African Traditional Healing and Albinism

The forms within which traditional healing or ‘witchcraft’ have been practiced in the contemporary era in Africa seem to evolve periodically; needless to say, this transformation has inherently posed a threat to the traditions attached to such practices. Although there is not much evidence that ties the practice of traditional healing with violence against persons with albinism (PWA), the latter’s stigmatization, and thus, the frame of thought that justified said violence finds its origin in cross-culturally orthodox beliefs that have been long-established in Africa. Some scholars write that state intervention is the only way to resolve violence against PWA African governments create and implement policies to reduce traditional healing practices and promote institutional medical practices instead Other writers express that this matter’s resolution depends on re-establishing African perceptions of morality. Despite the efforts made in response to violence against PWAs, in an attempt to regulate traditional healing practices, governmental/state intervention alone cannot effectively dismantle conventions and customs that have persisted for centuries Instead, stigmas and myths surrounding PWA must be subverted: a restructuring of civil society’s current knowledge production system can redefine African ontological perceptions of PWA. Coinciding with this bottom-up strategy, a displacement of the Global North’s perceptions of traditional healing must transpire to overturn the hierarchies that affect African policy based on false and external perceptions that refuse to change, thus stunting continental growth/development

Priming the Contemporary Discussion

A brief history and ethnography of Albinism in Africa 1.

Perceptions surrounding Albinism in Africa have changed drastically over the many centuries that missionaries and explorers recorded PWA in African societies (Kromberg and Manga 2018, 2). On the one hand, social writers like De La Croix (1688) recorded that PWA were “regarded as monsters,” while on the other––two centuries later––science-based writers like Livingstone found that PWA had sun-sensitive skin that caused them to develop a blistered appearance in the case of prolonged exposure (Kromberg and Manga 2018, 7).

Notwithstanding the external chronicles of PWA in the continent, conventional African thinking also played its role in the ever-growing misconceptions of Albinism

Kromberg defines a ‘stigmatized person’ as an individual deemed abnormal: a subaltern of their society (Kromberg 2018, 181) It is no secret that PWA are physically distinct from their hyperpigmented counterparts, effectively making their physical ‘otherness’ result in their almost subhuman perception Imafidon discusses the notion of alterity and how, in the context of Albinism in Africa, “conceptual otherness” is the primary explanation for PWA’s exclusion and marginalization (Imafidon 2017, 165). In the line of thinking that stigma naturally stems from fear and lack of understanding, the reasoning behind any form of stigmatization is to exclude anything that may “threaten [a society’s] existence” (Imafidon 2017, 166) This ontology alienates PWA and displaces their sense of self, especially regarding their sense of belonging.

Kromberg examines the role of in-group and outgroup dynamics, writing that members of a society build a sense of self, based on a social reference they find satisfying. Building on this notion, if we understand that PWA were once regarded as monsters, it is reasonable to claim African ontology contributed to stigma whereby Albinism is socially disapproved. Their discussion concludes that if PWA “ are denied the opportunity to join a community group, it will be difficult for them to find a system for self-reference, create a place in society and build a social identity” (Kromberg 2018, 185) By limiting their opportunity to establish a place in society, the frequency of interaction between PWA and other members of society depletes In line with the view that “stigma [ ] is understood through interaction,” the combination of PWA’s historic stigmatization and, thus, minimal interaction with society resulted in the production of incomplete perceptions of the condition itself (Kromberg 2018, 182) This is precisely what has facilitated the development of myths on PWA and why they fail to be recognized as human beings.

2 Myth Development and its Ties to Traditional Healing

The myths and stereotypes surrounding PWA are exceptionally diverse, a phenomenon best demonstrated by the shift in the cross-continental perceptions of PWA In Ghana, those with the condition are regarded as individuals “under divine protection” (Kromberg 2018, 194), while in Tanzania, PWA are viewed as devils (Imafidon 2017, 167) Whether these beliefs fostered positive (West African) or negative (East African) perceptions, all the PWA stigmas have a phantasmagorical element One particularly curious myth that Kromberg mentions pertains to death. Due to the rarity of witnessing the passing of a PWA––unless inflicted at birth––this myth holds that PWA do not experience death (Kromberg 2018, 195). This myth tenably made them eligible to have their mortality and humanity questioned

A connection between the death myth and the justifications behind violence against them is established by assessing anthropological explanations for the death myth itself Writers of this camp argue that because white has historically been the colour of various objects (like beads, hides, and tails), traditional healers used to communicate with ancestral spirits, PWA having white skin indicated they were spirits themselves and could not die (Kromberg 2018, 195) It can also be reasoned that the natural death of PWAs is rarely observed due to societal stigma If a PWA developed cancer due to their vulnerable hypopigmented skin, it is not an absurd assumption that they would withdraw from society due to shame As previously discussed, PWA lack the opportunity to develop a self-concept in society and feel out of place from birth Made to feel even more ‘abnormal’ by their society’s standards, a PWA with skin cancer would isolate and experience an unobserved death (Kromberg 2018, 195) Coinciding with the more phantasmagorical elements, this reasoned origin of the myth indicates that traditional African ontology encourages this myth to date

The rejection of PWA and their continued alterity has deviated perceptions of the condition and impeded the development of a proper understanding of Albinism. Instead, the belief that human death is absent from a PWA’s experience has acted to set the grounds upon which violence against PWA has been ethically justified. Since PWA possess a subaltern status and are thus not deemed part of the community––per

African ontological thinking––their mere existence threatens the community’s existence (perhaps why infanticide was normalized) (Kromberg 2018, 194) Consequently, their targeted killing is justified as their death benefits those who truly belong in the community To this effect, PWA only holds objective value; in this respect, the death myth is the vital misconception that facilitated PWA killings under the guise that their body parts could bring about good fortune and wealth to its bearer (Brocco 2016, 230). In Mwanza, Tanzania, traditional healing amalgamates various methods and practices. Divination, for instance, heavily involves spirits and the metaphysical domain (Nichols-Belo 2018, 724) It stands out as a rudimentary and, thus, notable practice because it speaks to the core process behind knowledge production in traditional healing The practice conducts interviews between spirits and healers via the healers’ possession and allows them to inquire about treatments for their client’s conditions. In this sense, much of their knowledge acquisition is said to occur “in the wake of affliction” (Nichols-Belo 2018, 725) That is to say that conjured spiritual possession incites healers to develop claircognizance concerning medicine and healing practices Unlike biomedicine, traditional healers rely on tacit knowledge, authorizing them a particular sway over the beliefs of many local communities––with their “relationship to spirits [being what] lends authority and legitimacy to [their practice] (Nichols-Belo 2018, 725). This almost divine and unquestionable power over knowledge production not only encouraged the pre-existing stigmas that fostered PWA’s persecution but also created a new avenue of interaction––they became prey The development of said avenue for interaction is demonstrated by the Tanzanian term ‘Dili’ (deal), a term of reference to the black-market trading of PWA’s body parts (Brocco 2016, 230)

Traditional Healing and Albinism: The Case of Tanzania

The growing prevalence of this deprecating phrase co-occurred with the increasing rate of targeted killings of PWA in North-western Tanzania by ‘traditional doctors’ who would “ use their bones and blood to make amulets, which [they] claimed brought their wearers luck and wealth” (Brocco 2016, 230). The measure of power traditional healing myths have had throughout history and in the contemporary era has remained relatively high A significant turning point apropos of the power held by traditional healing in Africa is the continent’s transition away from the colonial period Partnered with the augmented international consciousness––particularly concerning crimes against humanity––government intervention carried out by new African states played a fundamental role in restricting the dominance of traditional healing. With a focused look on Tanzania, this section will: examine how effective the government’s policies were in response to the increased killings of PWA and propose strategies to resolving the matter

1

Evaluating Government Intervention

As Tanzania began to undergo democratization and the inevitable institutionalization required, the government formalized a way in which traditional healing and biomedicine could coexist (Nichols-Belo 2018, 726) With the establishment of the Institute of Traditional Medicine (ITM) in 1974 and Tanzania's adoption of the Traditional and Alternative Medicines Act (TM&AMA) in 2002, the government successfully combined two systems of medicine. This arrangement of medical pluralism (Flint 2020, 595) was arguably measured as a success, as it produced a clear definition of traditional healing and required the licensing and registration of its practitioners (NicholsBelo 2018, 726) For a time, this helped regulate the authority of traditional healers as they were made to function as monitored government agents. With a professional code of conduct in place, traditional healers, despite the previous freedoms they may have had in their practices, were now being made to carry out their practice within the confines of the government's regulations (Nichols-Belo 2018, 726)

However, Tanzania's attempts at liberalization with the government's adoption of the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) drastically redistributed power back into the hands of traditional healers. In accommodation to the SAPs, healthcare costs increased, and thus “the number of [unregistered] traditional healers practicing in Tanzania” increased to cater to the poverty-stricken communities (Nichols-Belo 2018, 727).

Nevertheless, considering the 'authority' granted to traditional healers under their connection to the corporeal realm, the TM&AMA's prohibition of divination actively denounces “spirit-driven knowledge ” Moreover, it invalidates the knowledge production systems that have had generational significance to the function of local communities (Nichols-Belo 2018, 727) Therefore, while the adoption of the seemingly promising TM&AMA appeared to include customary practices that were also internationally accepted, traditional healing, as a separate entity, will consistently be chosen over biomedicine “because [the people] perceive [its practitioners] to have insights over and above” that of formally trained doctors (Flint 2020, 595)

Fast-forward to 2009, Tanzanian “witchdoctors” made it on various international media outlets concerning the murders of 50 PWA in the preceding 14 months, tethering the killings to traditional healing (Nichols-Belo 2018, 722). As a result, Tanzanian government intervention grew immensely, setting sights on the 'sanitization' of the knowledge production systems behind traditional healing and “encourag[ing] healers to wear 'white uniforms' and obtain formal training” (Nichols-Belo 2018, 723). The 'sanitization' was manifested through an extreme policy shift: traditional healing was banned entirely, and the government kept healers under surveillance (Nichols-Belo 2018, 723) With the fear of getting their certificates suspended, traditional healers altogether ceased to practice (Brocco 2016, 230). The Tanzanian government was lauded for its policies' progress in stopping PWA's active persecution and killings (Imafidon 2017, 174).

Although said policies lowered the frequency of these killings, what ensued in the wake of COVID19 is a testament to how these stigmas attribute power to traditional healers and demonstrate why an attack on knowledge production systems is detrimental According to a report released in July 2021 by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the killings of PWA increased dramatically during the global pandemic, with many individuals who experienced severe poverty resorting to witchcraft Holding a belief thought to be a past conviction, these individuals killed PWA, believing it to incite quick wealth and fortune (Witchcraft 2021) The report also revealed that most of the victims were children. Such occurrences show that despite the reported “ progress [made] on many fronts,” moments of desperation revitalized the frequency of crimes against PWA (Witchcraft 2021) Demonstrating how deeply entrenched these stigmas are, what transpired during the pandemic indicates that governmental coercion, especially when it is just a reflection of Western pressures, cannot override centuries-old ontology (Brocco 2016, 230)

Furthermore, it limits the roles that these healers take on Regarding the ‘witchcraft’ connotation, this simplification misses critical practices like herbalism, which does not involve the spiritual/supernatural domain The second term ‘doctor’ furthers these limiting elements, as it disregards the existence of diviners and faith healers; the choice to use this term speaks to “the [confined] medical practice as [...] understood [by] the Global North” (Flint 2020, 597)

Upon Britain's acquisition of Tanganyika, the 1922 Witchcraft Ordinance was passed to prohibit the practice of ‘witchcraft;’ at the time, defined as any practice that involved the summoning or use of supernatural power to inflict harm Although the decree initially only legalized punishment for baleful actions, specific measures were taken as relations between the native population and the emerging colonial mandate grew turbulent (Flint 2020, 600). The “instruments clause” was appointed in 1928, acting to broaden the scope of arrest to “ many typical divination and healing practices used by traditional healers” (Nichols-Belo 2018, 726). Having played a key role in reconstructing British aggression for their ‘civilizing mission,’ the clause conveys the earliest means by which traditional healing was discredited (Flint 2020, 600) With the Witchcraft Ordinance framing traditional healing as a primitive practice, the adjunction of the clause evidences Fanon’s belief that the perception of biomedicine’s superiority is nothing more than a method of Western subjugation (Flint 2020, 596).

The colonial order’s interactions with traditional healing designate one avenue through which the Global North arguably pressured Tanzania’s conservative policies. The other is recognized in the West’s perpetuation of ‘the African Witchdoctor’ trope (Flint 2020, 595) The harmful element of this term is that it severely limits and oversimplifies the practices involved in traditional African healing (Flint 2020, 597) ‘African Witchdoctor’ is first and foremost demeaning; the arrangement of the individual terms ‘witch’ and ‘doctor’ to create the oxymoron ‘witchdoctor’ denotes that traditional healing is illegitimate, coinciding with the discrediting efforts made under colonialism.

The use of the term ‘African witchdoctors,’ as a result, has painted an incomplete and false picture of traditional African healing While it may seem non-threatening, the prevalence of this term over time has come to shape not only international perceptions of the continent's traditional healing practices, but these erroneous views have tenably come to shape the developmental policies African governments implement It must be acknowledged that Western perceptions tend to––in this case significantly––“reinforce international power hierarchies” (Flint 2020, 595) that can destabilize African civil societies Recall the murder of the 50 PWA discussed in the section above. At the time this had made the international news, Tanzanian Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda had said verbatim that “witchdoctors are big liars,” to which he followed up with measures the state would be taking (Nichols-Belo 2018, 722) His use of the term demonstrated that the seeds of biomedical superiority colonialism planted became sources of shame The Tanzanian government's attempt to incorporate biomedicine via discounting the legitimacy of divination is rooted in the intrinsic shame that the civil society was still ‘primitive ’

The extreme policy shift that banned all traditional healing was a Neo-colonial manifestation. The existence of this shift substantiates the intrinsic and extrinsic role played by the Global North in in determining African policy but also proves it to be a detriment to state-society relations The Tanzanian government's denial of spirit-driven knowledge's legitimacy created a disconnect between the government and society as the former effectively discredited the gravity of their reality: their knowledge production. In this respect, I claim the rise in PWA killings during COVID resulted from the shortage of licensed and practicing traditional healers who feared arrest due to the strict ban.

The uproar and desperation to acquire good fortune can reasonably find its root in the lack of accessibility to individuals who could have healed them via noninvasive practices like herbalism Moreover, those who sought spiritual healing via divination, for instance, may have been able to receive the help they needed without their desperation for good health, driving them to murder a PWA. Either way, government intervention is not enough to dismantle stigma as it restricts communication between the state and society. As the state continues to act in appeasement of the Global North, social divide and unrest are sure to happen more frequently These perceptions must be uprooted entirely, gain scrutiny, and carry out a public correction One way to ensure this is by entirely erasing the ‘African Witchdoctor’ trope from popular culture (Flint 2020, 598). If media perceptions are regulated, then the trope will lack recognition in the West and, by extension, the international community This could facilitate Tanzania’s detachment from its intrinsic shame and help rebuild the global image of traditional African healing in an accurate and holistic light

Considering this, if traditional African ontology values humaneness and protects community members, accepting PWA sensibly becomes a matter of proving their mortality For a successful reintegration, local communities must first believe PWA are human Secondly, they are humans with a condition that should afford them protection: they must prove their humanity and vulnerability.

Imafidon employs Horowitz's definitions of ethical and moral points of view, explaining that the former concerns unchanging conventional conduct and the latter transcends convention and “evaluates the rational adequacy of particular systems of conduct instead” (Imafidon 2017, 170). The case he makes in connection to perceptions of PWA is that there needs to be a shift from the ethical point of view to the moral one, effectively communicating that African civil society must adopt a dynamic moral system to permit the acceptance of PWA Although Imafidon makes a compelling argument that this leap is possible, he admits that the shift's success is determined by “all hands [being] on deck” (Imafidon 2017, 173)

Upon assessing the practicality of a complete shift in frames of thinking, an argument can be made to support another approach to enacting the acceptance of PWA Even though the ethical view is rooted in traditional African ontology, accepting PWA is not binarily inhibited by conventional conduct. We can first claim that African ethics believes in protecting the community Made on the basis that protection for the community was a reason behind PWA's exclusion, this claim is valid

`This bottom-up strategy requires local communities to understand the condition accurately; this consequently and conveniently negates the death myth Perhaps incentivized education camps at the local level can be headed by urban-raised PWA: individuals who had the opportunity to develop a healthy sense of self This effort would be of direct aid to younger PWA, providing them with the opportunity to accurately learn about the condition and recognize that dismantling the stigma is vital to reducing the capacity for society to inflict young PWA with a self-hating identity. They could be accompanied by licensed doctors who explain the biological reasoning behind PWA's hypopigmentation and demonstrate that it is simply a genetic disorder that causes PWA more health issues than the average hyperpigmented African (Brocco 2016, 229) By demonstrating to people of these communities that PWA are individuals who bleed the same as them; if anything, they are at a higher risk of dying than they are Only then would PWA's status as subhuman be overturned, and thus their mortality proved

Accompanied by the evidence of their humanity explicitly, it could also be encouraged that pastors teach Albinism as a condition that incites vulnerability to illness brought on by God's will This would result in Albinism being deemed a ‘normal’ condition because it happens per what is natural, i e , God’s will This affords PWA the chance to “develop a [positive] selfidentity [...] and counterbalance stigmatizing behaviours” that once served to justify their killing (Brocco 2016, 240) Convinced of the belief that PWA are vulnerable community members, the once persecuted subaltern individuals whose killings were ethically warranted would no longer stand to reason Just as these African communities emphasize the protection and care of vulnerable members like the elderly, if successful, these treatments will be extended to members of society with the condition

This paper first built a foundational understanding of the inception of stigmas and myths regarding PWA and how the entrenchment of these stigmas came to develop an entanglement with traditional healing in Africa Upon establishing this, the case of Tanzania was taken up, in which an evaluation of government intervention concerning the increase in PWA killings followed Despite any progress, government intervention alone, in the face of stigmas that existed long before the state was even conceived, will not be effective in halting PWA persecution. The way government intervention transpired in Tanzania was ineffective because it destabilized the knowledge production system of not only the traditional practices that justify violence against PWA but all forms of traditional healing, which this paper reveals is a neomanifestation of colonial thinking. Thus, this paper proposes a strategy that combines a top-down and bottom-up approach to provide the context in which government policies can be sustainably effective. The top-down strategy calls for the scrutinization of the Global North’s perception of traditional healing in Africa as it has undeniably placed pressure on the Tanzanian government, which in turn caused turmoil on the societal level The strategy pushes for the end of perpetuating false tropes and images of its practitioners on an international scale The bottomdown strategy involves an education process whereby the reintegration of PWA is carried out in a way that still respects customary boundaries and does not cause too much discomfort to their perceptions of reality This method can ensure that outbursts like the COVID-19 murders will not happen again. These two approaches would conceivably allow the Tanzanian government to pass effective and sustainable policies, for the pressures of false external perceptions are absent from their decision-making: allowing them to actively ensure that they are not completely discounting the conventional knowledge production system, only the aspects that serve to justify the killings of PWA

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