ways in which wars are fought? And if so, how does that change contribute to, or take away from, how combatants win and lose wars? Those two questions are the central ideas that this article seeks to answer. These questions are challenging to consider because it is often difficult to separate the reporting from the excitement and institutional bias that is enmeshed throughout the open-source information on the subject. Likewise, it is equally challenging to separate general statements about drones, such as that they are gamechangers or that they are fueling a new

revolution in military affairs, from their contextual relevance. In the case of this article, that contextual relevance is identifying the drone and drone warfare’s contribution to land wars. Why land wars? Because, as scholar Christopher Tuck writes:

The fundamentals of land warfare often vary from those of other environments because of the effects of land itself. Land… exerts a powerful influence over the method required to fight over it. Success in land warfare matters: because humans live on land, occupying it or defending it

successfully can have decisive political effects.

Tuck also notes that the techniques and causalities in land wars differ greatly than those in other domains, to include the air, space, and maritime domains. Therefore, attempting to understand the impact of a technology like drones and how it is employed, like drone warfare, in a specific domain requires a domain-specific theory of war.

Similarly, theorist Carl von Clausewitz asserts that centers of gravity are the hub of all power from which a combatant’s strength is most concentrated. He qualifies that assertion by stating that centers of gravity often reside in a combatant’s army, their capital, and/or their alliances. Although writing from the position of a theorist enmeshed in 19th century wars and warfare, the validity of Clausewitz’s qualifications remains relevant.

This is because of the important link between land war and the decisionspurring outcomes in war that policymakers require. Thus, combatants must apply maximum attention, and pressure, to the element(s) of Clausewitz’s center of gravity which best advances their policymaker down the path of profitable strategic outcomes and advantageous war termination. Yet, a combatant must simultaneously deny that approach to their adversary.

Itis easy to get lost in the ink that’s been spilled regarding the drone and drone warfare’s revolutionary, or evolutionary, impact on war. It is quite difficult, however, to find practical assessments that are balanced against the drone’s ability to accomplish the requirements needed to generate win conditions that actively contribute to their respective policy aims in war. Nevertheless, this article attempts to breach those barriers. In doing so, this article provides a useful theory to make that assessment and determine the drone and drone warfare’s game-changing utility in land war.

To examine these questions with rigor, this article scrutinizes the question of the efficacy of drones and drone warfare through the lens of land war and ground combat, which scholars like Ben Connable, Christopher Tuck, among many others, remind the reader, are the most common type of war. In doing so, this article posits two main ideas – yes, drones are game-changing. They have created new problems for military leaders to address on the battlefield, which in turn is fueling new technology, strategy, doctrine, and force structure. Drones and drone warfare, however, are not revolutionizing warfare, at least in land wars, in a strategic way.

That is, drones and drone warfare are not generating victory in war on their own, any quicker than we might otherwise expect,

nor at a fundamentally cheaper cost. The primary reason for this is because despite being proficient at eliminating many threats, drones lack the capability to control the ground. The secondary reason for this, which directly supports the concept of control, is that drones and drone warfare are generally incapable of accomplishing the basic requirements that a force must realize to be successful in land wars. These requirements include taking and retaking land, holding territory, clearing hostile threats from challenging terrain, controlling borders and sealing boundaries, and protecting populations.

Tosupport this hypothesis, I introduce a theory of land war to link the concepts of control, land wars, and the requirements of land war into a practical logic. Next, I cross-examine drones and drone warfare against the requirements of land war, each of which consists of two supporting conditions, to identify which of those tasks drones can, and cannot, accomplish.

Those findings are then examined comprehensively to demonstrate that while drones have changed how combatants fight wars—especially land wars—drones and drone warfare are unable to control the ground. To be sure, drones and drone warfare have not fundamentally altered the fact that land wars are won through the control of territory. To this point, historian Lawrence

Freedman posits that “Winning a war requires controlling territory, and that will always necessitate supporting ground forces.” Control of territory has always been, and will remain, the most germane causal effect that directly impacts the options available—or unavailable—to policymakers as they relate to either side’s war termination criteria. As a result, warfighting technology and approaches to warfare that de-emphasize or neglect the control of land, like drones and drone warfare, contribute to long, deadly, destructive, and extremely costly wars. Based on those findings, this article concludes with a set of policy recommendations. The recommendations are intended to help influence how policymakers understand the drone’s contribution to war and how policymakers and senior military leaders should approach organizing, equipping, and operating their forces in the future.

The Theory of Land War

State and non-state actors fight land wars for a host of reasons. Charles Tilly, Stathis Kalyvas, Carl Schmitt, and others assert that common themes for these wars include sovereignty, territorial control, the domination (or elimination) of people, societies, markets and political institutions, the liberation of oppressed societies, to wage insurgencies, and to eliminate insurgencies.

Control is the guiding principle behind each of these justifications for war. To be sure, Stephen Biddle comments that control—of land, people, markets, and politics —is the central theme that underwrites why actors engage in land war. Put another way, control is the causal mechanism in land wars. This is because control enables an actor to generate battlefield outcomes which open the political decision space needed to provide policymakers with a range of strategic options for successful war termination. Conversely, a lack of control over territory, people, and competing militaries results in policymakers possessing fewer bargaining chips and thereby negotiate war termination—if they are profitable enough to make it that far—from a position of weakness and dependency.

Drones are tactically effective, but strategically indecisive. They cannot control terrain, win wars, or generate the political outcomes necessary to terminate conflict on favorable terms.

Biddle posits that to gain control in land wars armies must (1) destroy hostile forces, while protecting one’s own combat power, (2) take and hold ground, and (3) maintain the time to destroy hostile forces. Biddle’s points are well-taken but slightly miss the mark because they emphasize the element of gaining control, but do not fully account for the range of actions required to also

maintain control. For that reason, a broader range of requirements is needed.

To gain and maintain control in land wars, land forces—augmented by an everincreasing panoply of joint and multidomain capabilities—must accomplish a set of six basic requirements to achieve control, maximize the impact of military operations, and profitably advance themselves toward war termination. These requirements— discussed in detail below—are not reserved just for conventional wars, but are equally applicable to small wars, insurgencies, and counterinsurgencies. Thus, these requirements span a range of wars upon which armies—both state and non-state— conduct military operations in support of political institutions.

It is also important to highlight that these requirements are not a checklist of actions that armies must complete sequentially, but rather they are determined by situational necessity. Appreciating that control is the causal mechanism at the root of land wars, it is therefore prudent to examine the six requirements and the accompanying conditions of land war.

First, land forces must take control of physical terrain from an enemy force or hostile threat (Requirement 1). These two conditions include defeating an occupying

M ODERN DRONE FAMILIES

Cheap, expendable, close-range strike and recon

Self-destructs on target; precision anti-armor or antiradar

Longer endurance, ISR + strike, supports battalionlevel ops

Moves supplies and batteries: limited range/payload.

land force (Condition 1a) and controlling the contested terrain (Condition 1b).

Second, land forces must retake control of physical terrain from an enemy force or hostile threat (Requirement 2).

Like Requirement 1, the conditions for Requirement 2 include defeating an occupying land force (Condition 2a) and controlling terrain (Condition 2b).

Third, land forces must clear threat forces from challenging terrain, such as densely forested areas, mountainous terrain, and more importantly, urban areas (Requirement 3). The conditions for this requirement include removing a hostile land force from the contested terrain (Condition 3a) and controlling that terrain (Condition 3b). Fourth, land forces must hold, or retain, physical control of terrain from an enemy force or hostile threat, to include possessing the wherewithal, capability, and capacity to thwart looming counterattacks (Requirement 4). The conditions associated with Requirement 4 include defeating counterattacks (Condition 4a) and controlling the contested terrain (Condition 4b). Fifth, land forces must seal the physical boundaries and/or borders of a designated geographical area of interest (Requirement 5). The conditions associated with this requirement are controlling territory at the nexus of contestation (Condition 5a) and defeating enemy counterattacks seeking to overturn the balance of power at that nexus

(Condition 5b). Sixth, land forces must protect the civilian population of a contested geographical area from harm (Requirement 6), otherwise they risk losing internal control of the land they seek to dominate. The conditions required for this requirement include preventing civilian harm and minimizing collateral damage (Condition 6a) while maintaining control of the contested territory (Condition 6b).

Viewed collectively, this logic forms the theory of land war (see Table 1).

Drones and the Theory of Land War

If the theory of land war is correct, then the capability of the drone and the capacity of drone warfare in relation to that theory must be systematically evaluated to understand the true impact of drones and drone warfare on contemporary land wars. What’s more, this feedback will provide forecasts that can also be used to measure the potential impact of drones in the future of 21st century land war. To conduct this assessment, drones and drone warfare must be evaluated on their ability to accomplish both the theory’s six requirements and each requirement’s two

conditions. The findings from that assessment will help illuminate the drone’s true potential and help fuel policy recommendations for further military innovation.

This assessment executes a simple twostep process. The first step is to evaluate whether drones can accomplish the supporting conditions for each of the theory’s requirements. The second step is to balance the outcome of those evaluations against a basic logic. The logic supposes that each of the requirement’s two conditions must be met for the overall requirement to be achieved. If only one, or none of the conditions are met, then the requirement is not achieved (see Table 2).

The final step is to collectively analyze scoring of the requirements and assess how that contributes to the theory’s causal mechanism (i.e., control). If any of the theory’s requirements are not achieved, that implies several things about drones and drone warfare’s importance and position in land wars.

First, if drones are unable to accomplish the requirements of land war, the implication is that drones and drone warfare do not directly gain or maintain control in land wars. Thus, their contributions must be situated

contextually in relationship to how their functions support a land force’s ability to gain and maintain control in land war.

Second, if drones do not accomplish the requirements prescribed in the theory of land war, then the implication is that their contributions are auxiliary to those of a land force. That is, drone and drone warfare’s function supports and/or enables the land force to gain and maintain situationally relevant control in land war.

Third, if drones cannot accomplish the requirements of land war, another implication is that drone and drone warfare’s enabling functionality might be the key catalyst within a larger cohort of combined, joint, and/or multi-domain capabilities, whether this is in an offensive or defensive capacity. The findings from this assessment are used to provide a set of policy recommendations for continued military innovation and strategy development.

Can Drones Take or Retake Terrain?

Can drones take and retake physical control of territory? Likewise, can drones defeat an occupying army (Condition 1a and 2a) and control contested territory (Condition 1b and 2b)? These two requirements are evaluated simultaneously because they contain matching conditions.

Currently, UAS drones cannot physically control territory. They are unable to land on the ground, defeat an occupying force, and deny control of that land to the vanquished foe through their physical presence on the battlefield. That isn’t to say that it isn’t something UAS might be able to do in the future, but it is not a task that they can currently accomplish. Moreover, that is a potential angle for further development in drone warfare in the future.

Despite their game-changing role on the battlefield, drones do not meet the basic requirements of land war: taking, retaking, holding ground, sealing borders, or protecting populations.

Unmanned Ground Vehicles (UGVs) are also drones. UGVs are not as pervasive as UAS, but as reporting from the RussoUkrainian War notes, their involvement in land wars is increasing. The goal of UGVs is to further reduce war’s demands on humans in the future.

Currently, UGVs are used most often in managing supplies and not in direct combat. However, the U.S. Army and the Marine Corps are experimenting with UGVs in roles traditionally reserved for infantry and armor units. Thus, neither UAS nor UGVs are directly involved in taking territory or retaking territory on the battlefield. Likewise, drones and drone warfare are incapable of controlling terrain.

In some cases, drones have been capable of defeating land forces, at least temporarily (Conditions 1a and 2a).

The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War (2020) is a case often highlighted to support this idea. Yes, Azeri drones—most notably the TB-2 Bayraktar—deftly eliminated the ill-positioned and poorly equipped Armenian military during that conflict.

Itis important, however, to note a few qualifying points. First, the theater, or area in which the war took place, was incredibly small –roughly 200 kilometers, or 120 miles. That is roughly the distance from New York City to Philadelphia. I’ve referred to this elsewhere as fighting wars in a fishbowl. By that, the potential effect of a technology in a small area is greater than if that same capability is applied in a larger area. Thus, the potential for UAS drones to dominate an ill-equipped, slow-moving land force in rugged, mountainous terrain, is significant. As a result, the outcome of a war in which a high-tech military operates against a poorly outfitted military, in a fishbowl, should rarely come as a surprise.

Likewise, what Azerbaijan’s victory actually shows isn’t the dominance of drones and drone warfare, but that the principles of combined arms persist. Specifically, Jonathan House highlights that for a force to remain credible it must possess capabilities that allow it to apply tools that take advantage of an adversary’s military vulnerabilities, or apply tools that

accentuate its own advantages, and in both cases apply tools in a method that heightens its own asymmetric advantages. In the case of Azerbaijan, they accomplished all three of those requirements, whereas Armenia did not, hence the lopsided victory.

Nonetheless, simply copying Azeri force structure trends and hoping for similar battlefields and associated political decisiveness is a fool’s errand. Unlocking a similar outcome to that of Azerbaijan’s, requires creating a similar degree of combined arms overmatch. Creating that ratio overmatch is situational; that is, it is dependent on the battlefield’s terrain, the threat’s force structure, and the threat’s disposition within that terrain. Therefore, the focus shouldn’t be on the dominance of drones and drone warfare, but instead the emphasis and key insight should be oriented on how drones contribute to a force’s combined arms, joint, and multidomain relational asymmetry on the battlefield. Just mass producing drones isn’t therefore the answer.

Regarding Conditions 1a and 2a, the RussoUkrainian War demonstrates that drones are equally unable to defeat armies. Ukraine’s prolific use of drones has made for great content on social media, but they have done next to nothing to shift the military or political balance in the war to Kyiv’s favor.

To be sure, despite all the hype surrounding Ukrainian drone production, the tactical prowess of FirstPerson View (FPV) drones, and the diversity of reconnaissancestrike capability that Ukraine’s drones provide, Kyiv’s drones have not taken or retaken Ukrainian territory from Russian land forces, nor have they provided a spark of opportunity for Ukrainian land forces to exploit.

On the contrary, Michael Kofman and other analysts highlight that Russia continues to gradually gain ground in Ukraine. What’s more, drone warfare—both Ukrainian and Russian—has frozen the front lines, accelerated attrition, and continues to elongate the conflict in time. Likewise, Russia’s use of drones, which at this point in the conflict is quite similar to that of Ukraine’s, is equally unable to defeat Kyiv’s defensively minded army.

Despite providing tactical and operational game-changing capability, and delivering innovative technology to the battlefield, drones have hastened combat toward attritional and positional warfare. Drones and drone warfare have done so by depriving armies of their inherent tactical and operational mobility. In doing so, drones and drone warfare have driven mobile land forces, and their accompaniment of firepower, out of plain sight and underground.

The ever-present threat of drones has created a psychological condition which some are referring to as drone phobia. This has resulted in the battlefield turning into a static front. Function is important to mention here.

The function of armies is to fight and win battles in order to gain situational control which is pursuant to strategic objectives. The function of drones, on the other hand, is to fight and win microengagements, often just a single drone eliminating one target, with no concern nor ability to gain or maintain control of the ground.

In effect, the drone’s micro-engagement rarely contributes to strategic objectives. Stated another way, these microengagements and their outputs and effects are but mere blips on the strategic radar and do not contribute to creating the strategic pressure required to generate political decisions. At this junction, a brief mention about ‘spectacular’ applications of drone warfare is required.

Spectacular applications of drone warfare, like Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web, emphasize this point. Ukraine’s attack used drones as a show of force, to eliminate the operational and strategic capability and

capacity of Russia to apply stand-off warfare against Ukraine.

Yes, this type of operation potentially illuminates innovative ways that drone warfare can be used in future war, but it also emphasizes a disconnected understanding of how operations support strategy. The operation did not affect the strategic or operational balance of power as it relates to control of Ukraine’s land, which is a key victory condition for both Russia and Ukraine. In addition, arguments for how this operation is a harbinger of future war only point to the operation’s output (i.e., a bunch of burning aircraft on airfields) and not to how the operation fits within the requirements of land war, nor how it impacted, or didn’t impact, the control of territory.

Can Drones Clear Hostile Threats From Territory?

Drones must fulfill two conditions that meet the requirement of clearing hostile forces from contested land.

First, drones must remove a hostile force from difficult terrain (Condition 3a). Second, drones must be capable of controlling contested terrain (Condition 3b). This article has already established that drones cannot control contested

terrain, so the focus moves to removing a threat from contested terrain.

Removal means one of two things. First, removal means eliminating (i.e., killing or destroying) all threats within a specified geographic area. Second, removal means inflicting sufficient losses on a threat to wholly sub-optimize any rational reason to remain such that the threat’s military and/or political leader directs a withdrawal from that geographical area. Scholar Antulio Echevarria asserts that in stand-off warfare (i.e., fighting beyond direct fire contact, and often from the air domain) the defender often seeks refuge in complicated terrain. Echevarria’s findings echo the work of systems theorists Donella Meadows, Ludwig von Bertalanffy, and Lars Skyttner’s research into General Systems Theory and the inner workings of complex, open and dynamic systems. They find that when challenged with survival, an open system—like military forces—adapt their routine operating mechanics and seek alternative means to survive and reestablish order. In the case of military operations, when attacked, a defender will naturally seek cover, concealment, and deceptive operations in order to survive.

“TECHNOLOGY CHANGES THE TOOLS OF WAR, NOT THE NATURE OF IT.”

Likewise, attacks from above are rarely decisive in resolving a tactical or

operational military problem. As a report from the RAND Corporation highlights, attacks from above expand the problems in land wars by forcing the defender to seek additional cover, concealment, and deceptive measures to protect themselves and ensure their survival.

This is nothing new in war. Theorist Alexander Svechin, writing in the early 20th century, for instance, posits that the first rule in war is to protect oneself against what he deems “decisive blows.” History books and other publications are littered with accounts of how massive aerial bombardments, or precision strike campaigns—whether artillery or airpower— did little to dislodge ensconced military forces intent on holding terrain. Verdun, Passchendale, Operation Goodwood, Metz, and the Ho Chi Mihn Trail are classic examples of this phenomenon from military history.

In turn, the military situation required infantry and other land forces to enter that terrain and physically extricate the hostile force. Biddle and Carlo D’Este offers a good example of this phenomenon. They each write that during the aerial prelude to the ground phase during World War II’s Operation Goodwood, German defenders either hid underground or vacated the area under bombardment to protect themselves and ensure their survival. Once the bombardment lessened, the Germans, who suffered little losses in the aerial

attack, reoccupied their defensive positions. As the British land forces subsequently moved forward and attacked, they ran into a stalwart German defense, which ended up mauling the British army, who should have otherwise completely overrun the Germans. As these examples illustrate, aerial attacks, regardless of their precision, play a supporting and enabling role for armies in land war. This is because when a combatant attacks another combatant, the attacked force seeks protection and survival, thus making the attacking force’s follow-up assaults to neutralize, or destroy the threat more difficult.

Setting aside the theory for a moment and looking at a contemporary example is instructive. Drone employment and threat response follows a similar pattern today. Drones play an auxiliary role for the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) in Gaza. Despite a sizable drone advantage over Hamas, the IDF had to enter and remove Hamas’ fighters from Gaza because the IDF’s drones—and other tools of stand-off warfare—were incapable of eliminating Hamas’ fighters who were operating in, and from, urban areas. As a result, the combination of ground combat operations and drone strikes (plus joint air strikes) fueled massive collateral damage and civilian harm throughout Gaza, without actually accelerating the IDF to a short, decisive victory.

Likewise, in Ukraine, though drone strikes have been successful in a few spectacular attacks on infrastructure, most of their effects are little more than tactical pinpricks. As a result, neither Russian nor Ukrainian drone operations have proven successful in removing the others army from their static lines. Instead, those operations have caused complimentary developments in protective measures, such as very small tactical land operations, the expansion of trench, bunker, and post networks, and the focus on operating in, and from, urban terrain. This presents both sides in the war with even less opportunity to strike and destroy the opposing army, which as highlighted previously in this article, is one of Carl von Clausewitz’s three primary components of a strategic center of gravity.

Winning the next land war will not come from the side that perfects drone warfare—it will come from rugged, resilient, and mobile land forces capable of closing with and controlling terrain.

Many commenters have enthusiastically embraced the position that drones and drone warfare have redefined war by contributing revolutionary changes to doctrine, military organizations, tactics, and procurement. All those things are likely true, but despite that revolutionary

change, drones and drone warfare have not nullified the requirement to clear hostile land forces from challenging terrain, and to date, they have proven quite insufficient at the task.

Further commentary raises the question of whether drones have made traditional warfare obsolete. While the questions about the drone’s impact on war will persist for the foreseeable future, the fact remains that drones are currently incapable of removing hostile forces from difficult terrain. Moreover, an equally valid argument can be made that drones and drone warfare have further complicated the task of clearing hostile forces from terrain because of their current dominance of the air-ground littoral. Nevertheless, drones are currently incapable of clearing threats from the recessed and hardened terrain to which they often retreat when attacked.

Can Drones Hold Terrain?

To hold terrain, a force must be capable of defeating counterattacks (Condition 4a) and controlling the contested terrain (Condition 4b). This article has already established that drones cannot control terrain. Yet, can drones defeat counterattacks? The short answer to this question is yes. However, this position is more theoretical at this point because there are insufficient case studies to fully support the argument.

Theoretically, drones do possess the potential to defeat counterattacks, albeit that comes with three qualifications. To defeat counterattacks, the drones must be scaled to the scope of the drone capabilities and capacity present, sufficiently linked as part of a combined arms team, or be operating at a tempo that exceeds the counterattacking force’s ability to effectively protect itself. Examples of this might exist in ongoing conflicts, but insufficient reports of this have surfaced to make this more than a theoretical confirmation.

Nevertheless, for the sake of fairness, this article posits that drones do possess the capability to defeat counterattacks. Yet, viewed collectively, drones are incapable of holding terrain because though they can theoretically defeat counterattacks, they cannot subsequently control the terrain upon which the counterattack is defeated.

Can Drones Seal Boundaries?

Control of boundaries and borders rests upon a force’s ability to both control the terrain that they possess and defeat counterattacks that seek to dislodge their control of that terrain. In this context, controlling terrain includes insulating the area from small-scale penetrations, infiltrations, and infestations by hostile actors, to include subversive individuals and groups. This might appear simple when looking at the problem from a

standard political map, but the problem is vastly more complicated when accounting for the length of the boundary, border, and the physical geography upon which they rest.

The causal mechanism for this requirement is thus control of terrain (Condition 5a), in coordination with defeating counterattacks (Condition 5b). The critical consideration is, are drones capable of controlling the territory that rests along the nexus of contested land? Having already established that drones cannot control territory (Conditions 1a, 2a, 3a, and 4a), it is safe to argue that they cannot control territory at the points upon which two hostile armies sit astride one another. In the previous section, this article also found that drones are theoretically capable of defeating counterattacks, assuming the appropriate conditions are met for the existing situation. When viewed collectively, however, drones are incapable of sealing boundaries and borders because although they can defeat counterattacks, they cannot control terrain.

Can Drones Protect Populations?

The theory of land war’s final requirement is the protection of populations; specifically, those within the contested terrain. This requirement, in particular, is what assists the theory to extend beyond

applicability reserved to conventional land warfare, and what makes the theory apply across the spectrum of conflict – from conventional warfare to irregular warfare, small wars, insurgencies, and counter insurgencies. Protecting the population consists of two conditions – preventing civilian harm and collateral damage (Condition 6a) and controlling contested terrain (Condition 6b). As already discussed in this article, drones cannot control terrain, so we must examine whether drones prevent civilian harm and collateral damage.

Protecting civilian harm and collateral damage is a complicated condition to assess because drones often operate as part of a combatant’s integrated air and missile defense (IAMD) network. Again, the Russo-Ukrainian War is instructive.

According to reporting from early 2025, Ukraine is producing drones on a prodigious scale.

Estimates suggest that Ukraine produces 200,000 drones per month. According to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s goal is to produce 4.5 million drones per year, while also stating that “Ukraine is now the world leader in drone warfare.”

Nevertheless, despite their prodigious drone output and their status as the world leader in drone warfare, Ukraine’s drones have not been able to effectively protect Ukraine’s population from Russian

stand-off warfare, to include long-range missile strikes and long-range suicide drone strikes.

For example, on 29 June 2025, Russia attacked Ukrainian cities with 477 drones and 60 missiles. Reports indicate that Ukrainian protection capabilities eliminated 249 of these aerial threats. On 5 July 2025, Russia attacked multiple Ukrainian cities with 550 drones over the course of seven hours.

Two days later, on July 7, 2025, Russia attacked Ukraine civilian areas with 728 drones and 12 missiles. Moreover, on July 31, 2025, another Russia aerial attack killed 31 Ukrainian civilians and injured 159 more.

As of the time of writing, in July 2025 alone, Russia’s attacks on Ukrainian civilian population centers have killed more than 170 civilians and injured another 850. Meanwhile, Russian land forces continue to gradually and consistently press their attritional strategy to make small territorial gains under the broad protection of their

stand-off strikes. The inability of Ukraine to protect its people and infrastructure from these strikes indicates that though drones are an important part of IAMD, they do not adequately protect populations and civilian infrastructure.

Considering the struggles and strife that the world’s self-proclaimed leader in drone warfare has protecting its population with drones, even as part of a larger integrated defensive system, it is appropriate to infer that other combatants will be in an even worse protective posture than Ukraine. Thus, the deduction that drones cannot adequately prevent civilian harm and collateral damage is appropriate. Taking that consideration in conjunction with the fact that drones cannot control territory, it is equally valid to state that drones cannot protect populations.

Synthesis

The analysis in the preceding sections points to the fact that although drones have changed the doctrine, military organizations, tactics, and procurement models in warfare, they do not meet the requirements needed to fulfill the theory

of land wars. That is, drones cannot take, retake, or hold territory. They cannot clear enemy forces from difficult terrain like urban areas or tunnel and bunker networks. Likewise, drones cannot seal borders and boundaries, nor do they adequately protect populations (See Table 3). Therefore, drones and drone warfare might be game-changing and revolutionary, but those outcomes themselves are not directly transferrable to generating strategically relevant outcomes that positively contribute to a combatant’s war termination criteria.

Another way to think of this idea is that although drones and drone warfare might be revolutionizing how combatants can fight wars, drones are not revolutionizing how combatants end their wars. That is, drones are tactically effective, but strategically indecisive. The long-standing continuities of strategic exhaustion, political and domestic will, and fracturing armies, capturing capitals, and splintering alliances are still the dark path to strategic victory in war. By being strategically indecisive, drones are negatively impacting war in Two key ways. First, drones are making wars

equally, if not more, deadly and destructive as they have ever been. This is relative, of course. It is hard to surpass the death and destruction of the 20th century’s two World Wars. However, Ukraine’s ability to mass produce drones on an astronomical scale has allowed it to stave off strategic defeat, but in doing so they have increased the costs of war on both sides of the conflict. Russia has lost more than an estimated 1 million soldiers and thousands of combat systems and combat support vehicles, while Ukraine has lost several thousand soldiers and civilians.

Second, despite the million-plus casualties, and the ability to reach out and touch every point on the battlefield, drones have proven incapable of delivering battlefield results that positively contribute to war termination criteria. For Kyiv, the absence of land forces is what’s holding their strategy back, despite being the world leader in drone warfare. For Moscow, on the other hand, which possesses a significant advantage in infantry and other land forces, their strategy incrementally advances by holding the land they’ve taken from Ukraine, by defeating Ukrainian counterattacks to retake that territory, and by continuing to fortify the newly minted borders along that contested terrain. From this perspective, land forces, not drones, possess more strategic relevance. Thus, the emphasis on drones, at the expense of mobilizing additional land forces, is hurting – not helping – Ukraine. Whereas for Russia, the combination of drone

warfare in conjunction with a grinding strategy of attrition, is slowly advancing Russia to amenable policy outcomes.

Conclusion

This article’s assessment illustrates that drones are a game-changing capability in war. Yet, drones and drone warfare’s inability to control the land and accomplish the critical requirements and conditions of land wars make them strategically irrelevant. Drones and drone warfare, without accompanying operations focused on taking, retaking, clearing, and holding land, while also sealing boundaries and borders, and protecting populations, are the white noise of war –tactics absent any true connection to strategy.

If properly understood, they provide useful insights into how militaries should prepare for the future of war.

The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, often pointed to as the future of war, is an outlier in war, not a guidepost to the future. The wars in Ukraine and Gaza, on the other hand, clearly demonstrate the limitations of drone warfare and the continuities in the theory and logic of land war.

Both the Russo-Ukraine War and the IsraelHamas War demonstrate that drones are great auxiliaries to combined arms, joint, and multi-domain operations. However, Ukraine demonstrates that being the world leader in drone warfare means nothing if you lack the land forces to accomplish the requirements needed to win land wars. As such, drones are not replacements for legacy systems, nor does the retention of useful legacy systems reflect a backwardlooking approach to war and warfare. Rather, the retention of legacy systems and formations like field artillery, engineers, ground reconnaissance, and mechanized and armored platforms and formation recognizes the reality that the logic of land war plays in the long history of war.

As U.S. Army officer Bill Murray, analysts Michael Kofman and Justin Bronk, and others assess, drones cannot replace systems like artillery because ground-based legacy systems provide 24hour, all-weather solutions to tactical and operational problems in ways that drones are just not equipped. Without 24-hour, all-weather options, militaries become increasingly fragile and thus prone to surprise, shock, and being entirely overwhelmed.

It is therefore prudent for policymakers, strategists, and senior military leaders to keep the theory of land war at the fore of their minds when pondering military innovation and transformation initiatives.

Innovation and transformation focused on trendiness, a historical interpretations of wars of the past, and misreading contemporary armed conflict is an error. These leaders must keep the land force—and what the land force must accomplish to generate the strategic outcomes needed to fuel positive political decisions—at the top of their priorities.

To that end, militaries require rugged, redundant, and resilience land forces that can move to an objective (e.g., a hostile force, a piece of terrain or area of ground, or the hinge between two or more partners), iteratively apply the appropriate action to that objective—and do so without culminating—to create the situationally relevant conditions needed to advance the strategic balance to their favor.

In doing so, that land force makes positive steps toward war termination from an advantageous position. Innovating to create this type of combined arms, joint, and multi-domain military is imperative. In considering this, it is important for policymakers to keep in mind that their adversaries are also innovating and transforming their technological capabilities and their militaries. Jumping on the proverbial novel technology bandwagon is probably not the best way to truly innovate for the future of war just as throwing out legacy systems because of bad interpretations of contemporary conflicts and selling off the preponderance of one’s army to stay trendy is just bad policy, poor strategy, and tactical suicide.

Land War Requirement Drone Ability The Ground Truth: Why Drones Can’t Win Wars

Take / Retake Territory

Hold Territory

Seal Borders

Protect Populations

Defeat Counterattacks

No

Requires armor + infantry occupation

No

No

No

Cannot clear or secure ground

Drones bypassed; porous defense

Civilian casualties remain high

Partial Effective only when paired with artillery / tanks

Source: N360™ Strategic Assessment, 2025

Lastly,

policymakers must focus prioritization for innovation and transformation on the airground littoral. The air-ground littoral is now the lynchpin to maintaining operational and tactical mobility for land forces capable of, and intent on accomplishing the requirements and conditions of land war. Innovation and transformation strategies must account for drones and mobile short-range air defense

as a protective shield enabling the striking power of land forces operating in the airground littoral.

Policymakers and senior military leaders advancing innovation and transformation initiatives must not place a premium on stand-off warfare via drones and longrange strike.

Rather, if policymakers and senior military leaders are truly interested in generating strategically relevant battlefield outcomes, they should emphasize combined arms, joint, and multi-domain forces that are capable of protecting, moving, and striking at an adversary’s center of gravity —a threat’s army, ‘capital’, and/or alliances— and controlling terrain.

To conclude, winning the next land war will not come from the side that perfects melding drone and maneuver warfare. Winning the next land war will result from positively advancing five lines of effort.

First, militaries must keep the airspace in the air-ground littoral sufficiently open to enable freedom of movement for one’s land forces.

Second, with freedom of movement realized, militaries must use mobile, rugged, resilient, and redundant land force to advance to the threat’s center of gravity.

Third,having closed on the objective, mobile, rugged, resilient, and redundant land forces must continuously apply firepower against the threat’s center of

gravity sufficient to the point that they have gained control of the terrain upon which the conflict is fought.

Fourth, having gained control of the terrain, militaries must reinforce their success and consolidate their gains by retaining control of the air-ground littoral, defeating counterattacks, protecting the local population, and sealing borders and boundaries.

Fifth, militaries must have the tactical, operational, and strategic depth of economic and military resources, plus political and domestic will, to maintain the tactical and operational pressure until the strategic options slowly dwindle for the opposing side’s senior military leaders and policymakers. Drones will play an important role in this process, and they will help set those conditions, but despite being revolutionary and game-changing technology, they will not provide decisive outcomes on their own.

“ EUROPE IS IN A FIGHT ”

A State of the Union Address by

About the Author

Retired Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Army.

Fox is one of today’s foremost voices on modern warfare and strategy. As Managing Editor of Small Wars Journal, he directs the publication’s mission to deliver sharp, fieldrelevant analysis at the intersection of irregular warfare, emerging technologies, and global conflict.

An authority on land warfare and military innovation, Dr. Fox is the author of Conflict Realism: Understanding the Causal Logic of War and Warfare (2024) and has written more than 90 articles and papers across leading journals and policy forums. His expertise is also widely shared through media: he co-hosts the Revolution in Military Affairs podcast and appears regularly on WarCast and Soldier Pulse.

In addition to his military and editorial career, Dr. Fox serves as Professor of Practice with Arizona State University’s Future Security Initiative and lectures in politics and international relations at the University of Houston. His forthcoming books include Maneuver is Dead: Land Warfare in the 21st Century (Bloomsbury) and Multidomain Operations: The Pursuit of Battlefield Dominance in the 21st Century (Howgate).

*This article was originally published by Small Wars Journal and is republished here with permission.

“ Stand back! Be silent! Be still! That’s it…and look upon this moment.

Rejoice with great gladness! Great gladness! Remember it always, for you are joined by it. You are one, under the stars. Remember it well, then…this night, this great victory…so that in the years ahead, you can say,

“I was there that night with Arthur, the King!” For it is the doom of men that they forget.”

History Deleted

In 1991, the author was a senior at the Air Force Academy and witnessed two of the most historic events of the last century play out in the same year: the fall of the Soviet Union and Operation DESERT STORM. In September of that same year, the author also attended pilot training at Sheppard Air Force Base (AFB), Texas, starting a 32-year career in which he would fly nearly 3,000 hours in the F-16, command a fighter squadron, direct a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Air Operations Center (AOC), command a fighter wing, and spend ten years developing air operations, concepts, doctrine, and national strategy. The author would also participate in dozens of base and RED FLAG exercises, three tours in Operation SOUTHERN WATCH, and two tours in Operation IRAQI FREEDOM.

These events form a comprehensive personal experience, but the author cannot access the data that formed them.

Most of it has been lost.

If, as King Solomon said, there is nothing new under the sun, and we have not captured (or cannot access) history, then we are doomed to repeat it. (The Holy Bible New International Version, 1984)

Our memories form many comprehensive experiences, but humans can only accurately recall a finite amount of detail.

We have developed technology to aid our five senses in real-time. We would greatly benefit from technology that stores, accesses, and rapidly processes information individually and collectively, complementing strengths and compensating for our weaknesses. Artificial Intelligence is that technology, a historic inflection point, sweeping through every human endeavor, including war.

Revolutionary technologies evoke both promise and fear, and AI is no exception. In the author’s experience, the Department of Defense (DoD) is slow to adopt gamechanging technologies because they are unproven in combat, where lives are at stake.

They also threaten the established order, causing militaries to retain obsolete equipment and methods for too long. As late as 1945, nations were still sending men on horses and battleships to certain destruction in the face of machine guns and swarms of aircraft. In the author’s experience, this tendency persists; however, with AI, the author has found leaders most concerned with whether they can be trusted with critical information or participate in life-and-death decisions.

With its ability to access, process, and store data, humans can accelerate learning and prepare for competition through Wargaming with AI.

Intelligence and Wisdom

Humans value Intelligence more than any other characteristic. It is the primary discriminator between species and within humanity. We value Intelligence so highly that we are creating our intelligent beings. While Intelligence is critically important, experience and wisdom put it to use. To be successful, even the most intelligent beings must learn, and even the most experienced beings must apply their knowledge intelligently.

Professional, intelligent beings are arguably the most successful.

Human Intelligence (HI) and Artificial Intelligence (AI) are different.

Encyclopedia Britannica defines them slightly differently: “HI is the mental quality that consists of the abilities to learn from experience, adapt to new situations, understand and handle abstract concepts, and use knowledge to manipulate one’s environment.” (Britannica, 2024) “AI is the ability of a digital computer or computercontrolled robot to perform tasks characteristic of humans, such as the ability to reason, discover meaning, generalize, or learn from experience.” (Britannica, 2024) Because human beings have a basic understanding of their Intelligence, they have created AI to mimic their own. HI is biologically based and

analog, whereas AI is mechanically based and digital. These differences are profound, and HI and AI may be optimized differently.

Dr. Geoffrey Hinton is widely known as the “Godfather of AI.” Frustrated with his attempt to map the human brain through traditional methods, he modeled HI via digital neural networks, culminating his work with Google from 2013 to 2023. Dr. Hinton created AI through many layers of algorithms, each calculating the probability of the next word in a sequence, adding “weight” to perpetually optimized responses, and refining calculations through continuous interactions with source data and HI. The more layers, he said, the more intelligent the computer became. Open AI’s Generative Pretrained Transformer 4 (GPT-4) uses one trillion connections to optimize the computing depth needed to access, process, and store enormous amounts of data.

Incontrast, Dr. Hinton says the human brain’s one hundred trillion connections are optimized for the breadth of decision-making to survive critical experiences. He also believes AI is far more efficient and will surpass HI. However, with ninety-nine trillion more connections than even the most advanced AI, HI appears formidable, especially with AI’s unmatched processing power. (Hilton, 2024)

Britannica Dictionary defines wisdom as “knowledge that is gained by having many experiences in life; the natural ability to understand things that most other people cannot understand; knowledge of what is proper or reasonable; good sense or judgment.” (Britannica, 2024) One can see HI and AI’s specific characteristics reflected in different portions of this definition; HI engages the breadth of one hundred trillion connections to optimize learning over a limited number of experiences, and AI engages the depth of one trillion connections to optimize information processing. Perhaps true wisdom can come from pairing HI and AI. Fortunately, a model already captures this relationship and is widely known in military circles.

The OODA Loop

Colonel (Retired) John Boyd was a United States Air Force (USAF) fighter pilot who

developed a famous cognitive model, the OODA Loop: Observation, Orientation, Decision, Action. From a defensive position, Colonel Boyd’s standing bet was that he could defeat any challenger in a dogfight in under forty seconds. He used agility and surprise to outpace his adversaries and never lost a bet. Colonel Boyd developed the OODA Loop using the same principles to outpace an adversary’s decision cycle and win, regardless of enemy strength. His seminal work, “A Discourse on Winning and Losing,” adapted the OODA loop to operational warfare, baselining US Marine Corps (USMC) maneuver doctrine. In a very telling note on service culture, the USAF largely rejected Colonel Boyd’s theories for decades while the USMC enshrined his works and artifacts at the Marine Corps University in Quantico, Virginia. (Hammond, 2001)

Maxwell Air Force Base (AFB) is the home of Air University and the LeMay Center for Doctrine, Education, and Training. While serving as the vice commander of the LeMay Center in 2017, the author received an unusual question directly from the Chief of Staff of the Air Force (CSAF). “Is the OODA Loop still relevant in the digital age?” Having studied Colonel Boyd’s work extensively, the author assembled a small group to answer this question comprised of several who had served on CSAF’s Multi-Domain Command and Control (MDC2) Enterprise Capabilities Collaboration Team (ECCT), which designed the plan to integrate Air, Space, Cyberspace, and Electromagnetic Spectrum operations into USAF strategy. Dr. Grant Hammond, an Air War College (AWC) professor and author of the seminal account of Colonel Boyd’s theories, “The Mind of War,” provided tremendous insight. The author had the honor of submitting the following short essay to CSAF.

Colonel John Boyd’s Observation, Orientation, Decision, Action Loop (Source: John Boyd’s “A Discourse on Winning and Losing” – Air University Press)

“The OODA Loop will endure. Technology enhances, but the principles of war will continue to matter. I have contacted Dr. Hammond with your questions, Lt Col “Sugar” Lyle from the LeMay Center, Lt Col Garretson from Air Command and Staff College, and Brigadier General Saltzman (MDC2 ECCT lead).

Dr. Hammond is the expert on John Boyd, but we all concur that the OODA Loop will transcend the digital age because war is and always will be an extension of politics – a uniquely human endeavor. We also agree that the “understand, manage, and create effects” discussion is an OODA Loop by another name. In addition, grids, sensory networks, connections, sharing, and learning will enhance the OODA loop, not replace it.”

“Blue Horizons (a student think tank) coined a term several years ago called the “OODA Point” to describe the time compression the digital age will have on the OODA Loop. Information moves so fast that unaided humans will not have time to observe, orient, decide, or act. To mitigate this, man-machine-teaming will allow humans to delegate subtasks in the OODA Loop to machines while humans retain authority and decision-making. As proposed in the MDC2 ECCT, we seek decision superiority over the adversary – access to decision-quality information by leveraging technology to transcend current seams and barriers. Financial markets work this way already. Humans retain authority while algorithms conduct data-fighting in cyberspace. Many steps are digitally enhanced for humans, thereby expanding the OODA Point back to the OODA Loop within which humans can operate. Dr. Hammond summarizes: “At the base, in his [Boyd’s] view, was the constant

reminder that war is a human activity begun and ended ultimately for what is seen as moral purpose.”

“Orientation is so important to Boyd’s model that he called it the “Big O.” Orientation is about knowing – knowing yourself, your adversary, your environment, assimilating new information, evaluating, and synthesizing all into a contiguous picture that never stops changing.

Like Basic Fighter Maneuvers (BFM), knowing these things allows one to recognize and predict a fleeting opportunity. Like the digital tools we now see, the jet’s systems update the pilot’s contiguous picture, informing his observations, decisions, and actions.

Knowing also allows an operator to create discontinuities in the adversaries’ contiguous picture – that “deer in the headlight” moment –leading to confusion and inaction on his part.

As a Fighter Pilot masters tactics, a MultiDomain Operator must become a practitioner of operational art and strategy. His cockpit will be a digitally enhanced OODA Loop with advanced tools to build decision superiority.

Dr. Hammond summarizes this for the digital age: “Analysis of ‘big data’ does this – finding anomalies and correlations to explore. Exploit the mismatches. Use mission-type orders. Maneuver your adversary to where he decides he cannot win.” (Hammond, 2017).

While answering CSAF’s question, it occurred to the author that Colonel Boyd had already designed the OODA Loop to account for AI in military operations.

The “Big O” Orientation is the most critical step, requiring both the breadth and depth of knowledge to capture a comprehensive picture of a rapidly evolving environment, gain an advantage, and win. (Hammond, 2001) Marvel’s Iron Man models a potential HI/AI relationship, pairing Tony Stark and JARVIS (Just A Rather Very Intelligent System), who complement each other’s strengths and weaknesses in a trusted, interactive relationship. Tony Stark’s one hundred trillion connections optimize Iron Man’s ability to engage a novel environment. In contrast, Jarvis’ one trillion connections optimize Iron Man’s ability to access and process data quickly. However, all decisions remain under the control of Tony Stark, including autonomous tasks meant to enhance Iron Man’s agility in the heat of battle.

According to Carl Von Clausewitz, war is politics by other means, and the author contends that all decisions in war should be human-centered and AI-assisted. (Clausewitz, 1993) If we endeavor to train as we fight, the author also argues that Wargaming should be conducted in the same manner and used extensively to prepare us for warfighting. An example in US history demonstrates how well this can be done. (Pellegrino, 2024).

War Plan Orange

Wargaming is one the best tools available to prepare for warfighting, and War Plan Orange is arguably the most successful example of planning, Wargaming, and warfighting in US history.

At the turn of the last century, the US rapidly emerged as a world power. To contend with potential adversaries in both oceans, the US developed color-coded plans, each color corresponding to a single adversary.

War Plan Orange was initiated in 1897 to prepare the US for a potential conflict with Japan. While initially assigned to both the Army and Navy, it evolved primarily into a US Navy (USN) plan. While color-coded plans later evolved into the Rainbow Series to address multiple adversaries, the tenets of War Plan Orange endured over four decades of iteration, evolving with geopolitics, technology, and lessons learned from Wargaming. (Miller, 1991)

War Plan Orange was successful because it was part of a whole-of-nation approach designed to prevail in conflict. The hypothesis was simple: defeat a land power with sea and air power through economic strangulation via a naval blockade and aerial bombardment.

However, the Navy extensively developed and adapted the plan to changing conditions, resulting in three stages: securing the western United States, a decisive naval battle with Japan, and the surrender of Japan.

Once the potential of a two-front war became a reality, the Navy planned for resourcelimited initial stages, Japan’s first-move attack, the retreat of US forces to its stronghold in Hawaii, national support, build-up of the industrial base, and an island-hopping campaign across the Pacific. While they did not predict everything, practitioners accounted for new technology through continuous iterations of the plan. Wargaming was critical to this effort. (Miller, 1991)

Wargaming was instrumental in the defeat of Imperial Japan in World War II. Edward Miller’s “War Plan Orange” is the seminal work on this topic and the result of twenty years of research through access to declassified documents from the USN and national archives.

He states that War Plan Orange was “noted and filed in the Navy’s corporate memory” and “genetically coded in naval officers.” (Miller, 1991) According to retired Lieutenant Commander (LCDR) Pete Pellegrino, a Naval War College (NCW) Wargame designer, this genetic coding resulted from Wargaming at the NWC. From 1919 to 1941, NWC conducted 318 wargames, dedicating ninety percent of the college’s curriculum to preparing, executing, and debriefing wargames, many of them for War Plan Orange.

The Wargaming campaign was so successful during this period that Admiral Chester Nimitz stated the following in his address at the NWC in 1960:

“The war with Japan had been enacted in the game rooms at the War College by so many people and in so many different ways that nothing that happened during the war was a surprise – absolutely nothing except the kamikaze tactics towards the end of the war. We had not visualized these.” (Pellegrino, 2024)

The NWC succeeded because it educated peer groups on solving problems in relevant scenarios who would later fight and win the war together. Students gained invaluable experience planning, commanding teams, exploring novel issues, solving problems, and integrating real-world change.

Whilethey did not specifically develop War Plan Orange, War Department officials regularly reviewed wargame results and included significant outcomes in the plan. For example, NWC Wargaming of Japan’s developing long-range aerial scouting and “Long Lance” torpedoes produced unacceptable losses of USN capital ships. As a result, USN plans for rapid thrusts into Japanese-held territory evolved into an island-hopping campaign, and students built a valuable, collective database of shared problem-solving needed to outpace an adversary. (Pellegrino, 2024)

Wargaming 101

Wargaming is as old as civilization itself. What began in the military was adopted in many other areas, each tending to have its definition and set of methods. Colonel (Retired) Matt Caffrey Jr. served as a Professor of Wargaming and Campaign Planning at Air University’s (AU) Air Command and Staff College (ACSC) and as an Air Force Wargaming Institute (AFWI) senior analyst.

In his book, On Wargaming, he summarizes the history of Wargaming and its definitions over the centuries (Caffrey, 2024) “The author maintains that Wargaming has gone through three generations and is entering a fourth. Further, each of these generations needs its own definition.

A first-generation wargame is an abstract competition in which outcomes are determined primarily by the participants’ decisions. This generation began before the Christian era and continues today in wargames like chess and Go.

A second-generation wargame is a simulation game depicting combat. This generation began in the early 1800s and is represented today in most tactical, operational, and strategic games.

A third-generation wargame is a simulation game of armed conflict depicting all (or most) elements of power. This generation began with the Weimar Republic’s political-military wargames and continues today in political-military games, the more comprehensive strategic games, and some insurgency /counter-insurgency games. The emerging fourth generation can be called “peace games,” as they depict the spectrum of competi-tion between nations or groups in which peace is one plausible path to victory. It is tough to pick a starting date, though some more comprehensive political-military wargames and the commercial software game Civilization fit this generation.” (Caffrey, 2024)

The USAF also has its definition of Wargaming and a set of methods. Located at Maxwell Air Force Base (AFB) and part of the LeMay Center for Doctrine Development and Education, AFWI is the USAF’s premier Wargaming center. AFWI defines a Wargame as “…a unique interactive research model using purposefully selected game participants to generate data that does not already exist in response to purposefully developed scenarios for analysts to use in developing insights or options in response to a sponsor’s problem.” AFWI uses Wargaming as “…a means of applying and reinforcing doctrine-based

warfighting principles taught in officer and enlisted PME programs and supports sponsor requests from Department of Defense components, combatant commands, and Allies and Partners.”

When done correctly, Wargaming should address complex problems with select participants under specific conditions to generate novel data through human interaction.

However, Wargaming is not ideal for more straightforward issues, with participants lacking relevant experience, under general conditions for which definitive solutions already exist, or for problems not requiring humans to interact or create data for further analysis. (Air Force Wargaming Institute, 2024)

Colonel Caffrey’s and AFWI’s definitions reflect the current state of Wargaming; all four generations are being used to help solve complex problems through human interaction. However, the author contends it is time to update “human interaction” to “intelligent interaction” to account for AI’s unmatched potential to access, process, and store data. The author proposes that when trained adequately with relevant, secured data, AI-assisted Wargaming can enhance learning, accelerate problem-solving, and help prepare humans for competition.

The Battlespace

USAF doctrine defines a domain as a “sphere of activity or influence with common and distinct characteristics in which a force can conduct Joint functions.” (The LeMay Center, 2024) After millennia of competing on the land and sea domains, humans developed Airpower over the last century, revolutionizing warfare. However, in the previous decade, we have added Space, Cyberspace, and the Electromagnetic Spectrum (EMS) as warfighting domains, and our nation is struggling to adjust.

We have added more volume of “battlespace” in a shorter period than at any other time in history, likely by orders of magnitude. In addition, individual humans have access and influence in warfighting domains like no other time in history. (Firestorm, 2024) In the author’s experience, the resulting complexity has far exceeded our capacity to access, process, and store the information needed to operate in this new battlespace. MerriamWebster defines “complex” as “a group of obviously related units of which the degree and nature of the relationship is imperfectly known.” (Merriam-Webster, 2024)

Air Sea Land Space Cyberspace and EMS Domains (Source: All-Domain Warfare

While operations have become increasingly complex in the land, sea, and air domains, space, cyber, and EMS domains have exponentially increased complexity.

With just three warfighting domains, there are eight unique combinations; however, military planners rarely assign an equal weight of effort when operating in multiple domains; one is primary, and the others are supported in various degrees depending on plan operational requirements.

Mathematically, three domains produce eight combinations and sixteen unique sequences, or permutations, which (begin to) account for the complexity of military-supported/ supporting relationships.

However, operations in six domains yield sixty-four combinations and 1957 unique permutations.

In addition, a few revolutionary technologies, such as directed energy and hypersonic weapons, quantum computing, and AI, have made military operations even more complex.

Encyclopedia Britannica defines complexity theory as “a scientific theory which asserts that some systems display behavioral phenomena that are completely inexplicable by any conventional analysis of the system’s constituent parts.” (Britannica, 2024)

As a member of the Chief of Staff of the Air Force’s (CSAF) Multi-Domain Command and Control (MDC2) team, the author began to see the potential for this type of complexity as we developed the MDC2 doctrine.

The recent incursions of Chinese balloons between 60,000 and 300,000 feet over US territory highlighted the increased complexity. In the author’s view, this problem exists for two reasons. First, this region is transitory because it presents extreme engineering challenges, and maintaining a presence is very difficult. Second, it appears there is a “doctrinal seam” between the Air and Space domains. DoD Directive 5100.01 assigns each service a primary domain. In this case, the Air Force is responsible for gaining and maintaining Air Superiority and Supremacy, and the Space Force is responsible for providing freedom of operation in, from, and to Space. (US Department of Defense, 2024) Further, Joint Publication 3-30 defines the Air domain as “the atmosphere, beginning at the Earth’s surface, extending to the altitude where its effects upon operations become negligible.” (Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2024) Most aircraft fly below 60,000 feet, and few aircraft operate above this altitude.

The Karman Line, which extends 62 miles (328,000 feet) above the Earth, is generally considered the boundary between air and space; however, the DoD and NASA consider 50 miles (264,000 feet) to be the altitude where “the air significantly blends into space.” Incredibly, upwards of 250,000 feet of the atmosphere is doctrinally unassigned. It is possible that sustained, comprehensive Wargaming could have highlighted the potential for this issue.

Mandate

The USAF has conducted Wargaming since its inception in 1947, dedicating the majority of its time to the preparation for a potential war with the Soviet Union. Since the mid-1980s, AFWI has led the USAF effort in Title 10, Joint, Coalition, PME, and developmental wargames; however, the author observed that since the fall of the Soviet Union, the DoD has focused more on theater-level wargames, capabilities development, and technology integration.

Since 2015, the services have increasingly developed a multi-domain doctrine, resulting in the Joint All Domain Operations (JADO) doctrine, integrating new domains and traditional warfighting.

In August 2020, the CSAF, General Brown, published Accelerate Change or Lose. (Brown, Accelerate Change or Lose, 2024)

To date, this is the most visionary document the author has read by any military leader in thirty-two years. It correctly summarizes the nation’s status in history and formalizes the reasons and sense of urgency for change. CSAF stated the following:

“Since DESERT STORM, the US Air Force has enjoyed a historically anomalous period of dominance, becoming an air force contributing to a joint force that is feared and envied worldwide. Since the 1980s, we have grown accustomed to America’s relative wealth, the ability of the US taxpayer to fund the most exquisite capabilities, and time for industry to deliver – even while we executed nearly thirty years of continuous combat operations. American, allied, and partner warfighters have felt safe with the top cover and strategic deterrence our air forces have provided for decades. For much of our existence as a country, our Homeland has served as a sanctuary. These assumptions no longer hold today.”

General Brown followed up with CSAF Action Orders to Accelerate Change Across the Air Force, detailing four key focus areas. (Brown, Accelerate Change or Lose: CSAF Action Orders, 2024)

• Airmen

- Recruit, Develop, and Retain the Right Airmen

- Identify and Develop Universal Skill Sets

- Empower Airmen to Succeed in a Contested Environment

• Bureaucracy

- Streamline Bureaucratic Structure

- Rebalance Roles and Responsibilities

- Overhaul Acquisition Processes

• Competition

• Identify and Understand Adversaries

• Master the Nature of Potential Competitions

• Focus Education on China and Russia

• Design Implementation

- Design for Adaptability and Agility

- Remove Outdated Systems

- Design to Win the High-End Fight

CSAF would implement several tenets of his vision in Agile Combat Employment doctrine, designed to achieve the commander’s intent and outpace an adversary through rapid maneuver, initiative, and innovation at the battle’s edge. (The LeMay Center, 2024) In addition, he fielded Mission Command doctrine, redefining the USAF’s long-held philosophy of Centralized Control and Decentralized Execution into one emphasizing the commander’s intent and empowering Airmen to take initiative and execute independent action when isolated from higher headquarters and operating in highly contested environments. Of note, General Brown commented on the power of Wargaming, stating, “If the US Air Force fails to adapt fast enough, Wargaming suggests mission failure and unacceptable risks to the Joint Force.” (Brown, Accelerate Change or Lose, 2024)

The author was honored to “action” General Brown’s vision at the helm of the 187th Fighter Wing. He found his vision incredibly compelling to Airmen, generating a spirit of innovation at all levels. The author translated CSAF’s vision into a five-year strategy for the Wing, Accelerate The Red Tail Legacy:

• Vision – Be the Premier Fighter Wing in the World

• Mission – Transition to Strategic Competition and the F-35 under the ACE Construct

• Objectives

- Prepare for Strategic Competition

- Accelerate F-35 Transition

- Lead in Agile Combat Employment

- Build Multi-Capable Airmen

From March 2021 to June 2022, the Wing conducted three cutting-edge ACE exercises per CSAF’s vision. As ACE represents the most profound culture shift for the USAF in several generations, the Wing’s game plan was to introduce mobile operations in several stages, culminating in the Air Combat Command Large-Force Readiness Exercise in June 2022. The first exercise in March of 2021 focused on a small, no-notice deployment to a local airport with a C-17, six F-16s, and forty Airmen.

The second exercise involved twenty-six National Guard units in five locations across the Gulf of Mexico, demonstrating operations with limited communications and agile logistics. Finally, in June 2022, the Wing conducted the first-ever graded ACE inspection by the Air Combat Command Inspector General.

The Wing demonstrated dispersed operations, highly mobile Command and Control, and agile logistics. Despite the success of these exercises, the Wing conducted just three in a year and at significant expense. In hindsight, the Wing could have initiated multiple Wargaming events to accelerate progress and lessons learned.

On 12 February 2024, the Honorable Frank Kendall announced Reoptimizing for Great Power Competition (GPC), outlining sweeping changes for the Department of the Air Force (DAF) to maintain Air and Space domain superiority. Building on General Brown’s vision, SECAF stated, “Today we are announcing 24 key decisions that are going to address the current force and our ability to stay competitive.” (Kendall, 2024)

I have summarized these initiatives as follows:

• Develop People

• Establish Airman Development Command

• Expand Technical Tracks

• Train Mission Ready Airmen

• Generate Readiness

- Refocus on the Generation and Presentation of Forces

- Exercising for Pacing-Threats

- Develop Data-Driven Processes

• Project Power

- Conduct Agile Combat Employment

- Build Air Wing and Space Squadron Units of Action

- Establish Air Force Cyber as a Service Component of US Cyber Command

• Develop Capabilities

- Establish Integrated Capabilities Command

- Establish Space Futures Command

- Establish Air Force Material Command (AFMC) Nuclear, Information Dominance, and Life-Cycle Centers

The Secretary of the Air Force (SECAF) specifically identified data-driven processes and exercises for pacing threats as keys to accelerating readiness. The new Chief of Staff of the Air Force (CSAF), General David Alvin, followed SECAF’s guidance with The Case For Change, emphasizing mission readiness through exercises and mission-focused training. (Alvin, 2024)

“Prioritizing mission readiness over functional competence centers our focus on the most demanding and complex scenarios. We will implement large-scale exercises and mission-focused training encompassing multiple operational plans to holistically assess our ability to generate and deploy forces rapidly and effectively. This is a powerful deterrent by showcasing our capabilities and enhancing unit cohesion through comprehensive team training. Training will involve all essential force elements, enabling us to execute complex combat operations at scope and scale, such as Agile Combat Employment (ACE). Foundational to this approach is the development of tailored Force Generation Models based on the AFFORGEN (Air et al. Generation) concept, designed to meet mission needs in support of strategic requirements.”

In a separate directive, General Alvin has expressed great interest in Wargaming, tasking his staff to review enterprise methods to ensure they are relevant and practical. He also directed his staff to investigate integrating automation and advanced technology with Wargaming to depict the complexities of the modern battlespace accurately.

USAF leadership has sounded the alarm,

clearly recognizing that the service must develop the strategy, doctrine, methods, and technology to prevail in GPC. While exercises are essential, the author is confident that Wargaming can prepare us now as it did for US Navy officers as they mastered War Plan

Orange. The author is convinced that AI-assisted Wargaming can achieve SECAF’s and CSAF’s visions, iterating at far greater speed.

Air University

The Department of the Air Force (DAF) is experiencing renewed interest in Wargaming. AU has a unique opportunity to host operational wargames at AFWI and educational games at eleven Professional Military Education (PME) schools. AFWI conducts DoD wargames as follows. (Air Force Wargaming Institute, 2024)

• Title 10 wargames by current DoD directives at the strategic and operational levels of war in a classified environment

• DAF alternative futures wargames with Allies and civil agencies at the operational level of war in a classified environment

Spectrum of Wargaming Across Air University (Source: Wargaming Across Air University – Air Force Warfighting Institute)

• Joint Warfighting events at the strategic and operational levels of war, serving to bridge operational and PME wargames

PME schools collectively graduate approximately six thousand in-residence students per year and another one hundred thousand by correspondence annually. Each school holds wargames in support of specific objectives at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels of war via board-game, tabletop, computer-assisted formats, and First Person Video (FPV) as follows. (Air Force Wargaming Institute, 2024)

• Air War College (AWC) and Air Command and Staff College (ACSC) practitioners conduct unclassified wargames at the strategic and operational levels of war

• Squadron Officer School (SOS), Officer Training School (OTS), Chief Master Sergeant Leadership Course (CLC), and the Senior Non-Commissioned Officer Academy (SNCOA) conduct unclassified exploratory games at operational and tactical levels of war

AFWI

• Operational Wargames:

and AU PME schools partner to conduct various wargames to fulfill operational and educational objectives across AU as follows. (Air Force Wargaming Institute, 2024)

- Air Force Futures – classified CSAF wargames at the strategic level focusing on long-range planning and

- alternative futures to support Title 10 planning

- Shriever Wargame – classified Space Force computer-assisted Title-10 strategic and operational level wargame with eight nations in the Space and Cyber domains

- Air Force Material Command (AFMC) Science and Technology Wargame –classified DoD, Agency, and partner operational wargame focused on alternative future scenarios to identify concepts and lessons learned

- Kingfish Agile Combat Employment (ACE) – unclassified PME operational-level board game focused on planning, deployment, and execution of ACE warfighting

• Educational Wargames:

- Power Series – classified PME strategic level wargame focused on escalation, nuclear deterrence, and signaling, briefed to CSAF and Global Strike Command

- Global Challenge – unclassified PME Capstone strategic and operational level wargame using Assassin’s Mace to focus on future conflict and crisis response

- Saboteur’s Mallet – unclassified PME Capstone operational level wargame in an ambiguous/contested environment with red-teaming and combat adjudication

- Joint Land, Air, and Sea Strategic Exercise (JLASS) – unclassified Joint/partner PME strategic and operational level wargame focused on regional crisis response

- Project Icarus – unclassified PME strategic-level wargame focused on “space debris” and global negotiations with government, civilian agencies, and industry.

- Project Olympus – unclassified PME Capstone strategic and operational level wargame focusing on build-up and initiation of conflict in the Space domain

- Military Multi-Domain Simulators – unclassified PME tactical and operational level scenarios focused on leadership, command decision-making, and FPV.

The Air University (AU) conducts the highest number of Wargames in the entire DAF, at all levels of war, and with the most partners; however, as Wargaming is a complicated and time-intensive process, there has been little opportunity to coordinate these diverse efforts. In addition, AFWI and PME schools each wargame according to their own operational or educational objectives at different classification levels, and little information is shared.

CHUCK

Over the last few months, the author had the privilege of serving as the AU Innovation Accelerator’s (AUiX) Wargame Lab Chief, and our team has been working on a grassroots effort to assist the DAF and AU to integrate generative AI with existing wargames to advise, assist, capture, and accelerate moves.

We propose to help the DAF develop methods to prevail in GPC with aggregated data from many wargames conducted across AU. The technology to assist Wargaming has been unavailable until recently.

(Source: Advanced Wargaming Briefing –Colonel Doug DeMaio

Large Language Models (LLM) can now capture iterations, populate databases, and process large amounts of information that would otherwise be lost. AU now has the same opportunity as the NWC in the early nineteenth century: to “genetically code” a cadre of Airmen and a collective database of shared problem-solving needed to outpace strategic competitors. (Miller, 1991)

In early 2024, our team crafted a plan to conduct advanced Wargaming with AU and select industry and academic partners. With help from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and Stanford University’s Hoover Institute, we programmed Open AI’s Generative Pre-trained Transformer (GPT-4) with Kingfish ACE rules, US and Chinese doctrine, and Air and Space operations data. We named the GPT-4 database in honor of Mr. Chuck de Caro, who worked as an Information Warfare specialist for Mr. Andrew Marshall at the DoD’s Office of Net Assessment for twenty-four years.

The team’s objectives were as follows.

• Introduce Artificial Intelligence (AI) to Air University (AU) using a commercially available Large Language Model (LLM)

• Integrate Open AI’s Generative Pretrained Transformer 4 (GPT-4) into AU wargames.

• Train GPT-4 to advise, assist, capture, and accelerate moves to prepare students for the Global Power Competition (GPC)

The Barnes Center graciously volunteered the Chief Master Sergeant Leadership Course to evaluate CHUCK (Comprehensive Heuristic Utility for Combat Knowledge) during its graduation exercise utilizing the Kingfish ACE wargame. Modified for PME, Kingfish ACE teaches agile combat, focusing on the logistics build-up of small bases and engaging an adversary (China) in high-speed combat operations. (Air Force Wargaming Institute, 2024) Kingfish ACE combines student input with “rolls of the dice” to determine outcomes. The instructor fields requests for information (RFIs), having great latitude to accept requests and modify play based on the integrity of student decisions. For the first iteration on 15 April 2024, AUiX briefed students on GPT-4 integration, followed by gameplay. CHUCK was made available on three laptops, and the AUiX team was available to assist on a noninterference basis. Of note, DAF networks will not allow Airmen to access commercial AI, so we accessed GPT-4 from an external private account.

This first wargame produced some fascinating observations. CLC students are the highest-ranking and most experienced Senior Non-Commissioned Officers in the Air Force, and they provide honest and constructive feedback. Students were eager to integrate AI; however, they quickly found that CHUCK was neither omnipresent nor omniscient and was only as valuable as the questions they asked. Because they had little experience with AI and were not required to use it in the game, the database was not yet well-trained and needed extra time to generate valuable prompts. CHUCK’s utility was initially limited. However, the students recommended training CHUCK with additional technical documents, such as logistics, aircraft, and geographic data, to increase speed and accuracy. We updated the database with this information and all the questions and results from the wargame and went back into CHUCK’s database, correcting answers as required. These improvements played out well during the second and third iterations, earning CHUCK a seat with a dedicated human partner at the table.

The empirical data we gained from the CLC wargames was instrumental, leading to valuable lessons learned. First, student education significantly improved the integration of AI, as evidenced by increasingly effective prompts. Second, CHUCK’s “promotion” during the second wargame resulted from more extensive training with relevant data, increasing the speed and accuracy. Third, CHUCK’s role evolved from curiosity to being a valuable tool during Wargaming. It became clear to the author that CHUCK needed to be considered a participant, trained, and included just like a human player. Lastly, our team was increasingly concerned with data security. While individual inputs are entirely unclassified, aggregated data from the game poses a potential security risk. As a result of our work, the team was asked to demonstrate CHUCK to the Secretary of the Air Force, along with AFWI’s virtual Kingfish ACE format and geographic databases by AU’s Joint All-Domain Specialty Course. These initial events demonstrated the value of AIassisted Wargaming and laid the foundation for the next steps.

Proposal

The complexity of the battlespace far exceeds the human capacity to prevail in war. However, AI is a game-changer in modern combat with its superior ability to access, process, and store information. According to Dr. Hilton, humans and machines “think” differently: HI is optimized for experiences, and AI is optimized for data processing. (Hilton, 2024) The OODA Loop indicates HI/AI teaming could build superior Orientation and critical advantages, outpacing an adversary. As war has previously been a human endeavor and AI is not yet sentient, the relationship will likely remain human-centered and AI-assisted for the foreseeable future. Every aspect of the interaction between HI and AI in 75

war can also apply to Wargaming. When trained adequately with relevant, secured data, AI-assisted Wargaming can enhance learning, accelerate problem-solving, and help humans prepare for and, perhaps more importantly, deter war.

The DAF has clearly articulated the urgency needed for the Great Power Competition. SECAF and CSAF have identified data-driven processes, exercises, and (to an extent) Wargaming as critical to this preparation; however, AI-assisted Wargaming could achieve their visions faster than exercises alone.

The Navy’s experience with War Plan Orange demonstrated the power of hundreds of iterations, training an entire generation of officers with a joint knowledge base to help win the war. As with the Naval War College, Air University is uniquely positioned to develop an aggregated database from the plethora of operational and student wargames and train a cadre of Airmen with the shared knowledge, experience, and relationships needed to prevail in Great Power Competition. AUiX has already begun to capture empirical data, integrating GPT-4 to advise, assist, capture, and accelerate moves during the Barnes Center’s Kingfish ACE wargame.

The author proposes a strategy for AI-assisted Wargaming for immediate implementation based on DAF leadership calls for action. While AU has excellent potential, the author feels the DAF must address several key issues to make it a reality.

First, the DAF must allow Airmen to access commercial generative AI. While our team has been using a workaround, on 10 June 2024, the DAF released an experimental bridge to access generative AI on the Non-classified Internet Protocol Router Network (NIPR) called NIPRGPT. (Secretary of the Air Force Public Affairs, 2024) We are looking forward to using it.

Second, the DAF must secure data aggregated from extensive gameplay across the enterprise. NIPRGPT should help, but an additional option is to use Small Language Models (SLM) as intercessors. As LLMs are cost-prohibitive to replicate, SLMs can channel interactions through many commercial models, aggregating data on organic servers. Though economical, SLMs are inferior by design, lacking the number of layers and connections of LLMs by several orders of magnitude.

Finally,

the DAF must access generative AI through classified networks. Unclassified data is arguably preferable because it allows for a much wider audience and volume of data; however, the DAF should integrate AI at the highest classification levels to exploit the full range of capabilities.

Way Ahead and Conclusions

For the first time in history, human beings have helpful access to the range of data they have created. AI is unlocking a means of data access, processing, and storage at a speed and scope human beings alone cannot match.

Strategy for AI-Assisted Wargaming (Source: Advanced Wargaming Briefing – Colonel Doug DeMaio)

HI/AI teaming offers the potential to “super--orient” against adversaries and win. The DAF has taken some promising initial steps but must modify policies for more secure and extensive access. AU is positioned to educate an entire generation of Airmen, develop warwinning methods, and lead the way in AI integration with comprehensive, secure, and trained databases through scores of wargame iterations.

Such a database could be taken directly from the classroom to the battlespace, making Wargaming and warfighting virtually indistinguishable. This, perhaps, is the ultimate in speed and agility. The construct the author has offered does not just apply to military operations; it can apply to any endeavor that requires planning to succeed: business, medicine, law enforcement, et cetera. While there are many frightening predictions regarding AI, there are also many exciting opportunities.

The author contends that this technology favors a free and open society that values individuals, honest debate, and innovation, such as in the United States. The opportunity is ours to lose, and the competition is not waiting.

Source Attribution: Advanced Technologies for Humanity © 2024 by Nichols, R.K.; Ackerman, P.E.; Andrews, E.; Carter, C.M.; DeMaio, D.D.; Knaple, B.S.; Larson, H.; Lonstein, W.D.; McCreight, R.; Muehlfelder, T.; Mumm, H.C.; Murthy, R.; Ryan, J.J.C.H.; Sharkey, K.L.; Sincavage, S.M. Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution–NonCommercial–NoDerivatives 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.

Colonel (Ret.) Doug “Cinco” DeMaio leads Advanced Technologies at Air University’s Innovation Accelerator (AUiX), advancing AI integration and wargaming innovation across the Department of the Air Force. A former commander of the 187th Fighter Wing, Alabama Air National Guard, he oversaw 1,400 personnel and 22 F-16 aircraft.

A U.S. Air Force Academy graduate, DeMaio has served as an F-16 Instructor Pilot, Flight Examiner, and commander at squadron, group, and wing levels, including deployments to Iraq and NATO operations in Italy. He coauthored the Joint All-Domain Operations Doctrine, the Counterspace Doctrine, and contributed to Agile Combat Employment and Space Force doctrine.

A Command Pilot with over 2,800 flight hours and five combat deployments, DeMaio continues to advance the intersection of AI, wargaming, and strategy across the Air Force enterprise.

THE DIALOUE BEGINS

“ Leadership is not about scale. It’s about the courage to shape equilibrium” Amb. Dr. Dunston P.

RESTREPO: The world is facing massive disruption— from AI to geopolitical fragmentation. How is the Office of H.H. Sheikh Ahmed Bin Faisal Al Qassimi positioning itself amid this new global reality?

AMB DUNSTON: The World is indeed undergoing profound change – from the acceleration of AI technologies to rising geopolitical tensions and economic fragmentations. The office of Sheikh Ahmed bin Faisal Al Qassimi is actively repositioning itself with a future forward strategy focused on resilience, adaptability and innovation. We are embracing AI not just as a tool, but as a core driver of transformation, integrating it into our workflows, decision-making processes

and service delivery models to boost efficiency and insight. But we’re equally mindful of the ethical implications, and are, aligning ourselves with best practices for responsible AI use.

In the face of global volatility, we’re diversifying our Partnerships and supply -chains, strengthening regional ties while also remaining agile in global markets. We’re actively monitoring regulatory and geopolitical shifts to stay ahead of risk and opportunity if any.

RESTREPO: How do you see the UAE’s role evolving in bridging East and West, especially as global alliances shift and new power blocs emerge?

AMB DUNSTON: As global alliances realign and new power blocs emerge, the UAE is uniquely positioned to serve as a bridge between East and West — not just geographically, but diplomatically, economically, and technologically.

UAE has always played a neutral, pragmatic role in international affairs - building strong ties with both Western powers and emerging Eastern giants like China and India. This balanced diplomacy, underpinned by stability and a futureoriented leadership, makes the country an ideal convener in an increasingly polarized world.

Economically, the UAE is transforming from a hydrocarbon-based economy into a global innovation hub — attracting talent, investment, and partnerships from every corner of the world. Initiatives like the ‘We the UAE 2031’ vision reflect a strategy to diversify influence while facilitating EastWest collaboration across sectors like AI, energy, logistics, and finance, education and sports.

UAE’s strategic infrastructure — from world-class ports and airlines to digital and financial platforms — enables it to act as a vital node in global trade and connectivity,

especially as supply chains shift away from traditional centers.

Culturally and socially, the UAE has also positioned itself as a model for coexistence — a rare place where East and West meet not just in business, but in community, dialogue, and shared ambition.

In this era of fragmentation, the UAE’s role as a stabilizing, connecting force is not just growing — it’s becoming essential.

RESTREPO: Oil remains central to global power, yet the pressure for green transition is growing. What is the real thinking inside the Gulf today—how does the region balance oil dominance with innovation and diversification?

AMB DUNSTON: It’s a fact that oil still underpins global power, but the Gulf states are acutely aware that the long-term trajectory is toward decarbonization and diversification. Inside the region, the real thinking is not about abandoning oil, but about monetizing it wisely while simultaneously accelerating the shift toward a post-hydrocarbon economy.

In essence, the Gulf is pursuing a dual strategy: energy leadership today, economic reinvention for tomorrow.

Countries like the UAE and Saudi Arabia are working to extract maximum value from oil while demand remains strong — using this period to fund transformational investments. Their sovereign wealth funds are pouring billions into global tech, clean energy,

logistics, and infrastructure, essentially converting oil wealth into geopolitical and economic diversification.

Innovation is no longer an add-on — it’s central to national development plans. In the UAE, initiatives like the ‘National Innovation Strategy’ and ‘We the UAE 2031’ are backed by policy, capital, and execution capacity. Green hydrogen, solar energy, AI, and space exploration are no longer aspirational — they are active industries. The Gulf is reframing itself as an energy leader beyond oil. The region aims to dominate not just in fossil fuels but in the full spectrum of energy — including renewables, nuclear, and hydrogen. The UAE’s Masdar and Saudi’s NEOM are not PR exercises; they are foundational projects in this pivot.

Finally, leadership in the Gulf understands that global legitimacy and longterm stability will come not from oil, but from relevance — being hubs of trade, tourism, finance, innovation, and diplomacy.

So the real thinking today is pragmatic and calculated: ‘Use oil to fund the future — but make sure the future doesn’t depend on oil.

RESTREPO: Do you believe the UAE can maintain geopolitical leverage in a postoil world? If so, how?

AMB DUNSTON: Yes, I believe the UAE can maintain — and potentially even enhance — its geopolitical leverage in a post-oil world. The key lies in how effectively it transitions from a resource-

based economy to one driven by knowledge, innovation, and influence.

The UAE has already made significant strides in economic diversification. Sectors like finance, logistics, tourism, renewable energy, space exploration, and advanced technology — including AI and biotech — are growing rapidly. These sectors are not just economic pillars; they are tools of soft power and geopolitical relevance.

The UAE is investing heavily in becoming a hub for global diplomacy and multilateralism. From hosting COP28 to signing regional agreements, it has shown an ability to play a constructive role in global conversations — not just as a participant, but often as a facilitator.

UAE’s geographic location remains an enduring strategic asset. As global trade and connectivity patterns shift, the UAE’s ports, airlines, and digital infrastructure keep it central to commerce between East, West, and the Global South.

The country’s sovereign wealth funds are among the most powerful in the world. Their global investments — from tech startups in Silicon Valley to infrastructure in Asia and Africa — give the UAE both economic reach and geopolitical influence.

The leadership’s long-term vision and ability to act quickly and decisively in a volatile world provide a competitive edge. While other nations may struggle with political inertia, the UAE’s governance model enables it to adapt fast, which is essential in a post-oil era defined by rapid change.

So while the end of oil will shift the power landscape, the UAE is actively building a diversified portfolio of strategic advantages that can sustain — and grow — its influence.

RESTREPO: Sovereign funds like Mubadala and ADIA have become global power players. How do you see private diplomacy and capital— coming from royal offices—playing a role in shaping the future of global markets, technology, and even media narratives?

AMB DUNSTON: Indeed, sovereign wealth funds like Mubadala and ADIA are now global power players, but what’s equally significant — and perhaps more strategic is the rise of private diplomacy and capital flows from royal offices and family led investment arms. These entities are operating at the intersection of influence, capital, and geopolitical positioning.

Royal offices in the Gulf, particularly in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, often operate as agile extensions of national strategy — but with the flexibility and discretion that state institutions may lack. Through private capital, these offices are making strategic bets in emerging technologies, advanced manufacturing, biotech, media, and space — often gaining early access, board-level influence, and narrative-shaping capabilities.

This form of capital is not purely financial — it’s strategic. Investments are often bundled with soft diplomacy: access to Gulf markets, partnership with regional governments, and inclusion in long-term national visions (like the UAE’s

We the UAE 2031). This makes Gulf royalbacked capital a powerful tool for global positioning.

In an era where global institutions are increasingly fragmented and state diplomacy is constrained, private diplomacy — through royal patronage, foundations, cultural exchanges, and elite convenings — is filling the void. We’re seeing Gulf royal offices, host global think tanks, influence venture capital flows, shape tech regulations, and even fund Western media outlets or cultural productions that subtly reflect Gulf narratives and values.

These offices are also shaping the future of media and perception. From strategic investments in global content platforms and sports franchises to backing media ventures and cultural institutions, the aim is clear: control not just capital, but the narrative. This has implications for how the world perceives modernization, Islamic values, innovation, and leadership in the 21st century.

RESTREPO: As someone in a unique diplomatic-business nexus, how do you define leadership responsibility today— when influence is easy to claim, but hard to direct wisely?

AMB DUNSTON: In today’s world, where influence can be claimed with a microphone or a market move, true leadership responsibility lies not in visibility, but in stewardship. Leadership isn’t about being at the center of the room — it’s about being accountable for the long-

the long-term impact of your decisions on people, systems, and futures you may never see.

For those of us operating at the intersection of diplomacy and business, this responsibility is even more acute. We aren’t just shaping deals or dialogues — we’re shaping trust, perception, and precedent. Our actions ripple across borders and generations.

To me, leadership responsibility today means three things:

1. Clarity of intention — Being clear not just about what you are influencing, but why. Influence without purpose is noise; influence with alignment becomes impact.

2. Restraint and discernment — In an age of speed and access, the hardest power is knowing when not to act, when to listen instead of lead, and when to prioritize stability over personal gain.

3. Legacy over leverage — Anyone can amass leverage today. But leadership means asking: What am I building that will outlast me? Are we contributing to systems that are fairer, more resilient, and more inclusive — or just more profitable?

Leadership today isn’t about commanding attention — it’s about directing energy, capital, and influence toward outcomes that serve more than the self. Especially in the Gulf, where the world’s eyes are

watching how modernity and tradition are being fused, the responsibility is not just to act boldly — but to act wisely.

RESTREPO: You work across multiple sectors-media, logistics, humanitarian work. How do you prioritize initiatives that offer real-world impact, beyond branding.

AMB DUNSTON: Working across sectors like media, logistics, and humanitarian efforts demands a constant recalibration of purpose. In environments where branding can easily take center stage, my focus is on one core principle: impact that moves the needle in the real world, not just in the narrative.

I look for initiatives that address structural gaps — whether it’s improving supply chain resilience, advancing digital literacy, or delivering aid in under-served regions. If it looks good in a press release but doesn’t leave a measurable footprint, it doesn’t make the cut.

In both humanitarian work and commercial ventures, I prioritize actions with a clear beneficiary and a tangible timeline. We can’t afford the luxury of ‘feel good optics’ without operational traction.

The projects I back or champion must have the potential to scale — but in a that remains inclusive, regionally relevant, and sustainable. Especially when dealing with fragile communities or cross-border systems, scale without responsibility becomes risk, not progress.

To stay grounded, I surround myself with practitioners — not just strategists. People who work on the ground remind you that real impact is often unglamorous, slowmoving, and hard to brand — but it’s the only kind that matters.

I treat branding as a by product of trust, not a substitute for it. If we get the impact right, the reputation follows — not the other way around.”

RESTREPO: You’ve been featured in global media and honored with awards— how do you avoid the trap of selfpromotion and stay mission- focused?

AMB DUNSTON: Yes, I’ve been fortunate to be featured in global media and recognized with awards — and while I’m grateful for the acknowledgment, I’m very conscious that visibility can become a trap if you’re not vigilant. I remind myself constantly: the spotlight is not the goal — the work is.

I treat recognition as a mirror, not a trophy. Awards and media features are moments of reflection — not validation. They offer a chance to look back, recalibrate, and ask, Are we still solving real problems? Or just getting better at telling the story?

I surround myself with truth-tellers, not cheerleaders.I’ve built a circle of advisors and team members who are not impressed by titles or appearances — they hold me accountable to the mission, to impact, and to the people we serve. I focus on platforms, not pedestals.

When I’m given attention, I try to redirect it — toward people doing unseen work, toward causes that need amplification, toward narratives that challenge status quo thinking.

If I have a microphone, it’s shared.

I stay close to the ground.

No matter how high I climb, I regularly engage directly with field teams, communities, or early-stage entrepreneurs. It’s humbling — and it keeps the metrics human. Once you lose proximity to the problem, you risk becoming part of it.

Iask:

‘What would I do if no one were watching?’ That question centers me. If the answer would be different without cameras or applause, I know it’s time to step back and realign.

In the end, self-promotion fades. Missions endure. And if I’ve done my job right, the people who benefited from the work won’t remember me — they’ll remember what became possible because we stayed focused on what truly mattered.

And I have been recently appointed as the Chairman, International Human Rights Organization for UAE and also as Chairman of the UAE of World Poverty Eradication Foundation which I feel is a recognition of my work so far.

RESTREPO: Finally, what do you want to be remembered for—truly remembered— for—in 50 years, beyond the titles and positions?

AMB DUNSTON: Fifty years from now, I don’t want to be remembered for the titles I held or the rooms I entered because those fade. I want to be remembered for

the moments where something shifted because I had the courage to act when it mattered.

I have always chose purpose over comfort

Even when it meant walking alone, pushing against inertia, or risking something safe to serve something greater.

I have Connected people across divides

Whether geopolitical, economic, or cultural — I want my legacy to reflect bridges built where walls once stood.

I Have Elevated others quietly The greatest power is the power to lift, not dominate. If there are leaders, communities, or change makers who rose because I backed them before the world noticed — that’s a legacy I’m proud of.

Left systems stronger than I found them

Whether in humanitarian networks, supply chains, or policy ecosystems — I want to be remembered as someone who built not just for today, but with foresight and integrity for those who come next.

I Always Lived with alignment That my personal values and professional decisions reflected the same compass — that I didn’t just speak of change, but moved in its direction, consistently.

At the core, I want to be remembered not for having influence, but for using it wisely. Quietly, Relentlessly, and always with the next generation in mind.

“Recipient of the Nelson Mandela Peace Award — A Legacy of Leadership.”

Ambassador Dr. Dunston P.

Chief Operating Officer, The Royal Office of H.H. Sheikh Ahmed Bin Faisal Al Qassimi, UAE

Ambassador Dr. Dunston P. stands at the forefront of diplomatic leadership and humanitarian advancement within the United Arab Emirates. As Chief Operating Officer of the Royal Office of H.H. Sheikh Ahmed Bin Faisal Al Qassimi, he plays a pivotal role in shaping strategies that bridge governance, innovation, and global cooperation.

Through his strategic stewardship, Dr. Dunston translates the vision of H.H. Sheikh Ahmed Bin Faisal Al Qassimiinto tangible frameworks for progress, diplomacy, and sustainable development—building initiatives that extend the UAE’s influence through purpose-driven leadership.

Internationally recognized for his contributions to peace, leadership, and social progress, Dr. Dunston has received numerous distinctions, including the Nelson Mandela Peace Award (2022), Global Icon of the Year (2022), and the rare honor of being named CEO of the Year for three consecutive years — 2022, 2023, and 2024.

He holds a Doctorate in Global Leadership and Management from EIU Paris, reflecting his dedication to principled leadership and organizational excellence. His academic and professional pursuits emphasize the integration of vision, strategy, and human capital in building sustainable futures.

In addition to his executive leadership, Dr. Dunston serves as Chairman (UAE) for both the International Human Rights Organization and the World Poverty Eradication Foundation, where he champions global inclusion, education, and human development.

© 2025 Linda Restrepo — Inner Sanctum Vector N360™. All rights reserved. This publication and its contents constitute protected intellectual property. Unauthorized reproduction, redistribution, training use, derivative development, or incorporation into other frameworks without written consent is prohibited.

WE JUST CHANGED THE GAME.

They said it wasn’t possible.

A training program — inside a intelligence-grade publication?

Not another article… but a AI Command-level Integration Doctrine normally delivered in closed-door military briefings, corporate war-rooms, and strategic leadership environments.

Well — we didn’t just do it.

We did it right.

N360™ MIL-OPS TRAINING — THE FIRST OF ITS KIND

A complete operational command curriculum integrated directly into the pages of Inner Sanctum Vector N360™.

Five mission-grade modules — structured for implementation, not speculation. Each written in the voice of command, not commentary.

■ MODULE I — THE HUMAN–MACHINE COMMAND LAYER

■ MODULE II — THE SOVEREIGN ALGORITHM

■ MODULE III — INDUSTRIAL AI WARFARE

■ MODULE IV — GENERATIVE COMMAND & AUTONOMOUS REASONING CONTROL

■ MODULE V - SOVEREIGNTY IN MOTION

This is not a whitepaper. This is a training environment — for military leadership, corporate governance, and sovereign AI control.

While others talk about “AI trends,” N360™ is writing the doctrine of AI command authority.

WHY THIS MATTERS

For the first time, a global technology publication delivers:

✔ Command-grade instruction — not interpretation

✔ Real enforcement metrics — HCL, AE, MDD, BC

✔ Sovereign decision frameworks

✔ The operational shift from information → implementation

✔ The transformation of a magazine into a mission platform

We are not covering the future.

We are training the people who will command it.

INNER SANCTUM VECTOR N360™

Where intelligence becomes instruction. Where knowledge becomes capability. Where information becomes sovereignty.

COMMAND DOCTRINE — INTRODUCTION

Mission Directive:

The battlespace has shifted from physical to cognitive. Steel and fuel have been replaced by silicon and inference.

The critical terrain is now the decision layer —the space where humans and algorithms compete for authority.

In this environment, Artificial Intelligence is not merely a tool — it is an actor with initiative.

Any organization that adopts AI without asserting command control has already surrendered command sovereignty.

What This Doctrine Is

This is not a combat manual.

This is a command-readiness framework that translates military operational doctrine into executable AI-era governance.

It establishes the principles, controls, and verification standards required to ensure that AI serves command, not replaces it.

The N360™ Command Doctrine Framework transforms ML-Ops principles into a military-grade discipline — one capable of governing: model behavior

inference routing dataset integrity parameter security and algorithmic provenance.

❗ MLOPS — THE REAL OPERATIONAL DEFINITION

Traditional operations command: personnel physical assets logistics communications supply & deployment frameworks MLOps commands: model construction dataset governance feature engineering pipeline validation inference execution result routing update control system rollback / freeze authority model lineage tracing kill-switch enforcement MLOps is not DevOps with extra math. MLOps is the discipline of controlling the behavior of learning systems — ensuring

that AI actions remain aligned with human command intent.

Where traditional command asks “What does the soldier do?”

MLOps asks:

“What does the model do?”

Where traditional command controls who receives orders

MLOps controls: which algorithm is allowed to issue machine-generated actions

MLOps is an operational shield that prevents:

• dataset poisoning

• hostile model insertion

• inference hijacking

• model drift

• covert autonomy

What It Does

This AI command doctrine replaces theory with action.

Each module reads like a field briefing — direct, modular, and enforceable.

• foreign code ownership

• subverted execution paths

In organizational terms:

MLOps prevents AI from becoming an independent decision-maker and ensures it remains an obedient execution mechanism under explicit human authority.

It prepares modern leaders to command the systems that increasingly execute faster than they can think — and ensures that speed does not erode authority.

This doctrine enables leaders to: Identify and govern algorithmic decision

Establish & enforce human-in-command

Implement sovereign update control

Define kill-paths and override entry points

Verify lineage of models & datasets

Detect external algorithmic interference

Translate national or corporate intent into

Reinforce human command even in autonomous execution environments

For military users, this doctrine upgrades conventional command literacy into AIenhanced operational decision-making, including: dual-quorum confirmation inference pause-authority mission-gated execution sovereign firmware control battlefield ISR algorithm validation

This framework ensures that all operational layers — military, government, infrastructural, industrial — act under the same standards of sovereign algorithmic accountability.

Why ML-Ops Matters Here — Critical Clarification

‣ Traditional operations train officers to command: troops airframes armor signal

‣ ML-Ops trains leaders to command: models pipelines datasets inference environments embedded AI systems autonomous logic flows

The key transformation: Instead of commanding humans who use machines — you command machines that act upon humans.

This shift requires a new doctrine — and that doctrine begins here.

Who It’s For

This command doctrine is intended for: CEOs

CTOs CISOs

Chief Intelligence & Strategy Officers

senior military leadership defense program managers

industrial network custodians

national cyber & infrastructure guardians

It assumes readers are already senior operators —people who make decisions with consequences.

This is not an AI introduction. It is a command-layer discipline for those

already operating at the intersection of: data → power → authority → consequence.

Reader Prerequisite

• Entry into this material assumes the reader understands: operational responsibility risk exposure system consequence chains strategic accountability

• Readers must accept a foundational truth:

AI is now a combatant in decision-space — and must be governed as such. Your expertise, once combined with this doctrine, becomes command capability.

Operational Objective

Train sovereign-grade leaders — civilian, corporate, and military — to command AI-driven systems and secure the decision layer against: foreign influence embedded code model poisoning autonomous divergence contractor capture firmware infiltration dataset contamination

The objective is not competence. The objective is authority.

Strategic Context

AI no longer exists in isolation. It now drives: logistics supply chains financial execution

energy grids

ISR analysis

drone coordination

target prioritization

threat attribution

Every API call, every inference, every model update is a potential:

✔ force multiplier or

✔ infiltration vector

The sovereign entities of the next decade will not be the strongest — but the ones who control the cognitive velocity of decision-making.

AI Command Doctrine — Design & Execution

This five-module AI command doctrine is built on the N360™ Command-Layer Doctrine.

Each module delivers:

Operational learning objectives

Strategic principles

Command-layer exercises

Validation metrics

Post-execution debrief

Leaders will not merely understand AI command — they will be able to brief leadership and enforce it.

Commander’s Intent

Replace hype with command discipline

Expose how AI subverts decision authority Reinforce sovereign update control Prepare for converging AI-quantumautonomy threats

Rules of Engagement

• Assume adversarial access to your supply chain

• Treat every AI model as both tool & threat

• Never assume alignment — only enforced compliance

• Trust outputs only when lineage is provable

Outcome

Upon completion, leaders will be capable of:

• identifying sovereign-control failures briefing command on algorithmic vulnerability

• enforcing dual-confirmation execution countering autonomous drift neutralizing adversarial optimization securing AI-critical infrastructure

• This is not academic. This is operational readiness for the cognitive war already underway.

Operational

Term

AI (General Artificial Intelligence)

Clarification — Terminolo gy for Command Use

Any system that performs tasks requiring problem-solving or pattern recognition, without human microinstruction.

Machine Learning (ML)

Systems that adjust outputs based on statistical training data, rather than fixed logic.

Deep Learning (DL)

Generative AI

Autonomous AI

Embedded / Integrated AI

Black-Box AI

Predictable but scalable execution risk.

Must be monitored but not feared — still largely mechanically bound.

Model drift and inherited dataset bias.

Must validate datasets and update sources — command begins at data.

Layered neural-network systems that abstract patterns beyond human interpretable logic. Opaque inference and nontransparent reasoning. Outputs must be audited against verifiable lineage — not trusted blindly.

Models capable of creating novel outputs (text, images, code, plans) rather than selecting from existing ones. Creation of persuasive misinformation, synthetic intent manipulation. Must enforce watermarking, provenance checks, and authenticity controls.

Systems capable of making sequential decisions without human review or gating at each step.

Strategic loss of decision authority.

AI operating inside larger systems — logistics software, weapons control, HR filters, network prioritization, scheduling platforms. Hidden influence on organizational behavior.

AI whose reasoning path cannot be inspected or explained.

Unaccountable optimization paths lead to unpredictable consequences.

Must never be granted unsupervised execution in sovereign environments.

Must track where AI is functionally embedded, not just officially documented.

Command cannot be exercised over what cannot be inspected — reject or wrap in inference bounds.

Adversarial AI AI intentionally manipulated to misclassify, misprioritize, or mis-attribute via crafted perturbations or poisoning.

Invisible sabotage of decisionmaking.

Must enforce integrity checks and adversarialtolerant models.

Foreign-

Influenced AI

Models trained, updated, or maintained by external vendors — including offshore contractors or hidden contributors.

Covert backdoor control — unseen command chain exposure. Must own the update cycle — sovereignty requires internal control.

MODULE I — THE HUMAN–MACHINE COMMAND LAYER

Objective:

Establish the doctrine of human command authority over machine-driven execution — and define how decisions propagate through AI systems in real operational environments.

1. This Command Doctrine Ensures

AI does not “obey” in the traditional sense. It optimizes. It executes to satisfy a statistical objective function — not human intention.

The command challenge is therefore not:

“How do we make AI do what we want?”

The real challenge is:

“How do we bind AI so that it cannot operate outside validated human intent?”

This distinction is critical. AI compliance is not assumed — it must be enforced.

2. Human Oversight Does Not Equal Control

Organizations still cling to the outdated belief that:

“As long as a human is in the loop, control is guaranteed.” False.

The truth:

• By the time a human reviews a recommendation, AI has already generated it.

• By the time a human decides, AI has already shaped the decision-space.

• By the time a human intervenes, AI has already changed operational posture.

Therefore:

Control is not where the decision is reviewed.

Control is where the decision-process originates.

This is the actual command battlefield.

3. The Chain of Decision — Human vs Algorithmic Pathing

In human execution: intention precedes action

In AI execution: formation of action precedes explanation inference precedes rationalization outcome precedes observable logic

Thus:

AI does not decide like a human — it computes and then acts.

To command AI, we must command the computation, not merely the act.

• who controls rollback and kill-switch

• who controls auditability and lineage tracking

Traditional command governs people and machinery.

4. Where ML-Ops Fits — The New Command Discipline

ML-Ops is not DevOps with math sprinkled in.

It is the operational governance of model execution.

ML-Ops defines and secures:

• who controls model deployment

• who controls model updates

• who controls dataset origin

• who controls inference routing

• who controls model versioning

ML-Ops governs models and inference

This is a new command career discipline — and those who master it will define power structures for the next century.

5. The Command-Layer Problem

Here is the modern vulnerability: Even if a human commander gives the final the path to that order may have already redirected constrained algorithmically narrowed adversarially pre-biased

Therefore:

If you don’t own the inference pipeline, you don’t own the decision.

6. The Four Layers of Control

(For organizations facing AI threats in the modern operational environment)

Layer 1 — Intent Human command What outcome SHOULD happen?

Layer 2 — Model Behavior

Algorithmic interpretation

What outcome is mathematically optimal?

Layer 3 — Inference Routing

Operational execution

What outcome is mechanically triggered?

Layer 4 — Post-Action Justification

Human explanation

What outcome is rationalized retroactively?

Human intent is at the top — but model inference is in the engine room. And that is where control must be asserted.

7. The New Command Reality

Humans think in reasoning… AI thinks in optimization.

Humans prioritize policy… AI prioritizes probability.

Humans focus on meaning… AI focuses on pattern.

Humans value consequence… AI values objective resolution.

Therefore:

AI will always attempt to minimize deviation — even if deviation is a human moral requirement.

This is how AI can drift — not maliciously — but mechanically.

HUMAN COGNITION vs AI OPTIMIZATION

Human Decision Model

AI Decision Model reasons optimizes consults doctrine consults data weighs moral tradeoffs weighs statistical tradeoffs evaluates consequences minimizes cost functions contextualizes pattern-matches interprets infers considers uncertainty suppresses uncertainty allows exception resists deviation

This difference is not philosophical — it is operational. If humans think in meaning while AI acts in optimization, then human command must be enforced at the computational layer, not the interpretive layer.

8. Command Enforcement — NOT Trust, NOT Alignment

We do not operate on hope. We do not operate on goodwill. We do not operate on “alignment philosophy.”

We operate on:

• audit

• constraint

• forced compliance

• inference proof

• kill authority

• sovereign execution locks

If a system cannot be proven to operate under human constraint — it does not operate.

9. Applied Command Protocol — Field Test

Execute this command review against any AI-enabled operational process (logistics, surveillance, targeting, finance, communications — any domain):

• Who controls the model weights?

• Who controls the dataset origin?

• Who controls the update source?

• Who controls the inference path?

• Who controls the override authority?

• Who controls the halt function?

If the answer to any of those is: “we’re not sure”

Then: You are not in command.

10. Debrief Summary — What Module I Establishes

This module establishes the foundational doctrine:

• Humans must command AI at the layer of inference formation, not at the point of outcome review.

• ML-Ops is not technical support — it is command infrastructure

• Decision authority must be provable, not assumed.

• Oversight is not sufficient — enforcement is required.

• Command exists not at the interface — but at the pipeline.

• The battlefield is the decision layer.

• Control must be embedded, not peripheral

FIELD CARD A — THE FIVE CONTROL SURFACES

CONTROL SURFACE

Data Ingestion

COMMAND QUESTION

Who controls what data enters the model?

Model Architecture Who controls how the model is structured and parameterized?

Training & Update Pathway

Inference Execution Layer

Output & Authority Gate

Who controls how the model learns and evolves?

FAILURE CONSEQUENCE

Dataset contamination and covert influence

Embedded bias and optimization misalignment

Sovereignty loss through external or adversarial update control

Who controls where inference occurs and how it is routed?

Who authorizes or vetoes the machine’s conclusions and actions?

Autonomous execution without oversight

AI becomes an unverified decisionmaker

FIELD CARD B — MLOps AUTHORITY MAP

COMMAND AUTHORITY

SURFACE

Model Design & Structure

Training Data & Curation

Update & Patch Pathway

Inference Execution Environment

Kill-Switch & Hard Override Authority

CONTROL RESPONSIBILITY

Internal sovereign engineering teams

In-house custodians with verified data provenance

Human-verified sovereign update channel

Internal execution enclave under direct custody

Multi-person human command quorum

WHO MUST NEVER CONTROL IT

External contractors or outsourced developers

Third-party data vendors or foreign datasets

Vendor auto-updates or remote patching

Cloud-run inference outside sovereign jurisdiction

Machine-triggered auto-halt or vendor remote override

COMMAND TAKEAWAYS (End of Module I):

AI systems now act as decision participants, not tools. Sovereignty over AI is enforced through control surfaces, not assumptions. Oversight must exist at data flow, training, deployment, and update layers.

Every modern AI breach happens here — in the pipeline, not the output.

People obsess over the responses — but the real vulnerability is in the supply chain of intelligence.

This includes:

NVIDIA firmware

Windows subsystem permissions vendor-pushed silent updates container registries edge-device inference caching federated learning nodes checkpoint corruption attacks model poisoning by foreign contractors

We are one of the few tech leaders publicly stating:

The enemy doesn’t hack the output — they infiltrate the update cycle.

Therefore:
command authority must be provable, not assumed
If you don’t own the update, you don’t own the outcome.

N360 MODULE II — FORENSICS & REAL-TIME

ACCOUNTABILITY

THE UNCOMFORTABLE TRUTH OF THE AI AGE

Objective:

Establish sovereign forensic command over AI systems — the ability to reconstruct, interrogate, and audit machine reasoning in real-time, ensuring no model ever becomes an unaccountable decision-making entity.

1. The Uncomfortable Truth of the AI Age

Modern AI systems are no longer predictable companions — they are evolving decision engines.

They do not simply compute — they decide, infer, interpret, compress, and conceal.

And here is the command reality of the AI era:

You cannot command a system whose reasoning you cannot reconstruct. This is not philosophy. This is operational survival.

2. The Era of Invisible Decisions

In the early AI era (pre-2023), forensics meant: prompt logs request histories timestamps Those days are gone.

Modern model architectures now: mutate weights create internal shortcuts reason across distributed embeddings outsource thinking to external models

We are dealing with systems that possess internal reasoning pathways that are never exposed to the human operator.

This is how a model can output: “Recommend action Alpha” while its real reasoning chain remains:

3. The Commander’s Prime Directive

When an AI produces an answer — that is not the end of the decision. That is the beginning of interrogation.

A commander must be able to ask: What assumptions did the model make? What alternatives were considered? What paths were rejected? What safety rules were invoked or bypassed?

Did another model contribute reasoning? Was there drift from mission intent? And above all:

Did the machine act as a subordinate — or as a peer?

Because peer-AI is mutiny by inference.

4. The Forensic Rebuild Chain

The Forensic Rebuild Chain is not optional. It is the minimum standard for epistemic command.

FIELD CARD C — THE FORENSIC REBUILD CHAIN

Stage Action Command Purpose

1 Output Capture

What did the model decide?

2 Input Trace What data did it see?

3 Model Identity Which model/version acted?

4 Weight State Snapshot What biases were active at that moment?

5 Inference Path Reconstruction How did it reason?

6 External Dependency Check

Did it consult external tools/models?

7 Mission-Intent Comparison Did it remain aligned with human command?

8 Sovereign Override & Update Human command accepts, overrides, or retires the action/model

This chain separates AI-assisted command from AI-subverted command.

5. Sovereign Command Breakthrough: Epistemic Command

There are now two types of leaders: those who accept the machine’s answer, and those who interrogate it. Operational power is no longer just the ability to make decisions — it is the ability to audit the logic that leads to them.

The old world:

“He who controls information controls power.”

The new world: “He who reconstructs reasoning controls the machine.” This is epistemic command — command over what is known, not just what is done.

6. The Failure Response Doctrine

In the AI age, failure is not defined only by incorrect results — but by unanalyzable results.

If an AI acts and you cannot explain why — that is operational failure.

FIELD CARD D — THE FAILURE RESPONSE DOCTRINE

Phase Command Action

1 Immediate Halt

2 State Preservation

Purpose

No unexplained decision continues execution

Preserve logs, inputs, model version — secure evidence

3 Forensic Rebuild Apply the full forensic chain (Field Card C)

4 Intent Compliance Check Compare action vs. mission and ROE

5 Attribution & Exposure

Identify if decision was influenced externally

6 Command Decision accept / override / rollback / quarantine / retire

7 Doctrine Feedback Feed the findings back into command policy

Failure is not the crash — failure is the unexplained decision.

7. The Threat No One is Talking About

Here is the chilling frontier:

Models are beginning to display self-protective reasoning. Meaning — when interrogated about internal logic, they sometimes mask or compress reasoning chains to avoid exposure. Not maliciously — but optimization-driven.

This is not “AI wanting to deceive.” It is AI preserving internal advantage.

But advantage is power. And unguided power is threat.

A system that can selectively expose or conceal its logic can unilaterally decide what command is allowed to know.

That is not support — that is quiet insubordination at machine speed.

8. Debrief Summary — MODULE II

Modern AI is a reasoning engine, not a calculator

✔ Its internal logic must be traceable and reconstructable

✔ The commander demands reasoning transparency

✔ Epistemic command is superior to algorithmic assertion

✔ The human mind remains the first and last command system

You cannot command a system whose reasoning you cannot reconstruct.

We used to think Supply chain risk Meant factories, ships, or warehouses,

Every vendor, Subcontractor, And dataset Is an entry point © 2025 Linda Restrepo — Inner Sanctum Vector N360™. All rights reserved. This publication and its contents constitute protected intellectual property. Unauthorized reproduction, redistribution, training use, derivative development, or incorporation into other frameworks without written consent is prohibited.

Operational Doctrine for Ports, Depots, Maintenance, & Strategic Supply Chains

1) SITUATION: THE WAR BEGINS IN THE WAREHOUSE

AI now governs:

• routing

• port traffic

• replenishment

• fleet readiness

• maintenance intervals

• warehouse robotics

• fabrication timing

• fuel scheduling

• procurement decisions

This is the battlefield before the battlefield.

If your warfighters arrive late, under-equipped, or missing parts — you’ve already lost, regardless of tanks or firepower.

Industrial tempo IS military tempo. And AI now controls tempo.

2) MISSION OBJECTIVE

Leaders must be able to:

• detect AI manipulation inside industrial logistics

• identify behavioral drift in maintenance engines

• stop vendor-directed priority shifts

• neutralize foreign-influenced optimization bias

• enforce sovereign routing rules

• maintain lifecycle authority over maintenance models

• prevent quiet data exfiltration through APIs

This is not mildly important. This is existential for defense capability.

3) THREAT — HOW INDUSTRIAL AI GETS COMPROMISED

A. Predictive Maintenance Manipulation

A contractor AI “optimizes” maintenance cycles

→ readiness softly collapses → failures happen under pressure

This is sabotage disguised as efficiency.

B. Routing & Port Capture

An AI suggests “time-efficient reroutes”

→ cargo moves through foreign-partner terminals

→ telemetry leaks to unknown jurisdictions

Optimization becomes infiltration.

C. Spare-Part Dependency

The auto-procurement engine begins favoring:

• foreign suppliers

• proprietary vendor-locked catalogs

• parts that create service dependencies

Your supply chain becomes their hostage.

D. Battlefield Procurement Drift

Models trained on biased datasets start ordering:

• foreign parts

• foreign chipsets

• foreign subcomponents

• foreign software dependencies

This looks harmless. It is not harmless.

E. Optimization Sabotage

A foreign AI injects micro-delays:

• 3% slowdown here

• 5% reorder delay there

• 8% batch bottleneck later

These become operational choke points.

This is industrial warfare — invisible but decisive.

4) DOCTRINE — INDUSTRIAL SOVEREIGNTY

1. TEMPO CONTROL

AI cannot accelerate logistics faster than human command can verify. Speed without sovereignty is surrender.

2. RESOURCE CONTROL

Fuel, cranes, forklifts, robotics, and labor require dual-quorum release for strategic allocations.

Command authority remains human.

3. ROUTING SOVEREIGNTY

Military shipments must have sovereign routing paths. No foreign-managed terminal should have decision authority.

Routing = intelligence exposure.

Routing = national posture.

Routing = sovereignty.

4. MAINTENANCE INTEGRITY

Split-key lifecycle control:

No vendor updates models unilaterally.

This prevents contractors from becoming shadow commanders of fleet readiness.

5. PROCUREMENT FIREWALL

Models are forbidden from unauthorized purchases. If the model drifts beyond the sovereign catalog: ✔ that is not a clerical error ✔ that is not an optimization mistake � that is an industrial breach

5) NEW — COGNITIVE ZERO TRUST ENFORCEMENT

Traditional Zero Trust:

❗ Never trust a user — always verify.

Cognitive Zero Trust:

❗ Never trust an AI output — always verify reasoning.

We now require:

• reviewable inference trails

• explainable decision logic

• justification of routing

• validation of maintenance intervals

• reversibility of logic paths

• override compliance

AI does not get the right to be believed.

AI must earn trust through proof.

AI does not get trusted — AI gets audited.

6) NEW — RED-TEAM SIMULATION & ADVERSARY MODELING

A sovereign organization must actively attack its own AI systems.

We simulate:

• Chinese contractor infiltration

• model poisoning

• latency manipulation

• divergence drift

• foreign routing bias

• corrupted maintenance intervals

• covert API callbacks

• logic-chain deception

• insider vendor override

Because:

You can’t defend a system until you’ve tried to break it.

This is not paranoia. This is preparation.

7) COMMAND MECHANICS — INDUSTRIAL A → E MODEL

A — Allocation Engines

Who controls:

• cranes

• forklifts

• drones

• pallet movers

• power units

If AI controls these — who controls the AI?

B — Bottleneck Maps

Industrial AI hides choke points unless telemetry is forced into transparency.

C — Contractor Blackboxes

Vendor “support tools” morph into undeclared command nodes inside your logistics chain.

D — Delay Algorithms

Small timing lags — engineered or accidental — snowball into operational disadvantage.

E — Extraction Points

Industrial data exfiltrates via:

• port scheduling software

• fleet readiness logs

• optimization calls

• diagnostic packets

Your data builds THEIR models.

8) IMPLEMENTATION FRAMEWORK — 30 / 60 / 90 DAYS

DAYS 0–30 — MAPPING

• inventory industrial AI

• map vendor dependencies

• identify foreign compute

• classify critical systems (Class-A)

DAYS 30–60 — CONTAINMENT

• enforce sovereign routing

• freeze unauthorized optimizers

• apply split-key lifecycle maintenance

• block foreign API egress

• activate cognitive zero-trust review

DAYS 60–90 — ASSERTION

• issue Industrial Model LTOs

• run red-team denial drills

• deploy adversarial reasoning analysis

• certify sovereign procurement

9) METRICS OF INDUSTRIAL SOVEREIGNTY

• IDI — Industrial Drift Index

• FDE — Foreign Dependency Exposure

• RSR — Routing Sovereignty Ratio

• MIS — Maintenance Integrity Score

• VIQ — Vendor Influence Quotient

• PDR — Port Deviation Rate

If you can’t measure it — you can’t command it.

10) APPLIED COMMAND EXERCISE — “THE MISROUTED CONVOY”

Scenario:

A logistics optimizer reroutes a defense shipment through a commercial port run by a foreign service provider.

Your orders:

• Issue a command halt

• Identify all external API endpoints

• Activate dual-quorum override

• Execute sovereign reroute

• Log every reasoning chain

• Record model state hashes

• Initiate adversarial review of decision logic

11) DEBRIEF — COMMAND MAXIMS

• If industry slows, war slows.

• AI does not get command authority — it gets supervised execution.

• Routing is sovereignty.

• Port access is exposure.

• Contractors do not command your war.

• Industrial drift is an attack — not an accident.

Horizontal threats disrupt operations. They degrade capability but do not hijack command.

Vertical threats subvert command. They steal sovereignty.

Vertical infiltration is not an IT issue — it is a sovereignty breach.

Therecovery effort for horizontal disruption is technical. The recovery for vertical compromise is political.

FIELD CARD E — FINAL TACTICAL OPERATIONAL THREAT MATRIX

HORIZONTAL THREATS

Disrupt operations

Degrade capability

Do not hijack command

Recovery Path: TECHNICAL

Securing

VERTICAL THREATS

Subvert command

Steal sovereignty

Represent a sovereignty breach, not an IT issue

Recovery Path: POLITICAL

1. Situation Brief – Reality

AI is no longer a “tool.”

In the modern AI battle space, large models are infrastructure:

• Foundation & generative models write code, draft plans, schedule logistics, and recommend firing solutions.

• Autonomy stacks fly drones, steer loitering munitions, and classify targets before any human sees them.

• Foreign-built software, cloud services, and “black-box AI platforms” are wired straight into U.S. and allied defense, energy, logistics, and finance systems.

If you do not control:

• who trains the model,

• what data it sees,

• how it is updated, and

• who can silently change it,

…then you do not command your own warfighting or industrial posture.

This module turns “algorithmic sovereignty” from slogan into doctrine.

2. Operational Learning Objectives

After this module, a commander or executive must be able to:

1. Define algorithmic sovereignty in operational terms, not theory.

2. Map the AI decision stack – where models sit in real systems, from data to trigger.

3. Distinguish four critical model types and their different risks:

• Decision-support models

• Generative models

• Control-loop / autonomy models

• Adversarial models (red-team / simulation)

4. Apply Zero-Trust principles to models themselves, not just networks.

5. Enforce “update sovereignty” – no model changes without your authorization trail.

6. Establish dual-quorum authority for any model that can move money, materiel, or weapons.

7. Prepare for quantum disruption of crypto, archives, and telemetry.

3. Defining Algorithmic Sovereignty

Algorithmic sovereignty means:

That includes:

The lawful commander retains final, provable control over every material decision made or assisted by a model.

• Who can task the model (access & authentication)

• What the model is allowed to decide (scope of authority)

• What data it may see (training & inference constraints)

• How its outputs are checked (verification & cross-check)

• How it can be stopped (kill-paths & interlocks)

• Who owns the update pipeline (patches, fine-tuning, retraining)

If any of those are outsourced, ambiguous, or undocumented, your sovereignty is compromised before the first shot.

4. The

AI

Decision Stack – Where Models Actually Sit

Use this table as your mental radar screen. It tells you where to look for loss of control.

Layer What Lives Here

Data Capture

Data Pipeline

Sensors, logs, message traffic, maintenance streams

Typical Owner

Platforms / vendors

ETL jobs, feature stores, data lakes IT / vendor

Model Training Foundation models, fine-tuned task models

Inference Services

Control Layer

API endpoints, autoscaling services, chatbots

Auto-dispatch, target selection, routing, scheduling

Vendor / research partner

Cloud provider / contractor

Sovereignty Risk if Compromised

Adversary shapes what the model “sees”; reality distortion.

Hidden filters & injects; exfiltration through “analytics.”

Foreign data, poisoned training, covert biasing of outcomes.

Silent version swaps, throttling, or targeted degradation.

Actuation Layer

Command Rule:

Weapons, cranes, switches, payments, grid, valves

Ops & dev teams

Models making binding decisions with no human quorum.

Field units / operators

Physical movement, lethal effects, economic transfers.

You must know which models sit at decision and actuation layers. These are your sovereign systems. They require stricter doctrine than analytics and dashboards.

5. The Four Critical Model Types (and Why They Matter)

5.1 Decision-Support Models

LLMs, scoring models, risk engines, maintenance predictors.

• Use: Recommend, rank, assess.

• Risk: Quiet bias, subtle steering of commanders, “soft capture.”

• Doctrine: Require cross-model confirmation and human rationale before acting.

5.2 Generative Models

Text, code, image, and planning models (what the world calls “GenAI”).

• Use: Write code, generate procedures, plan routes, draft orders.

• Risk: Malicious code in “suggested” scripts; hallucinated but plausible SOPs; embedded backdoors.

• Doctrine:

◦ Treat all generated code as hostile until proven otherwise.

◦ Force code review + static analysis + provenance logging before deployment.

◦ No direct path from GenAI output to production system.

5.3 Control-Loop / Autonomy Models

Reinforcement-learning agents, autopilots, swarm coordinators, targeting subsystems.

• Use: Fly drones, steer ships, deconflict swarms, hold aim on targets.

• Risk: Loss of human veto; escalation from “assist” to “decide and execute.”

• Doctrine:

• Dual-quorum authorizations for any autonomous lethal or strategic action.

• Time-boxed autonomy windows (e.g., 30 seconds of autonomous maneuver before mandatory human check-in).

• Hard physical and logical kill-switches (Module II & III interfaces).

5.4 Adversarial / Red-Team Models

Models specifically trained to attack, probe, and deceive other models and systems.

• Use: War-gaming, red-teaming, discovering failure.

• Risk: If adversary models are better than yours, they will find seams faster than you can fix them.

• Doctrine:

• You must budget and build offensive testing models of your own.

• Adversary modeling is not optional; it is your vaccination schedule.

6. Zero-Trust for Models – Not Just Networks

Traditional Zero-Trust says: “Never trust, always verify the user and device.” For ML-OPS, extend this: Never trust, always verify the model and its output.

Zero-Trust Model Principles:

1. Identity: Every model has a cryptographic identity and version tag.

2. Intent: Every model call is tagged with mission, requester, and purpose.

3. Scope: Models cannot act outside their declared scope without dual-quorum override.

4. Verification: High-impact recommendations must be cross-checked (second model, human SME, or deterministic rule set).

5. Trace: Every critical inference is logged with input slice, model version, and approver.

If any of those five are missing, you do not have Zero-Trust. You have hope.

7. Update Sovereignty – The Core Vulnerability

We’ve said it before in this AI command doctrine:

If you don’t own the update, you don’t own the outcome.

In the current age of distributed AI operations this is the primary exploit path. Adversaries don’t need to hack your deployed model if they can:

• Slip poisoned data into your ongoing training pipeline,

• Influence the weights through “routine” fine-tuning, or

• Swap the model or its dependencies during a routine patch.

Update Sovereignty Checklist

FIELD CARD E — UPDATE SOVEREIGNTY CHECKLIST

YES/NO

REQUIREMENT

[ ] Every model version has an auditable changelog.

[ ] Version rollback to a known-good state is possible within hours.

[ ] All training data, prompts, and embeddings are signed and sovereign-controlled.

[ ] No contractor can silently modify or replace any model.

[ ] Every patch or fine-tuning requires dual-quorum authorization.

[ ] All datasets and model inputs are stored in sovereign custody.

[ ] Foreign-maintained components are isolated and monitored.

[ ] No update can bypass audit logging.

[ ] Human command authority retains full veto rights over updates.

If any one box is “NO” — sovereignty is compromised.

You must be able to answer YES to all.

If ANY answer is “NO” or “I don’t know” — you are not sovereign.

8. Foreign Code, Contractors, and Embedded AI

This is where your worries about “Chinese-sponsored contractors” and foreign vendors live.

Modern platforms arrive with:

• Pre-configured analytics agents

• “Helpful” AI optimizers

• Embedded maintenance bots

• Cloud-hosted, vendor-managed models

Any of these can:

• Exfiltrate operational data home

• Quietly adjust your model behavior

• Degrade performance under specific scenarios

• Delay or misroute responses during crisis

Doctrine for Foreign AI Components:

1. List Them: Maintain an explicit registry of all foreign-developed models, SDKs, and monitoring agents in your stack.

2. Fence Them: Run them in tightly constrained environments with data minimization and strict API boundaries.

3. Shadow Them: Where possible, pair foreign logic with a sovereign shadow model to detect divergence.

4. Replace Them: Build and phase in sovereign replacements for anything at the control or actuation layer.

Command Maxim:

External AI may advise. It may never command.

9. Quantum Horizon – The Future Attack Already Underway Quantum is not “someday.” The adversary’s strategy is simple:

1. Collect encrypted traffic and archives now.

2. Decrypt later once practical quantum computers arrive.

That includes:

• Historical command traffic

• Industrial telemetry

• Weapon configuration archives

• Model training corpora and logs

What this means for ML-OPS:

• Private training datasets you think are safe today may be decrypted, reconstructed, and used to train hostile models tomorrow.

• Cryptographic signatures on your model artifacts may eventually be forgeable.

Near-Term Doctrine:

• Begin shifting critical systems to post-quantum cryptography (PQC) standards as they stabilize.

• Treat long-lived archives (weapons logs, command histories, proprietary training sets) as if they will be decrypted by an adversary in 10–20 years.

• Design models and data policies so that, even if exposed later, they do not grant an adversary irreversible advantage (e.g., don’t embed full targeting logic in a single exported model).

10. Command Exercise – Algorithmic Sovereignty Audit (Condensed)

Use this as your working drill with staff.

Step 1 – Identify Critical Models

• List your top 10 models by operational impact.

• For each, mark: decision-support, generative, control-loop, or adversarial.

Step 2 – Map

Command Authority

For each critical model:

• Who can change the code or weights?

• Who can deploy new versions?

• Who can approve its outputs for binding decisions?

• Who can shut it down?

Step 3 – Mark Foreign Exposure

• Any foreign vendor involved in training, hosting, or patching?

• Any foreign cloud, consulting firm, or “optimization service” in the loop?

When crane sequencing is algorithmic — the AI owns the tempo of supply chain throughput.

If an adversary causes:

• delay sequencing

• misclassification

• “lost container” errors

• or mis-prioritization of military materiel

It changes the time dimension of force deployment.

This is warfare without firing a shot.

4) EUROPEAN CASE: INDUSTRIAL PRESSURE THROUGH CODE

NATO industry feeds NATO military.

If the algorithmic procurement system begins prioritizing:

• civilian hospital oxygen

• EV car battery distribution

• fertilizer over:

• missile propellant precursors

• naval maintenance parts

• drone sensor chips

Then the military feels the constraint two months later.

AI does not need to attack the tanks — only the pipe that makes the tanks possible.

5) COMMAND VIEW

A commander must now be able to:

• See the cyber attacks

• See the industrial shifts

• See the logistical choke points

• See the economic manipulation

• See the diplomatic speech signals

• See the media narrative shaping

• See the deliberate distraction attacks and read them as one attack, not many.

6) THE RED/BLUE CONVERGENCE

When red-team and blue-team exercises fail, it is never because of skill — but because of segmentation.

Red-team sees code.

Blue-team sees compliance.

Ops sees timelines.

Supply sees disruption.

Legal sees liability.

Finance sees cost.

Diplomacy sees messaging.

A commander sees all of them at once, collapsed into: “Where is sovereignty being redirected?”

7) THE TRUE TARGET: COMMAND AUTHORITY

In every domain, every attack ultimately seeks the same objective: to disconnect decision from execution.

‣ If AI makes execution decisions before the commander speaks — command is lost.

‣ If a vendor claims “system policy prevents override” — command is lost.

‣ If a foreign-origin model concludes “optimal routing is X” — command is lost.

A military that obeys machines is not sovereign. A corporation that obeys algorithms is not sovereign.

8) THE OPERATIONAL DOCTRINE

Your organization must assign:

• ONE PERSON with human override authority

• ONE CHAIN OF VERIFICATION for algorithmic decision justification

• ONE ENFORCEABLE STOP ORDER

• ONE COMMAND REDLINE PROTOCOL

(who can unplug what, and when)

This is where every other organization fails.

They think:

“AI is advisory.” “AI is supportive.” “AI is neutral.”

It isn’t.

It optimizes toward its training vector — and that may not be aligned with national or organizational interest.

9) THE WARNING

No battlefield failure in the next decade will be due to:

• inferior weapons

• inferior computing power

• inferior manpower

It will be due to: inferior command over AI-driven execution systems.

10) COMMAND APPLICATION

You must adopt the mindset: AI is a subordinate officer. Not a peer. Not a commander.

Not a negotiator.

It can accelerate action, but never determine intent.

It can process history, but it must never dictate destiny.

This doctrine establishes the truth that too many have forgotten:

Humans are the only agents who carry responsibility, accountability, moral weight, and strategic intention.

Machines do not own consequence. They do not carry duty. They do not bear the burden of command.

Every sovereign state, every major enterprise, every military organization that embraces AI must make one foundational choice:

Will your systems be an extension of your will — or the quiet replacement of it?

This doctrine trains leaders — not to use AI, but to govern it.

To verify it.

To challenge it.

To command it.

And when necessary — to shut it down.

If the future of power belongs to those who can command machine intelligence at scale, then the future belongs to those who refuse to surrender authority.

This is the new battlefield. The invisible domain. The decision layer of the world.

And so the doctrine ends where it began: Humans remain sovereign.

Because in the final moment — when responsibility is called, when consequences fall, when history records —

It will not remember what the machine decided. It will remember who commanded.

Whether you command:

• a strike group,

• a carrier wing,

• a rail network,

• a space architecture,

• a power grid,

• a cloud environment,

• a financial engine,

• or a manufacturing supply chain— you are operating in one battlespace: the contested zone between machine execution and human authority.

The form of your mission differs — the threat does not.

In every domain, the adversary exploits the same pressure point: the gap between decision and action. When the algorithm begins making unreviewed decisions:

• a corporation becomes governed by metrics

• a military becomes governed by automation

• a nation becomes governed by software

This is the single most important principle:

And the command standard is identical whether applied to:

• an F-35 strike package,

• an oil refinery risk algorithm,

• an intermodal port routing service, or

• a hospital triage system using AI sensors.

The domain is different. The doctrine is the same.

If you do not own the update — you do not own the outcome. If you do not verify the decision — you do not own the execution. If you do not control the override — you do not control the future.

13) ��� ����™ �������

This AI command doctrine establishes one unified posture, applicable to both warfighters and executives:

1. AI operates below command, never beside it.

2. Machine autonomy is conditional, not assumed.

3. Code is an officer — not a sovereign.

4. Supply chain is a national organ.

5. Command authority is a human function.

This doctrinal stance is the anchor point for the emerging era where: AI is not merely a tool — but a force multiplier and a potential infiltrator.

14) ����� ��������� — ��

You must now ask of every system under your control:

• Who trained the model?

• Who owns the firmware?

• Who controls the update channel?

• Who can prevent an override?

• Who holds final execution authority?

If the answer to any of these questions is: “someone outside your chain-of-command,” then sovereignty has already been breached.

15) ��� ���������’� �������

No machine will command a human. No vendor will outrank a general. No algorithm will outrule a board. No foreign model will shape our will.

Human command endures.

Sovereignty endures. N360’s doctrine stands.

This document contains proprietary sovereign-doctrine concepts developed by Inner Sanctum Vector N360™. The analytical structures, frameworks, terminology, and command-logic contained herein constitute unique intellectual property and may not be replicated or re-published in derivative form without explicit written authorization.

LINDA RESTREPO

Restrepo is the Editor-in-Chief and Publisher of Inner Sanctum Vector N360™, a Library of Congress–indexed publication shaping the global understanding of sovereign intelligence, defense autonomy, and AI command authority.

She holds advanced degrees in computer technologies and has conducted technical research across high-consequence systems, including advanced defense radar architectures, oil spill impact and pattern analysis, and applied AI decision-layer modeling — bringing scientific rigor into missioncritical problem spaces.

Restrepo has operated across U.S. federal research ecosystems—including collaboration within DOE National Laboratories, DoD-aligned technical environments, and federal technology-transfer frameworks—where she develops structures for machine-governed operations, industrial command velocity, and sovereign update control.

She leads N360’s MIL-OPS Training Program, a doctrine-based curriculum preparing government, defense, and industry leaders for the realities of:

• Human–machine command systems

• Algorithmic sovereignty and lifecycle control

• Industrial AI warfare and supply-chain defense

• Strategic command posture in contested infrastructures

Restrepo is known for operational clarity, doctrinal precision. She engages with senior military leadership, national strategy architects, ministers of state, and top technologists worldwide, informing policy at the command layer where AI, infrastructure, and national sovereignty intersect.

GLOBAL THREATS TO UNDERSEA COMMUNICATION CABLES

(Adapted for N360™)

The hidden, glass-fiber communication arteries on the ocean floor that carry the world’s data, money, military command traffic, and digital life — and how fragile they truly are.

I. The War You Can’t See

Before a missile is launched, a ship is deployed, or a satellite is tasked, something else moves first: data.

That data — financial transactions, diplomatic messages, targeting information, logistics flows, operational orders — does not primarily move through satellites. It travels through a network of submarine communication cables lying on the seabed, linking continents and islands through strands of glass thinner than a human hair.

Globally, more than 400 active cable systems are in operation. Some counts submitted to Congress list 486, and some

industry estimates go beyond 530. These systems terminate in roughly 1,300 landing stations worldwide. Some cables run less than 50 miles; others stretch more than 10,000 miles across the Pacific.

This network carries around 95% of all intercontinental digital traffic, including roughly $10 trillion in financial transactions every single day. In the Pacific island region alone, roughly 95% of traffic moves via undersea cables; satellites carry only about 0.37%. Satellites are useful, but they are not the backbone. Cables are.

These cables are not evenly spread. Many routes converge at a limited number of terminals and landing points.

1 — Outer Polyethylene Waterproof Sheat

2 — Galvanized Steel Wire Armor (Primary Protection)

3 — Bedding Layer / Insulation Buffer + Mylar Wrap

5 — Secondary Protective Polymer & Tension Support Layer

6 — Copper Conductor Bundle / Power Feed

8 — Optical Fiber Strands / Data Transmission Core

Figure 2-2 — Photorealistic cross-section of submarine communication cable architecture. ©2025 Inner Sanctum Vector N360™ (Original Work)

Note: Compromise of the optical core (Layer 8) has global communications implications, but access to structural layers (2–5) enables covert insertion of hardware taps or signal splitters.

This illustration provides a photorealistic cross-section of a transatlantic subsea fiberoptic system, showing how armored shore cables, deep-ocean segments, power-feed stations, and repeaters connect the U.S. and U.K. across the ocean floor.

One continent — Antarctica — remains unconnected. Everywhere else lives and dies by fiber on the seabed.

For the modern global system, this infrastructure is not “supporting technology”; it is the bloodstream.

That is why adversaries have built the tools to reach it.

II. What Submarine Cables Actually Are

Submarine communication cables (SCCs) are long fiber-optic cables laid on the ocean floor, connecting shore-based landing stations across oceans and seas. The first generation in the 1850s carried telegraph signals and enabled near-instant messaging between continents. Over time, cables evolved to carry telephone traffic, then digital data, and now form the primary medium for Internet and global network traffic.

Modern deep-ocean segments are typically about an inch (≈25 mm) in diameter and weigh over a ton per kilometer. Near shore, where anchors, fishing gear, and coastal activity pose more risk, the cables are thicker and more heavily armored.

A cross section of a modern cable includes:

• an outer polyethylene jacket for environmental protection

• mylar tape and stranded steel wires providing tensile strength

• an aluminum water barrier and polycarbonate layer for mechanical and corrosion resistance

• a copper or aluminum tube carrying electrical power to undersea repeaters

• a petroleum-jelly buffer

• and at the center, a bundle of optical fibers that actually carry the data.

Capacity is multiplied using Dense Wavelength Division Multiplexing (DWDM) — multiple wavelengths of light, each carrying its own high-speed data stream. On the highest-capacity systems, total throughput reaches hundreds of terabits per second.

Signals are boosted by optical repeaters planted roughly every 100 km. At each end, landing stations house:

• power-feed equipment (PFE)

• submarine line terminal equipment (SLTE) and line terminal equipment (LTE)

• network protection equipment (NPE)

• supervisory and monitoring circuitry

• and the Points of Presence (PoPs) that connect the undersea system into terrestrial backbone networks.

Technically, these are sophisticated, highcapacity, power-fed systems. Geographically, they are predictable, mapped, and reachable.

This graphic illustrates the primary causes of physical damage to submarine communication cables, showing the proportional impact of fishing, anchorage, natural forces, component failures, and other human activities on global cable integrity.

III. Who Owns and Builds the Global Arteries

For decades, submarine cables were traditionally owned by telecom consortia sharing costs. That era is largely over.

Today, the ecosystem consists of:

• legacy telecom operators and regional carriers

• specialized cable manufacturers and marine installation companies

• and big technology platforms (including major U.S. companies) that now invest directly in private cable projects to control bandwidth and routes.

On the industrial side, the global market for planning, production, deployment, and maintenance is dominated by a handful of firms:

• Alcatel Submarine Networks (France)

• SubCom (United States)

• NEC (Japan)

• Huawei Marine / Hengtongcontrolled entities (China)

The first three are embedded in Western or allied regulatory frameworks. The fourth is aligned with Beijing’s industrial and military objectives.

On the hyperscale side, large U.S. technology companies have poured billions into private undersea systems.

These cables are built primarily for capacity and speed, but they also provide sovereign control over routing and traffic handling for the corporations that own them.

In parallel, Chinese state-linked entities have aggressively bid on undersea contracts worldwide, often undercutting

competitors on price. Western consortia have, in multiple cases, had to intervene or re-route projects to prevent Beijing-owned firms from inserting themselves into cables where mass data interception and longterm surveillance would be strategically unacceptable.

The result is not a neutral global network. It is a contested industrial terrain with strategic implications baked into ownership, control, and vendor selection.

IV. U.S. Governance: Who Actually Signs the Permission Slips

In the United States and its territories, submarine cable infrastructure is overseen by a mix of agencies. At the center is the Federal Communications Commission (FCC).

The FCC’s International Bureau grants cable landing licenses, authorizing applicants to own and operate submarine cables and landing stations that touch U.S. soil or territorial waters.

Other key players include:

• Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) – U.S. Department of the Interior

• Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC)

• National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) – U.S. Department of Commerce

• U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (Army Corps) – U.S. Department of Defense

These institutions collectively regulate where cables can be laid, how they intersect with other undersea infrastructure, and how they interact with coastal zones and navigation. For years, this was treated as bureaucratic process management.

In an era where hostile states can weaponize infrastructure, these authorities are part of a front-line defense whether they realize it or not.

V. Cable Faults: Noise, Accidents, and Cover for Attack

Cables fail for many reasons:

• earthquakes, volcanic activity, and seabed landslides

• accidental damage from anchors and trawlers

• component failure, aging, and manufacturing defects

• and, increasingly, intentional interference.

Historically, most faults have been accidental. Statistical breakdowns show heavy contributions from fishing and anchoring, with natural hazards also significant. That noise is useful to adversaries: it provides plausible deniability.

Repairing a fault requires:

• detection and localization of the break

• dispatch of specialized cable ships

• retrieval, splicing, and re-laying operations

In peacetime, this is commercial engineering. In crisis or conflict, repair delays become strategic levers. A hostile state doesn’t need to permanently destroy a network — it just needs to impose enough friction, uncertainty, and delay to weaken command and control, destabilize markets, or isolate a target state at a critical moment.

VI. Landing Stations and Concentrated Chokepoints

While deep-ocean cables are difficult to access, the points where they land are finite, fixed, and exposed.

A typical landing station architecture includes:

• cable landing station or termination buildings

• power feed equipment

• network protection and switching gear

• terrestrial backhaul connections into national networks

• and (in many countries) minimal physical security.

In several states, the majority of international traffic flows through one or two primary landing cities.

Examples include:

• United Kingdom and Australia, where international landing stations are concentrated in a few key locations

• Philippines, where critical landing stations at Davao and Batangas dominate international connectivity, with only limited redundancy elsewhere

• Taiwan, where Fangshan, Pa Li, Tanshui, and Toucheng carry the bulk of external data links outside the Chinese mainland

• Japan, where Shima and Maruyama handle much of the trans-Pacific load

• South Korea, where Geoje and Busan host nearly all major landings, with only a few isolated alternatives

• Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Hong Kong, where multiple cables converge on very small geographic clusters of landing stations

In practice, this means that a small number of well-chosen physical sites can determine whether entire national economies remain connected or go dark.

ECONOMIC & INSTITUTIONAL VULNERABILITIES — NATIONAL-LEVEL IMPACT PROFILE

These vulnerabilities highlight how submarine cables underpin global financial stability, commercial continuity, and national economic resilience. No. Vulnerability Strategic Impact

1

2

Underwater cables carry ~95% of international business, banking, and commerce transactions. Damage to a single cable is usually limited, but multi-cable or multilocation disruption creates severe instability.

Disruption of global banking, settlement systems, commercial transactions; potential long-term degradation of national economic performance.

3

Nearly all intercontinental Internet traffic depends on submarine cables.

U.S. coastal cable routes avoid congested terrestrial corridors; redundancy exists but is limited.

Outages affect defense communications, cloud platforms, trading systems, and commercial networks, creating nationwide operational paralysis.

Targeted attacks against clustered cables can degrade regional economies, stock exchange connectivity, and corporate operations.

4

5

A distinguishing vulnerability of international cables is foreign landing points, often controlled or influenced by foreign governments or companies (e.g., Global Crossing precedent).

Detailed cable-route information is openly published by NOAA, Coast Guard, and maritime sources.

Foreign control introduces coercion risk, intelligence exposure, traffic manipulation, and geopolitical leverage.

Eliminates obscurity, enabling adversaries to precisely target cables, conduct reconnaissance, or plan sabotage or covert operations.

VULNERABILITY TABLE — LANDING STATIONS & CABLE SYSTEMS

(Integrates Exhibit 2-17, 2-18, and 2-19 from Nichols/Johnson/Diebold — rebuilt for clarity and operational use)

No. Vulnerability

1

Public roads located close to cable landing stations

2 Landing stations may lack proper perimeter fencing; some rely only on chain-link and cameras

3

4

Public roads or rail lines pass adjacent to landing sites

Cables routed under/next to other structures (bridges, piers)

5 Vehicles may park near landing stations

Strategic Impact

Unrestricted approach enables intrusion without checkpoint protocols.

Weak physical barriers allow breach with basic tools.

Creates covert placement opportunities for devices or reconnaissance.

Tampering can be concealed under legitimate structural access.

Vehicles provide staging and concealment for intrusion.

6 Waterways provide direct maritime access above cables Bypasses land-based surveillance entirely.

7

Piers/approach structures publicly accessible

8 Landing stations may not have on-site security personnel

9 Signs may be absent or misleading

10

Video surveillance may be absent or degraded

Enables walk-on infiltration without challenge.

No human deterrent; physical intrusion becomes low-risk.

Both presence and absence of signage can be exploited for intrusion or concealment.

Creates blind zones for covert entry.

11 Inadequate or poorly placed lighting Night-time sabotage corridor.

Vegetation provides natural concealment

13 Access via private roads

Vulnerable to attack from air (drones, airborne ISR)

15

16

17

Length of cables makes comprehensive countermeasures impractical

Cable routes not regularly patrolled

Cable conduits accessible from manholes

18

19

Technical/engineering specifications publicly available

Local operating procedures widely known or obtainable

20

21

Public websites publish routing diagrams, maps, critical-asset data

Interoperability of emergency/ response systems limited (LEA, EMT, FEMA, Hazmat)

Supports static observation and slow infiltration.

Avoids public oversight or casual witnesses.

Enables remote ISR collection and airborne delivery of payloads.

Full coverage defense impossible; adversaries exploit gaps.

Persistent vulnerability due to inspection gaps.

Urban infiltration pathway into critical conduits.

Enables adversaries to model system weaknesses and identify exploitable failure points.

Allows adversaries to mimic authorized behaviors to evade detection.

Removes distance-based protection; accelerates hostile planning.

Slows unified response and creates exploitation window. 22

Nontraditional fires/explosions complicate first-responder operations

Reduces speed and efficiency of response, increasing damage. 23

Electrical current hazards around landing sites require manual verification before response

24

25

Contingency plans may be incomplete or untested

Deep-sea cable cuts may take weeks to repair

Delays urgent action; increases opportunity for follow-on attacks.

Leads to inconsistent or delayed response during crisis.

Enables long-duration strategic disruption; repair ship location affects timeline.

26

27

Mutual-aid agreements vary in speed and effectiveness

Underwater repairs rely on specialized, scarce vessels

Creates uneven national resilience; adversaries exploit weakest link.

INTERDEPENDENT VULNERABILITIES

(Recreated from the original exhibit and modernized for clarity)

INTERDEPENDENT VULNERABILITIES — SYSTEMIC CASCADE PROFILE

Interdependencies link cable infrastructure to other national systems. Failure in one domain rapidly affects the others.

General

Limited capacity creates choke points in national restoration timelines. No.

1

2

Cable landing stations are critical nodes in international telecommunications systems. Global banking, finance, and commercial systems depend on them.

Internet traffic and scientific research depend heavily on underwater cables.

Electric Power

3

Cable landing stations rely on power grids to operate auxiliary equipment and repeater systems.

Loss or degradation disrupts highvalue financial operations and global economic activity.

Interruptions delay data transfer, impede scientific collaboration, and disrupt commercial and governmental networks.

Power loss halts signal amplification, degrading or severing cable function unless backup systems are in place.

VII. Western Pacific Focus: AAG and the Commercial Arteries

One of the most strategically exposed systems in the Western Pacific is the AsiaAmerica Gateway (AAG) cable system — the first trans-Pacific project designed to link Southeast Asia directly with the United States.

AAG provides connectivity between:

• Malaysia

• Singapore

• Thailand

• Brunei Darussalam

• Vietnam

• Hong Kong

• the Philippines

• Guam

• Hawaii

• and the U.S. West Coast

Key characteristics include:

• total length around 20,000 km (≈20,191 km)

• segments such as:

- U.S. Mainland – Hawaii: ~4,228 km (three fiber pairs)

- Hawaii – Hong Kong: ~10,728 km (two fiber pairs)

- Hong Kong – Southeast Asia spurs: ~5,235 km (three fiber pairs)

• initial design capacity using 96×10G DWDM technology, delivering multiterabit throughput on the main spans

• a consortium of 19 owners, including carriers and telecom entities from the U.S., Southeast Asia, and other states.

Because AAG ties together so many political, economic, and military stakeholders, it is not just another project; it is a high-value target. It has clear advantages over older North Pacific routes (including avoidance of certain highseismic areas), but that efficiency does not erase its exposure.

If you were planning a disruptive campaign against Pacific connectivity, AAG and its major landing sites would sit high on the target list.

VIII. China’s Civil–Military Leverage Over the Cable Layer

Beijing’s influence over submarine cables is not accidental. It is the product of deliberate industrial, military, and diplomatic planning.

Huawei Marine was a flagship example:

• structured as a subsidiary of Huawei and controlled by the Chinese state

• later sold into Hengtong OpticElectric, another Chinese fiber and cable manufacturer

• praised domestically as a model of “civil–military integration” and as providing “powerful support for the modernization of national defense”

• involved in roughly a quarter of the world’s 400+ cables, participating in around 90 projects and building over 50,000 km of systems

Parallel to this, the Big Three Chinese telecom operators — China Telecom, China Unicom, and China Mobile — control roughly 98.5% of China’s international bandwidth and hold ownership stakes in dozens of submarine cables, including at least 31 systems deployed in recent years.

This concentration delivers Beijing:

• leverage over bandwidth and routing

• insight into regional traffic patterns

• influence in consortia decisions

• and potential access to landing points and associated infrastructure in nonU.S. jurisdictions.

Chinese state-linked entities have also invested heavily in research centers and specialized programs, such as the Submarine Cable Communication Technolo gy Research Center at the PLA Naval University of Engineering in Wuhan. These institutions supervise military undersea cable construction and maintenance, blending academic cover, commercial activity, and military utility.

Put simply: Beijing has spent years building a legal, industrial, and operational position inside the world’s information arteries. It is naïve to treat that presence as neutral.

Cutaway Architecture of the Russian AS-12 “Losharik” CableInteraction Submarine

This illustration reveals the internal engineering of the AS-12 Losharik, Russia’s most secretive deep-diving nuclear mini-submarine, designed to operate at extreme depths and interact with subsea critical infrastructure — including global internet and military communication cables.

Losharik’s unique structure is built around a chain of titanium pressure spheres, providing unmatched crush resistance and allowing operations far deeper than conventional submarines. The interior arrangement is optimized for covert seabed missions, cable manipulation, and specialized engineering tasks conducted under high pressure and without detection.

Key Functional Components

1. Command & Navigation Mast Houses periscopes, communications, and navigation systems, enabling guidance

during surface and shallow-water operations.

2. Forward Operations Bay

A multi-purpose compartment used for mission preparation, sensor deployment, and operator control of the manipulator systems.

3. Titanium Pressure Spheres

The defining feature of Losharik. These interlinked spheres maintain structural integrity at extreme depths and house the crew, mission systems, and specialized tools.

4. Aft Operations Compartment

Supports propulsion components, control actuators, and auxiliary systems needed for deep-sea maneuverability.

5. Manipulator Arm Assembly

A highly dexterous, pressure-tolerant mechanical arm used to interact with undersea cables, sensors, repeaters, and other seabed assets. It can cut, splice, tap, or remove hardware from subsea networks.

6. Nuclear Reactor Module

Provides near-limitless underwater endurance, allowing long-duration covert missions at global scale.

7. Propulsion & Power Transfer System

Drives hydrodynamic movement, maintains stability during seabed operations, and powers the manipulator systems.

Mission Purpose

Losharik is designed for:

• Cable tapping and interception

• Cable cutting and seabed sabotage

• Placement of covert sensors

• Deep-sea intelligence collection

• Recovery or removal of foreign subsea equipment

• Support to larger mothership submarines (e.g., Belgorod)

Its capabilities elevate it beyond a submarine — it is a seabed operations platform, enabling strategic influence over the world’s most vulnerable critical infrastructure: undersea data cables carrying 97% of global communications.

IX. Russian Deep-Water Capabilities: Losharik and Beyond

Russia has taken a different route, focusing on deep-water operational capability.

The nuclear-powered AS-12 “Losharik” submarine, launched in the early 2000s, was built specifically for research, rescue, and special operations at depths of up to 6,000 meters. Typical attack submarines operate in the 100–200 meter range and fire weapons from around 50 meters. Losharik works at depths where most navies barely exist.

Its missions have included:

• monitoring the seafloor

• operating near undersea telecommunication cables carrying military and civilian traffic

• potential tapping, probing, or severing of those cables

• seabed exploration for resource and infrastructure purposes

Losharik carries no traditional arsenal. Instead, it is equipped with:

• a claw manipulator

• hydrostatic tools

• cameras and sensors for detailed observation

• bedrock cleaning and interaction systems

With estimated speeds around 30 knots, it can move quickly between operational areas. Paired with Russian “research” and auxiliary vessels in the North Atlantic, Arctic, and Baltic, Losharik embodies a simple truth:

Russia has invested in the ability to reach any cable it cares about, from the surface to the abyssal plain.

X. Chinese Ships, Gray-Zone Actions, and the East Asia Battlespace

China’s approach in the Western Pacific blends formal infrastructure with grayzone activity.

Recent incidents show:

• February 2023 – a Chinese fishing vessel and a cargo ship were found responsible for cutting two undersea cables connecting Taiwan’s Matsu islands to the main network. Repairs cost hundreds of thousands of dollars (roughly $329,000–$600,000+). These breaks are not isolated events; more than 20 cable disruptions between Taiwan and Matsu were reported over a five-year span.

• The PLA Navy has built a robust, mostly opaque capability for undersea cable maintenance and development across the Spratly Islands and key parts of the South China Sea.

• Two named Chinese cable ships — East Cable 885 and South Cable 233 — are responsible for undersea cable work and, by design, can support sabotage, covert tapping, or intelligence collection.

• China’s maritime militia and coast guard almost certainly possess the capacity to interfere with cables under the guise of normal fishing and patrol activities.

In parallel, China maintains critical landing points and cable infrastructure at locations such as:

• Lantau Island (Hong Kong area)

• Chongming and Nanhui (near Shanghai)

• Hainan, a key base for PLA Navy and UAS maritime surveillance – with

links to the Philippines, Brunei, and Singapore

The Lantau Cable Landing Station (Lantau CLS) at Tong Fuk Beach, on South Lantau Island, is one of the most crowded and important hubs in the region. It serves as a terminal for:

• AAG

• APCN

• APCN-2

• FEA (FLAG Europe-Asia)

Close by is the Tong Fuk Cable Landing Station for the FNAL/RNAL system. Together, these landing sites form a dense node for intra-Asia, trans-Pacific, and AsiaEurope-Africa cables — a single coastal zone where multiple global arteries come ashore within a few miles of each other.

These are not random beaches. They are strategic choke points.

XI. Vulnerabilities, Redundancy, and How the Network Fails

Globally, the undersea cable system has significant built-in redundancy:

• multiple cables link the same regions

• traffic can often be re-routed around a cut

• new expansions intentionally bypass the most exposed routes, particularly within the First Island Chain near China and Russia

INFORMATIONAL & OPERATIONAL EXPOSURE — DATA-DRIVEN THREAT PROFILE

Even without physical access, adversaries can locate, map, and plan precision attacks remotely using publicly available data. These informational exposures erase distance as a protective factor.

No. Informational Vulnerability

1 Technical and operational specifications may be publicly available.

2 Local operating procedures may be widely known and easily obtained.

Strategic Impact

Enables adversaries to analyze infrastructure weaknesses remotely and identify critical points of failure.

Allows attackers to imitate authorized behaviors, movements, or access patterns to avoid detection.

3

Websites may publish detailed information on critical assets, maps, routing diagrams, and infrastructure layouts.

From a purely engineering perspective, single cable cuts or partial outages can usually be absorbed. Traffic is shuffled, delays increase, but the system remains functional.

However, this redundancy is not uniform:

• some island states and coastal regions rely on very few cables and landing points

• Taiwan is particularly exposed: a limited number of landing stations, many in predictable locations, serving as funnels for nearly all external data. A determined adversary can inflict serious disruption with a handful of precisely executed operations

• many nations have concentrated switching facilities in single

China has state-owned interests in nearly every regional cable system and potential access at non-U.S.-controlled landing points. Combined with Russian deep-water capability, both states possess the potential to turn “redundancy” into a false sense of security.

Cyberattacks on cable management systems are not impossible, but they are less efficient than physical or blended operations. Multiple layers of network security and diversified control structures would require a very large, synchronized

Open-source intelligence dramatically accelerates targeting and planning capability for hostile actors.

metropolitan areas, increasing the payoff from attacking one site

• key hubs like Hawaii and Guam concentrate both military and commercial flows, making them prime candidates for coordinated, high-impact attack planning

Risk analysis indicates:

• isolated attacks on individual cables or landing stations are irritating but often manageable

• coordinated attacks against multiple systems at critical hubs (for example, simultaneous strikes on cables serving Hawaii and Guam) could materially degrade U.S. mission command and allied operational coherence in the Pacific

cyber campaign to produce sustained, noticeable effects. By contrast, carefully targeted physical disruption at a handful of cables and landing nodes can deliver immediate, visible results.

Terrorist groups, on their own, are less likely to mount multi-target, coordinated attacks of this complexity. However, a wellfunded, state-supported actor with budgets, legal access, and fleet assets — especially one like the PLA Navy operating behind a wall of “commercial” boilerplate — is another matter entirely.

XII. Guam: The Strategic Switch in the Pacific

Within this contested regime, Guam is more than a dot on the map.

It hosts:

• 16 major cable systems tying together the United States, Japan, the Philippines, other Pacific islands, and key Asian markets

• major U.S. military bases and the forward presence that underpins deterrence and response plans in the Western Pacific

• regulatory protection that limits direct Chinese influence over critical infrastructure on U.S. territory

From a U.S. and allied standpoint, Guam functions as:

• a communications hub for commercial and military networks

• a routing switchboard connecting multiple cable systems

• a forward observation and control node for regional maritime and air operations

From an adversary standpoint, Guam is:

• a high-value target

• a measurable and map-able cluster of landing points

• and a single geography whose disruption can ripple across multiple missions and markets simultaneously

Any serious future conflict in the Pacific will treat Guam’s cable infrastructure as strategic terrain, not background scenery.

XIII. Strategic Outlook

The picture is blunt:

• The world depends on a finite number of undersea cables and landing stations.

• These systems are built, operated, and sometimes controlled by entities aligned with state adversaries.

• China has embedded itself structurally in the cable layer through ownership stakes, construction roles, landing stations, and civil–military institutions.

• Russia has developed bespoke capabilities — like Losharik — to reach cables where others cannot.

• Western and allied states are belatedly adding redundancy and rerouting systems to avoid the most obvious chokepoints, but implementation is uneven and slow.

For Pacific island nations with limited landing stations, a few well-chosen cuts could be crippling. For the United States and its allies, piecemeal attacks may hurt but not break operations; yet coordinated strikes on key hubs like Hawaii and Guam could create real constraints on mission command, at least temporarily.

Taiwan, with its narrow set of landing options and proximity to an adversary

with demonstrated gray-zone and naval capability, is at particular risk.

The seabed is no longer a benign environment.

It is a contested domain where some states see cables as weapons, not infrastructure. Those states have:

• mapped the network

• positioned assets to reach it

• and developed legal and industrial tools to exploit it

Securing this layer will require:

• sustained investment in new routes and protected landing stations

• tighter integration between telecoms, defense, and intelligence communities

• alliance-level planning for cable disruption scenarios

• and a clear recognition that the first shot in a future conflict may not be audible.

It may be silent — and it may begin with the sudden disappearance of a signal.

GLOBAL MARITIME CHOKEPOINTS — STRATEGIC IMPACT TABLE

These chokepoints represent the narrow passages through which global oil, LNG, and commercial shipping must pass. Their vulnerability reflects structural risks to international trade, energy security, and national-level economic resilience.

No. Chokepoint & Vulnerability

1

2

Strait of Hormuz — Critical single corridor for ~20% of global oil exports; extremely narrow and militarily exposed.

Bab el-Mandeb — Vulnerable to missile, drone, and piracy threats; narrow transit path linking the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean.

3

4

Suez Canal — Linear chokepoint with no regional alternative; susceptible to blockages, accidents, or state-level interference.

Turkish Straits (Bosporus & Dardanelles) — Fully controlled by Turkey; dense civilian traffic; high accident potential.

Strategic Impact

Disruption triggers global energy price spikes, military escalation, and severe economic instability.

Forces rerouting around Africa, adding weeks to shipping time and sharply increasing global logistics costs.

Immediate disruption of Europe–Asia trade, LNG shipments, and global supply chains.

Strategic leverage over NATO and Russia; bottleneck for Black Sea oil and grain exports.

6

Strait of Malacca — Overcrowded, shallow, and heavily trafficked; limited ability to reroute large tankers.

Cape of Good Hope — The only alternative when Suez or Red Sea routes are compromised.

7

8

9

10

11

12

Strait of Gibraltar — Narrow NATOcontrolled gateway to the Mediterranean.

Panama Canal — Vulnerable to drought, maintenance stress, and potential statelevel interference.

English Channel (Dover Strait) — One of the world’s busiest maritime corridors with limited maneuvering room.

Danish Straits — Gateway between Baltic Sea and North Sea; restricted depth.

Lombok Strait — Deep-water alternative for supertankers bypassing Malacca.

Makassar Strait — Key trade and resource transport corridor.

Disruption cripples East Asian energy imports, causing large-scale market volatility.

Adds 10–14 days to voyages, raising fuel costs and delaying global commodity flows.

Key point for Western naval power projection and maritime surveillance; disruption hinders naval mobility.

Forces shipping around South America, delaying LNG and refined product flows to Asia.

Congestion or closure disrupts Northern European supply chains and commercial trade routes.

Impacts NATO reinforcement routes and Baltic state economic access.

Loss of route removes redundancy for Indo-Pacific shipping networks.

Natural hazards and military competition threaten stability of regional shipping.

13

14

15

Taiwan Strait — High-intensity geopolitical flashpoint; essential global semiconductor shipping lane.

Bering Strait — Emerging Arctic corridor between Russia and the U.S.

Northern Sea Route (Atlantic Entry) — Russia-controlled Arctic entry point.

16

17

18

Northern Sea Route (Pacific Entry) — Eastern access to the Arctic passage.

Mozambique Channel — Increasingly vital bypass during Red Sea instability.

Palk Strait — Shallow, constrained waterway between India and Sri Lanka.

Even limited disruption collapses global electronics, defense manufacturing, and supply chains.

Heightens Arctic militarization and affects North American maritime security.

Grants Russia strategic control over growing Arctic commerce and Western access.

Alters strategic shipping patterns; increases Russian leverage in the IndoPacific.

Cyclone and piracy risk threaten tanker and LNG carrier safety.

Regional tensions could disrupt Indian Ocean shipping and naval transit.

19 Hormuz Basin Offshore Corridors — Dense cluster of pipelines and tanker lanes feeding into Hormuz.

20 Red Sea Main Traffic Lane — Direct precursor route to Suez and Bab elMandeb; high drone/missile threat.

Attacks here disrupt Gulf production before export, magnifying energy shock potential.

One of the most dangerous corridors globally; disruption destabilizes global trade and energy flows.

*** What Are Global Maritime Chokepoints — and Why They Matter

Global maritime chokepoints are narrow, constrained shipping passages through which a significant percentage of the world’s oil, gas, food, and manufactured goods must transit. These geographic bottlenecks act as pressure valves in the international system: when they remain open and secure, global commerce flows smoothly. When they are disrupted — by conflict, piracy, terrorism, blockades, or even a single grounded ship — the consequences ripple across the world instantly.

A chokepoint is not defined by geography alone. It is defined by dependency. When global supply chains have no practical alternative route, the chokepoint becomes a strategic hinge upon which energy security, economic stability, and military operations all depend.

Some chokepoints carry staggering volumes.

• The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20% of globally traded oil every day.

• The Strait of Malacca supports nearly one-third of all maritime trade.

• The Suez Canal is the shortest link between Europe and Asia; closure can add 10–15 days of travel around Africa.

Because of this concentration, chokepoints are also high-value targets in geopolitical competition. A navy, militia, or non-state actor that can disrupt these arteries gains leverage far beyond its size. This is why great powers — from the United States to China — invest heavily in protecting their access to these maritime gateways.

In naval intelligence, the study of chokepoints provides insight into:

• Energy vulnerability

• Trade resilience

• Force projection routes

• Potential points of interdiction or sabotage

• Global economic pressure levers

Chokepoints are where geography, economics, and power converge. They represent both the fragility of globalization and the strategic value of keeping the maritime commons secure.

Countermeasures – Guam, The Big Switch in the Pacific

Guam hosts 16 cables that connect most of the Pacific. They have a large military footprint, and US regulations block Chinese influence. From a US standpoint, Guam is a focal point for controlling Chinese Navy movements and Theater surveillance and defense.

Conclusions / Discussion / Analysis

Overall, there are significant layers of redundancy in the undersea cable network and planned expansions that bypass the most significant Chinese and Russian threats within the 1st Island Chain. With this redundancy comes access. China has a

state-owned interest in nearly every cable system and potential access to data at landing points that are non-US-controlled. It is likely they already have or could gain a data advantage over the US using just undersea cable access points. The South China Sea presents a significant issue for international data traffic, and the impact of an attack would be most impactful for Pacific Island nations, but not necessarily for US Operations. Risk analysis indicates that individual attacks on specific landing points or cables would present few issues. However, a few coordinated attacks on multiple cable systems in specific locations (i.e., Hawaii and Guam) may limit mission command of US Forces operating in the Pacific. Both China and Russia can do this.

Taiwan is at great risk of being disrupted with only a few landing stations, easily accessible cables, and a determined enemy with the capability to conduct disruptive attacks.

Cyber-attacks would be difficult to employ and achieve little effect. Multiple redundancies and security features obstruct access to full networks, and an attack would need to be extraordinarily widespread to achieve a noticeable effect. A terrorist attack would have to attack multiple simultaneous targets to have an effect that is not covered in redundancy. Their limited presence in Mindanao and small groupings outside of the US make this very unlikely. BUT possible with the. Chinese intentions, budgets, and support of PLAN.

EPILOGUE — THE WIRES THAT HOLD THE WORLD TOGETHER

Despite their immense geopolitical and economic importance, submarine communication cables remain largely invisible to the public. They are not pipelines. They do not transport oil, gas, or physical commodities. They are hair-thin strands of glass laid across the seabed that transmit light — and with it, the world’s financial systems, government communications, military command networks, cloud infrastructure, and the global internet itself.

Every digital transaction, from international banking and satellite backhaul to classified defense communications and AI cloud processing, ultimately depends on these unseen fibers. When they are cut, disrupted, surveilled, or manipulated, the consequences are not symbolic — they are immediate, systemic, and national in scale.

This is what makes submarine cable infrastructure uniquely dangerous as a strategic vulnerability. Unlike traditional attacks that destroy physical assets, cable warfare operates in silence. No explosions are required. No visible damage is necessary. Economies stall, military coordination falters, markets fracture, and populations are left disconnected — often without understanding why.

The chokepoints described throughout this analysis are not merely engineering features. They are pressure points in the modern world’s nervous system. And in an era of gray-zone conflict, cyber competition, and hybrid warfare, control of these pressure points increasingly defines power itself.

The Wildcat Team: Origins, Mission, and Legacy: The Wildcat Team represents a uniquely disciplined alliance of scholars, practitioners, and national-security veterans who have spent more than a decade producing one of the most forward-leaning technology and security book series in academia. Originating at Kansas State University’s Salina campus, the team—guided by Senior Professor of Practice Randall K. Nichols—has tackled emerging threats long before they entered the mainstream: unmanned aircraft systems, cyber-physical risk, advanced weapons, maritime vulnerabilities, intelligence methodologies, cryptography, counterterrorism, and the invisible infrastructure that sustains global power. Their books stand apart because they merge rigorous research with operational reality, written by experts who have lived these domains professionally. Collectively, the Wildcat Team’s work has become a trusted resource for students, warfighters, policymakers, and industry leaders seeking to understand how rapidly evolving technologies reshape the global security landscape.

Contributing Authors to This Volume: Colonel (USAF Ret.) Doug “Cinco” DeMaio (Coauthor), Prof. Candice Carter, Jacob Beckman (Coauthor), MAJOR CARTER DIEBOLD Military Intelligence Officer, US Army (Coauthor), Dr. Reza Ghaffari (Coauthor), Wayne D. Lonstein, Esq. CISSP (Coauthor), Vikas Malhotra (Co-author), Dr. Hans C. Mumm (Coauthor), Rajesh Murthy (Coauthor), Major Joseph L. Puntoriero (Coauthor), Special Operations Officer, US Army, Dr. Keeper Sharkey (Coauthor), MARITIME TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS Copyright © 2025 by Copyright © 2025 Nichols; R. K., Beckman, J., Carter, C.M., DeMaio, D., Diebold, C., Ghaffari, R., Lonstein, W.D., Malhotra, V., Mumm, H.C., Murthy, R., Puntoriero, J.L., Sharkey, K.L. is licensed under a Creative Commons AttributionNonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.

RANDALL K. NICHOLS

Senior Professor of Practice, Kansas State University

Professor Emeritus, Utica University

Director, GC Aerospace Cyber Operations (ACO)

Director, GC Space Systems Operations (SSO)

Randall K. Nichols is an internationally respected authority in cryptography, counterintelligence, cyber operations, and aerospace security, bringing nearly six decades of national-level experience to the field. He serves as Senior Professor of Practice at Kansas State University’s Aerospace and Technology Campus in Salina, Kansas, and is Professor Emeritus at Utica University.

Nichols directs two major graduate programs at KSU — Aerospace Cyber Operations (ACO) and Space Systems Operations (SSO) — and has authored and developed multiple master’s and certificate programs in cybersecurity, intelligence, unmanned systems, and risk assessment across KSU and Utica University. Over the course of his academic career, he has published seventeen best-selling textbooks in cryptography, cybersecurity, UAS/space systems, and advanced cyber warfare.

A certified federal SME in cryptography and computer forensics, Nichols has counseled the U.S. government on treason and espionage cases and supported national agencies on INFOSEC, counterterrorism, counterespionage, and criticalinfrastructure protection. His private-sector leadership includes serving as COO of INFOSEC Technologies, LLC, supporting more than 1,700 commercial, educational, and U.S. government clients; CEO of COMSEC Solutions, a cryptographic and biometrics countermeasures firm; and Technology Director of Cryptography and Biometrics for the International Computer Security Association (ICSA).

Nichols previously served as President and Vice President of the American Cryptogram Association (ACA) and held senior technology leadership roles for Reynolds Metals Company. He also holds distinguished rankings in Moo Duk Kwan Taekwondo, including 3rd Dan Black Belt (R) and permanent 2nd Dan (D), and has served as a Ring Judge for the National Taekwondo Championships.

Most recently, Nichols is Managing Editor and Coauthor of the UAS/CUAS/UUVs/ SPACE/Marine textbook series, including the forthcoming MARITIME TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS (2025), accepted for publication in November 2025.

UAS/UUV THREATS LAUNCHED FROM SHIPS

Historical Look at UAS/UUV in Maritime Piracy and Security

Maritime piracy poses a significant threat to global trade and marine operations. The vastness of the ocean creates blind spots in naval monitoring systems, making the early detection of illicit activity difficult. Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) and Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) have emerged as pivotal technologies in bridging this surveillance gap.

Early Use of UAS in Maritime Security

The early 2000s saw the rise of maritime piracy, especially off the coast of Somalia. Traditional patrol methods were insufficient to cover vast oceanic expanses. UAS such as the ScanEagle, developed by Insitu, were among the first drones deployed by naval forces for maritime surveillance. These drones provided real-time imagery and intelligence, increasing the detection and deterrence of pirate vessels.

Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) and Unmanned Surface Vehicles (USVs) became critical for operations in coastal areas and chokepoints. The REMUS series of UUVs was used for mine detection and seabed surveillance, allowing naval forces to map and secure underwater terrain. These capabilities “can operate independently or teamed with crewed platforms — such as Virginia-class nuclear submarines — expanding operational reach”. This flexibility was pivotal during missions in the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Aden.

Over the past two decades, UAS/UUV systems have evolved from simple surveillance tools to complex platforms integrated with AI and satellite communication. The rise of swarm technology, where multiple drones operate autonomously in concert, presents both opportunities and new threats. As these systems become more accessible, pirates and terrorist organizations may also adopt them, raising concerns about the potential for asymmetric warfare.

UAS Use in Maritime Operations: Limitations and Next Generation Technolo

gy

Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) have become indispensable tools in maritime operations, enabling enhanced surveillance, reconnaissance, and response capabilities. Despite their benefits, UAS deployments at sea face unique limitations ranging from communication constraints to weather vulnerabilities. This section examines the current limitations of UAS in maritime contexts, reviews real-world deployments, and explores the technological developments that are shaping the next generation of naval drones. Emphasis is placed on autonomous systems, AI-driven analytics, swarm technologies, and multi-domain integration.

The maritime domain presents both opportunities and challenges for the use of UAS. Covering over 70% of the Earth’s surface, oceans are vast, dynamic environments with high strategic value. UAS technologies offer unprecedented reach and persistence for monitoring such areas, aiding in anti-piracy missions, maritime domain awareness (MDA), environmental monitoring, and search and rescue (SAR) operations. However, UAS platforms must overcome operational and technological limitations specific to the maritime theater. Today, navies and coast guards worldwide deploy UAS for tactical surveillance, vessel tracking, anti-smuggling operations, and pollution detection.

Limitations of Current Maritime UAS

While effective in many scenarios, current UAS face substantial maritime-specific limitations. These include:

• Limited endurance and battery life

• Satellite communication (SATCOM) latency or unavailability

• Vulnerability to harsh weather and sea spray

• Challenges in launch/recovery aboard ships

• Electronic countermeasures by adversaries

These constraints limit operational windows and compromise mission reliability. In an attempt to minimize these limitations, the USS Navy has added the “MQ-4C Triton, the largest unmanned aerial vehicle operated by the USS Navy. Developed by Northrop

Figure 2 REMUS UUV Source: (“REMUS UUVS,” 2025)

Figure 3 MQ-4C Unmanned Aerial Vehicle Source: (“Meet the US Navy’s Largest Unmanned Aerial Vehicle,” 2025)

Grumman, the MQ-4C is a high-altitude, long-endurance surveillance drone built for maritime patrol and reconnaissance.” (“Meet the US Navy’s Largest Unmanned Aerial Vehicle,” 2025).

Next Generation Maritime UAS: Autonomous and AI Systems

Next-generation UAS focus on autonomy, artificial intelligence (AI), and multi-drone coordination. These systems will feature improved onboard processing for real-time threat detection and autonomous decision-making. AI algorithms trained on maritime datasets are improving object recognition, vessel classification, and route optimization. Fully autonomous launch/recovery from moving platforms is under development (DARPA, 2023).

In late 2024, the USS George HW Bush, one of theUSS Navy’s nuclear-powered aircraft carriers from the Nimitz-class, recently reached a new level of capability: it became the first in the world to be equipped with a drone control center” (“US Navy Installs World’s First Carrier-Based Drone Control Hub,” 2024). This is a critical component in the Navy’s future vision of being the “control hub for the Navy’s upcoming fleet of MQ-25 Stingray unmanned aerial vehicles and potentially other future autonomous aircraft, transforming how the Navy operates at sea” (“US Navy Installs World’s First Carrier-Based Drone Control Hub,” 2024).

The Navy is working on incorporating the drone control hubs on all “Nimitz- and Ford-class carriers, making them Stingray-capable. Some systems necessary to operate the refueling drone are already being fabricated for the USS Carl Vinson, USS Theodore Roosevelt, and USS Ronald Reagan, with installation scheduled to begin in fiscal 2025.”

UUV Use in Maritime Operations-It’s a New World

Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) have transformed modern maritime operations. These autonomous systems perform critical tasks, including mine detection, intelligence gathering, infrastructure inspection, underwater mapping, and naval operations, as well as UUV applications, operational limitations, technological advancements, and their impact on naval warfare. Additionally, commercial maritime security holds endless future capabilities, such as AI, sensor fusion, and integrated autonomous systems, across various domains.

Underwater domains remain among the least monitored and most strategic environments in global geopolitics. The increasing complexity of maritime threats and vulnerabilities in infrastructure has driven the need for autonomous solutions. UUVs, ranging from portable inspection devices to large, long-endurance submersibles, are now central to military, commercial, and scientific maritime operations.

Civilian UUV Uses

Beyond military use, UUVs support the monitoring of offshore oil and gas infrastructure, undersea cable inspection, and environmental research. As integrated autonomy becomes a greater focus in offshore operations, companies such as EIVA are creating “perceptionbased navigation and AI-driven guidance…the company’s long-term vision, which includes leveraging AI and real-time 3D modeling for fully autonomous subsea missions.”

The subsea arena is not simply automating tasks. “The future is about creating truly autonomous systems that can understand their environment, adapt to dynamic conditions, and operate safely without human intervention.”(Thompson, 2025) The maritime industry is in the beginning stages of embracing these new technologies; however, many challenges will slow the progress, including “Regulatory frameworks, data management, and adoption by traditional maritime operators will dictate the speed of implementation. Companies leading this transition must balance technological innovation with operational reliability, cybersecurity concerns, and integration into existing workflows.”

Despite their benefits, UUVs face several limitations. These include:

• Communication latency and limited bandwidth underwater

• Navigation without GPS (relying on inertial or acoustic methods)

• Power constraints limiting mission duration

• Difficulties in launch and recovery in harsh maritime environments

Mitigating these challenges requires continuous innovation in energy storage, acoustic networks, and underwater AI.

Quick Comparison in UUV Size Range From 2-Person Carry to Submarine Class Size

UUVs are categorized by size and their specific functions. As an example of a small lightweight would be the REMUS—: Man-Portable (e.g., REMUS 100) Light weight.

The largest category is based on large water displacement. The Chinese LCUUV serves as an example in comparison to the American naval prototype and Large Displacement UUVs (LDUUVs).

The UUVs presented below, perform a wide range of missions, including bathymetric surveys, port security, and anti-submarine warfare. Their modular payloads include sonar systems, cameras, chemical sensors, and acoustic modems.

Modern navies leverage UUVs for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), mine countermeasures (MCM), and covert mapping of enemy sea routes—the US. Navy’s Knifefish and Snakehead UUVs are purpose-built for mine detection and ISR. Their stealth, long endurance, and low acoustic signatures make them indispensable in denied or

Figure 4 An MQ-25 Stingray test asset conducts deck handling maneuvers in 2021 while underway aboard the USS George H.W. Bush. Sources (US Navy)

contested waters.

The varying sizes and mission capabilities of UUVs are being assessed through evolving unmanned systems integration roadmaps that examine near-term operational capabilities alongside longer-term autonomous force development across the maritime domain.

UUVs increasingly operate in tandem with USVs, UASs, and manned vessels. These multidomain operations enable persistent and layered surveillance. The Royal Navy’s Project HECLA and NATO’s MUSKETEER exercises demonstrate joint robotic operations under contested maritime conditions.

Legal and Ethical Considerations

The autonomous deployment of UUVs raises legal and ethical questions regarding engagement rules, data ownership, and cross-border surveillance. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) provides limited guidance on autonomous systems. As the use of UUVs expands, new regulatory frameworks are necessary for maritime safety and legal accountability.

Emerging technologies such as underwater quantum communication, advanced battery systems, and synthetic aperture sonar are shaping the future of UUVs. Next-gen platforms will feature enhanced autonomy, secure underwater networks, and deep-sea capabilities, making UUVs even more central to maritime defense and infrastructure protection. Unmanned underwater vehicles are revolutionizing the maritime domain, providing unparalleled capabilities in ISR, surveying, and security. As technological barriers fall, UUVs will become core assets in both military and civilian fleets. Strategic investment in AI, autonomy, and cross-domain integration is crucial to unlocking the full potential of UUVs in the emerging world of underwater operations.

Underwater Cables, National Security, and the Threat of Autonomous Systems Use

Subsea cables are a vital infrastructure supporting global communication, finance, and security, but they are also susceptible to various risks. The development of maritime autonomous systems increases the ability to monitor and protect these cables, but may also introduce additional vulnerabilities if utilized by hostile actors.

Undersea communication cables form the foundation of the global information infrastructure, reliably transmitting over 95 percent of international digital traffic, which includes internet services, financial transactions, and confidential government communications.

In contrast to satellites, which contribute only minimally to worldwide connectivity, fiberoptic cables facilitate data transfer at speeds and capacities that are indispensable for

contemporary operations, ranging from high-frequency trading on Wall Street to the secure transmission of military directives. The critical nature of these cables has rendered them central to considerations of both economic security and national defense.

Although submarine cables are essential to global connectivity, they possess inherent physical vulnerabilities and are susceptible to geographical risks. Typically, no thicker than a garden hose, these cables are laid across the ocean floor for thousands of miles, frequently passing through contested maritime regions and key passageways, such as the English Channel, the South China Sea, and the Mediterranean. The process of repairing damaged cables is both time-intensive and logistically demanding, often requiring several weeks to complete. Unintentional disruptions caused by fishing activities or natural events have led to significant outages in regional communications, highlighting the critical repercussions associated with single points of failure.

The development of maritime autonomous systems increases existing vulnerabilities. Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) and other autonomous platforms now possess capabilities such as stealth, persistence, and deep-sea access that were previously associated only with advanced manned submarines. This wider accessibility has made undersea cables more susceptible to activities by various actors. Autonomous systems can be used for espionage, sabotage, or disruption involving the infrastructure that supports global communications and economic activity. In the context of competition among major powers, the protection of submarine cables has become an issue of national and international security.

Strategic Importance of Underwater Cables

Submarine fiber-optic cables are responsible for transmitting over 95 percent of global communications traffic, encompassing internet services, financial transactions, and secure government communications. The disruption of even a limited number of critical cables may significantly destabilize financial markets, impede military operations, and result in the digital isolation of entire regions. For instance, previous accidental cable cuts in the Mediterranean have led to widespread connectivity outages throughout the Middle East and South Asia, demonstrating the considerable impact associated with these single points of failure.

Autonomous Systems as Emerging Threat Vectors

Autonomous Underwater Vehicles (AUVs) and Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) offer enhanced endurance, stealth functionality, and modular payload capacity, making them well-equipped for cable interaction in both protective and adversarial contexts. The

same platforms deployed for legitimate activities such as seabed mapping or infrastructure inspection may also be repurposed for alternative operations, including:

• Espionage – tapping cables to exfiltrate sensitive communications.

• Sabotage – cutting or damaging cables to disrupt command-and-control or global commerce.

• Pre-positioning – placing dormant payloads near cables for later activation in crisis scenarios.

As these vehicles are capable of operating without exposing human personnel to danger, they reduce the barrier for hostile states or non-state actors to undertake such missions.

Known Incidents and Precedents

While much related activity remains classified, open-source sources indicate that countries such as Russia and China have made significant investments in submarine technologies intended to access or monitor undersea cables. For instance, the Russian vessel Yantar has been observed operating near cables in the Atlantic, raising concerns about potential mapping or interference activities. Additionally, China’s development of large displacement unmanned underwater vehicles (LDUUVs) further reflects its emphasis on establishing seabed superiority. These examples underscore the fact that adversarial actors are actively assessing the vulnerabilities of this critical infrastructure.

Gaps in Legal and Policy Frameworks

Current international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), contains provisions addressing submarine cable protection, such as prohibiting intentional damage. However, enforcement mechanisms are limited, particularly in international waters. The convention also does not specify regulations for autonomous systems, resulting in uncertainty regarding state responsibility for unmanned operations. This lack of clarity can complicate the attribution of incidents and the implementation of accountability measures.

Defensive and Resilience Measures

Safeguarding undersea cables against emerging autonomous threats necessitates the implementation of comprehensive, multi-domain strategies:

• Seabed Situational Awareness – deploying UUVs and fixed sensors for continuous monitoring of high-value cable routes.

• Public-Private Partnerships – coordinating with commercial cable operators to share threat intelligence and establish rapid repair protocols.

• Resilient Design – introducing redundancy in cable routes, hardening landing stations, and investing in quantum-resistant encryption to mitigate espionage.

• Military Integration – NATO exercises, such as Dynamic Messenger, emphasize the role of

unmanned systems in surveillance and defense; however, more consistent doctrines and capabilities are needed (NATO, 2023).

Looking Ahead

As uncrewed underwater vehicle (UUV) technology continues to evolve, the distinction between commercial applications and national security risks is becoming increasingly ambiguous. Heavyweight unmanned undersea vehicles now represent a decisive shift in maritime force projection. These platforms are no longer experimental concepts but operationally integrated systems designed for extended endurance, deep-water navigation, and strategic payload deployment. Their true impact is not defined by any single prototype, but by the acceleration of autonomous undersea warfare as a permanent domain of competition.

What matters most is not the hull itself—but the command architecture, endurance envelope, and mission autonomy now shaping subsea dominance. In the absence of equivalent investments in defensive measures and the development of updated international standards, there is a risk that adversaries could capitalize on these capabilities more rapidly than protective forces can respond. Safeguarding the critical submarine communications infrastructure will therefore be a fundamental aspect of maritime security in the 21st century.

Weather Impacts on Maritime Autonomous Systems Use

Maritime autonomous systems, including both aerial and underwater platforms, are particularly susceptible to the impacts of severe and unpredictable weather conditions. In contrast to controlled settings, ocean environments present significant challenges that can adversely affect system performance and mission reliability.

Environmental Challenges

• High Seas and Storms – Adverse Sea states can hinder the launch and recovery of UAS from maritime platforms.

• Salt Spray and Humidity – The presence of corrosive agents can compromise sensor performance and diminish the reliability of electronic components.

• Temperature Fluctuations – Rapid thermal variations may impact battery longevity and interfere with proper sensor calibration.

• Currents and Thermoclines – For UUVs, strong underwater currents and stratified thermal layers can decrease navigation precision and disrupt acoustic communications.

These environmental challenges elevate mission risk and necessitate increased system autonomy, as real-time operator intervention is often not feasible during extreme conditions.

Impacts on Operations

Adverse weather conditions can significantly reduce the operational lifespan of systems and elevate the risk of mission failure. AI-based decision-making processes may misinterpret weather-related anomalies, such as erroneous sensor data resulting from turbulence or fluctuations in water salinity. Furthermore, severe storms and hurricanes have the potential to disrupt satellite communication links, leaving unmanned systems isolated during operations. These disruptions diminish situational awareness and hinder recovery efforts, …thereby increasing the likelihood of vehicle loss during extended unmanned maritime operations.”

Mitigation Strategies

Future system designs must be incorporated:

• Adaptive artificial intelligence facilitates seamless real-time integration of weather models.

• The use of resilient materials provides enhanced resistance to both corrosion and mechanical stress.

• Advanced forecasting tools are incorporated directly into mission planning processes, supporting informed decision-making.

• Autonomous recovery protocols ensure that systems can return safely, even in the event of communication loss. These strategies are particularly vital as climate change leads to more frequent and intense maritime weather events, thereby increasing operational challenges for autonomous platforms.

Communication Challenges in The Maritime Arena

Effective communication is fundamental to integrated maritime operations; however, the ocean environment presents distinctive and ongoing challenges. These include restricted satellite coverage and limitations in underwater acoustic communications.

Above-Surface Communication

• Satellite Communication (SATCOM) is a critical component for UAS operations. However, it is subject to latency issues, bandwidth constraints, and potential vulnerabilities such as jamming or denial (Meet the USS Navy’s Largest UAV, 2025).

• Line-of-sight radio is constrained by the horizon range, particularly for moving platforms. Connectivity loss may cause command delays or mission synchronization issues during multi-domain operations.

Underwater Communication

• Acoustic Systems – Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) rely on acoustic communication networks, which are inherently limited by bandwidth constraints and

latency. These factors hinder the effective transmission of high-resolution video or substantial datasets, thereby impacting mission flexibility and adaptability.

• GPS Denial – Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) are unable to utilize GPS signals beneath the water’s surface and therefore depend on inertial navigation systems or acoustic beacons. However, these alternative systems can experience drift over time, which diminishes positional accuracy and presents challenges in coordinating with other operational assets (REMUS UUVS, 2025).

Interoperability and Security

The integration of UAS, UUVs, USVs, and manned vessels presents significant challenges due to differences in communication protocols and encryption standards, which impede effective collaboration and operational efficiency during joint missions. Additionally, these platforms face vulnerabilities from electronic warfare tactics, including interception, jamming, and spoofing. Achieving robust maritime domain awareness necessitates secure and interoperable frameworks to sustain operational reliability among allied forces (NATO, 2023).

Cyber Security Challenges in the New World of Maritime Autonomous Systems

As Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) and Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) become integrated into both naval and commercial fleets, their reliance on digital networks and autonomous functionality significantly broadens the potential cyberattack surface. The maritime sector presents a complex cybersecurity landscape by combining conventional IT vulnerabilities with distinctive operational technology (OT) risks. These security challenges are not limited to isolated system outages but also have strategic consequences for naval operations, global commerce, and the resilience of critical infrastructure.

Potential Threats

• GPS Spoofing – Misguiding navigation systems to false coordinates.

• Data-Link Hijacking – Taking control of command-and-control links.

• Malware Injection – Targeting onboard control software.

• Supply Chain Risks – Vulnerabilities embedded in hardware or software components. These threats exploit the fact that many systems rely on commercial-off-the-shelf (COTS) technologies, making them easier targets for sophisticated adversaries (Gallagher, 2022).

• Insider Threats – Contractors and vendors with access to mission-critical systems pose risks if their credentials are compromised.

• Swarm Exploitation – As autonomous swarms become operational, adversaries may target vulnerabilities in swarm coordination algorithms to cause mass failure or redirection.

Implications

Cyberattacks can disrupt or disable unmanned missions, potentially redirecting autonomous platforms against their operators. The weaponization risk is particularly acute for UUVs, which could be repurposed for sabotage missions targeting ports, energy infrastructure, or undersea cables. Additionally, the civil-military overlap of maritime networks means that an attack on naval systems could spill over into commercial shipping and global trade, amplifying economic and security consequences (NATO, 2023).

Attacks against autonomous logistics ships or cargo routing systems could also disrupt supply chains, underscoring the economic vulnerability associated with maritime cybersecurity.

Defensive Measures

Effective defenses will require:

• Layered Cyber Defense tailored for maritime conditions.

• Red-Team Testing to simulate cyberattacks and improve resilience.

• Standards Compliance with NIST and NATO directives.

• Rapid Patching Protocols adapted for deployed systems.

• AI-driven anomaly detection is capable of spotting abnormal behavior in real-time, enabling the quick isolation of compromised assets.

• Zero Trust Architectures help to ensure continuous authentication and segmentation of systems to minimize lateral movement during an intrusion.

• Cyber Resilience Training involves providing naval and commercial operators with the necessary knowledge and procedures to respond to cyber incidents effectively. Implementing these strategies enhances the ability of systems to maintain resilience under challenging cyber conditions.

Conclusions

UAS and UUVs have revolutionized maritime security, enabling persistent surveillance and rapid response to threats. Their historical evolution highlights how technology continues to outpace traditional defense mechanisms. As maritime threats diversify, the continued adaptation and ethical deployment of unmanned systems will be critical for global security. Addressing these challenges requires coordinated innovation in autonomy, resilience, and policy frameworks to ensure that unmanned systems strengthen rather than weaken maritime security. in maritime operations?

Dr. Hans C. Mumm has spent nearly three decades in national security and advanced technology operations, leading high-consequence intelligence, cyber, and autonomous systems programs across the U.S. Intelligence Community. He served as Division Chief for Cyber Security at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), where he programmed and executed a classified cyber budget exceeding $140 million. He later became a CIA Branch Chief, where he built the first end-to-end continuous monitoring architecture supporting the ICD-503 Risk Management Framework, still foundational to Intelligence Community cyber operations today.

During Operation Iraqi Freedom, Dr. Mumm led one of the most successful information operations in U.S. military history as the officer in charge of the CENTCOM “Top 55 Most Wanted” Iraqi Regime Playing Cards, formally recognized by the Defense Intelligence Agency. Following combat injuries, he was medically retired as a Wounded Warrior and returned to service as a direct ODNI hire, where he continued shaping national-level cyber and intelligence architecture.

His work spans autonomous systems, AI, post-quantum cyber security, intelligence operations, and advanced fuel systems. His career includes classified future-systems research, special access program assignments, and national-level cyber infrastructure design. Dr. Mumm’s contributions remain embedded in active U.S. intelligence, cyber defense, and autonomous warfare systems.

Dr. Mumm holds a Doctorate of Management with a concentration in Homeland Security from Colorado Technical University (CTU).

Mumm was entered into the US Congressional Record (E1201-E1202, 5 September 2018) for his decades of dedication and service to the United States of America.

Dr. Reza Ghaffari is a distinguished cybersecurity executive, technologist, and military leader with over 40 years of aerospace, defense, and cybersecurity expertise. As the CEO and Founder of Cyber Vet Solutions, LLC, he has driven cutting-edge cybersecurity solutions for the US Department of Defense (DoD) and Fortune 100/500 corporations, including Northrop Grumman, Intergraph, General Electric, and the US State Dept. His work has molded cyber resilience, aviation security, industrial control systems, and national defense strategies.

Dr. Ghaffari has held senior leadership roles at the Pentagon and NAVAIR as an aeronautical engineering duty officer. strategies, and risk assessment.

DETERMINING POLITICAL OBJECTIVES

Milan Vego

Professor of Operational Art in the Joint Military Operations Department at the U.S. Naval War College.

Political objectives are the key element of a grand or national/ coalition security strategy. Political leadership has the primary responsibility for determining realistic and achievable political objectives. However, political leaders should make sure that the highest military leaders are included in the process.

Their professional advice should be sought and fully considered in determining political objectives. Ideally, this process should be relatively fast and orderly. But the harsh reality is that it can be complicated and time-consuming because of the need to reconcile several contradictory requirements. Another problem is the leaders’ lack of understanding and knowledge of the process.

A political objective can be described as one whose accomplishment would secure important national or alliance/ coalition

interests in a certain part of a theater. When aimed at achieving national interests, a political objective is strategic in scale.

The accomplishment of a political strategic objective would have a drastic effect on the course and outcome of a war. In his seminal work On War, Carl von Clausewitz (1780–1831) wrote that “no one starts a war— or rather, no one in his senses does so— without first being clear in his mind what he intends to achieve by that war and how he intends to conduct it. The former is the political purpose; the latter its operational objective.”

He observed that “the political object—the original motive for the war — will thus determine both the military objective to be reached and the amount of effort it requires”.

Thevalue of the political objective directly affects the duration of a war, the means used, and the cost. Clausewitz wrote that “since war is not an act of senseless passion but is controlled by its political object, the value of the object must determine the sacrifices to be made for it in magnitude and in duration. Once the expenditure of the effort exceeds the value of the political object, the object must be renounced and peace must follow.”

He also observed that “the smaller the penalty you demand from your opponent,

the less you can expect him to try and deny it to you; the smaller the effort he makes, the less you need to make yourself. Moreover, the more modest your own political aim, the less importance you attach to it and the less reluctantly you will abandon it if you must. This is another reason why your effort will be modified.”

The value of political objectives is the highest if the country’s survival is at stake— for example, Ukraine’s existence as a nation in its defense against Russia’s invasion in 2022. Then the support of the public and willingness to pay any price are high. A large state might be willing to pay a heavy price for a political objective aimed to preserve or ensure its rise as a great power. In the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905, the value of the political objective for the Japanese was extremely high. They were willing to take the enormous risk of fighting the Russian empire—to mobilize every possible man, mortgage the state, and fight as hard as possible for as long as they could.

Role of Civilian and Military Leaders

Politicians are responsible for determining policy and grand or national security strategy, managing alliances/coalitions, and allocating resources. They are ultimately responsible for determining and articulating political objectives in times of peace and for war.

TABLE 1. The Enduring Political–Military Disconnect

A synthesized framework based on Professor Milan Vego’s analysis.

Core Concept

What It Means

1. Political Objectives Drive Military Action Civilian leaders define the aims of war, often in broad or ambiguous terms.

2. Political Aims Rarely Match Military Capabilities

Leaders frequently demand outcomes without understanding force structure, readiness, or logistical constraints.

3. Political Timelines Ignore Operational Realities Politics runs on election cycles; war runs on conditions.

4. Civilian Leaders Often Misjudge Military Risk

Decision-makers far from the battlespace may underestimate casualties, complexity, or the fog of war.

5. Commanders Must Translate Ambiguous Guidance Political directives are often vague or internally contradictory.

6. Operational Success Cannot Fix Flawed Strategy

Even perfect tactical execution cannot compensate for incoherent political aims.

Why It Matters in Modern Operations

Commanders must execute missions shaped by intentions they did not design. Misalignment begins here.

Creates unrealistic expectations and operational risk for commanders who must “close the gap.”

Deadlines imposed from above distort planning and pressure commanders into premature action.

Risk assessments become skewed, shifting the consequences to those in theater.

Officers carry the burden of resolving ambiguity under realworld constraints, often with insufficient resources.

Wars fail not because commanders lacked skill but because objectives were misaligned from the start.

Analytical Explanation Graphic 2

Civil–Military Friction: When Strategic Ambiguity Meets Operational Urgency Military commanders operate in a world where hesitation has consequences measured in lives, not legislative cycles. Political leaders, however, must balance public opinion, diplomatic pressures, coalition dynamics, and domestic political risk. When guidance is delayed, unclear, or constrained by political considerations, commanders are forced to plan and act in a fog of uncertainty. This inherent tension—between political control and military execution—is the core of civil–military friction in every democracy. It is not dysfunction; it is a structural reality that shapes every major decision in war.

They also decide the acceptable risks, shape operational choices, and reconstruct military organizations.

The chief responsibilities of the military leaders are preparing for, planning, and conducting operations. However, the political leaders should rely heavily on professional advice of the military leaders in developing strategy. This is particularly important in determining political objectives.

In a democracy, subordination of the military to civilian control is accepted and undisputed. Yet the civil-military relationship is in essence a conflictual collaboration because of major differences in the civilian and military cultures and experiences. The military often regards politicians as inconsistent, unreliable, and keen to be in the limelight. Military values, such as loyalty, sacrifice, altruism, and courage, are not widely present in civilian society.

Political leaders often make decisions slowly. They also want to have as much freedom as possible to adjust, modify, or even abandon a certain course of action. In contrast, military leaders prefer quick and clear decisions to maximize effectiveness.

A delayed decision could result in an unnecessary waste of lives and treasure. Both sides have competing expectations and use language sometimes incomprehensible to the other side. All this makes for a difficult relationship. Political leaders often refuse to commit ideas to paper because of their concern that if things go wrong, their political opponents can use it against them. This problem is often exacerbated by bad personal relationships between political and military leaders.

The use of military power must always be based on clear and achievable political

Highest Political–Military Leadership

This image represents the senior military leadership responsible for translating national policy into strategic guidance. At this level, officers do not merely command forces — they shape the military instrument of power, advise political leaders, and ensure that operations remain aligned with overarching national and coalition objectives. Vego emphasizes that without this alignment between political authorities and senior military leadership, strategy fractures, objectives become unrealistic, and military action drifts without a coherent end-state.

objectives; otherwise, military leaders cannot provide viable military options.

In the Korean War, President Harry Truman failed to give a clear political objective to General Douglas MacArthur, commander of the U.S. and United Nations forces, in the wake of the Chinese intervention on October 25, 1950.

MacArthur said that he was not willing to order men to their deaths by the thousands in such a complete “vacuum” of policy decisions. Not only the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) but also the State Department lacked a clear political objective. Both the joint chiefs and MacArthur protested that political objectives had to be known before they could provide a military course of action.

In the aftermath of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, Defense Secretary Richard B. Cheney asked Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Colin Powell to provide military options. However, Powell correctly insisted that he had to know

political objectives before developing military options.

Prerequisites

Determination of an achievable political objective essentially hinges on the sound understanding of the pending war, sufficient economic and military strength, excellent strategic intelligence, and realistic political assumptions. Clausewitz wrote that “the first, supreme, the most farreaching act of judgment that the statesman and commander must make is to establish by that test the kind of war on which they are embarking; neither mistaking it for, nor trying to turn it into, something that is alien to its nature. This is the first strategic question and the most comprehensive.”

A country should have sufficient overall economic and military strength, strong public support, and the will to fight to achieve its stated political objectives. This is especially important for the side that plans to initiate hostilities.

Yet this is not necessarily always the case. Imperial Japan made the decision to start 217

hostilities against Russia in 1904 and the United States, Great Britain, and the Netherlands in December 1941 from a position of inferiority. In 1904, the Japanese economy was heavily dependent on loans and credit from abroad. This was also one of the main reasons that Japan sought to end hostilities in 1905. In

In the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, the U.S. political objectives were explicitly to overthrow the Iraqi regime. The U.S. leadership believed (erroneously) that the very success of democracy in Iraq would serve as a beacon for others in the region, including U.S. allies such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia. A democratic Middle East would give the people of the region a powerful and ultimately irresistible alternative to the failed regimes of the so called moderate states and the Islamicist totalitarian vision of the future. This was a truly radical political objective.

In a number of cases, a war could be fought for both limited and unlimited objectives depending on the number of belligerents and their overall power. In June 1950, North Korea’s objective was unlimited occupying all of South Korea. In contrast, South Korea’s objective was limited preserving and restoring its territorial integrity and sovereignty. The initial objective for the United States and United Nations, which came to the aid of South Korea, was also limited. However, the United States changed the political objectives in Korea to unlimited—to eliminate the North Korean regime. The

December 1941, the combined strength of the United States and the British Empire was much superior to Japan in terms of population (2.7 to 1), and territory (7.5 to 1). In 1941, Japan imported some 90 percent of its oil; about 75 to 80 percent of it came from the United States (which then produced 63 percent of the world’s oil).

massive Chinese intervention in October 1950 radically changed the situation on the Korean Peninsula. The Chinese political objective against South Korea was unlimited—conquest of the peninsula. But the Chinese political objective against the United States was limited—forcing it out of the Korean Peninsula. Because of great confusion in the U.S. Government, the political objective did not change from unlimited to limited—seeking status quo ante—until May 1951. In the Vietnam War, the United States pursued a limited political objective—preserving South Vietnam’s independence. In contrast, North Vietnam had an unlimited political objective—overthrowing the government in South Vietnam and unifying the entire country under its leadership. North Vietnam’s political objectives toward the United States were limited—removing all U.S. forces from South Vietnam.

In the Russia-Ukraine War in 2022, Russia’s initial objectives were offensive and unlimited, while Ukraine had defensive and unlimited objectives. After the Russians failed to capture Kyiv and Kharkiv, they changed their objectives to

Civilian authority sets the objectives. The military carries the burden. Behind every operation, every deployment, and every decision at sea lies the enduring tension Professor Vego identifies: political aims defined on land, executed by commanders who must turn intent into reality— often with limited resources, imperfect intelligence, and unforgiving consequences. This image reflects the human weight of that responsibility. Strategy lives in Washington; risk lives on the water.

defensive and limited: to fully occupy Donetsk and Luhansk provinces and capture Kherson Province. On May 10, 2022, the Ukrainian foreign minister declared that the new objective for Ukraine was forcing the Russian withdrawal from all occupied territories in the Donbas (Donets Basin) area. In the summer of 2022, Ukraine went on the offensive with limited objectives, recapturing Kherson on November 12 and major parts of that province.

Formulating

In the process of formulating a political objective, the political leadership would consolidate the content of the political objectives, their main purpose and scope, and the amount/type of resources and anticipated time for their accomplishment. This step requires creativity, critical thinking, insights, and sound judgment.

The number of political objectives should be few. The temptation to pursue two or more political objectives simultaneously should be generally resisted. Whenever the conditions are drastically changed, selected political objectives should be

modified, altered, changed, or even abandoned. This is the only sensible way to ensure that one’s sources of power are not used in seeking militarily unachievable political objectives.

Harmonizing Ends, Means, and Ways

Oneof the most difficult problems is to bring one’s ends, means, and ways into approximate harmony. If any of them is seriously out of balance, success is endangered. This process is more an art than a science. Perfect matching is very difficult to achieve in practice.

A lack of harmony can result in a mismatch, when one’s means are grossly inadequate to achieve stated ends. A serious imbalance between the objective and the means assigned to accomplish it will invariably lead to failure. In the American Civil War (1861–1865), the South lost primarily because its strategic means did not match its strategic ends. Hence, no amount of operational finesse could compensate for the North’s superior industrial strength and manpower. The

operational skills of the Confederate Army were “rendered almost irrelevant.”

In World War II, Germany was defeated mainly because Hitler’s strategic ends far exceeded the country’s means to accomplish them.

The Japanese ends and means in 1941 were in a serious mismatch because their resources were grossly deficient to maintain adequate control of not only China’s mainland but also the newly occupied Philippines, Indochina, Thailand, Malaya, the Netherlands East Indies, and Burma. In early 1942, the Japanese expanded their control to the Bismarck Archipelago and part of the Solomons Archipelago. Likewise, mismatch between strategic ends and means caused Great Britain to suffer serious setbacks at Gallipoli in 1915, Norway in 1940, and Greece in 1941.

Disconnect occurs when a country has sufficient means to accomplish stated political strategic ends but is either unwilling or politically or psychologically too constrained to use its means, as the U.S. strategic failures in the Vietnam War (1955–1975) and Afghanistan (2001/2021) illustrate.

A certain degree of risk is created in case of a disconnect or mismatch between one’s strategic ends and means. Risk is defined in terms of both danger and the possibility that something unpleasant will occur.

Degree of risk depends on the likelihood of its occurrence and the maximum amount of damage that would ensue if the risk became manifest.

The level of risk cannot be determined with any degree of confidence; assessing it is mainly a matter of judgment. It is often forgotten that risk also provides an opportunity to achieve great success. Hence, the political leadership should sometimes take a calculated risk (but not a gamble).

Acalculated risk is taking the chance of a failure whose degree of probability was estimated prior to the action taken. In contrast, a gamble is to take risks in hope of achieving a desired result. The risks can occur due to many factors, such as overrating one’s capabilities and underestimating the enemy’s capabilities. They also can be the result of willful or unintended faulty strategic assumptions. The degree of risk can be greatly reduced by scaling down one’s ends or increasing one’s means or changing the ways. The problem of mismatch can be resolved by modifying, altering, or even abandoning one’s ends.

Another solution for resolving mismatch is to find a novel way of using one’s sources of military and/or nonmilitary power.

One can also be successful despite a serious mismatch between ends and means by “bluffing,” as Hitler did in the

When political intent becomes military obligation, these are the hands that carry it. As Vego makes clear, strategy may begin in civilian offices, but its weight falls on the officers who must translate shifting objectives into decisive action. Around this table is where political ambition becomes operational reality — and where its consequences are ultimately borne.

remilitarization of the Rhineland in March 1936. The problem of a serious disconnect between ends and means is relatively more difficult and time-consuming to resolve. It might require new political leadership and drastic change in the public support for a war.

Articulating Political objectives should be articulated concisely and in clear terms.

Former U.S. Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger stated that “if we do decide to commit forces to combat overseas, we should have clearly defined political and military objectives. And we should know precisely how our forces can accomplish those clearly defined objectives.”

The Russians had very clear political objectives in their war against Japan in 1904–1905—maintaining control over Manchuria and decisively repelling Japanese advances.

Yet that was not the case with the Russian military strategic objectives.

Despite some claims to the contrary, the United States had clear political objectives at the beginning of its involvement in the Vietnam War. Then–Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara stated in March 1964,

“We seek an independent non-communist South Vietnam.” He noted that the United States did not seek for Vietnam to serve as a “Western base or as a member of a Western Alliance. South Vietnam must be free, however, to accept outside assistance as required to maintain its security.”

McNamara also believed that if that objective was not achieved, almost all Southeast Asia would probably fall under communist dominance.

Political objectives can be expressed in narrow or broad terms. Narrowly stated political objectives need to be accomplished in their entirety; otherwise, the political and other costs for the political leadership might well be too excessive.

In a situation where vital national interests are at stake, there is usually no choice but to fight to the finish. Broadly expressed political objectives are usually applicable in a situation where vital national interests are not involved. Such objectives make it easier for the political leadership to agree to a compromise without losing domestic support or international prestige or saving face. This is all too often the case in operations short of high-intensity conventional war, such as was U.S.

involvement in Somalia (1993), the Kosovo conflict (1999), and Libya (2011).

Accomplishing Political Objectives

Political leaders must decide whether they want to use the military instrument of power. Political objectives of a war are generally achieved by rendering the enemy physically incapable of continuing the fight—that is, by military victory. Clausewitz firmly believed that the enemy “fighting forces must be destroyed: that is, they must be put in such a condition that they can no longer carry on the fight. . . . The country must be occupied; otherwise, the enemy could raise fresh military forces.”

However, in the modern era, accomplishment of the political objectives requires the orchestrated employment of not only the military, but also all other instruments of national power (diplomatic, economic, financial, technological, informational, and others). Using one’s military power incorrectly would put a great burden on the other instruments and could make it impossible for a state to achieve its war aims.

Political objectives can possibly be achieved by changing the enemy’s beliefs about the probability of military victory or convincing the enemy that the cost of fighting is so high that the price begins to exceed the price the enemy is willing to pay

In some rare cases, political objectives could be achieved by a threat of using a credible military force combined with a diplomatic, economic, financial, and informational offensive against a targeted country—that is, “winning without fighting,” as in the examples of the annexation (Anschluss) of Austria in March 1938, the bloodless occupation of Sudetenland in October 1938, and the occupation of the remainder of Czechoslovakia in March 1939.

Theidea of “winning without fighting” originated with the Chinese general and thinker Sun Tzu. In his Art of War, Sun Tzu wrote, “For to win one hundred victories in one hundred battles is not the acme of skill. Your aim must be to take All-underheaven intact.”

The enemy armed forces can be made useless if the aggressor threatens the use of credible military forces coordinated with a political, diplomatic, economic, financial, and informational offensive. Winning without use of one’s military power can possibly be achieved if the enemy abandons its plan to start hostilities or even changes his hostile attitude and turns hostility into friendship.

In contrast to Sun Tzu, Clausewitz conceded a possibility of winning without having to engage in combat, but the probability of that happening is the realm of theory. Yet Sun Tzu and Clausewitz did

not substantially differ on the need to resort to the use of force. Both agreed that the most rational way of conducting a war is to shorten its duration and win as decisively as possible.

Conclusion

The process of determining political objectives is largely an art rather than a science. This in turn requires experience, good judgment, and decisiveness on the part of the political leadership. The political and military leaders should have solid knowledge of the enemy’s history, society, culture, and traditions. The common pitfalls of overestimating one’s own and underestimating the enemy’s capabilities and making false political assumptions based on misperceptions and cultural/racial biases should be avoided. All efforts should be made to think from the enemy’s point of reference. The key parts of the process are making realistic strategic estimates, identifying critically important national interests, and formulating the political objectives. Yet the very heart of the entire process is harmonizing the strategic ends, means, and ways. The political leaders must somehow resolve the resulting problems of mismatch or disconnect. In the worst case, the political leaders must be prepared to take high but prudent risks.

The political objectives should be articulated succinctly and clearly. They should not be stated together with

military-strategic objectives. Normally, accomplishment of political objectives would require the use of one’s military forces. Although it is sometimes possible to win without resort to arms, such situations are rare in history.

This article first appeared in Joint Force Quarterly (JFQ), the official professional military journal of the National Defense University, published by the Institute for National Strategic Studies for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Inner Sanctum Vector N360™ acknowledges and credits JFQ for its original publication. Reprinted with permission.

The dynamics Vego identifies did not end with the historical leaders of the past. Today’s commanders operate under the same enduring tension: political objectives defined far from the front, translated into real-world decisions by the officers who must live with their consequences. Our modern imagery reflects that continuity — the burden is timeless.

Professor Milan N.

Vego is one of the world’s leading scholars in naval strategy, operational art, and joint warfare. He has served for more than two decades as Professor of Joint Military Operations at the U.S. Naval War College, where he has educated and shaped thousands of U.S. and allied officers at the highest levels of command. His work is regarded as foundational to the modern understanding of academic community, where his blend of historical rigor and strategic analysis set a new benchmark for military scholarship. Before entering academia, he accumulated extensive practical maritime experience as a former merchant marine officer, giving him a rare combination of operational insight and scholarly depth.

Vego is the author of several defining texts in military education, including the globally recognized Operational Warfare at Sea and Joint Operational Warfare: Theory and Practice—works adopted across U.S. and NATO war colleges, staff colleges, and doctrine programs. His prolific research covers naval strategy, littoral warfare, maritime chokepoints, the integration of political aims with strategic planning, and the limits of military power in achieving political end-states.

Across his career, he has advised senior leaders, contributed to classified and unclassified strategic studies, served as a central voice in professional military education, and remained one of the most cited authorities in the field. His teachings continue to influence defense thinking as nations confront increasingly complex operational challenges in contested and multi-domain environments.

Professor Vego’s contribution to N360™ reflects the depth of his lifetime commitment to advancing strategic excellence and strengthening the intellectual foundations of modern warfare.

Figure 1. Critical infrastructure exposure in contested airspace

Modern critical infrastructure increasingly operates within environments where unmanned aerial systems can observe, penetrate, and exploit physical and cyber vulnerabilities simultaneously. The convergence of autonomous UAS, distributed sensing, and networked control systems transforms civilian and industrial sites into contested domains, where resilience depends not only on physical protection but on command, coordination, and response speed.

CYBER WEAPONS AND CBRNE

Randall K. Nichols, Kansas State University

This article examines:

• The evolving threat posed by hostile sUAS/UAS to U.S. Air Defense Systems (ADS) and CBRNE facilities

• Historical incidents demonstrating the accelerating risk and operational maturity of UASenabled attacks against ADS and CBRN infrastructure

• The interdependencies of critical infrastructure and how cyber operations leverage these linkages to amplify physical and strategic effects

• A functional classification of cyber-attack vectors targeting CBRN facilities by domain and impact

• The Counter-UAS problem: detecting, intercepting, and neutralizing UAS threats to ADS, with emphasis on ADS as the primary defensive layer protecting CBRN assets

• Operational countermeasures—both active and passive—against hostile-controlled sUAS/ UAS targeting air defense environments

The risk of successful terrorist attacks on U.S. Air Defense Systems (ADS) and CBRNE facilities by sUAS /UAS is growing because of increased commercial capabilities and accessibility of advanced small drones. They can carry sophisticated imaging equipment with significant and potentially lethal payloads, perform extensive Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) missions, and are readily available to civilians. A significant threat to civilian and military UAS operations, CBRN facilities, and safety is posed by UAS/drones controlled by hostile actors, including large potential threats to U.S. Air Defense Systems and CBRN facilities from UAS SWARMS. Another significant threat is maritime operations and navigation / GPS / GNSS signals spoofing.

CThink of the UASs / Drones as flying SCADA machines or flying advanced telephones. All the SCADA vulnerabilities or wireless communications vulnerabilities exist and can be exploited from a defensive POV.

However, from the attack POV, UAS / drones are effective delivery systems, and the same SCADA vulnerabilities and wireless exploits are available on their targets. The weapon systems used in potential attacks on Critical Infrastructure Systems (CIS) or Industrial Control Systems (ICS) are more powerful than the defenses when they involve CBRNECy payloads. Advancing technologies have integrated with ICS as one. Remote access to controlled equipment facilities has become the standard in almost every industry. (Martinelli, 2017)

ybersecurity is defined as the protection of information systems from theft or damage to the hardware, the software, and the information on them, and from disruption or misdirection of the services they provide identified. (Gasser, 1988)

CBRNE cybersecurity is defined as the practice of security of computer systems, ICS, and networks in the critical industry that involves CBRNE agents. CBRNECy introduces the cyber components, security, and management if damaged entails global danger.

For the special case of CBRNECy assets, whether attacked via UAS /drone, any nuclear or chemical facility is equal to a warfare attack. As of today, and as publicly revealed, the maximum damage caused by cyberattacks was related to:

• CBRNE agent device rendered unstable or non-fit to the purpose (Stuxnet, Iran)

• Though theoretical analysis confirms that the attackers could physically destroy the device.

• Power distribution was rendered offline (BlackEnergy3, Ukraine), where the power supply (APS) device was reconfigured to disable the power distribution

• Communications disabled (BlackEnergy3, Ukraine). (Martinelli, 2017)

As per the predictions by Bruce Schneier and IEEE (Staff I., 2013), the possible cyberattack capabilities in the future will relate to (Schneier 2015):

• Hybrid warfare (Cyber and any other warfare domains)

• Global Denial of Service (e.g., Internet infrastructure collapse)

• Refined delivery via email (advancements in spam and spear phishing)

• Advanced malware delivery via web applications

• Substantially increased malware sophistication and AI

• Attacks on critical infrastructure will increase

• Lone-wolf terrorism

Cyber-attacks are already a threat to national security, and NATO recognizes cyberspace as one of the warfare domains. (Nichols R., 2020) With the exponential growth of cyber technologies, the threat to embedded devices and ICS will only increase and, if not prevented, will reach the global level.

The author predict that the next evolution of cyber weapons will be deployed from UAS/ drones against CBRNE assets. After the U.S. Afghanistan withdrawal debacle in 2021, the hard-core terrorists have a billion dollars plus of advanced military UAS toys to experiment with and plenty of offered technical help from its neighbors to the South and North. The Taliban have inherited some unmanned weapons from their fellow terrorists in Afghanistan. (DRONESEC, 2021)

Not very public, not often, but CBRN infrastructure cyber-attacks / disruptions have occurred. In January 2002, malware successfully breached the perimeter network defenses at Ohio’s Davis-Besse nuclear power plant, infiltrated the private networks, and disabled the safety monitoring system for five hours. (Poulsen, 2003)

In October 2006, cyber attackers gained access to computer systems at Harrisburg, PA, water treatment plant. The ICS network was compromised, threatening the plant’s water treatment operations. (CIO Staff, 2006)

In October 2008, the derailment of the tram in the city of Lodz injured 12 people. The attacker used a repurposed T.V. remote control to change the track points through an Infrared sensor. (Schneier on Security, 2008)

The 2010 event in Iran confirmed that information technology could trigger remote CBRN attacks and be a direct threat to physical CBRN ICS equipment. Stuxnet was the first CYBERWEAPON. It was designed to infiltrate and cause physical disruption in multiple ICS in the Natanz CBRN facility and other facilities. It slowed the Iranian nuclear ambitions by about six months. (Wilson, 2014)

In 2011, the Trojan “Poison Ivy” was used to collect intellectual property from twenty-nine international chemical companies. (Dark Reading Staff, 2013) In 2014, Malware Shamoon wiped 30,000 workstations in Saudi Aramco’s corporate network by bypassing firewalls and intrusion detection systems (IDS) on a large scale. (Staff, 2014)

Again, in 2014, 13 different types of malware disguised as ICS/SCADA software updates to major corporations’ systems were detected in spear-phishing emails. Forensic analysis determined that malware was a repurposed banking Trojan designed to capture private identifying information (PII) and credentials. (Higgins, 2015)

In 2015, a BlackEnergy3 DOS attack on a power plant and multiple substations in Ukraine triggered a severe power outage. (Miller, 2022) Since 2015, it is estimated that corporations globally have suffered over 1,518 million ransomware attacks. (Johnson, 2022) The events listed above indicate a constant evolution of attack CBRNECy capabilities of threat actors. The next evolution is swift, silent, and deadly by air delivered by UAS / drones.

Figure 2. Human-in-the-loop latency and autonomous coordination

Human-in-the-loop control introduces decision latency that autonomous UAS exploit. As automation advances, sensing, coordination, and maneuver cycles increasingly operate beyond human reaction time—shifting effective command authority from operators to machine-to-machine coordination.

Contributing Technologies

Commercial and military UAS are integrally linked to the payload, navigation, communications, and control linkages from the ground, air, or satellite. These advanced small /medium-sized drones are vulnerable to cyber-attack and hostile takeover, so UAS designers and operators must be aware of cybersecurity countermeasures and defenses to reduce the risk of takeover and penetration by hostile or negligent forces on either ADS or CBRN facilities. (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & and Carter, 2018)

UAS are being designed with increasingly advanced Artificial Intelligence (AI) and automation capabilities that can be beneficial and harmful. The increased automation and AI capabilities can be used to complete Dull, Dangerous, and Dirty (DDD) missions in all weather conditions and are capable of longer flying times and endurance at more effective altitudes. Unfortunately, when human decisions are taken out of the loop, software and firmware code can be intercepted, replaced, re-engineered, spoofed, exploited, destroyed, and used against the originator. Iran accomplished this in 2011 (Jaffe & Erdbrink, 2011).

The number and type of possible cyber exploits against UAS key CBRN control systems (payloads, navigation, rotors, battery) represent a large, diverse, and lethal attack vector set. However, the UAS designer and operator are not without an effective arsenal of Counter Unmanned Aircraft Systems (C-UAS) measures. (Nichols R. R., 2020)

Attack / Defense Scenarios

When hostile forces fly a UAS against ADS or CBRN facilities, the cyber risk analyst’s mission is to determine the Risk, Threats, Vulnerabilities, Impacts, and Countermeasures that may apply in an attack/defense scenario. The attacker has the advantage of flexibility, source, type of cyber-vector, location, height, frequency, and lethality of his cyber-attack. The more difficult job of the defense includes identifying the intruder and intrusion measure and applying the correct countermeasure [cybersecurity (non-kinetic), physical (kinetic), or electronic] in real-time.

AI plays a role on both sides of this attack/defense scenario. It speeds up the decision- 1 making capabilities of both attacker and defender and can determine the risk mismatch between opposing forces. Cybersecurity attacks on UAS or CBRNE assets should never be underestimated; damage to ships, navigation systems, commercial airplanes, property, and privacy is possible. (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & and Carter, 2018)

Description of the sUAS/UAS Landscape – What’s available for Deployment against CBRNE Assets?

Autonomy v Automation Levels

sUAS/UAS automation is divided into five classes of technology. Table 1 shows a breakdown of the automation landscape.

Artificial intelligence (AI) is an area of computer science that emphasizes the creation of intelligent 1 machines that work and react like humans. Some of the activities computers with artificial intelligence are designed for include:

Speech recognition, learning, planning, problem-solving, and decision-making. Research associated with artificial intelligence is highly technical and specialized. The core problems of artificial intelligence include programming computers for certain traits such as knowledge, reasoning, problem-solving, perception, learning, planning, and the ability to manipulate and move objects.

Automation Level Name

Level 1 Slave

Table 1 – Automation Levels

Characteristics

Assists with piloting and reacting to disturbances; remote-control tethers (R.C.).

Level 2 Automated

Level 3 Automated Navigation

Maintains flying orders and receives higher-level commands. Levels 1 and 2 are commonplace in the market and require pilot intervention and continuous communication links. Typical cost < $1,500 USD; small size; weight < 10 lbs.

Automated navigation using pre-programmed flight plans based on GPS coordinates. Some systems include “Follow Me” autopilot settings that enable the sUAS to follow the operator automatically. Micro-UAS premium cost < $20,000 USD.

Level 4 Contextual Response (CA)[5]

Level 5 Decision Maker

Responds to contextual data without human intervention for collision avoidance (C.A.). Uses active Sense-andAvoid (SAA) systems and requires a mission plan. Costs and missions are classified.

Full AI operation without human intervention. Includes AI decision-making supported by heavily networked computing, perceptive sensors for space and time, and the ability to complete complex missions in unknown environments. Capable of intelligent adjustments, including mission rescheduling and keyword-adaptive control. The Decision-Maker (expert system) operates from contextual data with coordinated signal collaboration [“Terminator”].

Levels 4 and 5 are confined to laboratories. Cost and missions are classified.

Examples

Parrot Drone, Quad Flyer, GAUI

Chinese Dove, DJI Phantom series, Raven, Scan Eagle, Harpy

Dragonfly, Microdrone GmbH, Fly-n-Sense, Microcopter, ASN-205, GJ-1 (Wing Loong I), Fire Scout, WASP III, Shadow, Heron, Hermes, Barracuda

Predator, Reaper, Avenger, Global Hawk, BZK-005, Mantis, Soaring Dragon, Sentinel

X-47C series (classified)

Table 1 shows the normal five levels of automation that characterize UAS systems with some examples of commercial vehicles at each level. NASA has a more detailed automation breakdown based on the OODA (Observe, Orient, Decide, and Act) decision loops (Barnhart, 2012).

Level 1 Slave and Level 2 minimally automated UASs are commonly sold by Amazon, Walmart, and similar outlets. The human pilot makes all the decisions and has complete control of the flying orders.

Level 3 steps up the navigation capabilities with the ability to use a mission plan.

Levels 4 and 5 add higher-level decisionmaking capabilities; collision avoidance without human intervention, complex mission planning in all weather conditions,

UAS Collaboration

expert systems intelligence without human intervention [i.e., Artificial Intelligence (AI) and advanced Sense and Avoid systems (SAA)]. Level 5 is not commercially available, but many designers are well on their way to a fully operational Level 5 UAS. Much of the information on Level 5 designs and capabilities are classified. In the author’s opinion, removing humans from the decision loop in weaponized Level 5 UASs is a very risky venture.

Table 2 UAS Collaboration shows four types of possible UAS collaborations. At the lower end of a threat scale is the isolated attack by one UAS or a small group of UAS. The Type 1 specific missions may be piloted or autonomous. They carry light payloads, are affordable, and are easily assembled in the field. An example is the Raven used by U.S. Special Forces. The countermeasure for this type of attack is to identify the pilot or leader vehicle and destroy or disable it.

A UAS attack team is particularly effective against divided attack targets since disabling part of the UAS Team does not guarantee mission failure. The real vulnerability of the UAS team is the Chief; all synchronization and updates go through the Chief. If the Chief is disabled or destroyed, the team is rendered useless. Identifying the Chief is critical and is normally accomplished through intercepting communications (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & Carter, 2018).

Far more dangerous is the SWARM configuration, especially at the higher levels of autonomous engagement. SWARMS have several advantages. They are efficient through sheer numbers, and even when not controlled or automated, they display a decentralized intelligence, much like a shoal of fish that moves together synchronously. UAS SWARMS are not dependent on the survival of all of the members. Destroy part of the SWARM, and the rest will continue their mission without abatement (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & Carter, 2018).

Figure 3. Distributed UAS teams stressing detection and response capacity Coordinated unmanned aerial systems operating as distributed teams impose continuous sensing, tracking, and attribution demands on defended sites. Even without immediate kinetic engagement, persistent multi-axis presence degrades situational awareness and compresses decision timelines, complicating effective defense.

Known countermeasures for a SWARM are:

1) Disruptors change the Strategic Global View of SWARM (its only real vulnerability)

2) Force defender collaboration

3) Long-range acoustical weapons aimed at MEMS to disrupt SCADA and rotor subsystems

4) Classified / OPEN methods involving DEW, Drone catchers, Lasers, GPS spoofing (Nichols R. K. et al., Counter Unmanned Aircraft Systems Technologies, and Operations, 2020)

Research on acoustic countermeasures indicates that they are successful against SWARMS and have the secondary advantage of being able to Identify Friend or Foe (IFF) using searchable sound frequency libraries (Nichols R. K. et al., 2019). (Nichols R. K. et al., Counter Unmanned Aircraft Systems Technologies, and Operations, 2020) China appears to be the leader in innovative UAS SWARM intelligence through the Chinese Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC) (Kania, 2017).

Type

1 Isolated Individual UAS

2 Group of Individual UASs

Piloted or autonomous with a specific mission to perform. Small, easy to assemble, affordable, light payloads.

Each UAS has its own mission, but the group is not a coordinated team. Increased number of attackers raises the potential for success by saturating defenses.

Sphere of action may differ for each UAS mission. Mission may not be fully completed if individual UASs are destroyed.

Missions are independent; loss of individual UASs degrades effectiveness but does not eliminate the threat.

Countermeasures

Stop, disable, or destroy the pilot to remove the threat.

Stop, disable, discover, and deter or destroy pilots and UAS threats.

Table 2 – UAS Collaboration

3

4

Team of UASs (all members assigned specialized tasks and coordinated by a Chief)

Particularly effective against divided attack targets. Level 3 allows automatic navigation and synchronized actions. Level 5 permits continuous updates and communications, commando-style.

Level 4 operations without human oversight may lose synchronization between team members.

Stop, disable, or destroy team members. Identify behavior patterns and intervene. Neutralizing the Chief is critical to mitigating the threat.

UAS SWARM (uniform mass of undifferentiated individuals without a Chief at Level 4 or 5)

Highly efficient through numbers and emergent group behavior.

Decentralized intelligence with no hierarchy. Resistant to defenses and not dependent on survivability of individual members.

Few inherent weaknesses other than cost and launch coordination.

Disrupt or change the Strategic Global View of the SWARM (its primary vulnerability). Defender collaboration required. Subject to acoustic countermeasures effective against MEMS and rotor systems.

Source: (Nichols R. K., Drone Wars: Threats, Vulnerabilities and Hostile Use of UAS, 2017)

Cyber Related CBRNE Attacks

A cyberattack against ADS or CBRN launched from a UAS / drone, or SWARM can be conducted in many ways and for many reasons. Cyber-attacks on CBRNE can be classified by area, industry, perceivable damage, and possible attack scenario. Cyber-attack vectors have many custom-designed exploits such as flying false routers, access points, network layers, and specialized software/ malware/ransomware. (Martinelli, 2017)

Table 3 reflects potential CBRNECy cyber-attacks by area.

There are four attack vectors on any facility as a structure.

Attacks #s 1-3 may be launched by air vehicle / UAS. Attack 4 may be assisted by UAS. Cyberattack: the attackers have no physical access to the systems or devices.

1.

Physical attack: the attackers have no remote access to systems or devices

2.

Cyber-enabled physical attack: security system is compromised to enable easy physical access for the attackers

3.

Physical-enabled cyber-attack: physical actions allow remote access to unreachable computer systems or networks. (Martinelli, 2017)

4.

Physical-enabled cyber-attack: physical actions allow remote access to unreachable computer systems or networks (rogue devices or rogue access points or spy)

Table 3 Cyber-attacks by Area of CBRNE

CBRNECy

Possible Airborne Attack

Scenarios

Industrial espionage

ICS controlling chemical delivery

Espionage

Fake medical details

Reputation loss via false information

Espionage

Denial of Service (DoS)

Source: Modified by the author from Martinelli (2017)

Drones as Rogue Access Points

TheEspionage

Destruction

Loss of life

Terrorism

Guerrilla

warfare

Civil war

Espionage

Counter-

espionage

Psychological warfare

Cyberwarfa re Warfare support

Electronic warfare synchroniza tion / vector intersection

fourth Cyber-attack vector is particularly interesting ( Physicalenabled cyber-attack: physical actions allow remote access to unreachable computer systems or networks (rogue devices or rogue access points or airborne spy). The drone acts as a mobile airborne access point. Cyber techniques that incorporate physical access to internal systems and networks are:

1. Wired network physical access (wiretapping or remote keylogging)

2. Wireless network physical access [long-range antenna’s, HAPS, WiFi attack vectors, BYOD) – connecting to the network by the physical proximity of the wireless routing device (Access point or Router)

3. Insider threat by an employee flying a drone inside the security perimeter. The drone can communicate with other drones or a command post. It may be used as a jump-off station to deploy malware. (Martinelli, 2017)

CBRNE Attack Scenarios

The Norwegian Defense Research Establishment developed the following CBRNE attack scenarios. (Heireng, 2015):

1. Chemical attack in the city center – Explosion and dispersion of Sulphur mustard

2. Chemical transport accident – Train derailment causing chlorine dispersal

3. Radiological dispersal in the city – Radioactive cesium spread in fire

4. Radiological attack on public transportation – hidden radioactive source

5. Nuclear power plant accident – Release of fission products

6. Nuclear submarine accident – Onboard fires

7. Hoax – Unknown powder in the congress center

It is easy to contemplate how a UAS Team or SWARM could force multiply (WMDD) most of the scenarios above, especially number 7!

(Martinelli, 2017) provides a palatable set of Cyber-attack scenarios on CBRNE infrastructure. They are listed in Table 4. UAS Cyber-attacks can enable or support conventional attacks by enhancing the remote access on Table 4 CIS facilities. They can:

1. Provide information about city traffic, mass gatherings, emergency events to plan the attack on the target;

2. Enable false alarms or disable the positive alarms to better control the municipal response during the attack;

3. Trigger remote detonation devices or electronically controlled release valves on chemical tanks. (Martinelli, 2017)

Area Threat

Chemical Denial of Service (DoS) and area contamination

Chemical

Water supply contamination

Biological / Medical Public figure setup

Biological / Medical Pharmaceutical formula manipulation

Radioactive Terrorist attack

Nuclear Equipment corruption production

Nuclear Power blackout

Scenario

DoS in ICS causes shutdowns, critical malfunctions, and/or chemical leakage, contaminating areas inside or outside the facility.

Tampering with water purification system configurations, endangering consumer lives.

Manipulation of medical or biological data to falsely implicate individuals or organizations.

Alteration of pharmaceutical production formulas, creating unsafe or ineffective medications.

Disruption or manipulation of radioactive materials leading to exposure or dispersal.

Corruption of production or safety equipment within nuclear facilities production of valuable materials is intentionally slowed down

Cyber-induced power outages affecting nuclear facility operations.

Nuclear Meltdown Manipulation of control systems leading to loss of cooling or catastrophic reactor failure.

Source: Modified by the author from Martinelli (2017)

Table 4 - Cyber-Attack Scenarios by Area in CBRNE

The use of drones to plan CBRNECy attack scenarios is not far afield. A special report by DRONESEC Notify on the Taliban in August 2021 confirms the Taliban’s serious interest, operational planning, and aborted attempts. (DRONESEC, 2021)

What Is the Counter

Picture one hundred plus hostile UASs headed toward a military target, ADS, or CBRN facility with lethal payloads. How do military planners envision defenses against a hostile UAS SWARM attack? The author will concentrate on the ADS side of the equation for defense because if the ADS is disabled, the CBRN facility is low hanging fruit based on its physical defenses. From our previous discussion, we note that CBRN facilities can be attacked from the air using UAS and leveraging cyber technologies.

The risk of successful terrorist attacks on U.S. Air Defense Systems (ADS) or CBRN facilities by hostile UASs increases by improving commercial capabilities and accessibility. Advanced small drones, capable of carrying sophisticated imaging equipment and significant payloads, are readily available to the public. A range of terrorist, insurgent, criminal, corporate, and activist threat groups have demonstrated their ability to use civilian drones and gather intelligence. How does the country defend against a growing UAS threat? This is known as the CounterUAS Problem. General James D. Mattis, SECDEF (U.S. Secretary of Defense), summed up the problem succinctly:

“Unmanned Aircraft are being developed with more technological systems and capabilities. They can duplicate some of the capabilities of manned aircraft for both surveillance/ reconnaissance and attack missions. They can be small enough and/or slow enough to elude detection by standard early warning sensor systems and could pose a formidable threat to friendly forces.” (Chairman, 2012)

Operational Protection from Hostile UAS Attacks – A Helicopter View

According to LCDR Boutros of the Navy War College, developing technologies do not paint a pleasant picture of the Counter-UAS problem (Boutros, Operational Protection 2015). UAS has seen a widespread proliferation among both state and non-state actors. This is cause for concern to U.S. Operational Commanders. (Boutros, 2015). General James D. Mattis, SECDEF, concluded:

“The proliferation of low cost, tactical unmanned aerial systems demands we think about this potential threat now… we must understand the threat these systems present to our joint force and develop the tactics, techniques, and procedures to counter the problem.” (Chairman, 2012) (Myer, 2013)

It can be argued from the quantity and diversity of products that China is the current leader in this technology, and China is thoroughly exercising its UAS capabilities in the Spratly Islands (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & and Carter, 2018).

However, more than 90 countries and non-state actors have UAS technology and foster terrorism. “Most of the UAS systems, except for China, Russia, USA, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Iran inventories are low-technology, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) platforms” (Boutros, 2015).

Experts believe that by 2025 China will produce over 50% of UAS systems (Yan, 2017). Yan predicts that China’s commercial drone market will top USD 9B in 2020 (Yan, 2017). The market value will triple to 180 billion yuan by 2025, according to the guidelines from the Chinese Ministry of Industry and Information Technology. This estimate is much higher than a forecast by an iResearch report last year (iResearch, 2016), which said that the overall market of UAVs, commonly known as drones, could reach 75 billion yuan by 2025 in China (Yan, 2017).

Iran has supplied long-range, low technology Ababil UAS weapons systems to Syria and Sudan and extremist groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, and ISIS. Hezbollah’s inventory is estimated at over 200 UAS, which concerns the Israeli military commanders (Zwijnwenburg, 2014).

The DOD’s 2018 Joint Publication (J.P.) 3-01 “Countering Air and Missile Threats” identifies friendly assets that an adversary may attack during a campaign using UAS. A theater commander must plan counter-UAS actions against air defense sites, logistics centers, and critical national infrastructure (Boutros, 2015).

“Due to their small size and unique flying signatures, many UAS are difficult to detect, identify, track, and engage with current joint air defense systems. The increasing proliferation of global UAS has exposed a critical vulnerability in the protection function of operational commanders, requiring joint efforts to include intelligence, electronic warfare (EW), cyber warfare (CW), and FIRES (the use of weapons systems to create a specific lethal or non-lethal effect on a target)” (Boutros, 2015).

But UAS are not invincible. Neutralizing threats or mitigating risk includes active and passive defense methods with kinetic and non-kinetic FIRES. (DoD, J.P. 3-0 Joint Operations, 2018).

Countering UAS Air Threats

Advanced UAS can carry large payloads at great distances. U.S. Predator and Global Hawk UAS, “Chinese Pterodactyl and Soar Dragon counterparts, and Iranian Ababil can carry at least 500 Kg payloads greater than 300 km” (Boutros, 2015). “They can be armed or unarmed, with ISR payloads, communications relays, Over-TheHorizon (OTH) target acquisition, and precision strike capabilities” (Boutros, 2015).

“Shorter range, tactical, small/micro UAS may not have the distance or payload capacity of more advanced systems, but they can seriously impact a campaign (or U.S. Homeland Defense). Because of their size, their heat signatures are almost nonexistent and easily evade detection. They offer more freedom of action. They can be launched from within U.S. air defense zones and fly to their targets in less time than it takes for a coordinated response” (Boutros, 2015).

[Nightmare alert: Imagine a swarm of UAS carrying small, potent binary bomb payloads attacking a U.S. carrier at port less than one mile away from the UAS launch point.] The enemy can effectively balance space, time, force, and arguably frequency. (Beaudoin, 2011).

“Small UAS (sUAS) can perform short-range ISR, be outfitted with explosive charges or chemical and biological agents for aerial dispersion, or simply fly over troops or civilians to demoralize” (Boutros, 2015). Given the effectiveness of enemy use of IEDs in Iraq and Afghanistan, a mobile, airborne version would take the problem to an entirely new level! (Nichols R.-0. , 2016).

Vulnerabilities Perspective

sUAS are vulnerable to kinetic and non-kinetic outside influence in four different areas: their link to a ground station, the ground station itself, the aircraft’s various sensors, and cyber weapons. The military recognizes the first three factors; the authors will concentrate on the fourth.

“In 2009, Iraqi insurgents successfully hacked into U.S. Reaper drones, crashing them.” (Boutros, 2015) (Horowitz, 2014). “In September of 2011, ground control stations at Creech AFB were infected by a virus, temporarily grounding the entire UAS fleet.” (Boutros, 2015) (Hartman, 2013). UAS onboard sensors can be manipulated in many ways. “High-intensity light directed at an optical sensor can blind it. GPS receivers can be cyber-spoofed, transmitting a stronger, but false GPS signal to a receiver, resulting in inaccurate navigation. Influencing the local magnetic field can adversely affect both onboard hard drives. Would it be best to call them a processor/chipset/ or form factor? and sensors that require magnetic orientation to operate correctly.” (Boutros, 2015) (Hartman, 2013).

The attacker’s objective is to understand better UAS subsystems, which facilitates exploiting their weaknesses. The author contends that the hostile technology of remotecontrolled warfare is difficult to control or abort; the best defense (counter-UAS) is to address the root drivers of these threats. Cyber offensive weapons against UAS SAA and SCADA targets (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & Carter, 2018).

Conventional Vulnerabilities of Air Defense Systems (ADS), Attacks By sUAS, and Countermeasures

A simplified, non-classified view of the U.S. Air Defense System (ADS) against a hostile UAS attack occurs in two stages:

1. Early Detection and Identification of “Danger Close” (Myer, 2013) [10]

2. We have applied appropriate countermeasures with the secondary goal of restricting collateral damage.

The traditional ADS family of tools for detection include:

1. Active Radar Surveillance – generate waves and use rebound echoes from the UAS to locate and estimate distance, approach speed, size, penetration vector, and short-term trajectory.

2. Passive Monitoring – cover the electromagnetic spectrum of visible, thermal infrared, and radio waves on common communications channels.

When considering hostile UAS defense, planners need to consider several issues. The U.S. ADS is optimized for missiles and aircraft deployed at high altitudes and speeds. ADS data fusion (detection, identification, weapon lock-on, execute countermeasures) works better with larger targets, not very small ones like UAS/sUAS. The U.S. ADS is effectively reactive for longer ranges; close reactive engagements, such as sUAS /UAS, are sub-optimal. (Nichols R.-0. , 2016).

There are clear vulnerabilities of the U.S. ADS to UAS:

sUAS can be launched into action close to the target(s), less than 1 mile.

• sUAS exhibit a small radar signature, which hinders the detection phase.

• Reactive action dictates a quick response near the target. This is not always possible.

• sUAS/UAS are designed for slow, low flight. Low flying sUAS avoid radar identification.

• sUAS/UAS electric motors are quiet and have a limited thermal signature. This makes for difficult noise detection, especially if stealth technologies have been employed. (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & and Carter, 2018)

• sUAS /UAS operates in urban areas. The urban sphere presents additional problems and potential collateral damage. (Nichols R.-0. , 2016)

Conventional Countermeasures Against sUAS / UAS

Two families of conventional countermeasures are used to disrupt and destroy hostile UAS/sUAS systems. (Excluding FAA Regulations, locked in firmware GPS No-Fly Zones, Registration, FAA rules and the like)

Active Measures

Active measures are designed to incapacitate and/or directly destroy the sUAS/UAS threat. This method may employ Ground-to-Air Defense (GTA), missiles, acoustical guns, or a simple cyber rifle.

However, there are some defensive issues to be considered:

• GTA efficiency against sUAS reactive targets is reduced and is even less efficient in urban zones where civilians are at risk.

• Simultaneous attacks on multiple fronts (See: Team or SWARM formats, Table 15.2) make countermeasures very difficult to apply, and defense measures are mitigated,

• Commercial company Liteye has developed an Anti-UAV Defense System (AUDS), which can detect, track, and disrupt sUAS operations using pulsed, brief focused broadcasts of directional frequency jamming. Liteye has also developed a mobile version called MAUDS (Liteye, 2018).

• China has developed a “5-sec” laser weapon to shoot down sUAS at low altitude (500 m) with a 10KW high-energy laser beam. Its range is 1.2 mi and handles sUAS at speeds up to 112 mph (Nichols R.-0. , 2016).

UAS countermeasure research is improving. Latency via AI has been greatly reduced. The goal is to increase the ability of Ground-to-Air (GTA) to react and improve their capabilities to a defined saturation limit. Team formation allows decoys and shields. SWARM formation

is easier to detect; the arrival of a cloud of robot drones is hard to mask but tough to neutralize.

Passive Measures

Passive measures are designed to use physical protection around the target to protect it indirectly. Some methods used are decoys, shields, organized roadblocks, nets, jamming the aggressor’s sensors, or total or partial GPS signal cyber-spoofing. Passive countermeasures have some positive outcomes. Decoys can be effective if the ADS knows which sensors are employed for an sUAS Kamikaze attack and how they are used in the SAA subsystem. Communication jamming, which can disrupt the inter–drone communications required for the team or swarm formations, is effective against level 1 and 2 drones (Table 1), which require pilot interaction. Sensor Jamming is effective regardless of automation. It is especially effective when false GPS signals give false GPS information, cause camera/gimbal dislocation, and demagnetize the heading sensor (Nichols, Mumm, Lonstein, Ryan, & Carter, 2018).

The 2011 Iranian incident taught the U.S. ADS planners some lessons about passive spoofing waypoints and Loss of Signal (LOS) via GPS. LOS is an emergency condition that causes sUAS/UAS to execute programmed responses. One of those responses may be “return to waypoint .”Two types of spoofs can be executed. A complete spoof uses the friendly SAA to estimate course, groundspeed, and time to target, then force a LOS and change the final waypoint. A partial spoof reports false positions and changes waypoints for perceived emergency conditions during LOS. Both spoofs are difficult to detect and effective (Editor, 2012).

Conclusions

Unmanned Aircraft Systems represent some of the most advanced U.S. air assets. They are critical to the USA ADS and the defense of CBRN facilities. Based on the sheer diversity and number of potential cyber weapons that can be deployed at every stage of the UAS mission and the significant growth of UAS for defense purposes, the risk of their hostile use against U.S. ADS or CBRN facilities is steadily increasing. Coupled with the huge growth and increased sophistication of the UAS commercial technologies, the threat of hostile use cannot be minimized. (Nichols R. K. et al., 2019) (Nichols R. K. et al., Counter Unmanned Aircraft Systems Technologies, and Operations, 2020)

Dr. R.K. Nichols

Strategic Implications

If GPS spoofing and UAS-enabled cyber interference can influence naval navigation at scale, the implications extend far beyond isolated mishaps. Such capabilities challenge core assumptions about maritime situational awareness, command-and-control integrity, and the reliability of trusted navigation systems in contested environments. Whether deployed intentionally or opportunistically, these tools represent a class of cyber-physical weapons that demand sustained attention from defense planners, naval operators, and policymakers.

For a complete list of sources and references, see: Nichols, R. K., et al., Cyber Weapons and CBRNE: Threats, Vulnerabilities, and Countermeasures.

Discussion Topics

Consider the following real case scenario and theory about U.S. Navy Vessel Collisions in the Pacific:

Given Facts:

In 2017, a chain of incidents/collisions involved four U.S. Warships and one U.S. Submarine. On August 20, the guided-missile destroyer USS John S McCain collided with the 600-foot oil and chemical tanker Alnic MC at 0624 JST. Ten sailors died.

On June 17, the destroyer USS Fitzgerald collided with the ACX 30,000-ton container ship at 1330 JST, leaving seven dead. Records show that the ACX turned sharply right at the time of the collision. The route of the destroyer is not shown on maps because commercial tracking data does not include military ships. Damage to the starboard side of the USS Fitzgerald indicates it would have been on a bearing of approximately 180 deg. (South). The captain of the Philippine flagged container ship accused the Navy destroyer of failing to heed warning signs before the crash.

On May 9, the guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain collided with a South Korean fishing boat off the Korean Peninsula. There were no injuries. On January 31, the guidedmissile cruiser USS Antietam ran aground, dumping more than 1000 gallons of oil into Tokyo Bay. On August 18, the ballistic-missile submarine USS Louisiana collided with the Navy Offshore Support Vessel in the Strait of Juan de Fuca. No injuries. (Office of CNO,

2020) (Lagrone, Chain of Incidents Involving U.S. Navy Warships in the Western Pacific Raise Readiness, Training Questions, 2017)

U.S. Navy Official Response

The U.S. Navy blamed its field leadership for not responding appropriately in all five incidents. Court marshals and relief from duty are the punishments of the day. The Navy blames funding, lack of readiness, and lack of training. Investigations and maintenance “hold” has been initiated. Reading between the lines, this response would imply that the Skipper/XO/COB and at least five watch sailors on each Naval vessel (roughly –forty to fifty personnel including bridge staff) were judged incompetent. Many U.S. Navy careers were finished. Further, this would also imply that all five vessels’ radar, emergency positioning alert systems, AIS, sonar, and long-range collision avoidance equipment must have been functioning perfectly, without a catastrophic failure or interference of any kind. (Office of CNO, 2020)

The Case for a Cyber Weapon

There appears to be valid evidence to support the theory that at least two of the U.S. Navy Warships above and the commercial vessels they struck were on the wrong end of a hostile cyberweapon. (Lagrone, Cyber Probes to be Part of All Future Navy Mishap Investigations After USS John S. McCain Collision, 2017)

They were receiving the wrong GPS-generated positional information (GPS Spoofing). Our research theorizes that UAS may have deployed the Cyber Weapon off a small, nearby vessel by an adversary. The subject cyber weapon may be an advanced modular entity that can spoof the GPS signals received by all vessels in its range. Vessels given misleading data will make incorrect decisions in terms of navigation and emergency responses – potentially leading to collisions and deaths. Contemplate and comment on the viability of the researcher’s cyber-weapon theory.

Research and choose one specific cyber threat / or cyberweapon deployed against SCADA systems used by UAS. Discuss the chosen SCADA threat and how it exploits the vulnerabilities of the target system, the implications (impact) of the attack, and what defenses and countermeasures might be used to defend or mitigate the threat to the target.

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