Integrated Women: A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing Women’s Role Today

Integrated Women: A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing Women’s Role Today

Phylis Lan Lin, PhD & Mary Candace Moore, PhD University of Indianapolis

Paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the North Central Sociological Association, April 25-28, 1984, Indianapolis, Indiana. For further information write to: Dr. Phylis Lan Lin at phylislanlin@gmail.com or lin@uindy.edu

Integrated Women: A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing Women’s Role Today Phylis Lan Lin, PhD & Mary Candace Moore, PhD

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of various aspects relating to college women’s views on contemporary roles of women. The authors coined an ideal type construct, “integrated women,” to focus on the interplay of three roles (traditional, feminist, and androgynous) in which women are engaged.

The conceptualization of “integrated women” was discussed in detail and the paper shared some findings from a structured survey research of 543 of college students’, in a mid-western American university, views on this ideal type. The research explored college women’s role orientations along three dimensions— attitudinal, behavioral, and cognitive. This composite concept of integrated women enables the researchers to consider the complexity of enacting roles in women’s lives today. The data revealed that today’s college women recognized the value and tradition of marriage and family institution; they also recognized the needs and rewards for them in participating in the world of work.

Conceptual Framework Present research into the attitudes of women toward work, family and career is now asking a new set of questions. According to researchers (Zuckerman, 1981; Goldbert & Shiflett, 1981) there are more women today than ever who prefer the non-traditional lifestyle of a career over that of being a full-time homemaker. Furthermore, recent studies

are both documenting the interest of women in attain careers and are proceeding beyond this to distinguish between women who aspire to careers in male-dominated occupations with women aspiring to careers in traditional female occupations. Goldberg and Shiflett (1981) distinguish between the meaning of a career for both sexes. Their data suggests that “men are career oriented in the traditional sense of pleasing their parents by becoming highly educated professionals, while women, on the other hand, are more interested in obtaining challenging work and fulfilling themselves” (Goldbert & Shiiflett, 1981, p. 1219). Therefore, current research needs to focus upon the dynamic interplay of the multiplicity of roles that a woman plays in contemporary society (Lin, 1982, pp. 171191).

The concept of role expansion describes the lifestyle chosen by women today. As one researcher states, “Women remain basically positive about both marriage and motherhood. They reject neither men nor children. Their goals imply a restructuring of the family and not its dissolution” (Parelius, 1975, p. 152). Cummings (1977) found a strong consensus among respondents that the goal of combining marriage, family, and career is desirable, and that the reason for this consensus may lie in discrepant definitions of careers. It is the development of non-traditional definitions of a career that permits the combination of work, family, and education. Researchers suggest the importance of selecting items that do not pose a choice between having a career or a family, but instead selecting items which permit the respondent to emphasize the combination of roles.

While role strain has been the focus of research (Parelius, 1975 Houseknect & Macke, 1981), there also is a direction of research to explore the complementarity of roles.

Bernard (1971) has documented earlier that segregation of roles and isolation of women as full-time homemakers has produced a higher incidence of self-role conflict. Therefore, the change in women’s orientations through the expansion of the traditional homemaker’s role to include educational goals and career aspirations is one solution to the problem of self-role conflict. As the diversity of research on women indicates, there is a need to provide items which emphasize role integration, i.e., the complementarity of roles, as well as mechanisms for copying with role strain or conflict.

The purpose of the present study is to provide an overview of various aspects relating to college women’s views on contemporary roles of women. The following dimensions of an integrated role orientation are analyzed. This study aims to create an ideal type of “integrated women.” A group of college students’ views on this idea type are explored.

Variables which may affect the making or Reich Bach the choice of integrated women are analyzed. Three dimensions are selected for conceptualization. This study will employ the concept of integrated women in order to break through the limitations encountered in the categorization of women as feminists, as traditionalists, or as androgynous individuals. “Integrated women” is a composite concept because it treats the abovementioned categories as a set of attitudes, cognitions and behaviors which can be mixed and arranged by today’s women. The concept of integrated women enables this research to consider the complexity of enacting roles and it allows us to answer questions which follow from a discussion of feminist, traditional, and androgynous roles.

Feminist orientations stress equality between the sexes, encouraging women to develop talents and pursue careers. Within marriage, feminist orientations give both partners an equal share of financial and domestic responsibilities (Parelius, 1975).

Questions such as the following remain, however, when one attempts to use the category of feminism to understand today’s women: Does the feminist orientation necessarily imply an identification with the label of feminism? Is feminism defined by the issues associated with the Women’s Movement, and if so, does the Women’s Movement exist as one coherent body of ideology and tactics? Finally, could one engage in nontraditional practices without stressing the equality in role sharing as specified by the feminist orientation and still be considered a feminist?

The traditional orientation towards sex-role behavior suggests that a woman’s primary purpose is to marry, bear children, and spend most of her time in the home doing housework and child-rearing tasks. Can women, however, combine nontraditional attitudes and behaviors with a traditional orientation and still be considered traditional?

Are the feminist and traditional orientations mutually exclusive lifestyles? If, on the other hand, it is assumed that women do combine orientations, then one depiction of such a combination is describe by Reichbach (1979, p. 165), “Even women who enter the labor force and gain the resources of money and possible attractive alternative to their present marriage may not use their power because of traditional beliefs that the husband is the authority figure.” In response to the difficulty of determining whether such a woman is a feminist or a traditionalist this research has created the concept of integrated women to show that it is expected and predicted that women will combine behaviors and attitudes from the different orientations.

How does the concept of integrated women differ from the meaning of androgynous roles? In an androgynous world a person may want or need to combine masculine and feminine characteristics. There would be a blend of feminine and masculine traits in one person, and thus the androgynous person would have the option of a multiplicity of roles without the requirement that she engage in one particular role. “No role or activity will be denied one because of biological sex, nor will any role be considered better or more worthy than others” (Hener & Rebecca, 1979, p.245). Whereas, the feminist orientation stresses egalitarianism through role sharing, the androgynous world requires a redefinition of the roles associated with masculinity and femineity.

The concept of androgynous roles is used by researchers to describe the desegregation of the occupational world in which, historically, jobs have been classified as either male or female (Rambo, 1982, pp. 458-459; Rossi, 1973, p. 344-346). In an androgynous world men will be free of nurture and rear children, as well as participate traditional female jobs such as nursing; on the other hand, women will be free to pursue careers in nontraditional areas. By the introduction of the concept of integrated women, this research seeks to know the mechanisms and patterns by which an alteration or transformation of roles in achieved. The concept of integrated women in this research is used to provide a broader meaning than the final state of liberation implied by the

idealized state of androgynous roles. How is “liberation” lived as a real-life possibility?

With this question in mind, the concept of integrated women is to refer to the working out of life as a set of roles which need to be expanded, maintained, shared or abandoned.

Thus, the concept of integrated women refers to the free use of the different orientating labeled feminist, traditionalist or androgynous by women within their lives.

The concept of integrated women is an ideal type because it represents an actor who is oriented by a consciousness of the different alternatives—feminist, traditionalist, and androgynous—and who possesses the possibility of integrating these alternatives within a lifestyle. Thus, these orientations do not stand as external standards through which the researchers categorize women, but rather these orientations are treated as the real knowledge that integrated women do possess and employ. Thus, the aspect of idealization is the presumption of a shared consciousness by an actor who is oriented through this consciousness in the living of live.

Specifically, the concept of integrated women is analyzed by the following three dimensions: Attitudinal, behavioral, and cognitive. The attitudinal dimension for integrated women is analyzed by (1) identification with the Women’s Movement, (2) the expectation of dual-career equality, (3) the expectation of sharing housework, and (4) the expectation of combining marriage, family, and career. The behavioral dimension is analyzed by how women modify their roles. This dimension is measured by (1) women’s handling of financial needs and work situation, (2) women’s responsibilities in household chores and participation in childrearing, (3) women’s response to career interruption, and (4) women’s involvement in putting their husbands through school. The cognitive dimension for integrated women is analyzed by the following variables related to (1) perception of men’ social status, (2) perceptions of women’s status at work, (3) perceptions of women’s status on loan and credit application, and (4) perceptions of women’s social, economic, and educational statuses.

It seems that in addition to the issue of women’s new status, job relocation and women’s career aspiration are the most critical issues facing dual-career families.

Therefore, these two closely related areas of concern—coping with (responding to) the husband’s job relocation and career aspiration—are selected for further elaboration. The dynamics of these two issues are intertwined with issues in the three dimensions. For example, processes involved in coping with the husband’s job relocation and tolerance to career interruption. In the next section, a number of hypotheses are derived for testing from the three dimensions of integrated women.

Attitudinal Dimension The variables measuring the attitudinal dimension were modeled upon those research questions asked by Cummings (1977, p. 68). In order to define an identification with the label of feminism, survey participants were asked to respond to the statements, “I consider myself a feminist” and “The Women’s Movement has made a difference in my life.” Each of these statements had five possible answers ranging from strongly agree to

strongly disagree. The strongest measure of identification with the label of feminism would come from survey participants who strongly agree that the Women ‘s Movement has influenced them with a parallel answer that they strongly agree with the perception of themselves as feminists.

A question which much be considered, however, is whether identification with the label of feminism necessarily measures women’s attitudes about the issues represented by the Women’s Movement? Welch contends that women may support issues associated wit the movement but not clearly identify with the movement per se (Welch, 1975, pp. 216227; Lindsay, 1979, p. 356).

Two reasons may be cited to explain the identification with feminist behavior combined with a possible disidentification with the label of feminism. First, as Freeman (1973) argues, the Women’s Movement has never been one body what was coherent in ideology or tactics. There has been a split in the Movement from its inception between the educated, middle-class women of N.O.W. who were struggling for professional advancement and equality in the economic and political spheres, and the grass-roots part of the Movement consisting of numerous small groups of women for who the issues sexual politics, the political economics of family life, and self-assertion. Each group represented a different set of interests associated with the “liberated woman;” thus, those who agreed with one set of issues may not have agreed with others.

Second, the lack of a formal identification with label may be related to the possibility that today’s women are seeking to expand the traditional roles to include nontraditional practices for women, and thus they do not wee that there is one position, i.e., feminism, that needs to be chosen at the exclusion of another position. Today’s integrated woman need not identify herself as a feminist and yet may agree with many of the issues associated with the Women’s Movement. A 1976 Harris Poll found that 65 percent of women supported “most of the efforts to strengthen and change a woman’s status in society,” although only 17 percent has a positive image of the women’s Movement per se (cited in Taylor, 1983, p. 441).

The attitudinal dimension of integrated women reflects the research findings that there may not be a correspondence between women’s identification of themselves as feminists and their agreement upon issues associated wit the Women’s Movement. The following hypotheses measure the attitudinal dimension: 1. There is no significant relationship between women who identified themselves as feminists and those who felt that the Women’s Movement has made a difference in their lives.

2. There is no significant relationship between women who favored certain feminist issues and those who identified themselves as feminists.

3. There is no significant relationship between women who favored certain feminist issues and those who felt that the Women’s Movement has made a difference in their lives.

4. Women who wish to combine marriage, family and career expect their husbands to share the housework.

5. Women who wish to combine marriage, family and career expect their career and their husband to be of equal importance.

Findings for Attitudinal Dimension Two related issues—the impact of the Women’s Movement and feminist identity— were elaborated upon in this dimension. It was found that among the 543 female college students in the study sample, identified themselves as feminists had a greater tendency to feel that the Movement has a strong influence on them than non-feminist-oriented students. However, no significant correlation was found between positive attitudes toward certain feminist issues and feminist identification.

The attitudinal dimension of integrated women was analyzed (see more detailed analysis in Lin and Moore, 1983). A great majority of women students surveyed expressed their attitudes toward new dimensions of female-role identity. They, nevertheless, expressed the need to have their spouses’ support and assistance in the traditional female role domain in order to fulfill their wishes in combining marriage, family, and career roles.

Behavioral Dimension The behavioral dimension of integrated women was measured by probing women’s tolerance towards the situations arising from the combination of work and family.

Variables were included to measure adaptations and mechanisms for coping with role strains when combining work and family life. The following two hypotheses relate to these variables, and they measure the need to modify the family living situation based upon the demands of the working world. Also, a variable has been included to allow the respondent to stress the positive effect on families when both parents are working.

1. Women who expect to spend less time with their families in order to get ahead in their careers believe that the trend towards both parents working out side the home has a generally positive effect on families.

2. Women who would be willing to relocate their families in order to get ahead in their careers believe that the trend towards both parents working outside the home has a generally positive effect on families.

The remaining hypotheses within the behavioral dimension measure tolerance towards different combinations of work and family life. These hypotheses are modeled upon those variables designed by Cummings to measure tolerance. In the Cummings’ study, a set of questions presented hypothetical situations to respondents, e.g., “If you married and your husband did not want a working wife, would you give up your work for him?” In this way, respondents indicated whether the alternative of not working was in any way acceptable to them (Cummings, 1977, p. 68). The following hypotheses measuring tolerance are derived for testing:

1. Women who would prefer not to work are more tolerant of a husband who does not want a working wife.

2. Women who prefer to share the responsibility of caring for the home and children with their husbands would be less tolerant of a husband who does not what a working wife.

3. Women who prefer to share the responsibility of caring for the home and children with their husbands would be willing to work to put their husband through school.

In general, research suggests that there may be an incongruity between the changes which women expect in the traditional sex roles and the actual behavioral changes within the family. In what way then can a measurement of modification of roles take this difference between expected and actual changes into account? It seems that the modification of roles needs to include variables that measure both expectations concerning the division of labor within the home and workplace as well as levels of acceptance or tolerance for very real, although less than ideal, situations. According to the Cummings there is a gap between what is tolerable and consensual ideal, or sated differently, there is a possible range of acceptable outcomes rather than only one (1977, p.

66). (A further study on “life is a negotiated order” is relevant here.) It may be in those situations defined as “acceptable” that researchers can locate the ways in which ideals are stretched or worked out in life.

Within this study there are two limits marking the modification of roles: an upper limit characterizing the expectations of integrated women for combining marriage, family, and career, and the lower limit reflecting situations which women see as acceptable or tolerable.

The variables which follow seek to locate levels of tolerance by giving respondents situations which test the ideal expectation to share family and work responsibilities with situations that threaten to disrupt the ideal of integration through career interruption.

Findings for Behavioral Dimension The behavioral dimension focused on the difficult decision processes involved in modifying the female’s traditional role and fulfilling her career commitment. The data indicated a divided view concerning the effects of dual-career parents on family life.

The equal-partner (equalitarian) marriage is an alternative arrangement of the structure (division of labor) in the family which enhances the fulfillment of individual aspirations.

The overriding conclusion on the issue of the new direction of female roles is that, on the one hand, career women want to share the child-care and home responsibilities with their husbands, and on the other hand, they express a certain degree of tolerance for their career interruption.

The Cognitive Dimension The cognitive dimension of integrated women is measuring respondents’ awareness of the economic and social position of women in today’s working world. To what degree do

women in this study agree with the empirically documented position that women disproportionately occupy peripheral positions in society?

Richardson lists the research which confirms that sex segregation is an institutionalized practice of considerable magnitude (1981, p. 192). Research shows that women are occupying the same kinds of jobs they have held in the past. Elementary school teacher, secretary, bookkeeper, waitress, and household worker account for one fourth of the employed women (Blau, 1975; Richardson, 1981). Consequently, women earn less than men because they are less likely to acquire positions with high monetary rewards, and further, when they do acquire such positions, they are paid less than men (Richardson, 1981, p. 197).

Welch found, in her study of support among women for the issues of the Women’s Movement, that only a very small minority of women do believe women have a good chance to be an executive (13%), or in general get a good a break as men in society (18%) (1975, p. 218). However, while most women perceive inequality in the treatment of women, this does not allow for the conclusion that they feel something should be done to remedy it.

In the present research the cognitive dimension of integrated women is measured by respondents’ perceptions of the advantage of being a man as opposed to a woman in society today. Respondents were asked about their perceptions of discrimination against women in positions ranging from top jobs in business to women in white-collar and clerical jobs. Variables were included concerning the perception of discrimination in obtaining a college education and in obtaining loans and credit. The following hypotheses were derived for testing: 1. Women who believe that there are more advantages to being a man in society today will also perceive discrimination again women in the top positions in business, government, and the arts.

2. Women who believe that there are more advantages to being a man in society today will also perceive discrimination against women in obtaining loans and credit.

3. Women who believe that there are more advantages to being a man in society today will also perceive discrimination against women in lower status positions.

4. Higher rates of discrimination will be perceived in the higher status positions than in lower status positions.

One final hypothesis in this part, however, predicts that women will perceive less discrimination in obtaining advanced training in professional schools that in the working world. Today, there is an increasing need for institutions of higher education to accept non-traditional students in order to complete enrollments. The Carnegie Council on Policy Studies in Higher Education predicts that there will be a 23% decline in the traditional college-bound group of 18-24 years old by 1997, but “it maintains, however, that the impact on colleges will be particularly offset by increases in participation by students 25 and older, by women and by members of minority groups” (Project on the Status and Education of Women, 1981, p. 1). The expanding need for college students suggests that there should be less discrimination towards women obtaining a college education and against women who enter college at later points in the life cycle.

Therefore, it is hypothesized that on the basis of the increasing demand for nontraditional students: 5. Higher rates of discrimination will be perceived in the working world than in obtaining a college education.

Findings for Cognitive Dimension This dimension focused on the analysis of the perception of women’s status in society.

Although the majority of students surveyed plan to work full-time upon graduation, the evidence indicated that they recognized sex-discrimination remained on the scene in the work world in America. The only favorable perception on women’s status was in the area of higher education. Structural factors were used to explain this differential perception on women’ social status in today’s society.

Although college women students perceived sex-segregation and discrimination in the work world, the majority of them showed high career aspirations. The ideology of integrated women was used to argue the discrepancy between high career aspirations and the awareness of sex-discrimination.

At this point we can look in detail at one of the findings in this study. The important finding within the cognitive dimension of the integrated women is that respondents combine high aspirations in future work plans with the awareness of sex-discrimination towards women in the work place. Yet, how is it understandable that women in this study aspire to positions from which women have historically been excluded or discouraged?

Figures on the labor market show that women are already firmly entrenched in the work world. Women have gained access to positions that were once closed to them, and even though it may only be a token number of women who have experienced this advancement, these women have become examples of capabilities and skills of women in upper-level positions.

The report of respondents’ high aspirations in this study show that women will not be content to be segregated in a secondary or peripheral labor market. This is a market that is characterized by lower wages, fewer fringe benefits, less chance of promotion and higher turnover rates (Richardson, 1981; Ferber, 1982). As indicated by the data, today’s women assume their status will be derived from world outside the home, and their efforts are directed at the advancement of themselves and the improvement of their work situations.

Women expect to advance in the work world, and this expectation may be derived from their realization that the greater the number of women who are working, then the greater their force or impact upon the labor market.

The women in this study do not accept that discrimination against women will necessarily continue in the future because it has occurred in the past or present. Instead, they seem to demonstrate an optimism ground ed in the classic American belief in the ability of individuals to advance within the class system. The optimism towards the advancement of women, however, stands in the face of empirical evidence demonstrating the prevalence of discrimination.

Another factor which may explain the findings of high aspirations coupled with the awareness of sex-discrimination is the involvement of all the respondents in higher education. The importance of education cannot be overlooked as an influence upon the respondents’ future plans. Women with college education have always had higher rates of

participation in the labor force than women with less education (Cummings, 1977). In American society, education is viewed as an equalizer. It is assumed that obtaining a college education improves one’s access to employment opportunities and improves one’s chances for mobility within an occupation. Education, like occupational aspirations, values, attitudes and experiences can be seen as variables which affect the attainment of high status within the status attainment model. The status attainment model, one theory explaining labor segmentation, focuses upon what an individual brings to the labor market that allows for his or her being chosen by an employer. It assumes that men and women compete in the same labor market and the extent to which a woman succeeds is attributed to the possession of factors—like a college education—that make her desirable as an employee (Richardson, 1981; Ferber, 1982). Thus, a college education is viewed as an equalizer in the sense that it has become the coin or currency that one is willing to spend to advance oneself.

The view that success or failure is related to individual efforts, e.g., the attainment of a college education, recalls the Horatio Alger myth. Cummings (1977) questions the viability of Horatio Alger as a feminist model or a model for today’s integrated women.

The Horatio Alger figure succeeds at becoming a “superwoman” through hard work and diligent application combined with a benevolent sponsor and extraordinary good luck.

This outlook Is criticized by Cummins because it promotes individualism and focusses on tokenism, which ignoring limiting conditions imposed by job market, class, politics, prejudice or economic conditions. It seems the danger for today’s women is that they will struggle under the exhausting burden of becoming a superwoman who is like the Horatio Alger figure because she does all things well without modifying the traditional meanings of success and failure. The superwoman is a self-made woman, but she makes herself to fit already prescribed and predetermined categories. The superwoman wants to be a copperworker, a supermom, a super-wife without altering the full-time commitment at home life and work life have traditionally commended. The superwoman is a myth because she represents the attainment of a combination of roles that it might be impossible to maintain. The of the of integrated women discussed in the preceding pages seeks to differ from the superwoman by endowing the actor with knowledge of the need to modify and alter roles in the combination of them.

Conclusion This research has focused on the interplay of roles in which women today are engaged. An ideal type of integrated women was created and college students views on this ideal type were explored along three dimensions—the attitudinal, behavioral and cognitive.

The problem this research has considered through the concept of integrated women is how to measure the consequences of the Women’s Movement and its attendant politicization for women’s lives. If the 80’s can be characterized as the aftermath of the Women’s Movement, then some standard or model is needed that will allow women to evaluate the meaning of the women’s Movement for their self-development. The period of activism during the past two decades in which women ideologically identified with the

label of feminism seems to be replaced presently by a quiet label of feminism in which women identify with a new and integrated life-style. This research has represented this lifestyle through the concept of integrated women and has attempted to seek college women’s responses to this conceptual model.

Women in this study expect to be able to choose a career, marriage and a family, and to be able to combine these within a framework that allows for the modification and transformation of the traditional meanings of these roles. It was found in the Behavioral Dimension that there is a near consensus concerning the expectation to share family responsibilities. At the same time, there is greater variation in the situations that women will accept when family and career are combined. For example, slightly less than half of the respondents are moderately willing to modify family roles to meet career demands.

There seems to be a range of situations that women will find acceptable given their expectation for role sharing, and this stretch between what is expected and what will be accepted is an area representing the working out of an integrated life. The direction of the relationship, however, suggests that the higher the expectation for role sharing, then the lower the tolerance for career interruption or traditional division of power within the marital relation.

The Cognitive Dimension revealed that the majority of students studied aspired to high or middle status occupations although they perceived sex-role discrimination and segregation in these occupational groups. While respondents generally perceived that woman were discriminated against in the areas of business, government, the professional world and in being given leadership responsibilities, they appeared to have a more favorable perception of women’s status in education. Academic division and academic load seem to be related to perceptions of discrimination in that evening division students and part-time students have a higher tendency to perceived women as discriminated against in social, economic, and political institutions.

In general, the present research shows that women are committed to the maintenance of their participation in a career, marriage, and family. For most women work is both a choice and necessity: it is a source of financial security or independence, of personal accomplishment tnad fulfillment, and of professional growth and development. Yet, on the whole, this commitment to a career is accompanied by women’s belief that their jobs will not interfere with the well-being of their families.

In closing, we note that the findings of this should be of interest to institutions of higher education. The women in this study aspire to positions that are desired by their facilitating their advancement in the work world and their personal growth. According to the research colleges in the past have served as a place to “cool out” women’s aspirations by indirectly streaming them into occupations that were predominately limited t women (Churgin, 1978). This latent function of the educational system out not exist today. Rather by recognizing the need for achievement and advancement on the part of women, institutions of higher learning can develop themselves through their serious attention to the cultivation of women as scholars, professionals, and well-rounded individuals.

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