Philippine Collegian Tomo 97 Issue 14

PHILIPPINE

COLLEGIAN

The Official Weekly Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Diliman

Volume 97 • Issue 14 • 12 pages Tuesday, 11 February 2020

NEWS

EDITORIAL

UP faculty call for transparency over vague, unfair promotion scheme 4

Disquiet and Discontent

Page 2

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EDITORIAL

GRAPHICS • LOUISE SEGUI

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN The Official Weekly Student Publication of the University of the Philippines Diliman

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Beatrice P. Puente ASSOCIATE EDITOR Marvin Joseph E. Ang BUSINESS MANAGER Cathryne Rona L. Enriquez* FEATURES EDITOR Richard C. Cornelio KULTURA EDITOR Sheila Ann T. Abarra

DISQUIET AND DISCONTENT Not even the slightest interference could break the tide of voices that echoed around the university’s historic halls. Such is the unified conviction that brought UP Diliman (UPD) to where it is today.

It was a momentous victory as the Board of Regents (BOR) finally heeded what the students, faculty, staff, and the entire UP community had to say.

Dr. Fidel Nemenzo’s selection as the new UPD chancellor is indeed a cause for celebration, but the real campaign begins only now.

UPD stands in the midst of two contending noises—one that clamors for progress and another that threatens to drown out dissenting voices.

Nemenzo has been vocal about his progressive stance on issues, even going so far as to identify himself as an activist. But we are yet to see how Nemenzo will go about defending the university from state-sponsored attacks and threats such as the proposal to deploy police and military forces in state universities including UPD. Such is sugarcoated as a means to “protect” students

02

Diliman ought to look forward to [Nemenzo’s] visions without turning complacent about his hopeful tone alone.

from communists—an absurd excuse, for the nation’s scholars need nothing from the very institution that seeks to silence them.

As the Duterte administration continues to vilify progressives, it is incumbent upon the incoming chancellor to reaffirm his strong position on the matter of academic freedom that he had expressed repeatedly over the weeks.

Leading the flagship campus, after all, goes beyond just promises—what matters more are the specific actions he would do to fulfill these promises by the time he assumes office. To expect this

much from him is not premature but precisely what the situation calls for.

Now that threats to academic freedom abound, it is about time for UP to reinvigorate its sense of activism. Elsewhere in the world, the youth have played a key role in mass movements that prove their strength and willingness to bring down authoritarian rule. UP students must be no different—and the chancellor should weaponize his position to launch initiatives that would help the students realize their capacity to subvert unjust structures of power, to catalyze reforms.

The worsening politicaleconomic conditions should even more strengthen UPD’s public service mandate. By apprehending the nuances of people’s issues, Nemenzo could gain a clearer perspective in crafting policies that would help the sectors UP purports to serve. His solid background on research must be put to good use by working towards solutions that could straighten the government’s skewed priorities.

With more people pushed further to the margins, UP must amplify the calls of those victimized by the state’s irresponsibility. Within the campus, Nemenzo’s administration must, for instance, guard communities against displacement due

to the Master Development Plan (MDP), the flagship project of UP President Danilo Concepcion.

Where this contradiction between the BOR and sectoral groups may arise, Nemenzo must recall that UPD is foremost a public university that caters to the disadvantaged. It is only apt for him, then, to interrogate whether policies like the MDP benefit the poor or simply strip them of shelter and livelihood.

While the chancellor can only do so much, Nemenzo’s principled activism offers a promising leadership. Diliman ought to look forward to his visions without turning complacent about his hopeful tone alone.

For one, though his plan of partnering with the government and other institutions seems sound, Nemenzo must caution against letting the campus get caught between public and private interests. Other such prospects may be enticing, but we must not lose sight of keeping the chancellor in check.

The university’s disquiet must not resume only until after the administration raises a red flag. It is through our ceaseless uproar that the powers-that-be could be pushed to recalibrate their agenda. Until then, the people’s decisive voice must keep resonating around historic halls and down to the parliament of the streets. •

COVER • KIMBERLY ANNE YUTUC

GUEST EDITORS Chester Higuit Elizabeth Magpantay Dylan Reyes STAFF Samantha M. Del Castillo Lucky E. Dela Rosa* Polynne E. Dira John Irving D. Gandia* Karla Faith C. Santamaria Jose Martin V. Singh* Kimberly Anne P. Yutuc AUXILIARY STAFF Amelyn J. Daga Ma. Trinidad B. Gabales Gina B. Villas CIRCULATION STAFF Gary J. Gabales Pablito Jaena Glenario Omamalin

*on leave ••• UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (Solidaridad) College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) www.phkule.org ••• Sampaguita Residence Hall University of the Philippines Quirino Avenue, Diliman Quezon City

NEWS BALITA

@phkule

TEARS AND CHEERS • Dr. Fidel Nemenzo joins the jubilant UP community in celebrating his appointment as the next UP Diliman chancellor, succeeding Dr. Michael Tan. In his speech during the February 3 mobilization at Quezon Hall, Nemenzo urged sectoral groups to unite as the university’s academic freedom remains under attack.

MIKE GERONIMO

Privatization yields higher water cost as service quality declines Sam Sito, 20, needs to wake up in the wee hours of the day to catch up on the scanty water supply in their area in Labo, Camarines Norte. This, he said, has been one of their primary issues over the past few years, but neither the local government nor the local water district company was able to remedy their problem.

“Nung 2017 nga, nagpakabit kami ng [water] pump para magkaroon ng normal na daloy ng tubig, pero ilang buwan lang, nasira rin dahil sobrang hina nung tubig na umaakyat sa amin,” he said. “Feeling ko nga, pinapatayan talaga kami rito ng suplay kapag umaga na e.”

Such a problem only arose some four years ago when the Camarines Norte Water District (CNWD) partnered with a private corporation. Sito laments their current situation, for the lack of water has taken a huge toll on the residents who need to do the extra work just to get enough water supply.

“Kahit inuming tubig na dati ay sa gripo lang galing ay binibili na rin sa refilling station dahil di talaga maaasahan [yung kalidad ng tubig],” he said, explaining how poor their situation had become since the CNWD entered a private deal.

Concentration CNWD is just one of at least 30 local water districts around the country and has a pending 25-year joint venture agreement (JVA) with the Primewater Infrastructure Corporation, according to a list from the Local

Water Utilities Administration.

These JVAs, according to CNWD, would effectively surrender the water district’s control to Primewater, a water company owned by the Villar family. This seismic organizational change has left CNWD with only 10 employees, whose role is to simply ensure that the JVA’s provisions are implemented accordingly.

The corporate capture of local water districts has been a relatively new business model for private corporations to gain more profit, according to Prof. Reggie Vallejos of Water for the People Network, a campaign group network committed in supporting grassroots-level campaign on water-related issues.

“Maayos [na] napapamahalaan ang distribusyon at alokasyon ng tubig sa kanilang mga nasasakupan nitong iba’t ibang water districts [sa bansa], pero kahit ganun, unti-unti pa rin silang pinasok ng Primewater,” Vallejos said.

Even without private investors, most water districts had earned enough revenue to sustain their operations. Commission on Audit (COA) reports reveal that this is true, as most privatized water districts were financially sound years prior to the JVA signing (see sidebars).

CNWD, for one, nearly doubled its 2014 net income of P19 million to almost P32 million in 2015–a year before Primewater partnered with the the water district, per COA. Two years into Primewater’s control, the local water district’s income plummeted to only P21 million.

Because of privatization, water districts no longer receive the full revenue they previously

11 February 2020 • www.phkule.org

got from their own water supply and distribution. In the case of CNWD, they only receive P19 million annually from Primewater, as bulk of the income goes to the private corporation.

Dissolution Privatizing local water districts has become a trend in the country, which weakens the people’s control over a basic commodity such as water, said Bayan Muna party-list Rep. Carlos Zarate. Along with other Makabayan bloc solons, he filed House Resolution 10 last July 2019, imploring a house panel to investigate the privatization of water districts around the country. The House, however, is yet to act on the resolution.

“Ang immediate effect kasi [ng privatization sa water utilities] ay agarang pagtaas ng presyo ng tubig na sumasalungat dun sa basic right ng bawat mamamayan sa tubig,” Zarate said.

Now that private corporations have entered these water districts, formerly government-owned and controlled water districts are now subject to a 12 percent value-added tax (VAT), per the National Internal Revenue Code. CNWD’s minimum rate of P202, for example, has climbed to P226.24 after the imposition of VAT. Sito and other consumers in Camarines Norte, then, are forced to pay more given this condition.

If privatization of water utilities would continue, not only would consumers have to pay more, but the government would also badly lose for surrendering its control over a crucial basic commodity to private corporations whose aim

is to merely accumulate profit, thinktank IBON Foundation previously reported.

To truly resolve the inadequate water supply and ultimately improve the operations of local water districts, the government should refrain from taking a “hands-off” approach on the issue, said Zarate.

“Ang pinakasolusyon [sa isyu ng mahinang suplay ng tubig] ay ipagbawal ang pag-privatize ng batayang serbisyong sosyal

kagaya ng tubig,” according to Zarate. “Ito ay dapat na hawakan ng estado dahil libre at likas ang tubig, na kapital ... ang gagawin lang ng gobyerno ay linisin at ipamahagi ito.”

“Sana ay ayusin na ng water district ang serbisyo nila dahil nagbabayad naman kami nang tama kahit pataas nang pataas ang singilin nila,” Sito said. “Kung mabilis sila sa pagputol ng tubig kapag di nakakabayad, sana mabilis din ang aksyon nila para pagandahin ang serbisyo nila.” • Sidebar 1 NET INCOME OF WATER DISTRICTS IN REGION 5

NET INCOME (PHP IN MILLIONS)

DANIEL SEBASTIANNE DAIZ

14

WATER DISTRICTS IN REGION 3

5

WATER DISTRICTS IN REGION 4A

4

WATER DISTRICTS IN REGION 5

3

WATER DISTRICTS IN REGION 1

SOURCES: LWUA, COA

INFOGRAPHIC • MA SOPHIA SIBAL

Camiling WD City of Malolos WD Floridablanca WD Gapan City WD Guagua WD Agoncillo WD Lemery WD Quezon Metro WD Rosario WD Silang WD Camarines Norte WD Daraga WD Iriga City WD Sorsogon City WD Batac WD Ilocos Norte WD San Carlos WD

Jaen WD Lubao WD Meycauayan WD Orani WD Paniqui WD

San Fernando WD San Jose Del Monte City WD San Rafael WD Tarlac City WD

1

WATER DISTRICT (PER REGION) IN REGIONS 6-10

Metro Iloilo WD* (6) Dumaguete City WD (7) Maasin WD (8) Zamboanga City WD (9) Metro Ozamiz WD (10)

*Metro Iloilo has also an outstanding JVA with Metropac Investments Corporation

Sidebar 2 WATER DISTRICTS WITH JOINT VENTURE AGREEMENTS WITH PRIMEWATER

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NEWS

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

UP faculty call for transparency over vague, unfair promotion scheme POLYNNE DIRA Professors and instructors in the UP System might have a harder time moving up the ranks, following the approval of the new merit promotions system in September. Such guidelines, according to an academic group, became more stringent, much to the dismay of faculty who are forced to undergo an unfair process.

In order to get promoted, assistant professors must have published at least three peerreviewed articles in journals to be associate professors.

Under the 2014 guidelines, only one scholarly publication was necessary.

Associate professors, meanwhile, need five peer-reviewed works in journals to become full professors.

A large part of the weight of promotion lies in the publication component with a 30 to 40 percent allotment, so as to improve the scholarly development of the university, per the memorandum released by the Office of the President and the Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs heading the process.

This, however, is quite difficult to achieve due to shortage of funds and heavy workload imposed on professors, said All UP Academic Employees Union – Manila president Gene Nisperos, adding that the consultation done prior to releasing the guidelines was also questionable.

“We need to review them [and] we need to make them more consistent with what’s actually being done on the ground,” Nisperos said. Although the administration had conducted a systemwide consultation from

Sidebar 1 • THE 2019 MERIT PROMOTION PROCEDURE

July 29 to August 23, Nisperos questioned if their suggestions were really taken into account.

The union, for one, would want to categorize some departmental projects under research instead of extension work, as the former has a heavier weight than the other. For the UP Manila (UPM) faculty, meanwhile, the 10 to 15 percent allotment for public service is rather unfair, given that most professors also serve as doctors and medical professionals in the Philippine General Hospital (PGH).

“Isa yun sa pinakamalaking injustice … because hindi nirecognize that UPM has a particular function and particular work that no other unit does,” said Nisperos. “UPM is a service unit. Aside from doing research, in the middle of the campus ay yung PGH. Lahat dito nagbibigay ng services—nurses, doctors, pharmacists, allied medical professions, dentist.”

Although each constituent unit may adjust the percentage for each component, the maximum they can allot depends on the range set by the administration.

Other components include teaching with 30 to 50 percent and professional development with 10 to 15 percent. But even if each constituent unit (CU) could create adjustments, this could eventually be overruled at the system level (see sidebar 1).

This condition, then, makes it harder for professors to at least achieve a higher level within their rank. Instructors and assistant and associate professors can get up to a seven-step promotion, which could be determined depending on the percentage points they get (see sidebar 2).

For step-increase promotions within a particular rank,

The Academic Personnel Board reviews the recommendations before endorsing them to the Chancellor.

STEP 1 The Academic Personnel Committee (APC) of each department will endorse the faculty applying for promotion to the Dean for evaluation. The college-level APC will forward the recommendation to the constituent unit level.

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Sidebar 3 • SALARY FOR EACH INSTRUCTOR AND PROFESSORIAL LEVEL

PROF. 8

Source: DBM National Budget Circular no. 579

PROF. 6

Sidebar 2 • PERCENTAGE-POINT THRESHOLD FOR THE SEVEN-STEP PROMOTION WITHIN A RANK

P154.2k

PROF. 7

P151.7k P136.5k P134.3k

PROF. 5 PROF. 4

P132.1k

PROF. 3

P118.8k

PROF. 2

P116.9k

PROF. 1

P115.0k P103.5k

ASSOC. P. 7

P100.2k P98.6k

ASSOC. P. 6

7 STEPS

ASSOC. P. 5 ASSOC. P. 4

6 STEPS 5 STEPS

P87.9k P79.0k P71.2k

ASSOC. P. 3 ASSOC. P. 2

4 STEPS

P70.1k

ASSOC. P. 1

3 STEPS

P63.2k

ASST. P. 7

2 STEPS 1 STEP

ASST. P. 6

P61.3k

ASST. P. 5

P59.4k P52.7k

ASST. P. 4 ASST. P. 3 ASST. P. 2 ASST. P. 1 INSTRU. 7

30-39

50-59

70-79

90-100

Source: Memorandum No. PDLC 19-18 Merit Promotions for Regular and Research Faculty, September 18, 2019

P48.3k P46.8k P42.2k P39.4k

INSTRU. 6

P38.5k

INSTRU. 5

P35.9k

INSTRU. 4

P35.1k

INSTRU. 3

P32.8k

INSTRU. 2

P32.1k

INSTRU. 1

P29.3k

departments or institutes from CUs will be clustered according to their disciplines. Faculty members from different CUs will then be compared with each other, and the system administrators will set a professor as the benchmark for the stepincrease promotion of others.

With this, even if an Assistant Professor 1 from Mindanao who earns at least P42,000 has reached the required number of research publications to be an Assistant Professor 7, he can only reach the Assistant Professor 4 level if a professor from Diliman who has published more journals than others is the benchmark for

the seven-step promotion (see sidebar 3).

“Problematic [na] very subjective ‘yung pagtakda [kung] ilan ang ibabawas [sa steps] kung hindi at par [ang isa] sa accomplishments ng faculty na ginawang benchmark.

Walang parameters na binaba para riyan,” said Kris*, an evaluator from one of the units.

“Publications remain to be the critical determiner of how much step [increase] a faculty member must have.”

Together with the sectoral regents, the union and the faculty will continue their appeals as they call for transparency over

The chancellor will decide the final promotion for those under the Instructor and Assistant Professor levels. He will then submit the report to the Vice President for Academic Affairs (VPAA).

If rejected at a particular level, the faculty may appeal at the next level of decision-making.

The committee will then give back their recommendation to the OVPAA.

*not his real name. He was given anonymity for security purposes.

Source: Memorandum No. PDLC 19-18 Merit Promotions for Regular and Research Faculty, September 18, 2019

STEP 5

STEP 3

For those vying to cross ranks from Assistant Professor to Associate Professor, or from Associate Professor to Professor level, the VPAA would forward the files to the System Cluster Committees.

the whole promotion process.

At the same time, Nisperos said they will also strengthen their campaign for the promotion of research, extension and professional staff, who equally deserve an upgrade.

“Lahat ng ginagawa natin sa loob ng unibersidad ... ay dinidikta ng wastong prinsipyo ... na nasa konteksto ng kung paano natin gustong hubugin ang lipunan bilang bahagi ng isang akademikong institusyon,” Nisperos said. “Ganoon sana natin tinitingnan ang promotion.” •

The VPAA and the VP for Planning and Finance will then collectively submit their decision to the Office of the President, who will forward the final recommendation to the Board of Regents (BOR).

INFOGRAPHIC • RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

Once recommended by the President, the BOR will decide on who gets to be promoted for the Associate Professor and Professor levels.

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NEWS

@phkule MIKE GERONIMO MARTSA NG KAPAYAPAAN • Nagkaisa ang iba’t ibang pangmasang organisasyon sa Global Day of Action sa Kalaw Avenue, Enero 25, upang kundenahin ang nilulunsad na giyera ng Estados Unidos (US) sa Iran at ang panghihimasok nito sa iba pang mga bansa gaya ng Pilipinas.

Anti-poor government policies stunt economic growth — IBON LYNNETTE T. MACASERO Raqueza Marata, 47, has been struggling to sustain her family’s needs due to the rising cost of commodities. Her sideline job could only do so much to augment her husband’s scanty income as a tricycle driver, from which they only get around P4,500 monthly.

Marata has also resorted to subscribing to government loans just to get by. “‘Di talaga kaya eh, ‘di sapat na umasa lang sa 4Ps [payouts],” Marata said.

Marata’s family is one of over 4 million families under the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), a national poverty reduction program that provides conditional cash transfers (CCT) as grants to its beneficiaries. Such a scheme, however, only gives a false impression that the poor are being taken care of.

“The well-being of families

cannot be made chronically dependent on cash transfers.

Such poverty ‘reduction’ as a result of cash transfers is artificial in not being due to any real improvement in employment and livelihood opportunities,” thinktank IBON Foundation reported. “Decent, well-paid employment—not chronic cash dole-outs—is the most important mechanism for growth to be genuinely inclusive.”

Illusion In 2019, there were 4.7 million unemployed Filipinos, which account for 9.9 percent of the total population, based on IBON estimates. Generation of jobs has been low under the Duterte administration, producing only an average of 477,000 jobs annually—a dip from the 858,000 and 827,000 annual average jobs produced during the Arroyo and Aquino terms, respectively.

To keep up with this situation,

some people like Marata are pushed to take informal jobs to cope. Marata sells biko and junk cans just to increase her family’s measly income. Still, this is not enough to reach the nearly P24,000 monthly livable wage for a family of five, per IBON Foundation’s data.

“Sa pagmahal ng mga bilihin, ang hirap na rin kasing i-budget yung mga kinakailangan namin sa araw-araw,” said Marata, who laments the higher consumption taxes imposed by the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) law. Coupled with low income levels, 12.4 million families try to make do with only P132 or less per person per day, per the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA).

Given the worsening job crisis and anti-poor economic policies in place, the country’s gross domestic product growth fell to 5.9 percent, the slowest in eight years, according to PSA. Although the government is positive to see economic growth

in light of the approval of the P4.1 trillion national budget, IBON Foundation executive director Sonny Africa said this is nothing but a short-term measure.

Budget allocations for various sectors, moreover, reflect the administration’s skewed priorities—the government has allotted P580.9 billion to accelerate infrastructure spending while the agriculture sector is left to fend with about P60.1 billion.

“The underlying reason for the slowdown is that the economy still does not have a strong foundation in agriculture and FIlipino industry.

The economy is not creating enough jobs and this is indicative of its limited production capacity para matugunan ang pangangailangan ng bansa,” Africa said.

Prospects With these conditions at hand, the government’s vision of a 6.5 to 7.5 percent economic growth this year is unattainable.

For the government, a more efficient budget spending is key to promoting growth, but this is rather a myopic approach to the problem. “The government is being short-sighted about the problem of slowing economic growth.

We need to take the long view,” Africa noted.

IBON further calls on the government to arrest profitoriented policies and instead strengthen agriculture and other local industries to produce jobs and services that Filipinos need.

“Sana tingnan muna ng gobyerno ang kapasidad ng pamilya at ng hanapbuhay nito [bago magpatupad ng palisiya],” Marata said.

“Ang pamantayan namin ng pag-unlad kasi ay ang pag-unlad ng nakararami. Ang totoong target ay ang mabawasan ang mga mahihirap, mabawasan ang mga walang trabaho, palakasin ang agrikultura, palakasin ang industriya, and [economic growth] will follow eventually,” Africa said.•

Pagtatayo ng karagdagang evacuation centers, isinusulong sa Kongreso KENT IVAN FLORINO Nagtityaga sa isang maliit na kubol si Rodney Solchaga, 34, sa Matanao, Davao del Sur matapos gumuho ang kanyang bahay sa kasagsagan ng 6.9 magnitude na lindol noong Disyembre 15. Sa kabila ng panganib, pinili niyang manatili sa kanilang lugar sa halip na tumungo sa evacuation center na isang kilometro ang layo sa kanya.

“Gumagawa na lang kami ng maliliit na tuluyan, tiis-tiis na lang talaga,” ani Solchaga.

“Kung magtityaga pa [kaming] pumuntang malayo, yung mga gamit namin na natira ay mahirap bitbitin at baka mawala lang. Tapos hindi rin sapat yung pagkain doon, yung tubig ay mahina kasi kinukuha pa sa ibang lugar kaya hindi kami makakatagal dun.”

Limang libong pamilya mula sa apat na barangay sa Matanao ang pilit na nagkakasya sa isang evacuation center.

Limitado rin ang pagkain at

tubig sa lugar, kaya umaasa sila sa suplay mula sa Digos City na ilang barangay ang layo sa kanilang lugar.

Ngunit kung maipapasa ang House Bill (HB) 5259 o Evacuation Centers Bill, hindi na kailangang magsiksikan ng libo-libong pamilya sa iisang evacuation center. Sa ilalim ng panukalang batas na inihain ng Makabayan bloc noong Oktubre 29, magkakaroon ng isang evacuation center para sa dalawa hanggang tatlong barangay.

“Wag na nating hintaying may pumutok ulit na bulkan at may napakalakas na bagyong sasalanta bago pa tayo kumilos.

We have been warned many times by nature, at isa sa mga steps para ma-ensure natin ang kaligtasan ng mga mamamayan ay makapagpatayo ng permanent evacuation centers,” ani House Deputy Minority Leader Carlos Zarate.

Kinakailangang manatiling matatag ng mga evacuation center sa bagyong may lakas na 300 kilometro bawat oras at 8.0 magnitude na lindol, ayon sa HB

5259. Kasama rin sa lalamanin ng bawat evacuation center ang mga cubicle na matutulugan, kusina, palikuran, at sapat na suplay ng tubig, kuryente, at pagkain hanggang sa makabalik ang mga pamilya sa kanilang dating tinutuluyan.

“Dapat talaga may evacuation center na kumpleto yung mga gamit. Tulad po ng sa’min, kulangkulang sa facilities kaya gumawa na lang kami ng tulugan sa gilid ng bahay namin na gawa sa mga maliliit sa materyales na naiwan nu’ng bagyo,” ani Solchaga.

Kasalukuyang nakabinbin sa Committee on Disaster Management ang panukalang batas. Nais naman ng ilang mambabatas na isailalim ang ganitong tungkulin sa binubuong Department of Disaster Resilience na naipasa na sa kamara. Gayunman, naninindigan ang Makabayan bloc na dapat maging “stand-alone bill” ang kanilang panukala. “[Dapat] ipasa itong batas para kahit walang mabuong [hiwalay na] department, may tutuluyan yung mga apektado

at safe sila sa oras ng sakuna,” ani Zarate.

Kung sakaling maging batas, ang National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC) ang mangunguna sa konstruksyon ng evacuation center sa mga lugar na madalas salantain ng sakuna tulad ng Eastern Visayas. Magkakaroon din ng Memorandum of Agreement sa pagitan ng NDRRMC at mga lokal na gobyerno upang panatilihing maayos ang mga itatayong gusali.

Unang inihain ang Evacuation Center Bill noong 2013 matapos salantain ang Eastern Visayas ng bagyong Yolanda na kumitil sa 6,300 indibidwal. Tinataya namang nasa 867 ang namamatay bawat taon dahil sa mga natural na sakuna—pangalawang bansang may pinakamaraming biktima, kasunod ng Haiti, ayon sa Germanwatch, isang non-government organization.

“Numerous evacuees actually died in the school buildings

which were made as evacuation centers ... [but] schools are not made to accommodate families in distress,” ani Zarate. “The practice of using schools as evacuation centers has to stop to cushion the impact of calamities and disasters.”

Bagaman may kapahamakang kakambal ng pananatili ni Solchaga sa kubol, umaasa siyang maipapasa ang panukalang batas upang hindi na dumami pa ang tulad niyang patuloy na naghihirap dahil sa sakuna.

“Isang buwan na ang nakalipas; sana naman mapagdesisyunan na nilang bigyan kami ng evacuation center o kahit maliit lang na pabahay kasi security at yung maayos na pagtulog namin sa araw-araw yung nawawala,” ani Solchaga. “Hamon din sa kinauukulang [ipasa ito] kaagad kasi dumarami na rin [yung sakuna] at mahirap namang ganito na naman ang sasapitin namin sa Mindanao.” •

05

Throughout its history, the race for chancellorship has not only been one of careerism, but more importantly, one of ideological and political struggles.

Official weekly student publication of th YEAR 97, NO. 14

DILIMAN, QU

Dispatches from

Part 1 of 2: Charting the first two deca

by Isaac

In a few weeks, Dr. Fidel Nemenzo will settle in Quezon Hall’s south wing as UP Diliman’s 10th chancellor. While his appointment is seen as a victory for the community, the campaign to sway the Board of Regents (BOR) to heed sectoral concerns had been prompted by anxiety about a process that has often eluded genuine participation.

Throughout its history, the race for chancellorship has not only been one of careerism, but more importantly, one of ideological and political struggles. Whoever emerges victorious would steer the university either through a path toward subservience to the state or one of service to the people.

Doors of doubt Skepticism toward the chancellorship originated from an interrogation of the position itself. By 1983, the multicampus setup of the UP system necessitated decentralization that saw the institution of a chancellor as head of each autonomous campus. In Diliman, UP President Edgardo Angara first held the position while

awaiting appointment of a regular chancellor.

Outside campus, the Marcos regime was starting to wane, opposed overwhelmingly by UP which, over the last decade, had been forced to take a stand at the precipice.

Turbulent ground bred controversy.

When Angara constituted a search committee to select the next chancellor, the League of College Councils requested deferral of the selection until further analysis had been done. It worried that the position might “probably add to the ‘bureaucratic’ red tape of the university.”

Yet Angara’s decision was inevitable. Late in 1983, he nominated acting vice chancellor for community affairs Ernesto Tabujara as acting chancellor. Tabujara began his five-year term in 1985, reiterating pro-student concerns.

But when students demanded to freeze all fee increases after an initial hike, Tabujara argued how imposing a 169-percent tuition increase staggered throughout four semesters was “a kind gesture on the part of

the administration.”

While students participated actively in the tumult of 1986, the administration’s role seemed to have been marginal. Some faculty opted to hold teach-ins amid the Marcos ouster, but days later Tabujara issued a back-to-school order. Prof. Felipe Miranda, chair of the faculty organization UP Academic Community, said such an attitude that insisted everything could go back to normal “oversimplifies realities.”

Toward the end, Tabujara faced accusations of graft which he claimed were part of a ploy to pressure university officials to resign so that President Jose Abueva, who had been appointed through President Corazon Aquino’s intervention, may have a “free hand” in creating his team.

Such claims provide insight into the power play that lingers in the high halls of the university.

Thresholds of change With the chancellorship now embedded in UP’s administrative infrastructure and subject to its power dynamics, scrutiny focused on term transitions.

PAGE 6

Tabujara’s end of term in 1990 allowed Abueva to experiment with a “unified leadership” where he would be Diliman chancellor and president simultaneously, in a bid to streamline policies like the Socialized Tuition and Financial Assistance Program (STFAP), a bracketing system based on a student’s socioeconomic status.

Qualms about “limited democracy” compelled Abueva to consult with the faculty after a year of his proposed setup. Their reservations were confirmed as 472 of the 863 faculty voted against its continuation.

The ensuing search process had straw polls assist the BOR’s decision. But this display of democracy was dubious; for one, faculty preference carried 60 percent more weight compared with other sectors. A Collegian article, then, noted that, according to an anonymous source, the inhibition of some constituents from voting and the polls’ shifting schedule prevented a truly representative result.

Prof. Emerlinda Roman, who

then became chancellor with 3,040 votes, said in a recent interview: “I don’t necessarily completely agree na that is how it should be done, kasi there has got to be a more scientific way of determining sino ang choice.” By the time of her appointment, Roman had already mastered the tricks of the trade, having navigated the ranks, including vice chancellor and UP secretary posts.

She proved to favor income generation and commercial leasing. In 1992, facing protests for sectoral demands, she seemed to foreshadow what was to come within a decade: “Financial constraint, whether we like it or not, is a reality.”

The next year, Dr. Roger Posadas became Roman’s successor after a search bereft of straw polls—only public forums, sectoral consultations, and interviews.

Protests spurned his appointment in light of President Emil Javier’s controversial election despite the latter’s alleged misuse of funds during his stint as UP Los Baños chancellor. For the protesters, to accept Posadas’s

Photos from Philip

he University of the Philippines Diliman

UEZON CITY

TUESDAY, 11 FEBRUARY 2020

m the South Wing

ades of the UP Diliman chancellorship Ramos appointment was to recognize Javier’s credibility.

The UP Multi-Sectoral Assembly and the University Student Council demurred to the selection process—calling it “skewed and defective,” with most search committee members of senior faculty—and, to no avail, proposed an alternative involving open nominations, straw polls, symposiums and forums, and another straw balloting.

Taking its cue from Roman’s, Posadas’s administration created the 1994 Land Use Plan which reserved 17.8 percent of Diliman’s land, including that along Commonwealth Avenue, for income generation.

But what gave Posadas’s term its distinction were his clashes with President Emil Javier, whose vision of UP’s future, outlined in UP Plan 2008, contradicted Posadas’s. He also criticized a UP Code provision granting the president power to review lower bodies’ decisions, pointing out implications on the units’ autonomy.

The tenuous relationship proved detrimental for Posadas who sought a second term but lost to chemistry professor Claro Llaguno in 1996. The enmity between president and chancellor would not end here; it would culminate in Posadas’s dismissal over charges of graft.

Such a struggle depicts how connections in corridors of power determine who gets to be in the room. Llaguno proved smoother an instrument in Javier’s machinery, voicing no strong opposition to the UP Plan and arguing that “conversion of an idle property into something useful [is not] commercialization.”

ppine Collegian Archives

Halls of conflict In surrender to state prescriptions, the momentum the UP bureaucracy maintained has long been challenged by the sectoral movements it has enraged. And where this apparatus allows for a modicum of participation, it becomes a struggle not only over titles but also between different political and ideological persuasions.

Roman became chancellor again for two terms and all throughout championed fiscal autonomy vis-a-vis President Gloria Arroyo’s request for Diliman’s self-sufficiency. She again hoisted plans to lease UP’s assets, including replacing the Shopping Center (SC) with a four-storey mall—because it “has become an eyesore.” Her plans also included developing the Commonwealth lot into a Science and Technology Park to

strengthen links with the private sector, planting the seeds for the construction of the UP AyalaTechnoHub years later.

Her penchant for raising revenue manifested even in matters of academic concern, as in the approval of the Revitalized General Education Program (RGEP), which was premised on allowing students to choose their subjects. It was criticized as diluting the promotion of nationalism and social awareness, as well as an income-generation scheme where private companies could fund new subjects.

The first six chancellors before the turn of the new millennium shared a common thrust to modernize UP through commercialization. Such is the tradition that Nemenzo must either carry on with or run counter to.

Had those from 1983 come

PAGE 7

back to UP two decades after, many would find their worries confirmed. The chancellorship has become complicit with administrators trumping up schemes behind closed doors.

While they continued to challenge the chancellor to speak out against the UP administration’s interests, the sectors knew their hopes found little resonance in halls indifferent to demands down below.

Yet for someone who has once barely missed death from the violence of state forces, having been shot at a protest rally in 1984, Nemenzo finds himself at a critical juncture. And in his own words, here where the situation requires taking a stand, he is challenged to take a stand.

Nemenzo had already graduated when the first chancellor became full-time in 1985. But since his return in the 90s, he has witnessed Diliman change with different chancellors at its helm, responding, by and large, to the same problems with the same solutions that have often proved injurious to

the community.

Nemenzo will take on this role, no thanks to the BOR’s prudence. Rather, he was ushered into this position by the UP community’s sheer determination to assert its choice with a resolve to contend with a disputably democratic process, to hold the board accountable should it falter to listen.

While he has outlined a plan for Diliman’s future, Nemenzo must work conscientiously to avoid the missteps of his predecessors.

His thrust to modernize the university and stimulate the synergy of disciplines must not come at the expense of UP’s public character, as many others who have come before him have done.

As the new chancellor takes strides toward excellence, he must not forget to anchor these on UP’s utmost duty to serve the people. He is invited to remember how once he marched on precarious roads, together with hundreds fighting for their rights, amid flags and chants of the unrelenting fervor to be free. •

1

FEATURES

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

z In Sickness and in Health The political pathology of PH-China relations RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO One of the country’s earliest brushes with modern history’s epidemics, in 1918, had health officials scrambling to erect quarantine camps at cantonment zones to house prospective Filipino draftees, who would fight a world war that Washington had thought to toy with. Yet, by the time they were authorized to engage in combat, an armistice had already been signed and military camps had become cesspools for the spread of a virus that would still turn out to claim tens of thousands of lives the war had spared.

The 2019 novel coronavirus (nCoV) is yet to prove as lethal as the Spanish influenza of yesteryear, if at all. The country’s response to the outbreak has, however, provoked the same sense of alarm

inspired by a government that has displayed more dalliances with yet another imperial aggressor than is forgivable.

Public trust is today’s casualty, but the symptoms have long been manifest. It could only be so not only with an administration given to follies and intent to cozy up at every turn to China, the epicenter of nCoV, but also with a healthcare system made to bear only so much. That the virus has permeated Philippine borders could only sound more like a death knell than an emergency.

Catching a Cold It was just a matter of time for a virus to emerge from the world’s factory floor. Wuhan’s wet market, the ground zero of the outbreak, had been shut down before the new year rolled around. But by then, vectors had been ready for export from the microbial miasma bred by a global economy reliant on China, which, for countries like the Philippines, stands as a chief trading partner and, to some extent, a political arbiter.

Public admonition greeted the Duterte administration’s initial insistence on heading

off any travel ban to China. “We have to be very careful about the possible repercussions of doing this, in light of the fact that the confirmed cases of coronaviruses are not limited to China,” said Health chief Francisco Duque III. Over a week before such dithering, a 38-year-old woman had flown in from Wuhan. She detoured via Cebu before flying to Dumaguete, setting off no thermal scanners that Duque boasted had been posted at the airports. She went on to stay in two hotels and a resort, and between her arrival and the day she decided to check herself in at San Lazaro Hospital, the number of people she had infected is anybody’s guess.

Not a whole day after Duque assured lawmakers that his department was on top of the viral scare, he would declare the woman the country’s first confirmed case of nCoV. Yet only later would he mention her boyfriend, a 44-year-old man she had traveled with. His identity as another patient zero may have not reached the news cycle, but his death last week, the first for nCoV-related cases outside China, sure did.

For the authorities to allay hysteria is one thing. To do so by omission of facts is quite another, though par for the course for a government that has fended off appeals to reason or expertise. Fears of keeping China at bay could have factored into the calculus of how much Filipinos should know versus what else to sacrifice on the altar of diplomacy.

Only the rate of contagion seems like the variable unaccounted for.

Foot-in-mouth Disease No crisis stopped President Rodrigo Duterte from hectoring critics about the so-called racist undertones of their calls for travel restrictions. “Stop this xenophobia thing,” he said last February 3, two years after he called an International Criminal Court prosecutor “that black woman,” among other

derangements. His latest deflection was not so much a claim to a moral high ground as a sycophant’s balderdash.

“China has been kind to us,” Duterte added, “we can only show the same.”

What is revolting about his remarks was not that China proves undeserving of empathy.

But servility so disguised shifts the guilt away from a global powerhouse that has transgressed the country’s territorial jurisdiction, cheated the latter out of usurious loans, wrung profits from investments, pumped trade deficits with multibillion-dollar imports from its sweatshops and, at one point, literally left Filipinos out at sea.

Whether a belated travel ban was the prudent response is for pundits to argue out. The worst that flight cancellations and lockdowns could do now is staunch the influx of Chinese tourists that, in 2019 alone, peaked at 1.8 million, per the Philippine Statistics Authority data. Their nick on tourism revenues, roughly USD140 million a month, based on average tourist expenses, would sting but hardly cripple the economy.

Not that the country would go unscathed should the outbreak’s economic toll on China, responsible for a fifth of global output, pummel international markets. For now, though, China has impressed governments with its swifter, if draconian, measures to contain the virus than it did with SARS in 2003.

The Malacañang Palace heaped praises upon it, too, for donating 200,000 face masks and derided public anxiety for stoking, in the presidential spokesperson’s words, “stigma and false narratives.” There is no defending Filipinos’ proclivity for racial taunts. But to call this out amid a viral menace misses the point, eclipsing the graver peril of local healthcare that could doom a panicked population to a jinxed diagnosis.

Ill at Ease “Our greatest concern is the potential for the virus to spread to countries with weaker health systems,” said World Health Organization director general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, upon proclaiming nCoV a public health emergency of international concern, the sixth such epidemic since the 2009 swine flu.

As of writing, 28,350 cases have been confirmed worldwide, with persons under investigation in the

08

ILLUSTRATION • LOUISE SEGUI

Philippines multiplying faster than the levers of local hospitals could creak into motion.

Just as face masks are in short supply, so too is the people’s confidence in a health department that has botched its job—from failing to combat measles and dengue outbreaks to resurrecting polio.

It had let the rumor-mongering and red-tape bickering during the Dengvaxia fiasco hijack the discourse on immunization.

Disinformation sowed distrust.

Within three years, 61 percent of 1,500 Filipinos polled by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine in 2018 turned skeptical about vaccines.

As there has yet to be a vaccine for nCoV, the country’s poorest quarters are left to tackle viruses that know no geographical bounds but tend to mess up the other side of the tracks.

To their detriment, a health budget slashed last year by P10 billion could not afford the rudiments of acute care. Where disparities gape and the public health infrastructure remains mired in politicking, the onus to respond to crises is shuttled between levels of governance until the next alien bug catches all unawares.

To be sure, the Philippines is more equipped to cope with infectious diseases than over a century ago, when the Spanish flu ravaged the global population in waves. Yet, here, the malady of bureaucratic lapses lingers.

The country may no longer find itself caught in the crossfire of warring empires, but a case history of lopsided foreign ties could not but make the public feel like cadavers in the making on the frontlines. •

PAGE DESIGN • KENT IVAN FLORINO

KULTURA

Ranking lowest in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), the reading comprehension of students in the Philippines is brought to the spotlight. In terms of reading, findings indicated that over 80 percent of Filipino students tested failed to reach the minimum level of proficiency.

The report also highlighted other areas of concern: competence in science and mathematics, student backgrounds, and situation in schools.

Reactions to this report were numerous.

Commentators pointed to a deficient system of education that needs both funding and restructuring. In all this, reading culture plays an important role as the foundation of effective education. In fulfilling its shortcomings, one must thus investigate its history and place it in the present context.

PRESSING ON THE PRINT HARRY DE TAZA

ILLUSTRATION • EBI VILLA

Prologue Almost all human knowledge is written and stored for posterity.

Carl Kaestle, former president of the National Academy of Education in the US, outlined the development of literacy in a paper. Initially, pictures were used to represent ideas, and eventually these came to represent individual sounds, as was the case with Egyptian hieroglyphics and the Greek alphabet. Putting together these symbols made possible the recording of knowledge. Along with it is the capacity to read.

Besides the oral, there then evolved a reading tradition passed on from one generation to the next.

Folk tales were thus written as literature, and societies began cultural and historical recording.

Scribes were trained and employed in maintaining these records. Often, the resources needed to attain literacy were enormous, and thus literacy was exclusive to these scribes in governments that formed a bureaucrat class, as in the case of Ancient China and Mesopotamia.

Technological advancements from then on have allowed for an expansion of the literati.

The coming of the

printing press made more efficient what then took laborious hours of manually copying written text. Rising urban centers of trade and commerce in Renaissance Europe gave birth to a new middle class with resources to receive education and be literate. Yet, despite these developments, the tradition of reading remains inaccessible to many who have neither the financial nor social resources.

Today, digitization is revolutionizing education, with schools moving from traditional printed materials to online platforms of learning, replacing the chalk-and-board with PowerPoint, and books with e-books and online modules.

The push towards digitization is rapidly changing the tradition of reading across the world, and the Philippines is no exception.

Conflict The PISA report shows a picture of the reading tradition in the Philippines, and the resulting reactions point out an underdeveloped culture of reading and system of education.

Among PISA participants, the Philippines spends the lowest for every student in terms of funding. Schools report shortage on staff and on educational materials. In both cases of student underperformance and scarce resources, the socioeconomically advantaged fared far better than their disadvantaged peers.

In terms of readership, the 2017 National Book Development Board (NBDB) Readership Survey showed that 80 percent of adults and 92 percent of children surveyed had read non-school books in either print, e-book or audio format. But wide readership does not translate to a healthy reading culture characterized by criticality and reading comprehension, and despite a basic literacy rate of 97.95 percent, this still leaves much to be desired. Public schools may be stocked up with books, but of questionable quality, and access to public libraries is still limited.

In ancient societies, literacy was restricted to a small proportion of the population.

Former professor of social anthropology at Cambridge University Jack Goody and literary critic Ian Watt described these societies as “oligoliterate.”

Full participation in the reading culture, still inaccessible to many, remains a form of present-day oligoliteracy. Developing such

PAGE DESIGN • MA. SOPHIA SIBAL

an inclusive culture necessitates opening it up to the masses through different means.

In the information age, digital media is seen as an alternative to print. Challenges, however, remain as only about 40 percent of Filipinos have access to the internet. A complete and outright shift to digital media could only lead to a larger oligoliteracy as sectors of society remain reliant on print media for information.

DepEd estimates that around 85 percent of Filipino students are in public schools, and 74 percent of these schools lack internet connection, which makes the sector tied to textbooks as tools for instruction. In some places, there is simply an absence of such materials.

Epilogue In restructuring education, it becomes necessary to assess the material conditions of the people and to adjust accordingly.

Otherwise, further development widens oligoliteracy and leaves some sectors at a disadvantage.

Among the tools for development is technological advancement and digitization, and it is important to determine how compatible these advances are in a society beset by poverty and maleducation.

As history progresses, so too do the ways by which we read, write, store and access information. Yet progress can only go as far as the people behind it and the purposes they serve. Digital media, with all its conveniences and potential, cannot yet wholly trump the print, as the very people that the former intends to serve stand far distant from it. Print media keeps alive a reading culture in humbler abodes and communities, which form the bulk of the educational system’s beneficiaries.

There is no doubt that the advances made possible by literacy with a strong reading culture are innumerable. However, as has been shown by history, often participation in these advances are exclusive to a few who have the skill set and resources needed to access and digest information.

If we are to improve our level of education, advancements must consider the means with which it could be accessed by the people.

A blossoming national culture of reading can only be fully realized when the means of information correspond with where the people are, both in print and electronic. •

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KONTRA-AGOS ATHENA SOBERANO

HATID-SUNDO Kung tatanungin ako kung alin ako sa dalawa—mama’s girl o papa’s girl— wala akong maisasagot dahil sa totoo lang, lumaki ako sa kasambahay namin.

Nang mamatay si Mama, halos iasa na ni Papa kay Nanay Elsie ang pagpapalaki sa akin.

Bukod sa hatid-sundo niya ako, siya rin ang dumadalo kapag may patawag na meeting sa eskwelahan namin. Kahit noong investiture namin sa girl scout noong grade school, siya ang kasama ko. Mula paggising sa umaga hanggang pagtulog ko sa gabi, hindi nawawala sa paningin ko si Nanay.

Gabi-gabi, ipinanghehele niya sa akin ang kwento ng kanilang pakikipagsapalaran upang makapagtrabaho’t magkaroon ng disenteng buhay. Gaya ng kwento ng maraming maralitang taga-lungsod, nasubukan niya na ang lahat ng klase ng trabaho, at manirahan sa ilalim ng tulay, sa gilid ng bangketa, at sa ibabaw ng estero.

Kalunos-lunos man, hindi niya ito alintana, basta’t may maihaing pagkain sa kanilang hapag at mabusog ang kaniyang pamilya.

Habang lumiliit ang espasyo sa siyudad para sa sapat na tirahan para sa mga mahihirap tulad ni Nanay, lumalaki naman ang bilang ng mga mall at iba pang establisimyentong pag-aari ng mayayamang iilan. Sa katunayan, noong 2018, pumalo sa 4.5 milyong Pilipino ang walang tirahan, ayon sa tala ng Philippine Statistics Authority.

WALANG PANSINAN SAM DEL CASTILLO

... hindi lokal ang mga suliraning tumutulak sa tao para labanan ang sistema. Pinili ng ibang mag-armas dahil hindi lang iilan ang nakararanas ng kahirapan.

10

Habang papaliit ang kitang naiuuwi ng ordinaryong mamamayan bunsod ng labis na pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin, kinakaltasan naman ang buwis sa kita ng mga dambuhalang korporasyon. At sa panahong tumitindig ang mga mahihirap upang ipaglaban ang kanilang karapatan, pinararatangan silang batugan o simpleng tamad lang.

Kaya nang ibalita ko kay Nanay Elsie ang tungkol sa pagkakampo ng maralita upang ipaglaban ang kanilang karapatan sa pabahay, bigla siyang napangiti. “Kung buhay at kabuhayan mo na ang kapalit, hindi ka pa ba matutulak sa ganyan,” banggit niya sa akin.

May trabaho man siya ngayon, hindi pa rin nito mabubura ang katotohanang wala siyang sariling tahanan at nakikitira lang sa amin.

Ito ang realidad na araw-araw sumasambulat kay Nanay, at sa higit 60 maralitang nagkakampuhan ngayon sa Commission on Human Rights—mga sapilitang pinaaalis upang magbigay-daan sa mga mall at iba pang establisyimento. Kung kaya higit pa sa kanilang boses, lalong dapat pakinggan ng pamahalaan ang hinaing ng kanilang sikmura, at kilalanin ang kanilang karapatang makatamasa ng sapat na serbisyong sosyal.

‘Pagkat sa huling pagtatasa, ang dapat na pinagsisilbihan ng gobyerno ay ang sambayanan, hindi ang nakapangyayaring iilan. •

Ang sabi ko, kapag may problema, sabihin sa akin.

Hindi ganitong tinitiis ko ang pananahimik, hinihintay humupa ang iyong galit.

Sa isang taon nating magkarelasyon, ang lagi mong sinasabi: Pwede bang saka na lang, bukas o sa makalawa.

Hanggang sa hindi na natin namalayan ang paglipas ng oras, lumipas na rin ang iyong tampo. Pero sana nauunawan mong may mga problemang hindi basta-bastang pinalilipas, lalo na’t nauubusan din tayo ng oras.

Ngayong kaunti na lang ang oras na nalalabi sa termino ni Pangulong Duterte, muli siyang nagpahayag ng kagustuhang ipagpatuloy ang usaping pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng gobyerno ng Pilipinas at National Democratic Front of the Philippines o NDFP. Mahirap sabihin ang takbo ng usaping pangkapayapaan simula nang maupo ang pangulo. Taong 2017 nang pormal niya itong pinatigil, na agad niyang sinundan ng pagpirma sa Executive Order 70—panukalang nangakong wawakasan ng militarisasyon ang rebelyon. Alinsunod sa panukalang ito ang bagong estratehiya ng pakikipagnegosasyon ng

administrasyon: nilusaw ang lupon na humaharap sa NDFP para bigyang-daan ang lokalisadong pakikipag-usap sa mga rebelde.

Kung dati’y sibilyan ang kumakatawan sa gobyerno tuwing usaping pangkapayapaan, ipinaubaya na ngayon sa lokal na pamahalaan at militar ang pakikipagkasundo sa mga nagaaklas sa nasasakupan. Subalit ang kaso, hindi naman ito ang lulutas sa problema natin—hindi lokal ang mga suliraning tumutulak sa tao para labanan ang sistema. Pinili ng ibang mag-armas dahil hindi lang iilan ang nakararanas ng kahirapan.

Imbis na ibsan ang kumakalam na sikmura ng mamamayan, walang patid ang kontrainsurhensyang kampanya ng pamahalaan.

Puspusan ang engkuwentro sa kanayunan, kinukulong o pinapatay naman ang mga NDFP consultants sa kalunsuran. Naaalala ko: kung hindi mo ako pinatatahimik, iniiba mo na lang ang usapan—gaya ng pagtuon ng gobyerno sa mga propaganda imbis na direktang harapin ang problema.

Kailangang magharap ang isa’t isa para mapagkasunduan ang mga kumprehensibong repormang dapat tahakin ng

Pumanaw sa edad na 91 si Lola Felicidad Delos Reyes nang hindi nakakatang pang-aabuso noong ikalawang digmaang pandaigdig. Hanggang sa kasaluku

bansa. Para sa ordinaryong mamamayan, minamarkahan ng usaping pangkapayapaan ang pagtatapos ng sagupaan sa pagitan ng dalawa, ang panunumbalik ng kaayusan.

Minsan inamin mo sa akin na pakiramdam mo lagi kang natatalo sa usapan. Pero walang kailangang manalo o matalo para makipagsundo, malaman kung dapat nang magbago. Kung tunay na para sa pagbabago ang pangulo, bubuksan nitong muli ang pakikipag-usap sa mga komunista. Sapagkat batid ng usaping pangkapayapaan ang mga makabuluhang reporma sa ekonomiya at pulitika, mga pagbabagong hatid ang ikauunlad ng mga Pilipino.

Sa pagkakataong maituloy muli ang usaping pangkapayapaan, tatalakayin at maaaring lagdaan na ang Interim Peace Agreement.

Nakabalangkas sa dokumentong ito ang Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ARRD) at National Industrialization and Economic Development (NIED), na parehong bumubo ng malaking bahagi ng Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms.

Nakasaad sa ARRD at NIED ang pag-aangkop ng reporma sa lupa

at plano tungo sa pambansang industriyalisasyon.

Tinutugunan ng mga programang ito ang ugat ng armadong pakikibaka: ang kahirapang binubunga ng hindi pagkakapantay-pantay. Bunsod ng ilan taong huwad na reporma sa lupa at kawalan ng sariling industriya, nananatiling walang sariling lupa ang mga magsasaka hanggang ngayon; nananatiling nakaasa ang ating ekonomiya sa kalakaran ng ibang bansa. Dala ng atrasadong ekonomiya, iilan lang ang nakatatamasa ng yaman ng bansa.

Tapat ang hangad na kapayapaan ng usaping pangkapayapaan dahil tuntungunan nito ay hustisya.

Tinitingnan nito ang kinabukasan kung saan masagana ang mga Pilipino, natatamasa ng bawat isa ang batayang karapatan nila. Higit, sinisigurado nitong wala nang madadamay pang sibilyan sa giyerang nilulunsad ng dalawang grupo.

Lagi nilang sinasabi na lahat ng away ay madadaan sa mabuting usapan. Imposible ang usapan kung hindi bukas ang isa’t isa para pagusapan kung ano’ng problema— tapusin na sa wakas ang away. •

phkule@gmail.com

OPED-GRPX RICHARD JACOB DY

ggap ng pagkilala o danyos mula sa gobyerno para sa kanya, at iba pang comfort women na biktima ng uyan, sa kabila ng katandaan, patuloy ang paglaban ng mga natitira pang lola para sa hustisya.

NO COMPROMISE KIM YUTUC

The policies and rhetoric employed by these strongmen have continued to erode the achievements of women’s rights movements that have been in slow, deliberate progress for decades.

I had never seen my mother with such bewilderment painted on her face as she could not even complete quoting the sentence she was reading from an article she had found online last week.

“I have so many problems.

When I was in the helicopter, I was thinking about a lot of things, but when I arrived here [in Taal, Batangas], it disappeared, really—I love beautiful women.”

It was a quote from the president objectifying women—yet another addition to the long list of shameless, misogynist remarks he had said. Although this is quite subtle than his previous utterances, my mother still ended up questioning how a brute came to a position of power in the first place.

Seeing the world of men outside the four corners of our home as inherently violent, brutal, and chaotic, my mother would often berate me worriedly about the length of the clothes I wear and constantly tell me not to stay out late. She frets about my safety, for she knows that no one is safe when it is the very leader of this country who enables violence

11 February 2020 • www.phkule.org

against women to thrive.

All this comes from the very same man who vows to pursue measures to protect women and children from harassment and discrimination. Duterte manages to say this all while calling women whores and making countless rape jokes.

These words are far from harmless, as they enforce the long-standing culture of violence and oppression against women.

The milestones achieved for women’s emancipation, notable as they may be, are thus being endangered.

A total of 49 nations around the world are yet to implement laws protecting women from domestic violence, according to the 2020 Global Gender Gap report of the World Economic Forum. In addition, not even a single country has been able to achieve gender parity in wage gap.

This regression is exemplified no better than Duterte himself, who has had a history of uttering misogynistic and insensitive remarks that often involve abuse and sexual harassment. Handin-hand with this are the various

Pebrero 5, Antipolo City

policies he implemented, which consistently endanger women and other vulnerable sectors in society.

Among these numerous oppressive and inhumane policies is the drug war, which devastated mothers, wives, and children in the aftermath of the slaughter. On the other hand, the tax reforms enacted under Duterte’s term have caused prices of basic commodities to skyrocket, leaving Filipino families in despondent circumstances as they grasp at the straws just to make ends meet.

This comes as no surprise.

The global populist swing, after all, has taken the world’s political landscape by storm. Strongmen leaders who are often framed as “fathers” of nations have been rising left and right, whose platforms and narratives espouse disdain and hostility towards women’s rights.

Elsewhere in the world, various conservative governments have been making steps towards restricting women’s access to reproductive health and even endangering them altogether. Poland and

Italy have been pushing for stricter anti-abortion campaigns, while the Trump administration has been limiting access for reproductive health by means of decreasing funding to promote sex education.

The policies and rhetoric employed by these strongmen have continued to erode the achievements of women’s rights movements that have been in slow, deliberate progress for decades. Putting an end to this trend, however, requires not only putting an end to the regimes of these strongmen, but also dismantling the very systems that allowed them to gain power— although this is far easier said than done.

How deeply embedded this is into our culture further emphasizes how unrelenting we have to be in order to bring about lasting change. No compromise can be made, for it is through the firm stance and unity of women in the world that we can topple not just the world’s tyrannical strongmen, but as well as the very machineries that paved their way to power in the first place. •

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PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

Women in Revolution

11 February 2020 Volume 97 • Issue 14 www.phkule.org