Decision-Making in the Reuse of Industrial Sites in China_Pierre-Baptiste Tartas

硕士学位论文

困难与动机：中国工业用地再利用的决策 机制研究——以宁波甬江北岸项目为例

姓名：巴布思 学号：1435955 所在院系：建筑与城市规划学院 学科门类：工学 学科专业：城乡规划 指导教师：邵甬

二〇一七年六月

A dissertation submitted to Tongji University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Engineering

Decision-Making in the Reuse of Industrial Sites in China: Obstacles and Motivations.

A Case Study of Ningbo's Yongjiang North Shore Project.

Candidate: Pierre-Baptiste Tartas Student Number: 1435955 School/Department: College of Architecture and Urban Planning Discipline: Engineering Major: Urban and Rural Planning Supervisor: Shao Yong June, 2017

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摘要

工业用地的再利用，用以保存一部分现存建筑，在中国是一个新兴现象。工业用地的 再利用，用以保存一部分现存建筑，在中国是一个新兴现象。研究的目的是为了确定 参与城市项目中各个角色所遇到的阻碍，以及他们的动机。对宁波甬江北岸项目的计 划进程的观察与研究有助于实现此目标。在此案例的中，各种因素以及角色的不同意 见是项目延迟的主要原因。通过对一个工业用地的分析，有助于解释中国的管理以及 完善有关工业再利用的现有研究。

为了实现此目标，文献研究，对宁波历史文化名城保护规划制定参与者的采访以及在 研究产域中的不同城市条例的分析是必不可少的。这促使对中国改革开放后的管理如 何运作，在决策过程中不同参与者扮演了什么角色等问题的理解，这也促使对在案例 研究中参与者的不同目的与意见的确定。

对宁波甬江北岸项目的分析突出了中国改革的不完整性以及表明一种固化的等级尺度 的残存。这种不同级别政府之间的分歧严重地阻碍这类项目。进一步的障碍在于不同 参与者的经济动机以及中国政府官员的晋升体系。然而，工业用地在城市更新项目中 处于优先地位，它是实现经济转型的重要手段。经济转型是中国城市的重要目标，并 以此在城市之间的竞争中脱颖而出。因此，政府官员对于这些项目很有兴趣，他们渴 望给予他们的城市一个自己的身份标签来增强他们的吸引力。然而，这些城市更新项 目必须保存工业背景以及强调在经济产域中的重要角色。所以，在诸如此类项目中， 通过合作以及灵活可变的城市规划，加强经济与政府官员之间的互动可能成为一个克 服管理障碍的方法。

关键词：工业用地与建筑的再利用，城市管理，城市项目，中国，宁波，甬江北岸。

Abstract Reusing industrial sites to conserve some of the existing buildings is recent in China. This dissertation aims to identify the obstacles encountered by the stakeholders involved in urban projects, and their motivations. Studying the planning process of Ningbo’s Yongjiang North Shore project should help to achieve this goal, through the observation of a case where different elements and stakeholders’ opinions are at the core of the project’s delays. It also allows the explanation of Chinese governance through the analysis of an industrial site, completing the existing studies about industrial reuse.

To fulfil this objective, documentary research, interviews with players involved in the elaboration of the Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan and an analysis of the different urban regulations within the studying area were necessary. This allows the understanding of how the Chinese post-reform governance works, what are the roles of the different contributors involved in the decision-making process and identify the different goals and opinions of the stakeholders involved in the studying project.

Afterwards, the analysis of Yongjiang North Shore project highlights the incomplete nature of China’s reforms and presents the survival of a rigid, hierarchical system, which considerably hinders such projects, through frictions between different government levels. Further difficulties reside in each player’s economic motivations and the system through which Chinese leaders are promoted.

However, industrial sites are privileged localisation for cities’ urban renewal projects that are key tools to achieve economic transition – the main goal of Chinese cities to stand out in the intercity competition. Thus, these projects are interesting for the political players eager to give their city its own identity in order to enhance its attractiveness. Nevertheless these kinds of urban renewal projects have to preserve the industrial context and emphasise the key role of players from the economic realm. As a result, enhancing the interactions between economic and political players through cooperation as well as flexible urban plans could be a way to overcome the obstacles linked to governance in such kind of projects.

Keywords: Reuse of industrial sites and buildings, urban governance, urban projects, Yongjiang North Shore, Ningbo, China.

Acknowledgements

As a prelude to this dissertation, I would like to thank those who helped me to accomplish it, and in particular: Ms Yong Shao, director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI) and professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. As the supervisor of this dissertation, she helped me to choose the site under study, gave me her authorisation to take part in the project during my internship atTJUPDI and provided me with a great deal of information on the interactions between Ningbo’s government and Jiangbei District.

Mr Denis Bocquet, accredited to supervise research (HDR) at AMUP Laboratory and professor at the École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture (National Higher School of Architecture) in Strasbourg. As the co-supervisor of this dissertation, he guided me and helped me to find solutions so I could move forwards.

Mr Lijun Hu, project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department, for his constant support, his prompt replies and the countless documents and pieces of information he gave me on the site under study.

Ms Zichen Ding, a student working for TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department, who greatly helped me in my research and kindly joined me in my field investigations.

Finally, I would like to thank my parents for their support and excellent advice, as well as for proofreading this dissertation.

Table of contents Introduction. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 1 Part I – Governance and uncertainties, key principles for a project’s decision-making process------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 5 1.

Definition of governance and associated theories ------------------------------------------------- 5 1.1.

Finding a definition of governance ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 5 1.2.

The realm-of-power system and the relations between the public realm and the economic realm -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7

2.

China’s economic reforms and the ensuing emergence of new players ---------------------------- 9 2.1.

2.2.

3.

Transformations of the political realm following China’s economic reforms ----------------------------- 9 The emergence of non-state players -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 14

Cooperation is needed to manage the unpredictable -------------------------------------------------- 16 3.1.

3.2.

A risk assessment faced with various uncertainties --------------------------------------------------------- 17 Cooperation between the players can overcome these various obstacles --------------------------- 22

Part II – Ningbo and its recent interest in the reuse of industrial sites. ------------------- 29 1.

Ningbo: a bustling city with many assets -------------------------------------------------------------- 29 1.1.

1.2.

1.3.

1.4.

2.

Local regulations are evolving to satisfy economic needs ------------------------------------- 37 2.1.

2.2.

2.3.

3.

A choice geographical situation: ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 29 A long history as a port ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 31 To a major port, a special administrative status -------------------------------------------------------------- 34 An evolving city ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 35 The city’s administrative status enables a local vision ------------------------------------------------------ 38 Ningbo City’s Master Plan (2006-2020): a tool to bring about the economic transition--------- 41 The Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan and the promotion of industrial heritage --------------- 47

An overview of the reuse of Ningbo’s heritage ----------------------------------------------------- 50 3.1.

3.2.

A preview of existing cases of reuse and the condition of the industries located in the centre ---- 50 The Yongjiang East Shore: examples of reused industrial sites ---------------------------------------------- 52

Partie III – Analysis of the decision-making process in light of the concepts studied: the case of the Yongjiang North Shore project -------------------------------------------------------------------- 58 1.

Defining the context and the existing resources--------------------------------------------------------- 58 1.1.

1.2.

1.3.

1.4.

2.

Urban situation and immediate environment -------------------------------------------------------------------- 59 The site’s characteristics and the identification of its remarkable buildings ------------------------ 62 The Yongjiang North Shore project and Ningbo’s plans ------------------------------------------------------- 68 Existing players and resources ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 70

A planning process marked by many new developments --------------------------------------------- 73 2.1.

2.2.

2.3.

2.4.

An interest in the reuse of industrial buildings that emerged with the first master plan in 2009 -- 73 The 2012 regulatory plan includes the site’s industrial heritage -------------------------------------------- 77 First suggestion: three scenarios, after an analysis of the site in 2013: ----------------------------------- 80 A lack of consensus is disrupting the planning process ---------------------------------------------------- 84

3. An interest in the reuse of industrial buildings that comes up against the obstacles of Chinese governance --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 89

3.1.

3.2.

3.3.

One goal; different visions-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 89 A rigid, hierarchical system that is a recipe for stalemates ----------------------------------------------- 92 A governance that, nevertheless, offers possibilities -------------------------------------------------------- 94

Conclusion :------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 98 Bibliography -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 102 Books --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 102 Articles ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 102 Thesis – Master’s thesis --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 104 Reports------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 104 Law texts ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 105 Websites----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 105 Interviews --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 106

List of figures-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 107 Detailled table of contents -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 109

Introduction.

The reforms undertaken in China since the end of the 1970s have resulted in the astounding advancement of its economy; an advancement driven by frantic industrialisation and urbanisation.

China’s development has been similar to that of Western cities at the end of the 19th century. This massive, large-scale urban development is still ongoing throughout the country.

During the last 20 years, vast urban development projects and the rise of the service economy have made industries undesirable in cities. Since the beginning of the 2000s, local governments have thus constantly been relocating industries to increasingly remote suburbs. Consequently, many sites and buildings located in strategic areas have been abandoned. According to Yan Yan Li (2015)1, in 2015, more than 5,000 industrial sites located in China’s main cities were disused. The issue is, then, how to redevelop these sites which, all too often in China, are razed to accommodate similar, if not identical, structures2. The new buildings are constructed in well-located sites at lower costs, which forces the sale price up. Moreover, demolition costs are minimal. Ultimately, the main, if not the only, motivation for these redevelopments is profit, sought by the project’s investors. Che Xiaochen (2013) thus remarked: “This kind of area in China is profit-driven, only caring about fast economic returns.” (p. 16).

However, over the years, these industrial sites have started to attract public attention, as they appear in political discussions and university research projects. In other words, China is starting to realise that these sites are not necessarily a sign of decline or recession. And yet, this negative image is still deeply rooted, as Yao Yanbin3 (2014) points out: “The abandoned industrial relics are often regarded as a sign of recession, so they become objects that are firstly considered to be eliminated in urban renewal and reconstruction.” (p. 4).

Consequently, although these sites have started to be seen in a new light, many have still been razed over the years. Many cities even raze them knowingly, to exchange their industrial image for a postmodern one. All traces of past pollution and unemployment, brought on by closures in some districts, are thus done away with4. Meanwhile, the megacities of Shanghai and Beijing have started to reuse these abandoned sites to support their economic transition. The initiative originally started with artists who illegally took over such sites5. Shanghai and Beijing have inspired other cities, whose central governments leave a certain amount of freedom to those willing to reuse the sites.

1

Li, Y. Y. (June 13, 2015). “On Legal Issues of governance Brownfield”. Research Institute of Environemental Law. Wuhan University (RIEL) [online]. Available at http://www.riel.whu.edu.cn/article.asp?id=32062. Accessed November 25, 2015.

2

Che, X. (June 2013). Post-industrial area in transition, renaissance of a derelict industrial area in Beijing.

Master’s thesis under the supervision of Bekkering, H. and Qu, L. Delft University of Technology.

3 Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

4 Che, X. (June 2013). Post-industrial area in transition, renaissance of a derelict industrial area in Beijing.

Master’s thesis under the supervision of Bekkering, H. and Qu, L. Delft University of Technology.

5 Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

1

Introduction These cities have chosen reuse to stand out from the others, reconsidering places that have their own identity and that date back to the ‘golden age’ of China’s industrialisation6. Furthermore, industrial sites are key to understanding China’s modern history, and that of its cities. Factories and the industrial era represent the transition from a rural world to an urban society, which transformed cities, then service centres for the rural world, into wealth-producing hubs7. Nowadays, this transformation, which enabled cities to dominate rural areas through their industrialisation, is being replaced by a new atmosphere focusing on services and culture, the main features of post-industrial cities.

New terms are appearing to describe this recent evolution, such as the word ‘棕地’’ (Zōng dì), based on the English ‘brownfield’ and more literally translating as ‘brown land’. Its Chinese definition is accordingly the definition used in the United States: “a piece of industrial or commercial property that is abandoned or underused and often environmentally contaminated, especially one considered as a potential site for redevelopment”8. The English term ‘brownfield’ was also chosen because in Chinese master plans, whether industrial sites are active, abandoned or in limbo, they are always represented in brown. However, as for the site I will study in this dissertation, some industries are still active, their closure to take place once the first works have started. In this dissertation, I will therefore use ‘industrial site’ to mean abandoned, underused and active factories.

工业遗产再利用 (Gōngyè yíchǎn zài lìyòng), which literally means ‘reuse of industrial heritage’, is also one of the new terms. In this case, the word ‘heritage’ refers more to the buildings that characterise a site than to protected historical buildings9. The word ‘再利用’’ (zài lìyòng) means ‘recycle’ or ‘reuse’. For industrial buildings, its definition coincides with that of Philippe Simon (1997), who defines reuse as “l’accommodation de l’existant qui suppose l’arrivée d’une nouvelle utilisation, attribuable à des usages désuets dont la nouvelle utilisation requiert une restructuration de l’espace” [the reuse of existing buildings, which implies a new use, arising from outdated practices and requiring the space to be restructured] (p. 12)10. This definition allows me to concentrate on urban projects carried out in industrial sites and aiming to conserve some of the existing buildings.

Throughout this dissertation, ‘reuse of industrial sites’ means urban projects centring on former industrial plots where some of the remaining buildings are conserved. I exclude the projects based on a razing policy. However, that does not imply that reuse necessarily aims to protect heritage, rather that it works with existing heritage.

6

‘Golden age’ is mentioned by former workers of Beijing Capital Steel Complex interviewed by Che Xiaochen (June 2013).

7 Reichen, B. (May 2002). “Donner une nouvelle place au patrimoine industriel” [Giving a new place at industrial heritage]. Constructif [on line], N°2. Available at http://www.constructif.fr/bibliotheque/2002-5/donner-unenouvelle-place-au-patrimoine-industriel.html?item_id=2417. Accessed November 20, 2014.

8 th The Free Dictionary. Farlex [on line]. American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language 5 edition.

Houghton Mifflin Harcourt (2011). Available at http://www.thefreedictionary.com/brownfield. Accessed November 25, 2015.

9 Industrial Heritage is used in China to express buildings to preserve and reuse rather than buildings to be protected as historical heritage: Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning & Design Institute (January 2014). 宁波历史文化名城保护规划 (稿) [Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan (draft)]. Shanghai. / Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划 [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo. / Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究 [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore]. Ningbo. / Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo.

TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.

10 Simon, P. (January 1997). Architecture transformée : Réhabilitation et reconversions à Paris [Transformed architecture : Reuse and retraining in Paris]. Pavillon de l’Arsenal. Paris.

2

Introduction The future of these sites thus partly seems to depend on the way the people implied in their transformation perceive them. This is particularly the case because of the novelty of reuse, which is still mostly unregulated, and especially its management, which is becoming an urgent issue because of the rising number of abandoned sites11. Despite the limited regulations dedicated to reuse, it is most certainly a reality in China. According to Yao Yanbin (2014)12, reuse is an opportunity motivated by economic goals, developing in an insufficiently regulated context. His understanding of the situation concurs with that of Li Yan Yan (2015)13, Xiaochen Che (2013)14 and Rebecca Brollo (2014)15.

However, their studies mostly focus on the way industrial heritage is considered in China and how to exploit and reuse it. The economic and legal issues brought about by Chinese governance are only briefly mentioned. Moreover, the studies that do attempt to explain governance often do so through the analysis of vast urban projects that are not undertaken in industrial sites16. The studies that have chosen the reuse of industrial sites as their subject have so far limited their scope to the provincial cities of Shanghai, Beijing, Chongqing and Tianjin, or to provincial capitals, a Chinese specificity.

The sub-provincial city of Ningbo offers a different context, particularly regarding various players and their competencies. Also interesting is the city’s unique culture. This context sheds a new light on the reuse of industrial sites. Furthermore, Ningbo’s Yongjiang North Shore site has an atypical history in China. Several master plans have been drawn up for it since 2008, and, eight years later, planning is still not finished. These projects are usually speedily undertaken in China, so the contrast is particularly striking. The goal of this dissertation is thus to study the different factors, particularly those arising from governance, that have hindered the planning of this urban project. At the same time, I will attempt to determine the role of the government’s desire to conserve some of the site’s industrial buildings in the project.

What, then, are the motivations and obstacles that come into play in a project focusing on the recovery and transformation of industrial sites in Chinese cities?

In other words, to what extent do the opinions on the reuse of industrial sites in Chinese cities influence the decisions taken by the different contributors?

11

Li, Y. Y. (June 13, 2015). “On Legal Issues of governance Brownfield”. Research Institute of Environemental Law. Wuhan University (RIEL) [online]. Available at http://www.riel.whu.edu.cn/article.asp?id=32062. Accessed November 25, 2015.

12

Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

13 Li, Y. Y. (June 13, 2015). “On Legal Issues of governance Brownfield”. Research Institute of Environemental Law. Wuhan University (RIEL) [online]. Available at http://www.riel.whu.edu.cn/article.asp?id=32062. Accessed November 25, 2015.

14

Che, X. (June 2013). Post-industrial area in transition, renaissance of a derelict industrial area in Beijing.

Master’s thesis under the supervision of Bekkering, H. and Qu, L. Delft University of Technology.

15 Brollo, R. (March 2014). The West Bund Riverside and the Media Park. Analysis and guidelines for the regeneration of an industrial heritage area in Xuhui District. Master’s thesis under the supervision of Bricocoli, M. and Shao, Y. Polytechnic University of Milan.

16 Studies about the role of governance in urban projects are often focused on projects that take place either on former agricultural or on old residential areas: Qian, Z. (2011). “Building Hangzhou’s new city center: mega project development and entrepreneurial urban governance in China”. Asian Geographer, volume 28, N°1, pp.

3-19. / Wei, Y. D. (2005). “Planning Chinese Cities : The limits of transitional institutions”. Urban Geography, volume 26, N°3, pp. 200-221. / Zhang, T. (March 2002). “Urban development and socialist pro-growth coalition in Shanghai”. Urban Affairs Review, volume 37, N°4, pp. 475-499. / Ye, L. and Wu, A. (May 2014). “Urbanization, land development, and land financing: Evidence from Chinese cities”. Journal of Urban Affairs, volume 36, N° S1, pp. 1-15.

3

Introduction This central question gives rise to other questions, which highlight the different phases to examine before the various influences can be determined. What is governance? What are the changes that have been wrought by China’s reforms, and what is their impact on the decision-making process?

How do players act and participate in the decision-making process? Which factors should then be taken into account? How much interest has Ningbo’s government taken in the reuse of industrial sites up until now? Why has the Yongjiang North Shore project been delayed on so many occasions?

Could one reason be that one of the contributors wishes to conserve some of the industrial buildings?

First, I will examine the influence that governance, uncertainties and financial considerations have on project decision-making. Then, with additional research, I will explain how governance and decisionmaking work in such a project, as well as which players intervene and what their role is. I will also assess how the complex hierarchy of the Chinese government affects governance and decisionmaking. I will then determine whether the factors, particularly financial, that are regularly broached in similar studies can justify such projects being carried out in the Chinese context. This will allow me to legitimate the reuse of these sites and show the positive effects reuse can have on a city.

Once governance and other potentially troublesome terms have been defined, I will conduct an overview of the places concerned by the reuse of industrial sites in Ningbo, and the regulations on reuse, in order to understand the metropolitan environment of the site under study. I will then determine whether the reuse of industrial sites is pertinent in this context and in what way it is interesting for a city in full economic transition by studying the different laws that are currently enforced in Ningbo, and the city’s current regulatory plans. I will then be able to conclude whether the reuse of industrial sites is considered and taken into account, and broach existing cases of reuse while examining the different motivations of their developers, as well as the obstacles they must face. Using this information, it should be possible to understand the motivations and obstacles involved in the site under study.

Finally, once I have explained these different points, I will concentrate on the site under study and analyse the obstacles encountered during the project’s planning process, which caused several setbacks. I will then compare my findings with the remarks made in the previous sections. To do so, I will first establish the local context of the site and its specificities, using a study of the site drawn up in preparation of a new master plan. I will then present and explain the problems that were encountered, through my interviews with contributors, to interpret the changes made to the different master plans. I will finally determine whether these problems match those I found in my research, and use my research to offer possible solutions.

4

Part I – Governance and uncertainties, key principles for a project’s decision-making process It is essential to understand Chinese governance and its workings to grasp the different stakes of the Yongjiang North Shore project and understand the tensions that arose between the city of Ningbo and Jiangbei District during its development.

Furthermore, the study of Chinese governance, along with my research, will allow me to give a theoretical definition of the different obstacles and motivations generated by the reuse of industrial sites. It will also enable me to determine whether reuse is more advantageous than the razing policy that is currently applied in projects carried out in former industrial sites. I will attempt to determine what the different texts on industrial heritage mean by pure profit-seeking, which they say drives urban projects, and explain the reasons large Chinese cities decided to use industrial buildings to support their cultural development.

I will first attempt to define ‘governance’, and give associated theories. I will then study the economic reforms undertaken since the end of the 1970s, which will allow me to present the different systems that have since governed the financing of local governments. This will also allow me to present the multiple players that have emerged since then. Finally, I will determine the various uncertainties that can hinder an urban project, and finish by examining existing cooperation systems and assessing to what extent they help resolve such problems. This will enable me to define the limits of these reforms and understand the originality of Chinese governance.

1. Definition of governance and associated theories 1.1.

Finding a definition of governance

The term ‘governance’ became widely used during the 1980s. It comes from the Latin gubernare, which means to steer or pilot a boat 17. The following definition can also be given: “Dans l'usage devenu le plus courant, le terme général de gouvernance se rapporte aux relations entre les dirigeants et les dirigés, notamment entre l'État et la société civile. Il désigne l'ensemble des processus et des institutions qui participent de la gestion politique d'une société.” [In its most frequent usage, governance refers to the relationship between city authorities and citizens, and particularly between the state and civil society. It designates all of the processes and institutions that contribute to the political management of a society.]18.

According to Catherine Baron (2003), the notion is today used in either a conceptual way or an operational way19. It is also used on different territorial scales: “The term ‘governance’ invites an analysis of the interactions between global dynamics, national logics, and local initiatives. Such

17

Baron, C. (February 2003). “La gouvernance : débat autour d’un concept polysémique”. Droit et société, n°54 [online], pp. 329-349. Available at http://www.reds.msh-paris.fr/publications/revue/pdf/ds54/ds054-03.pdf.

Accessed March 11, 2016.

18 Géoconfluences (March 15, 2013) [online]. Available at http://geoconfluences.enslyon.fr/glossaire/gouvernance-urbaine. Accessed March 12, 2016.

19 Baron, C. (February 2003). “La gouvernance : débat autour d’un concept polysémique” [Governance: On a Polysemic Concept]. Droit et société, n°54 [online], pp. 329-349. Available at http://www.reds.mshparis.fr/publications/revue/pdf/ds54/ds054-03.pdf. Accessed March 11, 2016.

5

Part I analysis should take into account the growing porosity between the public and private domains” 20(p.

329). I will first study the conceptual notions of the term, then the operational notions, on a ‘local’ scale, which in this case will be the urban scale. The kind of governance studied here can thus be called ‘urban governance’.

Jean-Philippe Leresche (2002)21 posits that urban governance emerged and became an imperative because of the increasingly complex working of megacities, which forced the structures that managed and governed them to adapt. This is also what Gilles Pinson (2006)22 believes. He defines urban governance as “l’ensemble des institutions, dispositifs et processus d’action qui permettent d’articuler des ressources et de coordonner l’action d’une pluralité d’acteurs et de groupes dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques” [all of the institutions, mechanisms and processes that allow for the pooling of resources and the coordination of many players and groups in the implementation of public policies] (p. 619). In this case, players, mechanisms and processes intervene at an urban scale to implement a city’s public policy. It should be noted that this definition is taken from an article written specifically about the European context.

When Fulong Wu (2002)23 broaches governance in the Chinese context, he first makes sure to specify that the term is generally linked to forms of governance shaped by capitalist states. More generally speaking, he defines governance in the following terms: “As a general concept, governance can be referred to as a mechanism that embodies the coordination of and relationship between the state and society.” (p. 1072). This definition is similar to the one given above. He then clarifies his use of the term ‘urban governance’: “We attempt to use urban governance as a perspective to understand the new coordination mechanism within the government and the control beyond the reach of the government after economic reforms.” (pp. 1072-1073).

All of these definitions rely on the word ‘coordination’, defined as “the organisation of the different elements of a complex body or activity so as to enable them to work together effectively”24. Here, multiple players need to be coordinated, which implies that they have different interests. A player is defined as “a person or body that is involved and influential in an area or activity”25. In this dissertation, players are not necessarily individuals or single bodies, but entities representing people, institutions, organizations or groups. Governance is thus a process that requires the coordination of multiple players with different interests to manage urban policies, which include urban projects.

20

Baron, C. (February 2003). “Governance: On a Polysemic Concept”. Droit et société, n°54 [online], pp. 329349. Available at http://www.cairn-int.info/abstract-E_DRS_054_0329--governance-on-a-polysemicconcept.htm. Accessed March 11, 2016.

21 Leresche, J.-P. (June 2002). “La gouvernance urbaine comme enjeux de durabilité” [Urban governance as a concern for sustainability]. Vues sur la ville, pp. 3-5.

22 Pinson, G. (April 2006). “Projet de ville et gouvernance urbaine. Pluralisation des espaces politiques et recomposition d’une capacité d’action collective dans les villes européennes” [Citiy’s project and urban governance. Pluralization of political spaces and reconstruction of a collective capacity for action in European cities]. Revue française de science politique, volume 56, pp. 619-651.

23 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

24 Oxford Dictionaries [online]. Available at https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/coordination.

Accessed April 11, 2016.

25 Oxford Dictionaries [online]. Available at http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/player.

Accessed April 11, 2016.

6

Part I 1.2.

The realm-of-power system and the relations between the public realm and the economic realm

Three groups of players emerge from these different definitions: those linked to the state, those linked to the private sector and the economy and those linked to the civil society. François Perroux (1960)26 and Kenneth Boulding (1970)27 both distinguish these three very groups, which they call ‘realms of power’. The realms are those of ‘quid pro quo exchange’28, ‘coercion’29 and ‘solidarity’30. In other words, one realm gathers economic players, the market economy; another, political players, the state; and finally a third, the civil society. These three realms are described as forming a pyramid, named the Boulding Triangle. The balance of power between them changes over time, as each pole evolves in relation to the others31.

I will now focus on the interactions between these realms, and particularly those between the political and the economic realms, which are more or less directly evoked by Fulong Wu (2002) in his conception of urban governance. Furthermore, these are the interactions that come into play in the planning phase of a project, which I will study in my third part.

For Gilles Paquet (2002)32, the realm of power represented at the summit of the Boulding Triangle has changed since the 1970s. He argues that the political realm that dominated it has progressively ceded ground to the economic realm. This argument concurs with what Catherine Baron (2003)33 calls the ‘Anglo-Saxon model’, in which governance resembles a ‘minimal state’ – in other words, the economic realm dominates the other two realms. The World Bank, with its concept of ‘good governance’, promotes this model, which has also been taken up by the International Monetary Fund. It is used by institutions in an attempt to turn the state into the supporter of market liberalisation, the guarantor of its smooth functioning and its assistant in times of crisis34. It must be said that the economic crisis of 2008 showed that ‘good governance’ is now an international model, with the significant amounts of money that states used to bail out their banks.

However, other specialists prefer to see this change as a redefinition of the roles of the three realms of power, which are constantly evolving. Catherine Baron (2003), for instance, confronts the ‘AngloSaxon model’ described above with a ‘French model’, in which government and governance are complementary35, as the state keeps its role of moderator to link the three realms. The idea of a ‘moderator state’ is also taken up by Gilles Pinson (2003)36. For Clarence Stone (1993), it implies a

26

Perroux, F. (1960). Economie et Société [Economy and Society]. Paris. Presse Universitaire de France. Paris.

Boulding, K. E. (1970). A Primer on Social Dynamics. The Free Press. New York.

28 Realm regarding market economy which uses the forces of supply and demand and the price mechanism.

29 Realm regarding politics which redistributes resources and is responsible for regulation.

30 Realm regarding the community and society, which uses cooperation, reciprocity and solidarity.

31 Paquet, G. (May 30, 2002). La nouvelle gouvernance, la subsidiarité et l’état stratégique. La gouvernance au è XXI siècle [New governance, subsidiarity and the strategic state. Governance in the XXI century]. OCDE. Paris: Etudes prospectives, pp. 219-247. Paris.

32 Op. cit.

33 Baron, C. (February 2003). “La gouvernance : débat autour d’un concept polysémique” [Governance: On a Polysemic Concept]. Droit et société, n°54 [online], pp. 329-349. Available at http://www.reds.mshparis.fr/publications/revue/pdf/ds54/ds054-03.pdf. Accessed March 11, 2016.

34 Op. cit.

35 Op. cit.

36 Pinson, G. (2003). “Le chantier de recherche de la gouvernance urbaine et la question de la production des savoirs dans et pour l’action” [Research project about urban governance and the issue of the knowledge production in and for action]. Lien social et Politique, N°50, pp. 39-55.

27

7

Part I change in the definition of ‘political power’. The state is no longer tasked with “controlling society and dominating the political scene through electoral mandates” (p. 619) 37, but becomes a vector allowing to pursue goals by mobilising the resources dispersed throughout the city, which are necessary to their attainment38.

All of these remarks show that governance and government are not synonymous39. Governance can be defined as a structure of networks implying the coordination and cooperation of players from the different realms of power, while a government is a hierarchical structure of power40. Although ‘good governance’ implies the domination of the economic realm, it is by no means a hierarchical structure of powers in the same way as governments. That is because the market does not possess the same regulatory devices as political players.

Like Gilles Pinson (2003; 2006), Jean-Philippe Leresche (2002) considers these new forms of governance to be systems replacing or completing the ‘traditional’ government model, given the “signs of a growing number of forms of government and players involved in decision-making” 41.

There is, then, a debate between the different researchers interested in the management of cities and territories as to the state’s place in relation to the other two realms of power, and particularly the economic realm. It boils down to an evaluation of the state’s place between government, which Gilles Paquet (2002) defines as the scientific management of society42, and governance, which ‘deinstitutionalises’43 public policies to give more reign to all the players involved.

In more concrete terms, the debate centres on the fact that some of the researchers do not envisage the state giving more freedom to the cities, as they bank on the possibility that the state, through its intermediary levels of government, will compete with the cities, limiting their autonomy. On the other hand, some researchers have noticed the growing number of partnerships between local political players and economic players, which are replacing traditional state regulation mechanisms44.

The growing number of partnerships between the civil realm and the economic realm has led to more numerous hybrid institutions. These foster more harmonious relationships between the

37

Pinson, G. (April 2006). “Projet de ville et gouvernance urbaine. Pluralisation des espaces politiques et recomposition d’une capacité d’action collective dans les villes européennes” [Citiy’s project and urban governance. Pluralization of political spaces and reconstruction of a collective capacity for action in European cities]. Revue française de science politique, volume 56, pp. 619-651. Pinson G. repeats the words of Clarence, S. (1993). “Urban Regimes and the Capacity to Govern: A Political Economy Approach”. Journal of Urban Affairs, 15 (1), pp. 1-28. Translated by myself for the purpose of this dissertation.

38 Op. cit.

39 Baron, C. (February 2003). “La gouvernance : débat autour d’un concept polysémique” [Governance: On a Polysemic Concept]. Droit et société, n°54 [online], pp. 329-349. Available at http://www.reds.mshparis.fr/publications/revue/pdf/ds54/ds054-03.pdf. Accessed March 11, 2016.

40 Op. cit. This difference between governance (coordination / cooperation) and government (hierarchical structure of power) is also shared by Gilles Pinson (2006) and Jean-Philippe Leresche (2002).

41 Leresche, J.-P. (June 2002). “La gouvernance urbaine comme enjeux de durabilité” [Urban governance as a concern for sustainability]. Vues sur la ville, pp. 3-5. Translated by myself for the purpose of this dissertation.

42 Paquet, G. (May 30, 2002). La nouvelle gouvernance, la subsidiarité et l’état stratégique. La gouvernance au è XXI siècle [New governance, subsidiarity and the strategic state. Governance in the XXI century]. OCDE. Paris: Etudes prospectives, pp. 219-247. Paris.

43 ‘Désinstitutionnaliser’ [deinstitutionalises] is used by Jean-Philippe Leresche (2002) in his article.

44 “Gouvernance urbaine” [Urban governance]. Géoconfluences (March 15, 2013) [online]. Available at http://geoconfluences.ens-lyon.fr/glossaire/gouvernance-urbaine. Accessed March 12, 2016.

8

Part I different stakeholders and favour cooperation45. Consequently, co-decision mechanisms are being set up, making the pre-established boundaries between the three realms of power more and more tenuous. This brings us to the second part of Catherine Baron’s definition, namely “the growing porosity between the public and private domains” (p. 329)46.

However, different kinds of cooperation can take different forms depending on the power relations between the stakeholders, including these hybrid institutions. Moreover, the concept of governance can, as we saw before, have a different meaning depending on the country.

Then, there is the issue of the place of the Chinese state, between government and governance, as well as that of the power relations between the players contributing to the hybrid institutions and those contributing to urban projects.

2. China’s economic reforms and the ensuing emergence of new players 2.1.

Transformations of the political realm following China’s economic reforms

At first glance, there seems to be a certain porosity between China’s political and economic realms.

However, on closer examination, this is not the case. The first step to understanding the Chinese context is reviewing the different changes China has experienced since the economic reforms Deng Xiaoping set into motion at the end of 1970s.

Before the reforms, China’s socialist economy was founded on three pillars: the single-party state, the hukou system47 (or household registration system) and state-owned enterprises48. Again, three kinds of powers that are, to a certain extent, reminiscent of those wielded by the three realms described above. The first pillar represents the political realm, the second civil society and the third the economic realm. However, in this case, the three realms were not interdependent, as they were all under the influence of a single managing entity: the party. The political realm thus held sway over the others, through an extremely hierarchized government with many different levels. To refer to Gilles Pinson (2003; 2006), Jean-Philippe Leresche (2002) and Catherine Baron’s (2003) studies again, this corresponds to a model with a powerful government. Fulong Wu (2002), too, defines this system as a regime with a very dominant state, similar to the model of the central and ever present nationstate described by Gilles Paquet (2002)49.

45

Paquet, G. (May 30, 2002). La nouvelle gouvernance, la subsidiarité et l’état stratégique. La gouvernance au è XXI siècle [New governance, subsidiarity and the strategic state. Governance in the XXI century]. OCDE. Paris: Etudes prospectives, pp. 219-247. Paris.

46 Baron, C. (February 2003). “La gouvernance : débat autour d’un concept polysémique” [Governance: On a Polysemic Concept]. Droit et société, n°54 [online], pp. 329-349. Available at http://www.reds.mshparis.fr/publications/revue/pdf/ds54/ds054-03.pdf. Accessed March 11, 2016.

47 Hukou system (户口) is an internal passport which controls the movement of people in the country. It was introduced in 1951 in the cities and in 1955 in the countryside.

48 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

49 Paquet, G. (May 30, 2002). La nouvelle gouvernance, la subsidiarité et l’état stratégique. La gouvernance au è XXI siècle [New governance, subsidiarity and the strategic state. Governance in the XXI century]. OCDE. Paris: Etudes prospectives, pp. 219-247. Paris.

9

Part I Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms transformed the state, which switched its class-struggle policy for one privileging economic development. These reforms aimed to turn the socialist economy into a market economy, and shook the foundations of the central state in various ways.

2.1.1.

A decentralization of powers, leading to the creation of corporate governance

Corporate governance is characterised by the decentralisation of some powers previously belonging to the realm of public policy, to the benefit of lower administrative levels such as the provinces and the cities. Contracts and tax reforms are set up between the central state and the local governments, finalising decentralisation. These contracts and tax reforms are crucial to understanding how the different administrative levels work, as well as their later development choices. Take the Fiscal Contracting System50, ‘包干’ (Bāogān), for instance. It ensures that part of the revenue (fixed sums or fixed rates) collected by the local governments is paid to the central government. In exchange, the local authorities are free to use the remaining money. Consequently, more the local economy flourishes, more the tax income increases, bringing in more money for the local governments to use as they wish.

The central government also introduced a system of competition51 ‘比賽’ (Bǐsài) between the provinces and the cities to assess the performance of political leaders. The main performance indicator is the GDP growth rate, which is compared throughout the different entities. If GDP goes up, the leaders are promoted, but if GDP goes down, they are demoted. This means that to be promoted or to keep their position, local leaders must achieve higher economic growth in their area than the other local leaders, through their efforts and a greater personal participation. Yet another criterion is considered by the central government when it comes to promoting local leaders: their compliance with policies and regulations. Consequently, as Tingwei Zhang (2002) remarks, local leaders tend to achieve the central state’s desires rather than satisfy their city’s actual needs52.

Moreover, decentralisation has led to the reform of foreign trade and the commodification of urban space53, which contributes to the revenues of the local governments. The local governments have also taken over many state-owned enterprises.

Finally, these different entities can implement local laws and regulations54, again to favour economic development. These laws have to be implemented by the law making part of the government and needs the approval of the local People Congress part of it. However, they also must be approved by the National People Congress or a higher People Congress than the one emitting the law before coming into force.

What I call government in this paper is in fact an entity which is the combination of several ones: the government itself with the several bureaus managing the territory, a law-making authority that creates the different laws for the territory and finally a territory level National People Congress in

50

Suzuki, Y. (2015). “Fiscal Relation between the Central and the Local Government in China and the Concepts of “Bao (Contract)” and “Bǐsài (Contest)”: A Contract Theory Analysis of Development Governance”. ICES Working Paper, N°189, pp. 1-35.

51 Op. cit.

52 Zhang, T. (March 2002). “Urban development and socialist pro-growth coalition in Shanghai”. Urban Affairs Review, volume 37, N°4, pp. 475-499.

53 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

54 I will study this type of law in the second part of this dissertation which will focus on Ningbo city.

10

Part I charge of approving the regulations or the way that the government manages its territory. A control bureau for laws from lower entities also exists in those governments.

These reforms consequently allow local governments, entitled to exert the authority they have obtained through decentralisation, to contribute directly to the economy in their area, which they develop to stimulate economic growth. Industrialisation, urban development and economic growth are thus directly linked to the increase of the local government’s revenues and to the promotion of its members.

Then again, the state is still extremely hierarchized. The laws, and other regulations that provincial or sub-provincial governments want to implement can only be promulgated once checked by the central government. If the local government runs a city that is neither provincial nor sub-provincial, not only the central government, but also other governments that are higher up in the hierarchy have to check them before approval. These cities are allowed to plan future urban development projects, define land use and grant planning permission. They can also reinforce urban development control. Under such a system, even the projects initiated by the central government need landplanning permission before they can be funded55.

Three different administrative levels exist within the cities. They are divided into two branches; one for urban areas, which is what we will focus on here, and one for rural areas. First is the city government, then comes the district government. District governments, which were not considered very important during the socialist era, gained power with the economic reforms, especially regarding the organisation of urban development on their land. District governments are also responsible for making sites available and demolishing existing structures, thanks to a contract with the cities. This can cause competition between the districts, which is unproductive when they belong to the same city56. The different competencies obtained by district governments can also cause conflicts of interest between the city government and the district governments57.

The other two levels are the Street Offices and the resident committees. During the socialist era, these were not, strictly speaking, levels of government, but rather district representatives or agents.

Following the reforms, Street Offices have become base-level governments58. Their tasks include offering social services, validating housing plans, clearing land for the purpose of urban revitalisation, controlling construction and issuing occupancy permits and business licences. Although they have always been hierarchically inferior to districts, they are now more autonomous. As for resident committees, they have become social entities managed by the Street Offices. Their goal is to improve city life. Most Street Offices and resident committees are located in provincial cities such as Shanghai or Beijing. They are almost inexistent in smaller, less powerful urban entities.

The expression “government-led but market-oriented operation”59, which refers to China’s economic transition, is thus particularly appropriate here. There is an extremely hierarchized organisation, which fits the model of government described by Gilles Pinson (2003; 2006) and Jean-Philippe Leresche (2002). However, at the same time, these local authorities are becoming “industrial firms”

55

Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

56 This is especially true in Shanghai where district governments have recovered significant administrative powers leading to a fierce competition where each district is looking to have its own business center, several shopping malls… which is not in the city’s interest.

57 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

58 Op. cit., page 1087.

59 Op. cit., page 4.

11

Part I 60

, to use Fulong Wu’s expression. Zhu Qian (2011)61 agrees with his analysis, remarking that the economic transition has transformed the role of local governments, no longer regulators but entrepreneurs. This brings us to the realm-of-power model explained earlier. In a nutshell, China has gone from a system ruled by a powerful government to a hybrid entity composed of a single political realm of power that has considerable economic interests, normally limited to the economic realm.

This shift, which has greatly blurred the boundaries between the political and economic realms, is emphasised by Fulong Wu (2003) and Zhu Qian’s (2011) choice of words when they refer to these entities. “Firm” and “entrepreneur” are both economic concepts. Mayors can thus be considered the CEOs of companies endowed with regulatory powers.

The new contract between central state and local governments is the first step towards the end of the omnipresent central state, with the transferral of some of its powers to local governments that are more capable of meeting the needs of the economic realm. The first seeds of the recommendations made by Gilles Paquet (2002) have thus been sown. However, the place of the citizen, and civil society, is marginalised, which goes against his recommendations. This is because the aim of the reforms carried out so far has mainly been to improve the state’s economic competitiveness.

2.1.2.

The privatization of state-owned enterprises transformation, or the old system in disguise?

–

a

profound

Another consequence of these economic reforms is the privatisation of state-owned enterprises, which have had to adapt to a competitive context. The control of these enterprises, once assigned to the central government, has also changed hands. The state has kept the most strategic of them, for instance those dealing in armament, but has transferred control over the others to the local governments of provinces, cities and districts. It should also be noted that state-owned enterprises have the hierarchical grade of the administrative entity controlling it. Thus a district government cannot impose its viewpoint on a city government’s state-owned enterprise, the latter being higher up in the hierarchy. But nor can a city’s state-owned enterprise impose anything on a district government.

This ‘privatisation’ would not be achieved without suffering. The state’s dismantlement of its economic ordering system, added to the enterprises’ initial lack of competitiveness and difficulty adapting to the new economic context, caused more than half of them to suffer consequent financial losses in the 1990s. They were then on the brink of insolvency. An unprecedented net loss was even registered for the public industrial sector in 199662. Local governments found it increasingly difficult to save the struggling enterprises with subsidies. This led to enterprises merging or closing down.

The ensuing restructuring meant that although enterprises were owned by the local governments, they had to acquire their resources from the market and run their daily management as private enterprises. The governments also implemented a series of measures protecting these enterprises from attempts to intervene directly in their management, characteristic of the old socialist system.

However, these same local governments have become ‘predators’ for the enterprises, as they

60

Wu Fulong takes over “industrial firm” from Walder, A. (September 1995). “Local governments as industrial firms: an organizational analysis of China’s transitional economy”. American Journal of Sociology, volume 101, N° 2, pp. 263-301.

61 Qian, Z. (2011). “Building Hangzhou’s new city center: mega project development and entrepreneurial urban governance in China”. Asian Geographer, volume 28, N°1, pp. 3-19.

62 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

12

Part I consider them ‘money-making machines’63. They also use them as funders and land reserves, as Han Zhang’s study64 of the transformation of Ningbo’s ferry terminal shows.

In his study, Han Zhang describes the different interactions that took place between Ningbo’s government and local state-owned enterprises at the time Ningbo’s Contemporary Art Museum was being built. The project, which was backed by Ningbo’s government, was carried out on the site of an underused ferry terminal. The land then belonged to Ningbo Port Group (NBPG), which, at the request of the government, handed over the title deed for free. NBPG had itself been given the land.

Han Zhang wrote that “The Ningbo Ferry Terminal building, the terminal square and piers were all donated by the NBPG to the Ningbo Municipal Government.”65 During the works, unforeseen events caused the budget to shoot up. Accordingly, Ningbo’s government sold shares issued by the international airport of Ningbo Lishe. The shares belonged to Ningbo Transportation Investment Holding Co. (NBTI), but Ningbo’s government asked the company to transfer the shares over. The proceeds thus obtained financed a considerable amount of the additional cost. Finally, the construction of the project was confided to Ningbo Urban Construction Investment Holding Co., also owned by Ningbo’s government.

It is, however, important to note that Ningbo’s government did not make any direct profits from the project, as it was implemented as part of China’s intercity competition system. This system now requires cities to develop their cultural attractiveness. Indirectly, however, the project caused the value of the surrounding land to increase, creating profit for the government66.

State-owned enterprises are thus enterprises linking the public and private sectors, or rather the government and the market. This does not, however, mean they are a source of cooperation and codecision, as Gilles Paquet (2002) and Catherine Baron (2003) describe in the European context.

Although the enterprises are free to act as the market requires, they are still dependent on the decisions taken by the government that controls them. Han Zhang (2011) shows this in his study, describing the relation as a ‘public-public’ partnership. He believes that the advantage of such a partnership is that there is no private-sector haggling, which British or Australian cities experienced when implementing similar projects67.

State-owned enterprises only experienced a partial change of management following the reforms.

Although planned production, the economic ordering system, direct allocations and provisions of capital from the central government have been abandoned68, these enterprises are still controlled by local governments, which can use them to their advantage. They can also grant them subsidies if their financial losses are too severe. The governments can requisition the land owned by the enterprises, or have their director changed if his or her policy is not in its best interest. All that has really changed has thus been their day-to-day operation.

63

Wu Fulong used the words ‘predatory’ and ‘money-making machine’ when he describes the operation’s change of the state-owned enterprises. Page 1075.

64 Zhang, H. (2011). “Local Corporatism and Culture-oriented Urban Redevelopment: Transforming a Ferry Terminal into an Art Museum in Ningbo, China”. Spaces & Flows: An International Journal of Urban & Extra Urban Studies, Volume 1, N°3, pp. 1-15.

65 Op. cit., page 5.

66 Op. cit.

67 Op. cit.

68 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

13

Part I 2.2.

The emergence of non-state players 2.2.1.

Foreign firms and the establishment of private Chinese companies

The transformation of China’s economic system also graced the economic realm with new non-state players and entities. China’s open door policy ushered in foreign investment, particularly after 197969, when a law enabling joint ventures was promulgated. State-owned enterprises were restructured, allowing partnerships and joint ventures to be set up with foreign firms. To that aim, state-owned enterprises created secondary businesses, whose contracts were, in reality, managed by the private sector70. The foreign investments thus served to develop the private sector, while also injecting foreign capital into the public sector.

This influx of capital was of great interest to local governments, which started competing to attract foreign firms. As foreign firms are not subject to the state’s plan system, they can choose where to establish themselves, unlike state-owned enterprises. To attract them, the local authorities set up special economic zones, lowered corporate taxes, developed infrastructure and offered specific services. The foreign firms choose the site that they consider to reap the most profits. Furthermore, following the monetisation of the land, these firms, which are the main buyers71, have caused baseline prices to be set up for leases. The same applies to service-sector enterprises, which are today those that the local governments are courting the most.

These foreign firms also bring experts and models of entrepreneurial governance into the country, which helps to set up a ‘market mentality’. Market mentality in its turn boosts the establishment of private Chinese firms, which have been steadily increasing. It will also lead to the development of non-governmental organisations specialised in management and business counselling. These organisations are necessary, given that private enterprises run risks that state-owned enterprises do not. They must take responsibility for their losses and profits. However, the local governments will make sure to act in the best interests of the major Chinese or international companies, to the detriment of the weaker ones, as the major companies pay more taxes and could potentially be important investors for urban projects.

2.2.2.

The players of the real-estate sector

The monetisation of the land and the housing reform benefitted the development of the real-estate sector, which is quickly becoming very dynamic. New players have also entered the economic scene: promoters, real-estate agents and developers. Developers are the main investors in urban projects.

As property taxes do not exist, they are taxed when they make a sale, ensuring additional revenues for local governments.

When plots of land are monetised, first the ownership and the right of use are separated72 and then a property-leasing system is set up. These plots, situated in urban zones, belong either to the local

69

Op. cit.

Op. cit.

71 Indeed, each year over 45% of the newly urbanized territories are for industrial use: The World Bank and Development Research Center of the State Council, The People’s Republic of China (2014). China’s Urbanization and Land: A Framework for Reform. Urban China: Toward Efficient, Inclusive, and Sustainable Urbanization.

Washington, DC: World Bank.

72 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

70

14

Part I governments73 (which are here city or district governments) or to state-owned enterprises. The local governments transfer the rights of property use to private-sector promoters through an auction system74, which generates a significant amount of the governments’ annual income – sometimes more than 50%75. It is clear that the private real-estate sector has gained considerable importance, both on a local scale and for local governments.

The new importance of the real-estate sector has its origins in the tax reforms of 1994. These reforms allowed the central state to set up its own tax collection offices throughout China. The central state thus collects 51% of the taxes and only handles 20% of the expenditures. At the same time, local governments collect 49% of taxes and take on 80% of the state’s annual expenditures76.

The launch of vast urban projects, along with land sales and taxes on real-estate companies, offers a substantial gain for local authorities, as property taxes do not exist77. These two purely financial parameters clearly explain the immense urban sprawl that China is currently experiencing. Land leasing fees went from 5.6% of budgetary revenues in 1999 to 56.4% in 2009. At the same time, the proportion of these fees in local expenditures went from 3.9% to 28.1%78. Local governments thus depend, to a certain extent, on private investors and real-estate companies. Real-estate companies provide local governments with a large part of their annual funds, which the governments need to stimulate GDP growth through the bǐsài system and be promoted.

It is crucial for cities’ finances that urban areas develop, which explains the hectic urban sprawl that is rapidly wiping out sizeable agricultural areas. So as not to threaten food security, in 1998, the central government implemented a series of laws that made it more difficult to build on agricultural land. These laws mean that cities cannot grow so easily, and consequently their economic growth is equally limited. Local governments are thus turning to zones that are already built upon. The result can be observed when strolling through Chinese cities: residential areas are destroyed to accommodate new towers, which requires moving and relocating the former residents to give free rein to profitable real-estate projects. It is, then, clear why industrial sites are interesting for the urban development of Chinese cities. If the sites have few or no residents, wealth can be created without upsetting the population through expropriations.

2.2.3.

New players in urban planning

There are two kinds of urban plan in China, the master plan, at the city scale, and the detailed plan, which sets out the development of a neighbourhood, whatever its size. These plans cannot be drawn up by cities’ Urban Planning Bureaus, as their task is to define the technical regulations for the sites, particularly regarding the floor area ratio and urban density.

These Bureaus must consequently call in new players, public or private urban planning agencies, to draw up the plans. Even the public agencies are new players, completely recreated following the reforms at the end of the 1970s. This is because when China severed its ties with the USSR and the

73

Ye, L. and Wu, A. (May 2014). “Urbanization, land development, and land financing: Evidence from Chinese cities”. Journal of Urban Affairs, volume 36, N° S1, pages 1-15.

74 Qian, Z. (2011). “Building Hangzhou’s new city center: mega project development and entrepreneurial urban governance in China”. Asian Geographer, volume 28, N°1, pp. 3-19.

75 Ye, L. and Wu, A. (May 2014). “Urbanization, land development, and land financing: Evidence from Chinese cities”. Journal of Urban Affairs, volume 36, N° S1, pages 1-15.

76 Op. cit.

77 Op. cit.

78 Op. cit., page 5.

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Part I Cultural Revolution during the socialist era, all of the urban planning agencies were dismantled79. It is, however, more difficult for private agencies to take charge of urban plans, as they must first obtain a certificate to gain access to projects. This certificate entitles them to hire ‘high-level planners’80 . Today, more and more private agencies are closing down, as the economic slowdown is reducing the number of urban projects. It does not help that public agencies have a considerable advantage over them.

The prerequisite of hiring ‘high-level planners’ reveals another problem: the lack of training of urban planners. The selection process that confers the title places more value on the training of technocrats that that of conductors81. This has its consequences on resource management, public contribution, the protection of the environment and project implementation, which are urban planners’ main tasks.

International agencies can also take part in these calls for projects, as their participation generates a certain publicity. However, even if they win the project, their planning ideas are mixed with others, because the administrative committee in charge of the project is tasked with drawing up the final plans. Moreover, these foreign agencies do not generally take local conditions into account. Their only role is thus to offer a new vision.

On top of that, there are still many problems with urban planning. The authorities often blame urban planners for delays and mediocre plans, whereas planners are concerned because of the uncertainties linked to planning82.

3. Cooperation is needed to manage the unpredictable The changes that have taken place in China since the end of the 1970s have transformed the role of the state. Whereas it once had total control, it now shares power with other players. This transition has given rise to a certain interdependence between a dominant political realm and an increasingly developed economic realm. As the reforms also resulted in a greater number of players, there are naturally various viewpoints and interests, which must be reconciled before a common project can be achieved. All of these different interests must be taken into account for the project to go ahead.

Here, the word ‘project’ refers to urban projects, which Gilles Pinson (2006) defines as “des opérations de régénération urbaine visant à requalifier des ‘morceaux’ de ville […], à valoriser les qualités particulières des lieux (présence de l’eau, patrimoine architectural, friches industrielles) et à doter la ville d’équipements de prestige lui permettant de se positionner favorablement dans la compétition interurbaine” 83 [urban revitalisation ventures intended to redefine parts of the city […], to valorise the specific qualities of each site (presence of water, architectural heritage, industrial

79

Wei, Y. D. (2005). « Planning Chinese Cities: The limits of transitional institutions”. Urban Geography, volume 26, N°3, pp. 200-221.

80 This title is awared by the authorities after a selection that is debatable, this one focusing more on the quantity of article published rather than on the quality of projects. Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication. April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

81 Wei, Y. D. (2005). « Planning Chinese Cities: The limits of transitional institutions”. Urban Geography, volume 26, N°3, pp. 200-221.

82 Op. cit.

83 Pinson, G. (April 2006). “Projet de ville et gouvernance urbaine. Pluralisation des espaces politiques et recomposition d’une capacité d’action collective dans les villes européennes” [Citiy’s project and urban governance. Pluralization of political spaces and reconstruction of a collective capacity for action in European cities]. Revue française de science politique, volume 56, pp. 619-651.

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Part I wastelands) and to equip the city with high-quality facilities, so it ranks well in the intercity competition.] (p.620).

All of these changes have caused the resources required for decision-making to be dispersed. China’s opening to the market and the fact that these resources (financial, political, expertise or knowledgebased) are no longer controlled by one sole actor have been the cause of uncertainties in designing and carrying out urban projects. These uncertainties are described by Gilles Pinson (2006) as unpredictable events against which players cannot protect themselves. In fact, players can only vanquish them if they all orchestrate collective responses and pool their resources; in other words, if they cooperate.

3.1.

A risk assessment faced with various uncertainties

There are three kinds of uncertainties in an urban project: those linked to the context in which the project develops, those regarding the quantity and availability of the necessary resources and finally those regarding goal-setting.

3.1.1.

The uncertainties linked to the context of the project

This kind of uncertainty comes from a partial and incomplete knowledge of the project’s context, whether this knowledge is economic or environmental. Players often tackle urban projects with a limited knowledge of the site, which gives free rein to the unpredictable. The unpredictable mainly stems from the attempt to develop the project within the mechanisms of the real-estate market, which evolves in unforeseeable ways that the cities cannot control84.

In China, unlike Europe, all building sites belong to the state. This should, in theory, remove the problem of their purchase, although there are still uncertainties regarding property costs. In practice, though, it can still be a problem to purchase sites locally, as the property can belong to a private owner if the lease is still running, or to a state-owned enterprise. In both cases, the local government has to negotiate with the owners of the site to acquire it. It is thus difficult to anticipate costs in advance, particularly the costs of the real estate, which in turn makes it difficult to set a time frame.

The property cost depends on the price of the lease, and the price it fetches at auction. Even then, owning the sites does not solve the problem of the unpredictable nature of the mechanisms of the real-estate market, or that of the evolution of the cost of the sites. These problems also arise in the sales of land-use rights, which are crucial for the Chinese cities that rely on them for their funds.

The value of the site thus depends on different aspects of its environment, which can rapidly evolve and affect costs while the project is being carried out. The location of the site is extremely important.

The chosen city, but also the distance from the city centre, neighbouring dwellings or built areas have a considerable impact on the price. Moreover, Arnaud Macquat (2006) observes that the use of the site and its surroundings at the beginning of the project conditions the decisions and precautions taken during the project85. Knowledge of potential projects in the site’s neighbourhood and in the city is equally important, as the value of the site and the available resources can increase or decrease accordingly. For Lin Chuan Han (2011), the surface area of the site also plays its part, although it is

84

Op. cit.

Macquat, A. (May 2006). Processus de réhabilitation des friches industrielles. Cinq cas de friches industrielles dans la ville de Delémont [Brownfield reuse. Five cases of brownfields in the city of Delemont]. Master’s thesis under the supervision of Crevoisier, O. Neuchatel University.

85

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Part I not an essential criterion, because a greater surface area will be more profitable more quickly to the government or the investors86.

For occupied and built sites, there are the additional costs of relocating the inhabitants and demolishing the buildings. These costs are more easily managed if there is a large population and the city is attractive. Lin Ye and Alfred Wu (2014) show in their study that in China, the value of building sites and the profitability of an urban project are tied to the number of inhabitants living in the city.

Aggressive urbanisation generates significant revenues, guaranteeing the promotion of the city’s leaders through the bǐsài system. A city’s population and economic activity are thus further factors to take into account. The state grants wealthy, populated cities a status that allows them more flexible policies and consequently easier access to building sites. On the contrary, Handerson J. Vernon (2009) observes that smaller cities are greatly disfavoured, which limits their expansion and their economic growth87.

Industrial sites present other uncertainties to consider. In Europe, the most serious is soil pollution, because if the pollution levels are ill- or unknown, or if the authorities partly conceal them, the additional soil remediation costs cannot be evaluated correctly88. This risk can cause players or investors to withdraw their support and their funding.

In China, pollution is only taken into account if the factories on the site are considered polluting89.

That is because in China, there is no standard system for assessing soil pollution, as both the existing systems are for rural areas or active industrial zones. Kang Cao and Hua Gan’s (2007) study classes industrial sites into three categories: very polluted, quite polluted or slightly polluted. A site is not classified, as in Europe, through its analysis and that of its level of pollution, but according to the type of factory. Heavy industry is considered very polluting, food-processing or pharmaceutical industries quite polluting and warehouses and high-tech or cottage industries only slightly polluting. This arbitrary classification, which is applied without analysing the site, shows how little the Chinese authorities worry about this particular problem. This classification does, however, allow investors to easily anticipate the need of such an investment.

Investing in such sites implies a considerable financial risk that investors are not always willing to take. However, such investments have become profitable because of the laws implemented to protect rural zones90, which limit building opportunities on virgin land. Kang Cao and Hua Gan (2007) also state that financial incentives from the authorities, lower property taxes, for instance, could greatly improve the site’s attractiveness in the eyes of potential investors. The same result could be achieved by local governments or the central government setting up special regulations, which would

86

Lin (Chuan Hua), Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine, thèse sous la direction de Tsionis (Yannis), Université Paris-Est, soutenue en mai 2011.

87 Henderson, J. V. (November 14, 2009) “Urbanization in China: Policy Issues and Options”. Department of Economics. Brown University. Providence.

88 Juster, B., Charlue, A., Delalande, C. and Nathalie Brocq, N. (January 5, 2012), “Reconversion des friches industrielles : quels enjeux ? ” [Brownfield redevelopment : what challenge ?].

Program for Solution Durable.tv– Caisse des Dépôts [online].

Available at http://www.caissedesdepots.fr/mediatheque/videos/solutionsdurablestv/reconversion-des-frichesindustrielles-quels-enjeux.html. Accessed December 10, 2014.

89 Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

90 Zhang, T. (March 2002). “Urban development and socialist pro-growth coalition in Shanghai”. Urban Affairs Review, volume 37, N°4, pp. 475-499. The first laws implemented to protect rural areas are from 1998. They have been strengthened since, particularly in 2004 with the “On Deepening Reform and Strengthening Land Administration” from the State Council.

18

Part I help investors. An example of special regulation is the tax incentives that were implemented in major cities like Shanghai or Guangzhou during the 1990s to accelerate reuse91. Today, they are becoming increasingly rare, as they interfere with the sale of leases at auction.

These sites can also accommodate buildings that give the city its own, unique identity, enhancing its attractiveness. Yao Yanbin (2014) thus points out that historical cities and cities keen to develop tourism will want to preserve some of their history with that perspective. That does, however, give rise to uncertainties as to the reuse of the built land: its cost and whether or not it is classified will have an impact on the price of the lease. Its classification can also mean a restriction of possible uses92, which can cause investors’ interest to wane.

3.1.2.

Instability of the resource stock

Several factors can thus attract or repel investors during the project. A certain amount of knowledge is required to try to anticipate the available financial resources. Availability can be a problem because, following the reforms, the state no longer controls all of the financial resources. The new groups of players created by the reforms can make use of these resources. These are, however, increasingly dispersed.

Projects are carried out in the medium to long term, which implies that the available stock of resources will evolve, whether they are financial or political. The same goes for expertise. Two scenarios can then play out. Either the resources can be lost, through the withdrawal of those that were not used within a certain time limit, or increased, due to additional funding or a favourable evolution in the market. Consequently, the players involved in urban projects must regularly discuss the decisions to be taken. If acting on a decision could be possible at one point in time, it may not necessarily be possible at another. Decisions must consequently be taken immediately after checking the resource stock.

Thus, the context of the project can evolve during planning, requiring either more or fewer resources. However, players must be aware of these changes and keep up with them. They can do so by consulting new players capable of providing their expertise to determine whether the project is still viable in its current form. This knowledge depends on the necessary information being made available, as a lack of information, regarding, for instance, a site’s pollution levels, can bring some players to withdraw93. Expertise, and consequently the knowledge of the project’s context, are imperative to determine the resources needed to carry out the project.

The evolutions of the real-estate market and those of the financial resource stock are difficult to anticipate. To demonstrate this, I can only base myself on the market trends, which can change in a very short period of time. For example, China’s economy is currently slowing down significantly after a long period of sustained growth. Furthermore, since 2014, real-estate sales have plummeted94.

China’s frenzied urbanisation, encouraged by local governments, has also led to localised property

91

Henderson, J. V. (November 14, 2009) “Urbanization in China: Policy Issues and Options”. Department of Economics. Brown University. Providence.

92 Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

93 Macquat, A. (May 2006). Processus de réhabilitation des friches industrielles. Cinq cas de friches industrielles dans la ville de Delémont [Brownfield reuse. Five cases of brownfields in the city of Delemont]. Master’s thesis under the supervision of Crevoisier, O. Neuchatel University.

94 Okoshi, M. (March 19, 2016). “Investment surge puts froth back in China’s largest housing markets”. Nikkei Asian Review [online]. Available at http://asia.nikkei.com/Politics-Economy/Economy/Investment-surge-putsfroth-back-in-China-s-largest-housing-markets. Accessed March 19, 2016.

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Part I bubbles, which are today concentrated in the most dynamic, populated cities95. The stock market bubble burst during summer 2015, after speculation developed through borrowed funds, turning investment to the residential real-estate market.

This situation has led the governments of China’s main cities to consult experts about the status of the market in their jurisdictions. This highlights the uncertainty linked to the resource stock, which is making the real-estate market increasingly precarious. It also shows how important expertise and specialised knowledge of the context of the project are for decision-making. Such expertise is vital for these cities, which are aware that property bubbles can cause considerable losses in revenue, as they discourage projects. After this affair, China’s central bank restricted property loans in large cities, but made them more attractive in medium cities96. This measure could affect many projects, which shows the effect a change in regulations can have.

Resource stocks also vary according to the market and regulation changes, which are both difficult to predict. The regulations on property loans, for instance, were changed to adapt them to the market.

Furthermore, China’s economic reforms have been gradual and do not follow a precise, preestablished plan97. They are mainly adjustments that come into play when there are problems to solve. This is another potential uncertainty that players need to be aware of and make known.

Regulation changes can also concern the creation of new kinds of urban master plans. In 2005, for instance, it became compulsory for all of China’s historical cities to implement master plans regarding the conservation of their heritage98. This was a considerable demand, issued by the central state to implement measures that would help to identify and preserve heritage99 throughout the country. Once again, expertise is needed to determine what must be preserved and the condition and state of the designated heritage. It conditions whether or not investors will contribute.

The authorities’ involvement in urban projects is consequently crucial. They can change regulations to favour the development of a project and set up a supportive policy, such as lower taxes.

Furthermore, they are involved in promoting the project so it attracts the attention of potential investors. Promoting projects is naturally very important in China, given the profits local leaders can reap. As Zhu Qian (2011) explains, there are several ways to support a project. The aim is to guarantee and increase the financial resource stock. This decided involvement of the political authorities can, however, have negative effects if it leads to the interests of one or more investors being neglected and their subsequent withdrawal. This causes the financial resource stock to decrease.

3.1.3.

The variable nature of project goals

The lack of knowledge concerning the resource stock and the context of the project generates uncertainties when setting its guidelines and goals; two phases that are crucial for the different players to act coherently. However, the potential evolutions of the resource stock and the project’s context can call the project’s goals into question, meaning they are regularly reviewed.

95

Op. cit.

96

Op. cit.

97 Wei, Y. D. (2005). « Planning Chinese Cities: The limits of transitional institutions”. Urban Geography, volume 26, N°3, pp. 200-221.

98 Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

99 Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

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Part I As Gilles Pinson (2006) pertinently remarked, “Comment bien décider dès lors que l’on n’a pas, dès le départ, toutes les cartes en main ? Comment fixer des orientations capables de donner une cohérence à l’action d’une pluralité d’acteurs tout en sachant que ces orientations peuvent être remises en cause par l’évolution du contexte et du stock des ressources disponibles ?” [How can you make the correct decisions when, from the beginning, you don’t hold all the cards? How can you set guidelines that will give a coherency to the action of multiple players when you know those guidelines could be called into question by the evolution of the project’s current context and the available resource stock?] (p. 637).

The choices that each player makes during the project must consequently be flexible, so as to quickly adapt to changes. Projects constantly evolve. Excessively inflexible goals or plans lead to a lack of consensus among the players and a project that is inadaptable to new conditions and resources. The project must then go back to the drawing board. On the other hand, flexible goals and planning make it possible to constantly choose new ways to allocate the resources. The goals should also meet the needs of both the site and the city, which implies thinking about the role of the project on a small scale and a larger scale. The result of this reflection must consequently be expressed and represented on both scales in the planning documents. These should also be designed as a basis for dialogue, rather than tools to regulate land-use and planning permission. In other words, this means privileging what Gilles Pinson (2006) calls “project development”, which is more qualitative, rather than “plan development”, which is more quantitative.

According to Zhu Qian (2011), China’s institutional transition has resulted in the coexistence of two kinds of planning: a qualitative planning linked to attractiveness, and a quantitative and regulatory planning linked to the former socialist system. Cities are thus tasked on one hand with providing building areas, which are assigned one precise use that can only be changed with difficulty, and on the other with promoting a new image, so as to rank highly in the intercity competition. The search for a new, internationally recognised image has resulted in impressive facilities being installed and infrastructure or entire neighbourhoods being built, so as to give the city international prominence100 and attract exterior resources.

However, according to Denis Wei (2005), the rapid growth of Chinese cities has not followed any real plan. Although there have been plans, they have very quickly become obsolete due to frequent, unexpected changes in regulation. They have certainly not been able to efficiently guide urban development because of a lack of knowledge of the context and the real needs. Another explanation Denis Wei gives for this apparently unplanned growth is that each time a new political leader takes the helm of a city, new projects are launched without looking into, assessing or taking into account the existing master plan. The result is that, fairly frequently, before a plan has even reached its term, changes in leadership force urban planners to start a new one. The planning and goal-setting system is thus far too rigid in China, and generates considerable uncertainty as to the project’s completion.

This lack of information regarding the context, and the fact the population and the traffic are not correctly accounted for, results in last-minute measures. These can, in turn, lead to the development of zones that did not feature in the master plan101. Furthermore, the authorities’ quest for economic growth, added to an inadequate institutional framework, has led to the loss of vast agricultural areas and important historical sites, which is harmful to the city’s identity. This is further compounded by

100

Pinson, G. (April 2006). “Projet de ville et gouvernance urbaine. Pluralisation des espaces politiques et recomposition d’une capacité d’action collective dans les villes européennes” [Citiy’s project and urban governance. Pluralization of political spaces and reconstruction of a collective capacity for action in European cities]. Revue française de science politique, volume 56, pp. 619-651.

101 Wei, Y. D. (2005). « Planning Chinese Cities: The limits of transitional institutions”. Urban Geography, volume 26, N°3, pp. 200-221.

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Part I the governments’ complex hierarchy and the bǐsài system, which discourages mayors from taking decisions, affecting the city planning. The system also deters coordination between the different governmental departments and entities and makes political players blind to public interest, which is crucial to define actual needs and therefore to market the finalised project.

To conclude, an urban project’s goals must be clearly defined and framed within the city’s global goals. Their definition must be based on an in-depth, expert knowledge of the site and its context, so that all the potentially damaging factors can be considered. This knowledge must then be made easily accessible and shared with the different players involved, to give them an idea of the investment needed. At the same time, each of their interests must be considered and contained in the goals so that no resources are lost while the project is being carried out. Achieving all these considerations requires cooperation between the players, whose goal must be to reach a consensus.

3.2.

Cooperation between the players can overcome these various obstacles

The proliferation of players following China’s economic transition has caused the dispersion of the resources needed to carry out projects, creating a certain interdependence between the different players. They must thus pool their resources to accomplish the project, which is only possible if common goals are set through discussion and negotiations. In China, these discussions are often organised separately, between the local authorities on the one hand and each of the different players on the other hand. There are no discussions uniting all of the players. Furthermore, to be effective, cooperation requires a common interpretation, which can be achieved through harmonising language and employing cognitive routinization, as the different players must understand one another102.

The role of the political realm is important in these projects, as it creates spaces where exchanges and discussions can take place while spreading knowledge and revealing choices. For urban projects, the role of the political realm is to ensure that the end-goal is achieved and that the project is accomplished through specific operations, not masked by procedural and technical considerations or opportunistic calculations103. This last point is particularly interesting. Local governments must ensure the economic growth of their city. Economic growth occurs through an urban development that generates profits and requires a relationship of trust between government and investor104.

Moreover, the institutional innovations have allowed local governments to profit from the commodification of the economy so as to develop their resource-mobilising capacities and enhance the city’s competitiveness. Local governments also have an entrepreneurial commitment to the market, which allows them to raise capital. This capital can relieve a potential lack of resources.

Han Zhuang (2011) remarks that there are two kinds of urban venture in China. The first, which is more common by far, is intended to make as much profit as possible and foster consumption. The second gathers non-profit or only slightly profitable projects that aim to provide their city with a unique identity and make it remarkable. On one hand, there is a model mainly concerning the private

102

Paquet, G. (May 30, 2002). La nouvelle gouvernance, la subsidiarité et l’état stratégique. La gouvernance au XXIè siècle [New governance, subsidiarity and the strategic state. Governance in the XXI century]. OCDE. Paris: Etudes prospectives, pp. 219-247. Paris.

103 Pinson, G. (April 2006). “Projet de ville et gouvernance urbaine. Pluralisation des espaces politiques et recomposition d’une capacité d’action collective dans les villes européennes” [Citiy’s project and urban governance. Pluralization of political spaces and reconstruction of a collective capacity for action in European cities]. Revue française de science politique, volume 56, pp. 619-651.

104 Qian, Z. (2011). “Building Hangzhou’s new city center: mega project development and entrepreneurial urban governance in China”. Asian Geographer, volume 28, N°1, pp. 3-19.

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Part I sector, in which the authorities facilitate investment by providing the requisite infrastructure, and on the other, a model where the authorities directly play the role of investors by instigating and financing the project. However, these models involve different kinds of cooperation and interactions between players depending on the project considered.

3.2.1.

Associations pertaining to the preparation of master plans

To resolve uncertainties regarding the project’s context and goals, different kinds of cooperation need to be set up during the formulation of the master plans. City governments’ desire to stand out in the intercity competition can bring them to take innovative action105.

A city government can thus agree to an urban planning agency’s request to draw up a new master plan, a new conservation plan or even a new detailed plan. Requests to devise new detailed plans are less frequent, however, as they are usually submitted when the problems encountered by urban planners cannot be solved with a conservation plan. Detailed plans can also be needed if the problems encountered at this scale appear on other sites in the city106. The agency’s role will then be to produce a document that will not only help solve these problems, but also promote the city government’s political ambitions. Nowadays in China, urban planning expresses political struggles and demonstrations107. Consequently the agency can suggest adding new sectors while revising a master plan or a conservation plan. In this case, its recommendations and a plan illustrating them, drawn to the scale of the site, must be joined to its report108.

To carry out its plan, the agency first holds discussions with the city’s urban planning bureau, so as to obtain the different contextual data. Next, it initiates a series of field investigations, carried out by its personnel. After this first phase, the agency enters into discussions with the city government and the central government department responsible for the approval of master plans. The aim is to gather information on the specificity of the local regulations, and the latest legal changes that are either ongoing or under consideration. The information thus obtained provides the agency with the knowledge required to ensure the plan’s validation. Simultaneously, teams pursue field investigations so as to take into account the evolution of the context of the project and more precisely identify local specificities.

However, the city government can also appoint other experts and ask them for a second opinion.

Their task is to examine the investigations and master plan carried out by the urban planning agency that initially made the offer. The urban planning specialists of one or more academic organisations then give this second opinion to the city government – and only the city government. There is no exchange between the different groups of experts commissioned, or between those experts and the initial urban planning agency, as each of these groups takes part in separate discussions with the authorities. This lack of communication is damaging and can prevent the urban planning agency from having a clear vision of the goals of the project – all because it lacks information that another player

105

Op. cit.

Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

107 Wei, Y. D. (2005). « Planning Chinese Cities: The limits of transitional institutions”. Urban Geography, volume 26, N°3, pp. 200-221.

108 Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

106

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Part I has. It can also encourage the city government to change the master plan by adding different ideas suggested by these other experts. Their changes are carried out at the end of the process, without consulting the agency in charge of the plan’s implementation.

The city government’s changes of opinion and the potential disagreements between the district and the city governments are rooted in the auction system, the tax-contract system and the intercitycompetition system, which all stem from the decentralisation of power. Thus, the city government’s stance can change regularly, on one hand because of the central government’s demands, and on the other because it seeks profit. District governments must bear the demands made by the city government while also seeking to make profit109. A disagreement can consequently occur when the district government’s interests differ from those of the city government. In this case, the city government, which is higher up in the hierarchy, can put an end to the debate and impose its own point of view. The state’s complex hierarchy does not allow for the different levels of government to hold a discussion as equals, which prevents both parties’ goals from being combined in a consensus.

The same remark can be made concerning the way cooperation is managed between the city government, the urban planning agency and the experts. The lack of communication between them can make it difficult to set goals. This situation can partly be explained by the authorities’ fear of losing control of the discussions or of being challenged110.

3.2.2.

The collaboration involved in urban projects promoted by city governments

The monetisation of the land has thus favoured the emergence of vast urban projects, which require the public entities to work with the real-estate sector. Cooperation is guaranteed by administrative committees for land planning, which are established once the site’s regulatory plan has been drawn up and a detailed plan selected, through a competition, by city planners and politicians. These competitions are generally open to international agencies, which is a first opportunity to advertise the project. The selection of the plan is determined not by qualitative criteria, but by quantitative criteria, including an estimate of the profits the project will yield111. It is also frequent that the final plan combines the ideas of the three finalists112.

Administrative committees for land planning gain the land-use rights of a development zone approved by the central state, and the powers to manage it. These rights and powers ensure their financing, thanks to the price differential between the lease premium and the benchmark price of the site, and the fact they collect part of the infrastructural fees linked to development. For some infrastructure or specific sites, naming can be another way to finance committees113.

The rights and powers granted these committees mainly allow them to play their role, which is to attract potential investors and negotiate with them while ensuring the project is promoted at a national and international scale. These rights and powers also offer the committees the opportunity to offer tax incitements and arrangements. They can even accelerate administrative procedures, such as granting planning permission, or simplify them if investments are particularly significant. In some

109

Op. cit.

Enserink, B. and Koppenjan, J. (2007). “Public participation in China : sustainaible urbanization and governance”. Management of Environmental Quality: An International Journal, volume 18, N°4, pp. 459-474.

111 Wei, Y. D. (2005). « Planning Chinese Cities: The limits of transitional institutions”. Urban Geography, volume 26, N°3, pp. 200-221.

112 Op. cit.

113 Qian, Z. (2011). “Building Hangzhou’s new city center: mega project development and entrepreneurial urban governance in China”. Asian Geographer, volume 28, N°1, pp. 3-19.

110

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Part I cases, negotiations can result in a request that requires a more competent body. The committees will then introduce the investor to the local authorities. In addition to their main task, the committees ensure that the project’s time frame is respected. To do so, they offer certain privileges to the companies that carry out the project within the time frame. These privileges include financial incentives and the promotion of the firm in the local media.

In the case of a lesser urban project, this role and the requisite powers are entrusted to the city’s urban planning bureau114.

All in all, these committees established by city governments are an effective tool for managing financial resources. They offer economic players a space for exchange that satisfies their needs.

These committees also show how involved the public authorities are in projects, allowing supportive policies to be implemented, promoting the projects and simplifying procedures. However, with the state’s complex hierarchy and the inflexibility of master plans, these committees can have the opposite effect. For example, a city government could look into establishing several public enterprises to show its support for a vast urban project115, but public investors will be the first to choose their site, which limits the number of choices for private investors. The limited choice and the possibility that the remaining sites would not satisfy private investors’ needs can cause them to withdraw from the project, and with them, their financial resources.

Furthermore, when a serious disagreement arises between one of the players and the committee tasked with developing the site, the player can circumvent the problem by going straight to the city government. If they are investing a large sum, the city government can side with the investor and force the committee, its inferior, to apply its decision. These disagreements generally occur when an investor wishes to change the urban density of their site, thus potentially increasing their profits. If their request is approved by the city government, the regulatory plan is changed. This is because master plans are so inflexible. The city’s urban planning bureau thus draws up a new regulatory plan, but as bureaus do not have the competence to prepare a detailed plan, they have to organise another competition to create a new project that complies with the new regulations116.

Consequently, all of these procedures delay the completion of the project, in a way that can be harmful if it causes investors to withdraw. However, the urban planning bureau sometimes refuses to change the regulatory plan so that the project is completed within the initial time frame. If the city government notices that the urban planning bureau refused to follow its order, the director of the bureau is forced to resign. He or she is then judged117. The sentence is severe, as the director is charged with causing a major investor to withdraw and the city to lose competitiveness and prestige in the eyes of economic players.

Finally, there are also rarer cases of public-public cooperation between the city government and state-owned enterprises. The hierarchical relationship is extremely important here. If enterprises are controlled by the city government, they must give in to its demands. At the same time, they can, in some conditions, call on the private sector to set up a partnership – for instance, if they exceed their

114

Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

115

Qian, Z. (2011). “Building Hangzhou’s new city center: mega project development and entrepreneurial urban governance in China”. Asian Geographer, volume 28, N°1, pp. 3-19.

116 117

Op. cit.

Op. cit.

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Part I budget118. However, this is impossible for a non-profit project, as is the case in Han Zhang’s (2011) study of the transformation of Ningbo’s ferry terminal. The goal of that project was to create a cultural identity to develop tourism. The state-owned enterprises involved in the project all had an interest in its completion, whether for the development of tourism, the opportunity of ceding an abandoned site that incurred maintenance costs or getting a contract. Let it be noted, however, that such a project also requires the establishment of an administrative committee tasked with developing the site. Another type of committee can facilitate public-public cooperation: administrative and supervisory committees, which monitor the city’s assets and gather all of the state-owned enterprises controlled by the city government. Such a committee makes it easier to organise cooperation.

3.2.3.

The partnerships involved in urban projects initiated by state-owned enterprises

China’s institutional and economic reforms have made it possible for state-owned enterprises to reap additional profits by reallocating abandoned or disused sites. Furthermore, those directly controlled by the central government are not accountable to city governments. The anarchic changes of land use have, however, led to institutional reforms allowing city governments to impose a land use that complies with the master plan, whatever the enterprise’s status119. These reforms have brought the enterprises to seek various ways of bypassing regulations to reach their goals.

State-owned enterprises thus set up different leasing systems for their properties, which can either be industrial or residential. It has become frequent for factories to move outside cities and users to exchange properties. In addition, land use, although necessarily industrial, is not always determined by the type of enterprise: mills can give way to steelworks, for example. This system means that there are several methods players can adopt to collaborate and valorise the sites120.

The first of these methods appeared in the 1980s, originally taking the form of artists’ squats121.

Although the squats were initially claimed spontaneously, they were quickly acquired by state-owned enterprises. These rented the squats at very low prices, which made them very attractive. Over time, creative neighbourhoods that featured artists’ workshops also attracted design studios, architects’ firms, bars and restaurants. The owners of these businesses chose such neighbourhoods to maximise their profits, which was possible because the workshops were included in urban master plans as creative industries. This was granted because of the significant revenues generated by all these businesses, as well as the fact they put the city on the map. These squats were consequently the reason local authorities started to take interest in industrial heritage, as Yao Yanbin (2014) shows.

From a legal viewpoint, the constant use of the ‘creative industry’ label is necessary and allows entrepreneurs a legal sleight of hand through the law of the ‘three constants’122. It can be summarised as follows: if neither the use of the plot nor the original condition of the buildings change, the lease can generate profits for the entrepreneur. As long as these two conditions are met, he or she keeps the property. As a bonus, the entrepreneur is allowed to keep the ‘industry’ label, as

118

Zhang, H. (2011). “Local Corporatism and Culture-oriented Urban Redevelopment: Transforming a Ferry Terminal into an Art Museum in Ningbo, China”. Spaces & Flows: An International Journal of Urban & Extra Urban Studies, Volume 1, N°3, pp. 1-15.

119 Wu, F. (June 2002). “China’s Changing Urban Governance in the Transition Towards a More Market-oriented Economy”. Urban Studies, volume 39, n°7, pp. 1071-1093.

120 Op. cit.

121 Yao (Yanbin). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China, thèse sous la direction de Trisciuoglio (Marco), Ecole polytechnique de Turin, soutenue en mars 2014.

122 Op. cit.

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Part I long as the business is established on land classified as ‘industrial’. If these conditions are fulfilled, the interested parties and the entrepreneur sign a contract for two to twenty years, in which the rent can be negotiated by both parties123.

Yao Yanbin (2014) does, however, remark that creative industries are increasingly giving way to diversified ventures such as offices, hotels or even urban projects aiming to preserve industrial features. This model has become possible through a new cooperation system: the project is orchestrated by a developer who is assisted by the city government. This new system emerged after the potential of these urban sites was discovered, and involves three players: the state-owned enterprise, the developer and the city government, which plays the role of mediator between the other two players. Each player has an interest in cooperating. The state-owned enterprise reaps considerable profits and valorises its land resource, the developer profits from his or her investment by managing the project once it is complete and the city government is motivated by the taxes it collects124.

However, this kind of cooperation is only possible if the site is in an urban zone, because otherwise, economic players are not interested. When areas controlled by state-owned businesses cannot satisfy urban needs, informal spaces such as ‘villages’ of migrants coming from within the country are created. These “villages” play host to companies that produce low-cost clothing, which sustain them despite the action taken against them by the state125, and give the companies a source of income.

3.2.4.

Chinese governance: a hybrid system between governance and government

Ultimately, Chinese governance plays a crucial role in the decision-making process of urban projects.

Chinese governance owes its emergence to the economic reforms implemented since the end of the 1970s. However, the transition is still incomplete, leading to a powerful government coexisting with a governance system dominated by economic interests.

The same period has witnessed the emergence of new players and growing interdependence between the political and economic realms. Each realm depends on the other for its economic growth and the increase of its revenues. Moreover, urban projects are local governments’ main source of income. These two remarks are essential to understanding the fast urban development of Chinese cities, insofar as the decentralisation of the state has given rise to the tax contract system and the establishment of a competitive system conditioning politicians’ careers. In other words, it has turned local governments into businesses. In addition to this, the state’s complex hierarchy forces politicians to achieve fast results which are not always conclusive in the long run, because they can go against public interest and projects that could genuinely help to develop the city.

With this entrepreneurial mindset, local governments focus on investments and economic developments that are founded on speculation, rather than the improvement of living conditions.

This has led to property bubbles, threatening the future revenues of the governments. Moreover, as market economy and planned economy coexist within these local governments, they have a double identity, which blurs the boundaries between public and private, official and unofficial126. The goal of

123

Op. cit.

Op. cit.

125 Baron, C. (February 2003). “La gouvernance : débat autour d’un concept polysémique” [Governance: On a Polysemic Concept]. Droit et société, n°54 [online], pp. 329-349. Available at http://www.reds.mshparis.fr/publications/revue/pdf/ds54/ds054-03.pdf. Accessed March 11, 2016.

126 Qian (Zhu), « Building Hangzhou’s new city center: mega project development and entrepreneurial urban governance in China », Asian Geographer, volume 28, N°1, pages 3 à 19, 2011.

124

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Part I vast urban projects is to improve and change the city’s image for investors by improving the infrastructure and offering public spaces. Official political goals are thus fulfilled while ensuring that the city’s leaders are promoted127.

The domination of the political realm in negotiations and cooperation enables local governments to impose their viewpoint, even if it goes against the interests of the other players. The extensive hierarchy and considerable power of the Chinese state consequently make it difficult to set goals for an urban project and hold discussions between each of its contributors. The only discussions are held separately between each contributor and the local government. This means there can be no optimal management of the uncertainties unveiled during the project, so sometimes, contributors withdraw and the resource stock dwindles. Furthermore, the rigidity of the system can bring some players to circumvent or flout the institutional framework to attain expected or desired goals.

The reuse of industrial sites can thus enable city governments to achieve their goals. However, reuse projects can require aid from city governments if they are to succeed. They are, then, conditioned by the vision and opinion that the local governments have of reuse. The implementation of regulations aiming to promote the city’s heritage and laws aiming to protect rural zones is a good reason to favour reuse. Reuse also brought about the ‘cultural industries’ that cities are nowadays striving to develop so as to promote their competitiveness, following the example set by Beijing and Shanghai.

The development of cultural industries also enables state-owned enterprises to valorise sites that they have no use for.

These sites can also feature buildings that offer cities a unique identity. This identity and the commitment to limiting urban sprawl through the reuse of former industrial sites can offer cities a positive image that enhances its attractiveness and its competitiveness. Yao Yanbin (2014) accordingly points out that both historical cities and cities attempting to develop their tourism will wish to preserve part of their history. However, for his remark to count in this case, the city’s recent history must be considered. Furthermore, these ventures can give rise to uncertainties as to the reuse of the buildings and how much it will cost. Indeed, if the existing buildings are considered ‘cultural relics’, their reuse will be more restrictive, which will have an impact on the price of the lease and of the project in general. It can also mean a restriction of their possible uses128, which may in turn limit investors’ interest in the project.

127

Op. cit.

Yao (Yanbin). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China, thèse sous la direction de Trisciuoglio (Marco), Ecole polytechnique de Turin, soutenue en mars 2014.

128

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Part II – Ningbo and its recent interest in the reuse of industrial sites.

In the previous part, I presented local governments’ crucial role in project decision-making. I also established that Chinese governance is very much dominated by economic interests, in a system in which the different levels of government are still extremely hierarchized. Local governments are thus free to decide upon the guidelines and strategies they need to develop their territory, which mainly focus on its urban development, one of their main sources of income. I further determined that these industrial sites seem to be a way for cities to fulfil their goals, particularly as far as the development of their image and their attractiveness are concerned. If that is to happen, though, the city must view its industrial heritage in a positive light.

In this part, I shall present the different reasons that brought Ningbo’s government to gradually consider the reuse of its industrial sites as a way to achieve its ambitions for development, and particularly touristic and cultural development. Understanding the goals of the city and how it came to be interested in reuse will enable us to better understand the city government’s action and expectations while planning the Yongjiang North Shore project, which I will examine in the next part.

At the same time, through the study of different cases of reuse, I will outline possible solutions for the reuse of some of the site’s industrial buildings.

I will first present Ningbo’s main characteristics, gleaned through research and the information provided by the city, so as to understand its context and determine its goals. I will then study the city’s different urban regulations to find out how Ningbo is attempting to achieve its ambitions. After that, I will give an overview of the different types of reuse that exist in Ningbo today, so as to figure out the motivations involved, while conducting research on the various industrial sites surrounding the city centre. Finally, I will study several examples of reused industrial buildings that had the same stakes as the site under study. This will allow us to put Ningbo’s situation into perspective.

1. Ningbo: a bustling city with many assets 1.1.

A choice geographical situation:

Ningbo (宁波) is a port city located in the south-east of the Yangtze River Delta region, in the eastern part of Zhejiang Province. It is set on the south banks of Hangzhou Bay, which separates it from Shanghai, 220 kilometres further north. It is the second largest city in the province after Hangzhou (Fig. 1).

In terms of its geography, the city is circled by several small mountains. It developed at the confluence of the Fenghua, Yuyao and Yongjiang rivers in the year 738. This configuration has earned Ningbo the nickname of ‘city of the three rivers’. ‘Ningbo’ literally means ‘calm waves’, in reference to the protection offered by an archipelago of almost 500 islands off the shores of Ningbo. As well as these main rivers, Ningbo boasts a number of waterways and canals that give the city its own unique identity, while also making it vulnerable to flooding. The authorities must take this risk into account in their urban planning.

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Part II

Figure 1: Ningbo location relative to Shanghai and Hangzhou. Map showing the location of the city and the main urban centers of the territory admistered by Ningbo’s government (Source: by author).

In terms of its geography, the city is circled by several small mountains. It developed at the confluence of the Fenghua, Yuyao and Yongjiang rivers in the year 738. This configuration has earned Ningbo the nickname of ‘city of the three rivers’129. ‘Ningbo’ literally means ‘calm waves’, in reference to the protection offered by an archipelago of almost 500 islands off the shores of Ningbo130. As well as these main rivers, Ningbo boasts a number of waterways and canals that give the city its own unique identity, while also making it vulnerable to flooding. The authorities must take this risk into account in their urban planning.

Ningbo’s territory bears the name of the area’s main urban entity, which is surrounded by the historical cities of Cixi, Yuyao and Fenghua, as well as several suburban market towns, which are mainly on the coast. Most of the territory, however, is made up of countryside and agricultural zones, dotted about with villages.

Ningbo’s urban centre developed at the intersection of the three main rivers, which show the boundaries of its three districts. Haishu District, to the south-east of the intersection, has been the city’s historical centre since 738. It is the most densely built of the three districts, and has always been home to Ningbo’s political, economic and cultural centres. Moon Lake and its surroundings make up the hyper-centre, around which several historical buildings are clustered. One of them is the

129

Weisheng, L. (2005). “History of Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online]. Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf . Accessed November 26, 2015.

130 Weisheng, L. (2005). “Overview of present-day Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online] Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Present_v3.pdf. Accessed December 27, 2015.

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Part II oldest private bookshop in China131. This hyper-centre mainly developed along an east-westerly axis, along the city’s main trade route, Zhongshan Road. This road crosses the Fenghua River and pursues its way, via one of the city’s main bridges, to the east towards Jiangdong District. Historically, Jiangdong District welcomed the first merchants’ guilds, as well as several temples. Finally, to the north of the intersection, the southern part of Jiangbei District developed with the arrival of Westerners who made it the site of their concessions. Today, a ‘cultural corridor’ of artistic institutions and sports and leisure areas is springing up along the banks of the Yangjiang River. These last two districts are also home to the city’s major industries. The term ‘centre’ will be used to describe this part of the city.

Ningbo’s many waterways, century-old canals and well-located deep-water port have made the city a long-standing, major trading hub.

1.2.

A long history as a port

Ningbo has a long history of human activity. The first archaeological finds date back to the Neolithic culture of Hemudu, which was established there from 5500 B.C. to 3300 B.C. The city has been situated in its current location since 738, when it was moved for commercial reasons132. It was founded in 200 B.C., near the coast133, to the east of today’s city in Zhenhai District. The name ‘Ningbo’ was adopted in 1381134, at the beginning of the Ming dynasty.

1.2.1. A trading hub linking China to the world A city is first mentioned under the Xia dynasty (2000 B.C.-1600 B.C.), making Ningbo one of China’s oldest cities135. The same can be said for the port, which seems to have existed since Ningbo’s foundation and which began to gain importance in 200 B.C. From that time, it greatly contributed to the city’s economic prosperity, connecting Ningbo to coastal trading routes.

Ningbo opened onto the world under the Tang dynasty (618-907). At the time, it was one of the major cities along the new, maritime stretch of the Silk Road, making its port a crucial trading hub between China, Japan, Korea, India, South-East Asia and the Middle East136. This era also bore witness to the arrival of Muslim merchants, the first foreign community to settle in Ningbo. It was also under the Tang dynasty, in 738, that the city was moved to the intersection of the area’s three main rivers, so as to develop its hinterland and the canals constructed under the Yue reign, since prolonged.

This fledgling connection with the rest of China was mainly developed under the Song dynasty (9601276), during which the Zhedong canal, which connects Ningbo to Hangzhou, was built. This canal,

131

Weisheng, L. (2005). “Overview of present-day Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online] Available http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Present_v3.pdf. Accessed December 27, 2015.

132 Op. cit.

133 Weisheng, L. (2005). “History of Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online]. Available http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf . Accessed November 26, 2015.

134 Weisheng, L. (2005). “Overview of present-day Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online] Available http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Present_v3.pdf. Accessed December 27, 2015.

135 Ningbo city’s website (July 22, 2009). Accessed November 26, 2015. Available http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/art/2009/7/22/art_464_84155.html 136 Weisheng, L. (2005). “History of Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online]. Available http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf . Accessed November 26, 2015.

at

at at at at

31

Part II which is now considered the southern extremity of the Grand Canal137, connects Ningbo to China’s main trade route and thus to the main consumer centres. Several sections of the canal are still open to river traffic, as it was renovated to accommodate modern river navigation in 2014, connecting the city to Zhejiang’s river network138.

The port’s continuous development, added to a well-maintained canal network, made Ningbo one of the most important trading centres in the world in the 16th century139. The city took on a further dimension in the 17th century, becoming a financial centre after the merchant families Li and Fang organised the largest private credit network in the country140. The city’s importance for trade was such that it inspired the following proverb: “Without Ningbo merchants there is no market town” 141.

The city’s trading guilds established trading posts throughout Asia and invested part of their gains in the city, running cemeteries and temples and pioneering a kind of social security142.

In 1522, the Portuguese established Ningbo’s first Western community. The experiment came to an end in only 1549, after they were massacred by the locals. In 1755, the English also negotiated the establishment of a trading post, but it, too, was a failure. When the imperial decree of 1757 restricted trade between China and the rest of the world to the port of Guangzhou, Ningbo and its port came to a standstill before starting to decline. Ningbo hosted Westerners again after the signature of the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842, when it was designated one of five cities open to foreigners as trading posts143. Ningbo thus hosted China’s first Bund, which literally means outer bank. It was built outside the city in Jiangbei District and used by foreign merchants. Jiangbei District also welcomed the city’s foreign concession.

Due to the quality of its river network, and its deep-water port, Ningbo remained economically important for international trade until the beginning of the 20th century. However, the city was quickly overshadowed by Shanghai and its rapidly growing port144. Thanks to its merchant guilds, Ningbo became a financial centre. Several banks were established, which contained much of Ningbo and Shanghai’s money145.

These guilds and banks crumbled once the Communists took power. A period of economic stagnation began, ushered in firstly by the departure of the merchant class, which took refuge in Taiwan, and secondly by the fact Ningbo was not chosen as one of the country’s new industrial centres. After the economic reforms at the end of the 1970s, the port once again became one of the main trading centres between China and the rest of the world. This was due to its deep-water port and its

137

Ningbo city’s website (January 2, 2014). Accessed November 26, 2015. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/art/2014/1/2/art_46_655930.html and UNESCO [online]. Accessed November 26, 2015. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/fr/list/1443/ 138 Op. cit.

139 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

140 Weisheng, L. (2005). “History of Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online]. Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf . Accessed November 26, 2015.

141 Op. cit., page 2.

142 Op. cit.

143 Weisheng, L. (2005). “History of Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online]. Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf . Accessed November 26, 2015.

144 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

145 Op. cit.

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Part II location. Economic growth was quick to follow, as the old merchant families that had sought refuge in Taiwan invested significantly in the city. The industrial complexes located around the port and along the Yongjiang river also flourished in that period. Ningbo’s expansion truly soared after tax-free export zones were set up along the coast in 1992146.

1.2.2. A long industrial history Goods were produced relatively early in Ningbo. Under the Tang dynasty, there were several kinds of production, mainly intended for export. Celadon147 and porcelain were produced, and shipbuilding was a major industry148. These activities lasted until the 17th century, and other goods were manufactured over time.

The construction of the Bund and the establishment of foreign concessions in the 19th century favoured the early emergence of modern industry. For Ding Zichen (2014), the period between 1887 and 1930 represents the first of the city’s five phases of industrial development. During this phase, light industries and small textile or food-packaging factories were established. It was a break with the cottage-industry model, similar to the evolution Europe was experiencing at the time.

Between 1930 and 1949, industry developed slowly and suffered several crises because of China’s instability and various wars. New industries - particularly paper and mechanical engineering industries - emerged, but development continued to be slow and the city still did not have any large production centres, unlike Shanghai. After the Communists took power in 1949, most industrialists and bankers moved to Taiwan, which drastically slowed the city’s industrial development149.

The period from 1949 to 1979 is characterised by the planned economy set up by the government.

The government then set into motion the modernisation of Ningbo’s port and the development of some modest factories. However, Ningbo was nothing like an industrial centre at that time150, as textile and food packaging were still its main industries.

From 1979 to the end of the 1990s, the port played an increasingly important role, and new industries appeared around it: petrochemical plants, mechanical engineering factories, ironworks and even power stations. Industry was also restructured in the city, so as to specialise in electronics while continuing to foster the textile industry. At the same time, the economy started to turn towards science and the high-tech industry. Ningbo also received significant investments from Taiwanese and Western companies, and from former inhabitants returning to the city. Ningbo’s highquality infrastructure was the main reason for these investments, guaranteeing the city’s considerable attractiveness151.

At the beginning of the 21st century, Ningbo’s government focused on the fast expansion of high-tech industries. Simultaneously, textile and food-packaging industries dwindled considerably, while light

146

Op. cit.

Celadon (青瓷)is a special type of green ceramic in China and in the Middle East.

148 Weisheng, L. (2005). “History of Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online]. Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf . Accessed November 26, 2015.

149 Op. cit.

150 Weisheng, L. (2005). “Overview of present-day Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online] Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Present_v3.pdf. Accessed December 27, 2015.

151 Weisheng, L. (2005). “History of Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online]. Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf . Accessed November 26, 2015.

147

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Part II industries remained152. The rest of the industrial landscape was made up of pharmaceutical industries, mechanical engineering factories, ironworks, electronic factories, paper-making industries and power stations153. The remaining factories paid more attention to the quality of their production, vacating several sites in the central city either because they had become insolvent or to relocate to the coast, near the port.

Consequently, the reorganisation of the industrial sector that started at the beginning of the century led to the relocation of several of the industrial sites that had existed before China’s economic reforms. Most of these sites are in Ningbo’s urban centre, on the riverbanks. Given their location, their reuse could be interesting.

1.3.

To a major port, a special administrative status

Since 1994, Ningbo has been one of China’s 15 sub-provincial cities. Before that, it already had a special status in national plans, which it was granted on 24 February 1987154. This status is proof of Ningbo’s economic importance to the Chinese government; an importance justified by the fact its port is the second largest in mainland China, ranking sixth in the world in 2012 for the volumes traded.

Thanks to Ningbo’s status as a sub-provincial city, its government, although run by the provincial government, has considerable autonomy as to the economic and societal management of the area155.

Consequently, Ningbo’s government does not need the approval of Zhejiang Province’s government in those fields, and is instead directly accountable to the central government156. Its sub-provincial status also confers upon it the powers and responsibilities pertaining to the development of the city’s agricultural, industrial and service economy. The same goes for urban planning, energy transportation and social development157. Another advantage linked to the status is that Ningbo’s government does not need to pay part of its revenues to the provincial government158. Ningbo is thus one of China’s privileged cities, benefitting from considerable freedom to ensure its economic development. This makes promotion easier for its leaders.

The mayors of sub-provincial cities are equal in status to a vice-governor of the province.

Consequently, they are hierarchically above other regular prefecture-level, completely ruled by the province, and could plan their own economic development and urban planning159. The city government therefore has a crucial role in the reuse of industrial sites, as it has the power to choose to do so.

152

Ningbo city’s website. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/col/col55/index.html. Accessed November 26, 2015.

153 Institute of Development Studies (August 2007), Governance Screening for Urban Climate Change Resilience -building and Adaptation strategies in Asia: Assessment of Ningbo City, China. Sussex University.

154 Ningbo city’s website. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/col/col55/index.html. Accessed November 26, 2015.

155 China Internet Information Center [online]. Available at http://www.china.org.cn/english/Political/28842.htm. Accessed November 26, 2015.

156 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

157 Institute of Development Studies (August 2007), Governance Screening for Urban Climate Change Resilience -building and Adaptation strategies in Asia: Assessment of Ningbo City, China. Sussex University.

158 Op. cit.

159 China Internet Information Center [online]. Available at http://www.china.org.cn/english/Political/28842.htm. Accessed November 26, 2015.

34

Part II

Figure 2: Ningbo’s administrative entities.

(Source: by author based on a Wikipedia’s map available at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ningbo)

Ningbo’s government thus manages several different-ranking administrative entities (Fig. 2). First are the three district cities of Yuyao, Cixi and Fenghua, whose local governments manage their own city and the different market towns and villages within their administrative boundaries. Next are the urban districts of Haishu, Jiangdong and Jiangbei, which have the same powers as the three suburban districts of Beilun, Zhenhai and Yinzhou. Haishu, Jiangdong and Jiangbei are the most developed of Ningbo’s districts and make up the urban centre of the area, while Beilun and Zhenhai are home to the city’s port infrastructure. Finally come the rural counties of Xiangshan and Ninghai in the south, dotted with a few market towns and villages.

1.4.

An evolving city 1.4.1. Sociological data

In Chinese terms, Ningbo is an average city, with 2,275,941 people living in the urban centre and a total population of 5,801,464 in 2013160. The city’s net migration is positive, with 46,493 people settling in the city compared to 34,645 people leaving it161. Added to a relatively low unemployment rate, 2.5% in 2012, these figures show the attractiveness and competitiveness of the city. However, Ningbo has an ageing population, and its birth rate is decreasing. Its attractiveness must consequently be further developed for Ningbo to retain its growth and bustling activity162.

Furthermore, according to the statistics for 2012, 63.4% of Ningbo’s population live in rural areas163.

Such a figure is surprising for an entity bearing the title of ‘city’, but can be explained by the large

160

Information from the Bureau of Public Security of Ningbo Municipality.

Op. cit.

162 Weisheng, L. (2005). “Overview of present-day Ningbo”. Wildflower Institute [online] Available at http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Present_v3.pdf. Accessed December 27, 2015.

163 Ningbo city’s website. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/col/col55/index.html. Accessed November 26, 2015.

161

35

Part II area Ningbo governs, a sizeable part of which is rural. One of the government’s goals is to promote city living, so the urban population increases164.

In 2012, the income per capita was of 37,902 yuan for the urban population and 18,475 yuan for the rural population, which shows the considerable inequality between the two populations. They are both clearly separated in the statistical tables published by the Chinese authorities165. This inequality is partly due to the low level of industrialisation in Ningbo’s counties and surrounding cities. If the district cities were to develop tourism, which would be reasonable given their historical importance, their population would see a substantial increase in income.

As for education, the illiteracy rate has been divided by two since the 1990s. Moreover, 4% of the population has attended university. This figure has tripled in the ten years since the statistics were last recorded, taking into account the greater population. However, it could stand to be improved.

1.4.2. An evolving economy Ningbo’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) increased by 7.8% in 2012, amounting to 6,524 billion yuan166, which is almost six times China’s average GDP167. Such growth is to a great extent due to Ningbo’s port, which still plays a predominant role in the city’s economy thanks to its constant modernisation. Ningbo’s economic activity explains its positive net migration and justifies its privileged administrative status. It also offers Ningbo’s leaders considerable chances for promotion.

Most of the city’s wealth is generated by the industrial sector, which in 2010 represented almost 53.3% of GDP, far ahead of the service sector (42.3%) and the primary sector (4.4%)168. The economy is thus mainly turned towards the industrial sector. Incidentally, Ningbo is reputed for its enterprising spirit, which reigns in the private sector, and for its ensuing economic prosperity169. As well as private enterprises, there are many public enterprises managed by the city authorities, which, by running the railway infrastructure, the port and the airport, significantly contribute to their success.

Like all of China’s cities, Ningbo strives to improve its competitiveness and its attractiveness amidst strong intercity competition. However, because Ningbo has concentrated on the development of its industry to the detriment of that of its value-added services, the city is now behind. It has also sacrificed its environmental quality and living conditions, which is currently hindering the development of its services170. The improvement of living conditions holds a major appeal for service

164

Op. cit.

Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

166 Ningbo city’s website. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/col/col55/index.html. Accessed November 26, 2015.

167 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

168 Op. cit.

169 Zhang, H. (2011). “Local Corporatism and Culture-oriented Urban Redevelopment: Transforming a Ferry Terminal into an Art Museum in Ningbo, China”. Spaces & Flows: An International Journal of Urban & Extra Urban Studies, Volume 1, N°3, pp. 1-15.

170 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

165

36

Part II companies171. The fact Ningbo is behind in these areas means that the transition from industrial city to service-oriented, post-industrial city had not been achieved in 2010 and was still not complete in 2012, as the industrial sector still dominated GDP by 10% that year172. This is a severe handicap to the city’s attractiveness, and Ningbo is penalised in comparison to other Chinese cities that have achieved their transition; Hangzhou, for instance173.

Ningbo needs a development strategy to give its service sector the edge over its industrial sector.

Thanks to its sub-provincial status, Ningbo’s government has the administrative powers to freely manage its economic transition. It started to do so in the 2000s. At the time, the city was behind on the cultural scene, which is another beacon for service companies174. This, too, was considered an obstacle to its transition. Different reforms were implemented such as the ‘Decision for Accelerating the Reform and Development of Cultural Undertakings’ and the ‘10th Five-year Plan for the Cultural Development of Ningbo’175.

The reorganisation of Ningbo’s economy is thus in full swing, and also requires the restructuring and modernisation of the industrial sector, a significant source of wealth. Moreover, Ningbo’s government must consider the environmental damage, particularly in regard to water quality. The government is also encouraging locals to pay more attention to flood risks, to which the city is particularly vulnerable given its location and global warming. Flooding could cause considerable losses.

Ningbo’s transition, which was initiated in 2000, has not yet resulted in reconversion. But it has already caused the abandonment of several sites in urban districts, following relocations. The factories left behind by restructuring could profitably serve the development of the service sector and creative industries. Their reuse would also allow Ningbo to stand out in the intense intercity competition. All that is left to determine is whether all these problems are taken into account, particularly regarding the urban regulations in force in Ningbo.

2. Local regulations are evolving to satisfy economic needs In my first part, I showed the role of regulations, and particularly their evolution during the project, can play. Moreover, the decentralisation reforms transferred several powers to local authorities, giving rise to urban governance. I also highlighted that the main goal of legislative changes is to allow local governments to adapt to economic changes176 by making regulatory adjustments depending on the current economic problem.

171

Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Thesis under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

172 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

173 Op. cit., cf. figure 4. (p.101) .

174 Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

175 Zhang, H. (2011). “Local Corporatism and Culture-oriented Urban Redevelopment: Transforming a Ferry Terminal into an Art Museum in Ningbo, China”. Spaces & Flows: An International Journal of Urban & Extra Urban Studies, Volume 1, N°3, pp. 1-15.

176 Cf. part I.3.1.2.

37

Part II In the first part, I also determined the importance of master plans, which must offer and define clear strategies to satisfy the needs of the city. These plans make it possible to draw up a project’s detailed plan more efficiently, while anticipating the necessary economic adjustments. Furthermore, these economic adjustments are considered regulations in China177, which implies that they must respect the different national and provincial laws to come into force.

2.1.

The city’s administrative status enables a local vision

Ningbo benefits from sustained economic growth, which is, nevertheless, threatened in the medium term, as Ningbo is currently behind in its service sector. To combat this risk, Ningbo’s government is evidently trying to implement various regulations and strategies. It can do so autonomously, given its administrative status as the government of a sub-provincial city. However, all regulations and strategies must comply with the central government before coming into force.

2.1.1. Regulations that are still subject to the governmental hierarchy The Chinese urban planning system could be defined as the combination of three different systems: one related to the law-making such as the urban regulations, a second one related to plan producing such as master plan and a last one related to plan’s approval. As a result each government is a system composed by a judicial authority in charge of law-making, a National People Congress in charge of planning and regulation approval and the government itself which contain a planning bureau in charge of the plans producing. In addition, each government level possesses a control bureau in charge of verifying that all the urban documents implemented by lower level governments comply with the ones produced by its government level. Furthermore, some urban documents cannot be approved by the government who produces it but by a higher level one (Table 1).

Needs the approval of District Government

Municipal Government

Provincial Government

National Government

×

×

×

√

×

×

√

Memo

×

√

Memo

×

Master Plan

District Government ×

Municipal Government ×

Provincial Government ×

National Government √

Conservation Plan

×

×

√

×

Regulatory Plan

×

√

Memo

×

Detailed Plan

√

×

×

×

Urban Laws National Urban Regulations Provincial Urban Regulations Municipal Urban Regulations Urban Plans

Table 1: Approval needed for each kind of urban law or plan. The parts in red are the special features associated to Ningbo’s status, in the case of regular cities status, the Master Plan has to be approved by the Provincial Government. Here the government means the National People Congress part of it. If the National People Congress does not valid the document there will have no implementation possible and the judicial authority or the planning bureau will have to produce a new one. (Source: by author)

177

Cf. part I.3.1.3.

38

Part II As a result, any urban master plan drawn up for Ningbo must comply with the municipal, provincial and national regulations, as stipulated by the Zhejiang Urban and Rural Planning Ordinance178 and the Ningbo Urban and Rural Planning Ordinance179. However, Master Plan, regulatory plans and Municipal urban regulation do not have to be approved by the province but by the National government because of Ningbo’s administrative status.

These two ordinances also specify that master plans and conservation plan must be validated by the National People Congress superior to those that produced the plan. The same goes for any changes made to the plan. Consequently, if a district or county government instigates an urban project, the project must comply not only with the state and the provincial urban regulations, but also with the city’s one, the master plan, the conservation plan and the regulation plan of the area (Fig. 3). As a result, if a change is made in a regulation or a plan, these modifications will have to comply with the above level urban documents and if it’s the case, all the subordinate urban documents will have to be modified to comply with it. This system can thus cause friction between the two authorities, as will be shown in the next part.

National Government

National Urban Regulations

N

J

Approval Ningbo

Make law

Provincial Government

Provincial Urban Regulations

N

J Make law

Urban System Plan Organize Approval

Municipal Government

Municipal Urban Regulations

N

J

One part

Master Plan

Make law Organize

Conversation Plan Approval

Regulatory Plan Organize

District Government

N Approval

Detailed Plan Organize

Figure 3: Government and urban document and regulations hierarchy within the Chinese urban planning system. The J represents the judicial authority part of the government and the N represents the National People Congress part of it. In the case of Ningbo’s status, the master plan doesn’t need the approval of the Province but the one of the National government. (Source: by author according to the Chinese Urban-Rural Planning Law)

The city government’s planning bureau task regarding these regulations is to elaborate a master plan that defines its global strategies. These must then be applied in project planning. It is even the duty of each city to establish such plans, as the Zhejiang Urban and Rural Planning Ordinance stipulates.

178

th

11 People’s Congress Standing Committee of Zhejiang Province (May 2010). 浙江省城乡规划条例, [Zhejiang Urban and Rural Planning Ordinance]. Hangzhou. In application since October 2010.

179 13th People’s Congress Standing Committee of Ningbo City (October 2011). 宁波市城乡规划条例, [Ningbo Urban and Rural Planning Ordinance]. Ningbo. In application since January 1, 2012.

39

Part II The two aforementioned ordinances also specify that local governments’ planning bureaux are responsible for the detailed plans of the projects carried out in their area. In other words, district and county governments are in charge of drawing up the plans for urban projects. They must state the future use of the site and determine the density and height of the buildings. These imperatives seem limited and rather ill-suited to satisfying the real needs of the site. Moreover, if any of them change, they will have to comply with the strict documents produced by superior governments. It is unlikely for changes to be made while a project is being carried out, which can result in its failure180.

Finally, these ordinances require that development projects be set up in the short term, i.e. over a span of five years. This demand concerns urban projects piloted by district governments, as master plans are valid for fifteen to twenty years, although their goals must be reviewed every five years.

This is, again, the five-year system, a remnant of China’s socialist era, which again illustrates the dual nature of Chinese governance. The same can be said for the extreme hierarchy of the Chinese government, which is clearly visible in these laws.

2.1.2. Local governance for a global vision regarding projects The aforementioned ordinances do, however, clearly underline that local governments must plan the urban development of their area, which offers many advantages. According to Élise Faure (2012) 181, it means that the city’s needs can be satisfied by authorities that have personal experience of the problems. For Arnaud Macquart (2006), this is very positive for the project, which can be smoothly carried out.

The Ningbo Urban and Rural Planning Ordinance requires that Ningbo’s government offer the urban district governments a master plan and general and detailed plans, which encourages cooperation.

Such is the case for the site under study. Moreover, Ningbo’s government must also offer special master plans for the other entities in its area.

The requirement that a detailed plan must comply with a regulatory plan (fig. 3), is even justified, in this case, by the fact that the city’s planning bureau has a broader vision of the project and its impact on the city’s global development. This is reminiscent of the fact that projects must satisfy the needs of both the site and the city to ensure their marketing182. Moreover, the detailed plans commissioned by the districts or counties must be drawn up under the supervision of the city’s Detailed Planning Control Bureau.

However, as mentioned before, to correctly identify the needs of a site, it is crucial to have clear, regularly updated data. This data benefits reuse projects, according to Arnaud Macquart (2006) and Élise Faure (2012). The Ningbo Urban and Rural Planning Ordinance makes the same point by requiring that the city’s data be regularly updated, and that surveys and evaluations be used to help draw up detailed plans.

Another important point is stated in the same ordinance; that of respecting the timing established by Ningbo’s government. In the previous part183, I mentioned the method used to encourage developers to respect this request, which allows the local government to reap profits over a determined period,

180

Cf. part I.3.1.3.

Faure, E. (September 2012). La réhabilitation des friches industrielles en milieu urbain : une opportunité pour bâtir les cités durables de demain ? [Reuse of brownfields in urban area: an opportunity to build tomorrow’s sustainable cities?]. Master’s thesis under the supervision of Job, L. and Gobron, M. Science Po. Grenoble.

182 Cf. part I.3.1.3.

183 Cf. part I.3.2.2.

181

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Part II providing it with an income for a certain amount of time. Furthermore, these economic considerations bring us to the request that district governments use existing infrastructure as much as possible to plan their projects, limiting the budget they will need to develop the site. The idea is thus to optimise existing resources and make as much profit as possible within the project’s time frame. However, this does not apply when the existing infrastructure is inadequate.

Finally, this ordinance issued by Ningbo’s sub-provincial government hints at the interest it takes in its historical heritage. The regulation requires the number of demolitions undertaken around a historical site to be reasonable and not to damage the surrounding historical buildings and natural landscapes. However, this rule, which was implemented in 2011, had still not come into force when I visited the city in April 2015. It does show that the government is starting to take an interest in its heritage. As we will see later, this is increasingly the case.

2.2.

Ningbo City’s Master Plan (2006-2020): a tool to bring about the economic transition

Master plans enable local governments to express and accomplish strong desires regarding the development of their land. Studying this master plan will thus bring to light the main goals pursued

by Ningbo’s government. To that end, I will study the 2015 revision of the city’s master plan for 20062020184. This revision, as I explained before, was necessary because planning documents are still subject to five-year systems.

Studying Ningbo’s master plan will also allow me to determine the different strategies its government adopted to pursue its economic transition, and identify the sites designated to achieve it. Furthermore, it will reveal the importance these strategies place on Ningbo’s heritage.

2.2.1. A stalwart determination to pursue the economic transition Ningbo’s master plan primarily attests to the government’s efforts to develop and strengthen the city’s economic activity, by developing administrative, port and tertiary services such as finances, insurance, exchanges, technology and information. Pursuing the economic transition is consequently an explicit goal. This is perfectly understandable given how behind the service sector was in Ningbo’s economy in 2012185, and the handicap this is to the city’s competitiveness. That does not mean, however, that the industrial sector has been neglected; quite the contrary. The same emphasis is placed on improving the logistical infrastructure, especially the port and industrial infrastructure.

Developing the ‘marine economy’ is thus one of the priorities of the 12th five-year plan186, which continues in the city’s tradition. Indeed, throughout Ningbo’s history, the authorities have seen to the modernisation and regular maintenance of the port and the river infrastructure187, the sources of the city’s wealth.

Achieving the economic transition also means developing tourism, which is a way to show how attractive the city is on a national level. To this aim, the master plan adds to the city’s cultural

184

Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (February 2015). 宁波市城市总体规划（2006-2020 年）（2015 年修订）, [Ningbo City Master Plan (2006-2020) (2015 Amendment)]. Ningbo.

185 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

186 Op. cit.

187 Weisheng (Liu) « History of Ningbo », Wildflower Institute [en ligne], publié en 2005, consulté le 26 novembre 2015. URL : http://www.wildflowers.org/data/download/Ningbo_Hist_v2.pdf

41

Part II venues, which in 2015 included 28 museums, 12 exhibition halls and three art galleries188. The different regulations focusing on Ningbo’s cultural development, implemented at the beginning of the millennium189, made it possible to set up these amenities. The goal of the regulations is to guarantee Ningbo’s touristic attractiveness, and ensure that service companies remain interested in the city190. Moreover, the master plan requires the promotion of Ningbo’s historical heritage, another way to enhance its image as a post-industrial, touristic city. This decision also reinforces the city’s title of ‘historical city’, which was granted Ningbo because of its long history.

The master plan offers an ambitious scheme to conserve this heritage and preserve urban structures and historical landscapes. It allows the authorities to see Ningbo’s historical buildings in their broad context, and not just as single buildings or isolated blocks, thus making them more remarkable.

Stricter regulations regarding the height and volume of new buildings located around these sites have also been implemented with that view. These recommendations basically apply and go beyond the different observations made by Katrinka Ebbe and Donald Hankey in 1999191. They mostly concern Ningbo’s three urban districts and different historical market towns, offering these modest, less industrialised areas192 an opportunity to develop and contribute to the city’s GDP. However, there are no recommendations concerning Ningbo’s industrial heritage, despite the fact there are several abandoned or underused industrial sites in Ningbo’s urban centre following the restructuring of the industrial sector. Furthermore, the features of their industrial buildings tick several of the government’s boxes, especially in the cultural field. There is consequently a good reason to reuse them, and the cases of reuse in Shanghai and Beijing should provide considerable motives, as the reuse of industrial sites has generated significant revenues and contributed to tourism193.

2.2.2. Taking environmental quality into account to improve living conditions Emphasis is also placed, in the master plan, on taking into account and protecting the city’s natural environment and the living conditions of its inhabitants in general194. The end goal is once again to enhance Ningbo’s attractiveness by offering a way to repair the damage that the city’s industrial development has inflicted on its environment. Such considerations have been allowed to surface because of the ongoing industrial restructuring. The master plan presents two main solutions: setting

188

Ningbo city’s website (October 29, 2013). Accessed November 26, 2015. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/art/2013/10/29/art_98_645198.html.

189 Zhang, H. (2011). “Local Corporatism and Culture-oriented Urban Redevelopment: Transforming a Ferry Terminal into an Art Museum in Ningbo, China”. Spaces & Flows: An International Journal of Urban & Extra Urban Studies, Volume 1, N°3, pp. 1-15.

190 Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

191 Ebbe, K. and Hankey, D. (May 1999). Case Study: Ningbo, China-Cultural Heritage Conservation in Urban Upgrading, Culture in sustainable development. The World Bank. Washington D.C. 192 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

193 Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

194 Tang, Y.-T., Chan, F. K. S. and Griffiths, J. (February 2, 2015). “City profile: Ningbo”. Cities, n°42, pp. 97-108 [online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267572549_City_profile_Ningbo. Accessed December 13, 2015.

42

Part II up ‘ecological corridors’ and protected natural zones, and toughening regulations limiting the city’s urban sprawl.

Figure 4: Planned ‘ecological corridors’. The three corridors that follow the rivers are reprensented in blue. (Source: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (February 2015).宁波市城市总体规划（2006-2020 年）（2015 年修订). [Ningbo City Master Plan (2006-2020) (2015 Amendment)].

Ningbo.)

The purpose of the ‘ecological corridors’ (Fig. 4) is to create a green network linking the different protected zones, which are situated in the mountains and on the coast. The idea is to form a ‘green belt’ around the urban centre, which will not be excluded from this network, as the ‘ecological corridors’ are also to flank the city’s main rivers. This will allow the green network to span the urban centre, ensuring that the different natural zones are connected. As a bonus, the efforts to make Ningbo a greener city will be clear for all to see.

The riverbanks are consequently to be the mainstay of Ningbo’s new image, so particular attention is paid to them. They are also to enhance the central business district of Sanjiangkou, which is located right at the intersection of the three rivers. This area has thus taken on a crucial role, connecting the three riverside corridors. The presence of the business district also shows the significance of these rivers in the development of tourism and culture. Their banks will host all of the amenities that are to embody Ningbo’s economic transition, and will be turned into an urban showcase, similar to Shanghai’s promotion of the banks of the Huangpu195. Moreover, there are old factories along the riverbanks that could serve the ambition of the local authorities while promoting Ningbo’s heritage, which is another of the requests made in the master plan.

195

Yu (Yi-Fan), Li (Kong-San) et Shu (Sheng-Lan), Preservation and Reuse of Industrial Heritage Along the Banks of the Huangpu River in Shanghai, document produit pour le cinquième Congrès International du Comité International pour la Conservation du Patrimoine Industriel (TICCIH), Taipei, Taiwan, 18 décembre 2012.

43

Part II There is yet another reason to reuse these sites, which is that the authorities have planned to drastically reduce Ningbo’s urban sprawl. The stricter regulations that were set into motion in the master plan aim to make 40% of the land difficult to build on. This is a response to the different national laws intended to protect rural areas, as we learned in the previous part196. The restriction must, however, be taken with a grain of salt, as most of the areas concerned are in mountainous zones where building is more expensive and more difficult. It also remains to be seen whether the valley zones that are not to be built upon will be spared or, as in Shanghai, absorbed by the growing city due to investors’ demands and the city government’s short-term profit-seeking197.

Figure 5: Planned infrastructure’s development: metro in purple. The future road network is superposed above the ‘ecological corridors’ as presented in the previous map (Fig. 3). (Source: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (February 2015).宁波市城市总体规划（2006-2020 年）（ 2015 年修订). [Ningbo City Master Plan (2006-2020) (2015 Amendment)]. Ningbo.)

Improving living conditions also means developing motorway infrastructure, as dense road networks make cities easier to access and therefore more attractive198 (Fig. 5). Two bypasses and several bridges are to be built to better connect the different parts of the city. However, it is interesting to point out that these bypasses are to be built in the ‘ecological corridors’ intended to go around the urban centre; yet another reason to doubt whether the off-limit valley zones will be respected.

Regarding railway infrastructure, the master plan recommends getting more use out of the existing network, by better managing passenger traffic and goods flows. The high-speed line to be built

196

Cf. part I.3.1.1.

Che, X. (June 2013). Post-industrial area in transition, renaissance of a derelict industrial area in Beijing.

Master’s thesis under the supervision of Bekkering, H. and Qu, L. Delft University of Technology.

198 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (February 2015). 宁波市城市总体规划（2006-2020 年）（2015 年修订）.

[Ningbo City Master Plan (2006-2020) (2015 Amendment)]. Ningbo.

197

44

Part II between Ningbo and Shanghai via the Hangzhou Bay Railway Bridge199, crossing Hangzhou Bay, will also be promoted. This is to ensure the city’s position as a logistics hub, which is another of the goals presented in the master plan.

Finally, there is a reflection on public transport, particularly for the three urban districts and the port districts. Following this reflection, authorities have planned to develop a metro network with a total of six lines between the different areas, to be completed by 2025. Their goal is to reduce traffic in the city. These metro lines are currently being built, and the first sections of two of them are now in service. The city is thus developing along these metro lines and along the banks of the Yongjiang, Yuyao and Fenghua rivers. The master plan does not exclude other kinds of public transport such as buses, shuttle boats or bicycle share systems, which are already well-developed in Ningbo. The same goes for the tramways, to which several new lines are to be added.

2.2.3. ’ Sanjiang six shores’: the desire to use Ningbo’s riverbanks as an urban showcase fulfilled: The ‘Sanjiang six shores’ master plan, the name of which literally means ‘three rivers, six banks’, actually combines the different projects that are being carried out along the riverbanks of the Yongjiang, the Yuyao and the Fenghua (Fig. 6). It is a direct application of the requests made in the master plan, the goal of which is to set up an urban showcase for the city capable of gathering all the amenities needed for its economic transition. The master plan must consequently help to organise the optimal improvement of Ningbo’s urban zones while transforming its industrial image200.

Figure 6: ‘Sanjiang six shore’ project’s distribution. (Source: by author, based on a map from “市民之江 城市之脉——“三江六岸”三年内大 变样” [Jiang pulse of the people of the city-“Sanjiang six shores” within three years of big change]. tutiao.com (February 3, 2015). Available at http://toutiao.com/a3910065399/. Accessed May 12, 2016.

The different projects are developing along three axes, starting in the central business district of Sanjiangkou. Their role is to develop Ningbo’s services, businesses and cultural and recreational activities to make Sanjiangkou a truly thriving business district. The projects included in the ‘Sanjiang six shores’ master plan are mostly situated in Jiangbei District, to the east of the urban centre and

199

Ningbo city’s website (May 12, 2014). Accessed November 26, 2015. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/art/2014/5/12/art_421_669725.html.

200 Ningbo city’s website (June 5, 2015). “Construction of a beautiful Ningbo Sanjiang six shores”. Accessed May 12, 2016. Available at http://www.nbrd.gov.cn/art/2015/6/5/art_22882_1187970.html

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Part II close to the business district201 (Fig. 7). Moreover, the project I will study in the next part of this dissertation is in that very part of the city and is included in this master plan.

Figure 7: The main projects are located east of the urban centre. This area also host the city’s main cultural institutions. (Source: by author).

At the same time, special attention must be paid to improving the city’s environment, through the implementation of ecological corridors set out in the master plan. To develop culture and tourism, the anticipated showcase is to promote Ningbo’s historical heritage202. Moreover, all of the city’s vast cultural venues, the seeds of which were sown in the 10th Five-year Plan for the Cultural Development of Ningbo, are accounted for in the various ‘Sanjiang six shores’ projects. Several of these venues are now complete, such as the Museum of Contemporary Art, the Grand Theatre and a book shopping centre, Book City, that I will come back to later. Moreover, the ‘Sanjiang six shores’ plan and the city’s cultural master plan are the basis for the Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan203, which confirms the value that the different riverside sites have as heritage.

The importance of the accessibility of these projects is mentioned, and mainly uses the recommendations made in Ningbo’s master plan. As well as the need to develop the road network, considered insufficient, it has been suggested that public transport be further developed204. The metro network planned by the local authorities is thought to be an effective way of serving certain sites, as well as the development of passenger transport on the Yongjiang river.

Since 2014, this plan, which originally focused on the immediate periphery of the urban centre, has also included projects situated along the three rivers. The role of these new zones is mainly to develop the “natural” aspect of the riversides, and show that the rivers and their banks are part of

201

“市民之江 城市之脉——“三江六岸”三年内大变样” [Jiang pulse of the people of the city-“Sanjiang six shores” within three years of big change]. tutiao.com (February 3, 2015). Accessed May 12, 2016. Available at http://toutiao.com/a3910065399/ 202 “三江六岸品质提升” [Sanjiang six shores quality improvement plan]. Ningbo Plan [online]. Accessed May 12, 2016. Available at http://www.nbplan.gov.cn/zhz/forum/1086/index.html 203 Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of the Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning & Design Institute (January 2014). 宁波历史文化名城保护规划 (稿), [Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan (draft)]. Shanghai.

204 Lulei, W. (July 3, 2014). “宁波三江六岸拓展提升总体规划今起公示” [Ningbo Sanjiang six shores expand the overall upgrade plan for managing the public]. NBTV.cn [online]. Accessed May 12, 2016. Available at http://www.nbtv.cn/new/tt/2014/07/03/20140703991486.html

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Part II Ningbo’s heritage. The revised master plan also mentions the reuse of industrial sites in reference to the project I will present in my next part205. Moreover, an administrative committee for land planning206 has been set up to ensure that all the projects within the ‘Sanjiang six shores’ master plan are marketed. This committee will therefore have a major role to play in marketing the site I will study. Furthermore, it has also been requested that the projects situated in the urban zone all be complete or underway by 2017207, which will have consequences for the planning of the Yongjiang North Shore project.

Ultimately, the ‘Sanjiang six shores’ master plan proves how important renovating the main riverbanks is to Ningbo’s government. The goal of this renovation is to give Ningbo a strong image that will enhance its attractiveness and guarantee the completion of the economic transition begun at the beginning of the millennium. Moreover, the establishment of a single committee to market all of the projects shows the city government’s desire to encourage cooperation between all the administrative contributors208. This allows for a global planning that transcends administrative boundaries. However, that does not mean there is no friction between the contributors, as we will see in the next part.

2.3.

The Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan and the promotion of industrial heritage

I will now present the outline of the revised Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan (hereafter NHCCP) 209, submitted in 2014 and approved in summer 2015. Ningbo’s government had this revision carried out at the request of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department210. The plan is thus an example of cooperation between a city government and an urban planning agency211. Ningbo produced its first conservation plan in 1986212, and is one of the first cities to have instigated such a document. Since 2005213, conservation plans have become compulsory for all ‘historical’ cities. They must be in keeping with the city’s master plan and prevails over all the other urban plans elaborated by the city and sublevels entities. The NHCCP is to apply from 2014 to 2030, with a first part from 2014 to 2020, which complies with the current version of Ningbo’s master plan. In other words, all the urban projects which will be elaborated after its ratification will have to fulfil its requirements.

205

“宁波三江六岸已经很美了 为何要花千亿打造升级版？” [Ningbo Sanjiang six shores was beautiful why spend one hundred billion to build an upgraded version?]. Fenghua News [online] (November 13, 2015). Accessed May 12, 2016. Available at http://fh.cnnb.com.cn/system/2015/11/13/011302962.shtml 206 I explained the role and function of these administrative committees in the part I.3.2.2.

207 “市民之江 城市之脉——‘三江六岸”三年内大变样’” [Jiang pulse of the people of the city-‘Sanjiang six shores’ within three years of big change]. tutiao.com (February 3, 2015). Accessed May 12, 2016. Available at http://toutiao.com/a3910065399/ 208 Which is a kind of recognition of existing problems of cooperation between the different political entities expressed by Wei, Y. D. (2005).

209 Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of the Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning & Design Institute (January 2014). 宁波历史文化名城保护规划 (稿), [Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan (draft)]. Shanghai.

210 Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

211 I detailed the operation and limitation of this type of cooperation in the part I.3.2.1.

212 Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of the Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning & Design Institute (January 2014). 宁波历史文化名城保护规划 (稿), [Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan (draft)]. Shanghai.

213 Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

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Part II TJUPDI requested that the plan be revised to conserve and promote a major historical site, Moon Lake214. They carried out research from 2012 to 2013, with the aim of protecting the site from the aggressive and destructive urbanisation that was going on around it. Other important historical sites are concerned by this problem, which cannot entirely be solved at the scale of a detailed plan. The agency worded its request in 2013. It was accepted by Ningbo’s government, which saw it as a way to better conserve Ningbo’s heritage, one of the goals expressed in the master plan. From 2013 to 2014, work was undertaken to revise the plan. It was completed in July 2015.

Ningbo’s government wants TJUPDI to satisfy its strong political desire to conserve the city’s historical heritage and the sites bearing witness to its recent history. This should promote important chapters in Ningbo’s industrial history, thus paying tribute to the industrial sector’s contribution to Ningbo’s economic growth215.

2.3.1. Ningbo’s three rivers as a showcase for heritage The NHCCP concerns the city’s different historical areas, and particularly those situated on the banks of the Yongjiang, the Yuyao and the Fenghua. It is these riverbank sites that will hold our attention.

As in Ningbo City’s Master Plan and the ‘Sanjiang six shores’ master plan, special attention is paid to the renovation and promotion of the riverbanks, which are thus to be adorned with parks and public spaces216. Moreover, the riverbanks are to be home to ‘cultural corridors’, to be combined with the ‘ecological corridors’ set out by the master plan. The development of these corridors is to be coordinated through a policy that will control each new venture to ensure the desired functions are fulfilled, while taking into account the natural and cultural resources available. The cultural corridors will also link the major villages, market towns, cities and historical and cultural buildings along the riverbanks.

Measures have also been taken to preserve the surroundings of this heritage217, so that its organisation and original function can be understood. The city government is to provide a strict control of the demolition of structures and buildings close to historical sites. The razing policy that was once systematically practised and which was criticised by Xiaochen Che (2013) is thus theoretically impossible. However, this can make it more difficult to get investors involved in the projects, as reuse projects are less profitable than those developed on virgin land.

Reusing these historical sites for cultural ventures revitalises the surroundings of the sites and attracts new inhabitants, which is one of the city government’s goals. The cultural buildings also boost the development of their neighbourhoods218, while giving them their own, unique identity.

The riverbanks of the Yongjiang, the Yuyao and the Fenghua thus concentrate a number of the solutions for bringing about Ningbo’s economic transition and improving living conditions, hence the urban showcase. The high added value of the riverbank sites will undoubtedly bring their price up.

214

This location represents the city’s hyper centre cf. part II.1.1.

Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

216 Section 4.4 of the NHCCP wich also act the creation of ‘cultural corridors’.

217 Section 9.3. of the NHCCP. 218 Deger, L. and Bureau, L.-M. (October 1, 2012). "Réhabiliter les friches industrielles : le rôle de l'action culturelle et artistique" [Brownfield reuse: the role of cutural and artistic activities], Club du Millénaire [online].

Available at http://clubdumillenaire.fr/2012/10/rehabiliter-les-friches-industrielles-le-role-de-lactionculturelle-et-artistique/. Accessed January 20, 2014.

215

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Part II According to Arnaud Macquart (2006) and Che Xiaocheng (2013), this will lead to the gentrification of the area.

2.3.2. The recognition of the value of industrial sites Several factories built throughout Ningbo’s industrial history flank the future urban showcase. In compliance with the city government’s request to take this heritage into account, the NHCCP includes ten industrial sites in these ‘cultural corridors’219. They are located in two areas; the east and north banks of the Yongjiang. The north bank was added to the NHCCP at the request of the authorities, following a study carried out in 2013. This is the area that will be studied in the next part.

Unlike the general practice when it comes to preserving industrial heritage, which was criticised by Yao Yanbin (2014), it was decided to take into account both the main buildings and their context. In other words, it was decided to consider all of the elements that give an understanding of how the chosen building works, while leaving its history and features clearly visible. However, that does not mean that these buildings are seen as untouchable relics. It is specified in the NHCCP that they must be adapted to modern needs, which implies changes, and to the current building and safety norms220.

What is requested is, most certainly, reuse. Moreover, it is specified that these buildings must be promoted as urban landmarks, offering a characteristic identity to the neighbourhood. This means they could feature prominently in the city’s new promotional image. Furthermore, the uses that were suggested for these buildings revolve around culture, leisure or public services, which makes complete sense, given the possibilities offered by the volumes of the buildings221. The authorities will, however, have to take heed of the risk of oversupply and think of the city’s real needs, as these sites could very well fulfil other functions. Assigning a precise use to each building is consequently a major key to success in such projects222. Their vast volumes offer countless development opportunities, meaning that they can host the functions needed for the city’s economic transition.

As for exterior spaces, the city is to be made greener and many public spaces created. These are to exhibit industrial features, sculptures or other such objects characteristic of this kind of landscape.

The goal is to create places where festivals and public gatherings can be held223, and so improve the population’s living conditions and attract investment.

Finally, the superposition of the ‘ecological’ and ‘cultural’ corridors set out in the different plans is distinctly motivated by the high added value it gives the areas concerned. This will be profitable for Ningbo’s government in the future, and should improve the city’s competitiveness. Both types of corridors also highlight the key role the city’s riverbanks play in staging its economic transition.

219

Section 11.4 of the NHCCP. Section 14.4 of the NHCCP. 221 Reichen, B. (May 2002). “Donner une nouvelle place au patrimoine industriel” [Giving a new place at industrial heritage]. Constructif [on line], N°2. Available at http://www.constructif.fr/bibliotheque/20025/donner-une-nouvelle-place-au-patrimoine-industriel.html?item_id=2417. Accessed November 20, 2014.

222 Macquat, A. (May 2006). Processus de réhabilitation des friches industrielles. Cinq cas de friches industrielles dans la ville de Delémont [Brownfield reuse. Five cases of brownfields in the city of Delemont]. Master’s thesis under the supervision of Crevoisier, O. Neuchatel University.

223 Section 14.7 of the NHCCP. 220

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Part II 3. An overview of the reuse of Ningbo’s heritage As Ningbo has a long history, it boasts a rich heritage. Promoting this heritage is seen as a way to develop tourism and the city’s attractiveness. The master plan takes this into account. Moreover, I previously outlined the political desire of Ningbo’s authorities, expressed in the NHCCP, to take into account buildings representing the city’s recent history.

I also mentioned that the request to revise the NHCCP was made due to difficulties encountered during a project that aimed to conserve and promote a historical site. That implies that historical sites have already been reused. The study of the NHCCP also tells us that Ningbo wishes to exploit its industrial heritage. Furthermore, I mentioned that for several years, the industries surrounding the urban centre have been closing and moving elsewhere. This means there are industrial sites that can potentially be reused. It is also possible that some of them have already been reused in the last few years. I will therefore attempt to determine if this is, indeed, the case.

3.1.

A preview of existing cases of reuse and the condition of the industries located in the centre

I will now briefly analyse the first cases of reused historical buildings so as to define the advantages and challenges involved. I will then be able to determine if such projects are instigated by political or economic players, and if there are other kinds of reuse in the city, which would favour the reuse of industrial buildings.

Finally, I will take a closer look at the quantity and current condition of the industrial sites in the urban centre, so as to quantify the sites that are now abandoned following Ningbo’s industrial restructuring. I will also try to determine which sites will feature in the urban showcase.

3.1.1. It all started with the reuse of historical buildings The reuse of historical buildings is an issue that was voiced as early as the 1980s in Ningbo. The trickiest task is identifying a use both suited to the site and profitable enough to make the venture viable. This was attempted for three historical sites, which served as prototypes.

Jun Temple (more commonly known as the Old Chenghuang Temple) can be considered the very first case of historical reuse. It was still used as a temple until 1960, when it was transformed into a mechanical engineering factory. In 1981, it was reconverted into a small shopping centre, which was extended in 1992, taking its current form.

The Fan Cultural Centre is another of these prototypes. At the beginning of the 1990s, it was an overcrowded, squalid residential complex. In 1992, it was transformed into a series of boutiques selling antiquities, art and books. 75% were leased out before the end of the works, which seldom occurred at that time. According to the project manager, this popularity was due to the project’s effective advertising campaign224. Its success also stems from the cultural representations, such as operas, given in the courtyards of the 15th century complex. This example shows the importance of communication for the promotion of a reuse project.

The last prototype is neither commercial, nor the fruit of private investment. He Zhi Zhang Hall is located on an island in Moon Lake. In 1995, at the time of its reuse, it served as accommodations for

224

Ebbe, K. and Hankey, D. (May 1999). Case Study: Ningbo, China-Cultural Heritage Conservation in Urban Upgrading. Culture in sustainable development. The World Bank. Washington D.C.

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Part II city employees. It was transformed into a public cultural project: Ningbo’s Art and Culture association.

These three projects were thus set up on historical sites, and acted as a revelation, as they were the first steps Ningbo’s government took in considering sites that had a strong identity. Moreover, most of these projects are initiated for profit, as setting up commercial ventures is very profitable.

Choosing the use of the site is the real challenge of reuse. Most of these projects were launched by economic players, meaning that the economic realm could have a part to play in the reuse of industrial sites.

At the beginning of the millennium, another kind of reuse emerged: that of infrastructure, with the transformation of the old ferry terminal, which became Ningbo’s Museum of Contemporary Art. This project had several quirks. First, the site is at the intersection of the city’s three rivers, near the old international concession, which is highly valued land. Next, it was a non-profit project financed by Ningbo’s government, despite the fact the costs of the project considerably exceeded the initial estimate225. That would generally have caused it to be abandoned.

Its use as a museum was chosen because of Ningbo’s lack of cultural venues. The museum was designed by Wang Shu, who decided to preserve many of the site’s original features, as well as its context, while simultaneously modernising it to a considerable extent. These choices, although predating the NHCCP, correspond to its recommendations on industrial sites. This example of reuse improved Ningbo’s competitiveness while granting Ningbo’s government further legitimacy, and increasing the value of the surrounding sites226. These results are considerable arguments in favour of the reuse of industrial sites.

3.1.2. The status of the factories situated in the urban centre Ding Zichen’s study227 lists 28 industrial sites in Ningbo’s three urban districts. They are mostly located along the Yongjiang and Fenghua rivers, because when the factories were built, river transportation was more developed than road and rail infrastructure, and most of these industries require large amounts of water to function228. 16 of these sites are still active today – a large majority. Two are classified provincial cultural relics, five were reconverted into offices or creative industries and the last four have been abandoned or underused.

Ningbo city is thus no stranger to industrial reuse projects, as five of the 28 listed sites have already been reused. However, most of the factories are on the outskirts of the city centre, which means land is less valuable and they could only play a minor role in the urban showcase. Nevertheless, after more careful consideration, it can be remarked that several sites are situated in two privileged areas where land is more valuable: the east and north banks of the Yongjiang river (Fig. 8).

225

Zhang, H. (2011). “Local Corporatism and Culture-oriented Urban Redevelopment: Transforming a Ferry Terminal into an Art Museum in Ningbo, China”. Spaces & Flows: An International Journal of Urban & Extra Urban Studies, Volume 1, N°3, pp. 1-15.

226 Op. cit.

227 Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.

228 Yu, Y.-F., Li, K.-S., and Shu, S.-L. (December 18, 2012). Preservation and Reuse of Industrial Heritage Along the Banks of the Huangpu River in Shanghai. 15th TICCIH International Congress. Taipei, Taiwan.

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Part II

Figure 8: Industrial sites located along the Yongjiang river. (Source: by author based on the following report: Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014).

Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.)

Among those twelve sites, two have already been reused, one of which is classified a ‘cultural relic’.

The others are the ten sites mentioned in the NHCCP. Most of them are active, except three which have been abandoned. As they are included in the conservation plan, they will most likely be reused.

Most of them are located on the north bank of the Yongjiang, on the site that will be studied in the next part.

3.2.

The Yongjiang East Shore: examples of reused industrial sites

The Yongjiang East Shore project is very close to the city centre and faces the Old Bund and foreign concessions. It is in the city’s old industrial belt. The authorities’ goal is to transform it into a cultural, residential and service centre. This was set into motion through the directives of the site’s regulatory plan, applied in March 2007229, and confirmed in 2014 by the NHCCP. This new centre is to contribute to Ningbo’s economic transition and enhance its attractiveness.

In item 8.2 of the 2007 regulatory plan, it is suggested to reuse the four factories remaining on the site: the old Taifeng flour and food powder factory (1931), which was being renovated when the plan was published, the old Hefeng mill (1905), the old Fishing Ship Factory (1956) and the 7815 shipyard (1950) 230. The idea was to preserve the area’s identity and make it truly remarkable. Let us peruse in detail the characteristics of these two reuse projects.

3.2.1. Hefeng Creative Space, a project instigated by Ningbo’s government Built in 1905, Hefeng mill is the oldest site. It was renovated in 2011 and turned into a cluster of design industries and creative agencies, then named the Hefeng Creative Space. The aim of the

229

Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (March 2007). 宁波市甬江东岸控制性详细规划, [Yongjiang East Shore Controlled Detailed Planning ]. Ningbo.

230 Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.

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Part II project was to promote the development of creative industries in Ningbo231, as they are a way for the government to achieve Ningbo’s economic transition. The project was instigated by the different public authorities controlling the site: Jiangdong District and Ningbo’s government232.

Today, two old buildings remain: the mill and a former office building. The mill has been renovated and surrounded by a park that runs along the riverbank. However, it seems lost in the middle of a vast, empty space that was originally intended to promote it. Moreover, a modern, ovoid structure of a similar scale stands slightly to the east, creating two isolated structures. This configuration was inspired by the waterfront or riverfront development model set up for the site of Shanghai’s Universal Exhibition in 2010. The former office building has also been renovated and now stands next to a housing centre featuring several towers. They overshadow the old building, which is relegated to a minor role, dwarfed by this modern building and the immense area that surrounds it.

Consequently, the original context of both buildings has been lost, turning these relics of the past into mere objects. They thus seem to have been ‘parachuted’ onto a site that has a completely different scale. Furthermore, the site is connected to the road system of the modern city, which is the reason for this loss of context. This only reinforces the feeling that they are miscellaneous, isolated objects (Fig. 9).

Figure 9: Views of the two remaining buildings. The modern constructions in the background are a part of the Hefeng Creative Space. Here the significant difference in scale between old and new buildings is clearly visible. (Source: Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.)

A possible explanation is that, in this case, reuse was not a choice, but an obligation. Both the buildings were classified cultural relics by the provincial government of Zhejiang, as stated in the NHCCP and Zichen Ding’s study (2014). This imperative may thus have been considered an obstacle, which caused politicians to increase the density of the buildings for more substantial revenues. It could also explain the fact the two buildings were conserved without their context. This conservation would certainly have given the authorities the right to a derogation from the provincial department in charge of cultural heritage, because, as Che Xiaochen (2013) explains, sites that are protected by the state or by a province can only be transformed into museums or tourist attractions.

Yet another possibility is that the cultural heritage department, which, according to Che Xiaochen (2013), struggles to make itself heard within the government, was overridden by another, more powerful, branch, such as the urban planning department. Economic interests often weigh more heavily. In any case, this project perfectly illustrates Yao Yanbin’s criticism (2014), which is that plans only consider individual industrial buildings, and not an overall view of the site.

231

Hefeng Aword Industrial Design [online]. Available at http://www.hefengid.net/hfj/channels/1145.html.

Accessed November 27, 2015.

232 China Zhejiang Investment & Trade Symposium [online].

Available at http://www.zjits.com/index.php/en/tz_detail/462.html. Accessed November 27, 2015.

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Part II 3.2.2. Book City, a project instigated by a state-owned enterprise At the western extremity of this area is another example of industrial reuse, ‘Book City’. This project, which unfolded on the site of the old flour and food powder factory, Taifeng, was the result of an international competition won by the German agency Winking-Froh Architekten BDA, in cooperation with in+of architecture233. The competition was launched by Ningbo Daily Newspaper Group in 2006 and thus predated the area’s regulatory plan, which was drawn up in 2007. Book City is the reason the regulatory plan came into being, as the idea was to encourage the reuse of industrial sites in the area234. Its construction was completed in May 2010235.

From a glance at the title of the project, “Ningbo Book City: A Transition of Taifeng Flour Factory” 236, it is clear that conserving the existing buildings was an explicit instruction in the invitation to tender.

Further proof of that intention is that all of the teams who responded suggested a way to reuse it.

However, this instruction seems to have met with opposition from the district government. It saw the book shopping centre required by the 10th Five-year Plan for the Cultural Development of Ningbo as a modern building. This difference of opinion was resolved by the involvement of Ningbo’s government and the fact the project would generate revenues for the district government. As an added bonus, Taifeng Group retained the ownership of the site, so the district did not have to finance its development. The district cannot take over the site without the authorisation of Ningbo’s government, which controls Taifeng Group, a state-owned enterprise.

The project also illustrates the new cooperation system between state-owned enterprises and developers, which was mentioned in the previous part237. The state-owned enterprise (Taifeng Group) that owns the site leases it to a developer (Ningbo Daily Newspaper Group), which is in this case a public investor. The works are supervised by the local government, which authorises the project by accepting a change in the land use, and plays the role of mediator between the two players, which in this case it controls. The city government’s reason for contributing was that the project met the specifications set out in the 10th Five-year Plan for the Cultural Development of Ningbo, as well as being profitable for it in the future238. Ultimately, the stance taken by the different players and the regulatory changes that were coming into play in China at the time239 led to the completion of the project. An overall vision of the site was also taken into account, which was not the case for the Hefeng Creative Space project, carried out later.

The German architects suggested conserving and renovating all of the buildings that characterised the site, while adding extensions and two new buildings (Fig. 10). However, the buildings that were preserved were modified so that they could accommodate their new functions. Glass and brick were used for the extensions and renovations to ‘create an architectural unity’240. The same went for the

233

Chinese Architects [online]. Accessed November 26, 2015. Available at http://www.chinesearchitects.com/en/in-of_architecture/competitions-447-6.

234 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (March 2007). 宁波市甬江东岸控制性详细规划, [Yongjiang East Shore Controlled Detailed Planning ]. Ningbo.

235 Winking.Froh Architekten BDA [online]. Available at http://www.winking.de/en/node/246. Accessed November 26, 2015.

236 Xiang, Y., Xu, J. and Froh, M. (September 2012). “Ningbo Book City: a Transition of Taifeng Flour Factory”.

World Architecture, pp. 118-123.

237 Cf. part I.3.2.3.

238 Op. cit. Future gains from the corporate taxation are the main motivation of these authorities in these projects.

239 Yao Yanbin (2014) noted several regulatory changes in favor of industrial heritage from 2005.

240 Xiang, Y., Xu, J. and Froh, M. (September 2012). “Ningbo Book City: a Transition of Taifeng Flour Factory”.

World Architecture, pp. 118-123.

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Part II two new buildings built on the site, which are now home to Xinhua book shop and its hotels. These extensions were requested to increase the site’s useful surface area and thus improve its profitability. The preservation of industrial buildings must consequently allow for a certain flexibility, so as not to repel developers.

Figure 10: Taifeng Flour Factory before and after its transformation. (Source: Xiang, Y., Xu, J. and Froh, M. (September 2012). “Ningbo Book City: a Transition of Taifeng Flour Factory”. World Architecture, pp. 118-123.)

The exterior spaces were converted into vast public areas that respect the original organisation of the site. Moreover, the project was in line with the preoccupations of the 21st century, as its agents adopted an environmental approach. However, this approach was more a publicity stunt than an actual desire to build a sustainable building, given the few developments carried out to that end. The workers merely installed a few solar panels on some of the roofs. The finished centre gathers publishing and editing businesses, chain stores, restaurants, a media library, a leisure centre, shops, offices, hotels and reception rooms. This is far from the single-function reuse denigrated by Yao Yanbin (2014). Moreover, choosing added-value functions as well as those requested in the Five-year plan means higher revenues for the developer and the different authorities.

This project is ultimately a huge publicity campaign for Ningbo Daily Newspaper Group, as all the shops on the site sell its products. Ningbo Daily Newspaper Group also obtained positive publicity by creating a modern, local image241 through the reuse of industrial buildings and the inclusion of a sustainable dimension. The driving force was thus all economic, but did enable new ideas for the reuse of these factories to be brought to the table, particularly regarding the multifunctional aspect.

3.2.3. Other industries in the area The 7815 shipyard is the last active industry in Jiangdong’s old industrial belt. Civilian and military ships are built and repaired there. Its relocation to the port seems imminent, given the local authorities’ desire to reuse the site for creative industries. This desire was stated in the Yongjiang East Shore’s regulatory plan242.

The Fishing Ship Factory, an old boatyard abandoned in 2005, became a seafood market from 2005 to 2010. It was then abandoned again243. The boatyard is located to the west of Book City, at the foot of Fortune Center tower, which marks the skyline of that part of the city. The building that is still standing today is the only remnant of the original site. Its reuse has been enacted by the area’s regulatory plan, and is to be carried out at the same time as that of the 7815 shipyard. Both sites are thus to accommodate creative industries, which again shows how industrial buildings can be used to achieve Ningbo’s economic transition.

241

Op. cit.

Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (March 2007). 宁波市甬江东岸控制性详细规划, [Yongjiang East Shore Controlled Detailed Planning ]. Ningbo.

243 Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.

242

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Part II 3.2.4. Prospects for the reuse of industrial buildings in Ningbo.

By comparing Ding Zichen’s list244 of industrial sites and the NHCCP, I determined that the NHCCP includes three of the largest industrial zones located near the urban centre. They are even to be part of the cultural and ecological corridors featured in the different master plans mentioned in this dissertation. Consequently, by 2020, these sites will have changed significantly, and the most characteristic industrial buildings may be reused, similarly to the development of the east bank of the Yongjiang.

The interest Ningbo’s authorities have in reuse seems to stem from the Museum of Contemporary Art project, which was completed in 2005. They then turned their attention to industrial sites following the Book City project, which revealed the economic advantage of such ventures. However, their interest in reusing the city’s heritage was first kindled by the renovation of historical buildings, and particularly that of the Fan Cultural Centre, carried out in 1992. It awoke a genuine interest in preserving the city’s heritage, and a desire to do so, in the political authorities, the population and private and public investors. All of the players involved in decision-making thus seem to display the same interest.

Katrina Ebbe and Donald Hankey (1999) remark that: “Citizen appreciation and positive comment on the conservation work have given city officials the impetus to continue and expand their policy on conservation. The project has stimulated some private groups to begin restoration projects of their own, and developers have learned from experience that their proposals are more likely to be approved if they conform to historic preservation regulations. Experiences in Ningbo show that conservation of cultural heritage can be effectively integrated with urban development to create a city that is both livable and dynamic.” [sic]245 The industrial sites mentioned in the NHCCP offer Ningbo many advantages. It would be a shame to see the government turn its back on them. Moreover, the projects behind Ningbo’s Museum of Contemporary Art and Book City have also showed that reuse improves the city’s competitiveness, grants the local government further legitimacy, significantly increases the market value of the surrounding sites and offers the authorities revenues in the form of taxes. Reuse thus fulfils the political authorities’ economic goals, ensuring their promotion through the bǐsài system.

Reuse also has an ecological dimension, which is a key consideration in new master plans. The reuse of existing buildings does not contribute to urban sprawl and optimises resource management. The volume of the buildings also accommodates a large variety of uses, which is an added bonus, as the question of how to use these buildings is a great source of uncertainty246. They can easily be used for cultural, recreational, administrative, tertiary or commercial purposes, which the city authorities are attempting to foster to achieve Ningbo’s economic transition.

The reuse of the structure and even, sometimes, of the outer shell of these buildings, following the ‘box-in-a-box’ principle, limits building costs in comparison to new buildings247. If this piece of

244

Op. cit.

Ebbe, K. and Hankey, D (May 1999). “Case Study: Ningbo, China-Cultural Heritage Conservation in Urban Upgrading”. The World Bank [online]. Available at http://www.worldbank.org/ningbo/overview.htm. Accessed December 9, 2015.

246 Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

247 Macquat, A. (May 2006). Processus de réhabilitation des friches industrielles. Cinq cas de friches industrielles dans la ville de Delémont [Brownfield reuse. Five cases of brownfields in the city of Delemont]. Master’s thesis under the supervision of Crevoisier, O. Neuchatel University.

245

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Part II information were made widely known, it could convince some developers to prefer reusing an industrial building to undertaking the construction of a modern building248, especially if they could save money while also giving the project a unique identity. This is ultimately good publicity for the company.

In Ningbo, players from all three realms of power are thus interested in the reuse of historical heritage. Moreover, some projects concern industrial buildings, and have proven that reusing industrial sites is extremely advantageous for the contributors. The first cases of reuse, whether of historical or industrial sites, were instigated by players from the economic realm. This information is very important for the rest of this dissertation. Finally, I have also shown that the city’s different plans strive to promote reuse projects. It is therefore perfectly plausible that such projects will be developed in Ningbo in the next few years.

However, the studies carried out by Yao Yanbin (2014) and Che Xiaochen (2013) point out that the regulations regarding the conservation of heritage are often less binding than those regarding urban development, which provides funds for the political authorities. My next question is, then, whether the recommendations made in the NHCCP will be implemented in the Yongjiang North Shore project, which it mentions. To determine this, I will study the project and particularly the evolution of its planning-process.

248

Faure, E. (September 2012). La réhabilitation des friches industrielles en milieu urbain : une opportunité pour bâtir les cités durables de demain ? [Reuse of brownfields in urban area : an opportunity to build tomorrow’s sustainable cities?]. Master’s thesis under the supervision of Job, L. and Gobron, M. Science Po. Grenoble.

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Part III

Partie III – Analysis of the decision-making process in light of the concepts studied: the case of the Yongjiang North Shore project In the first two parts, I explained the different ways Chinese governance works and focused on the specificities and main goals of Ningbo’s government. In the second part, I studied some of Ningbo’s reused industrial buildings, as well as players’ motivations for developing the city. I will now put these remarks to the test by conducting a case study, that of one of the industrial sites mentioned in the NHCCP249: Yongjiang North Shore. My goal is first to illustrate the different mechanisms presented thus far, particularly regarding the governance of an urban project, and then to examine how the local authorities perceive the reuse of the site.

The Yongjiang North Shore project, which was first planned in 2008, well before the NHCCP was produced, is still only in its study phase. Such a long planning period, which is to draw to a close this year, is rather uncommon in China. So what are the reasons for it? The project’s current status means I can only guess how it will be carried out. However, its construction, launched by Ningbo’s government and Jiangbei District, will also be supervised by the administrative committee for land development250 set up at the end of 2014 to manage the ‘Songjiang six shore’ project251.

First, I will present the different contextual information I have gleaned through documentary research, interviews and remarks made at the site. In doing so, I will define the site’s location and use, the players involved and how it fits into the surrounding projects.

I will then present the different interactions between each contributor and the current state of the resource stock available for this project.

Next, I will study the different plans put forward for this site, to determine the changes and links with the two previous points.

Finally, I will use the information presented in the two previous parts to discuss the difficulties encountered during the planning phase. I will also propose possible solutions.

1. Defining the context and the existing resources I explained in the first part252 how important it is for project contributors to know about the site and its surroundings. This gives them a starting point for future discussions and allows them to estimate potential profits. In other words, knowledge of the site is the condition for investors’ participation.

Knowledge of the site’s location is particularly crucial, as it determines the value of the site. The same goes for pre-existing buildings, which can either increase the value of the site, or represent an obstacle to eliminate. Investors also need to know about projects unfolding nearby, as they could

249

NHCCP is the Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan cf. part II.2.3.

Cf. part I.3.2.2.

251 Ningbo city’s website (June 5, 2015). “打造三江六岸 建设美丽宁波” [Construction of a beautiful Ningbo Sanjiang six shores]. Available at http://www.nbrd.gov.cn/art/2015/6/5/art_22882_1187970.html. Accessed May 12, 2016. The same information is also available in several newspapers such as : “市民之江 城市之脉——“三 江六岸”三年内大变样” [Jiang pulse of the people of the city-‘Sanjiang six shores’ within three years of big change]. tutiao.com(February 3, 2015). Available at http://toutiao.com/a3910065399/. Accessed May 12, 2016 252 Cf. part I.3.1.1.

250

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Part III potentially increase the value of their immediate environment. This occurred when Ningbo’s ferry terminal was converted into the Museum of Contemporary Art253. The museum is incidentally just over 2 kilometres from the site under study.

Finally, it is interesting to know how the local authorities wish to use the site to achieve their goals. It is equally important to know the players already involved in the project. All of this information makes up a knowledge base that I will use to analyse the different plans that were drawn up for the project.

1.1.

Urban situation and immediate environment

The Yongjiang North Shore project is located in the south of Jiangbei District, one of Ningbo’s three urban districts. Moreover, the south-east part of the district, where the city’s three rivers come together, is Ningbo’s historical, urban and administrative centre. It was also one of the first parts of the city to welcome industries.

1.1.1.

Location

The site under study is a little over 2 kilometres to the east of the historical centre, and 3.7 kilometres to the east of Ningbo’s city centre. It is consequently right on the outskirts of the urban centre, situated along one of the access routes along which Ningbo historically developed. It is also part of a continuous build zone that spans more than 9 kilometres of the north bank of the Yongjiang, from Sanjiangkou district in the centre to Ningbo’s North University (Fig. 11). This proximity to the city centre is not the site’s only advantage: it is also close to several waterways, with the Yongjiang to the south, the Yuyao to the east and various canals.

Figure 11: The site is located along Jiangbei district’s development axis east to the city centre. Close to the ‘totem’ buildings located along the Yongjiang river. (Source: by author.)

253

Zhang, H. (2011). “Local Corporatism and Culture-oriented Urban Redevelopment: Transforming a Ferry Terminal into an Art Museum in Ningbo, China”. Spaces & Flows: An International Journal of Urban & Extra Urban Studies, Volume 1, N°3, pp. 1-15.

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Part III These advantages should make the site very attractive, particularly as it flanks the Yongjiang river.

Riverbank sites are used by the authorities of Chinese cities to promote a certain urban image, increase land value and attract investors254. They are a showcase for the city and display particularly interesting buildings in order to create an urban ‘symbol’, while promoting the companies who build them.

‘Totem’ buildings closer to Ningbo’s urban centre include Fortune Center tower, Book City, the Ningbo Museum of Contemporary Art, Ningbo’s opera house, Heifeng Creative Space and the Old Bund255. Some of these sites are reused industrial sites256, which means that Ningbo’s government could find them worthy to feature in the planned urban showcase.

1.1.2.

Immediate environment

The site is part of a larger zone, with Rihu Lake, an extension of one of the Yuyao’s branches, and Qingfeng Bridge as eastern boundaries and Dongchang Road as its western boundary. To the north, it is demarcated by the aerial base of Zhuangqiao, and to the south, by the Yongjiang. The zone covers a surface of 6.94 square kilometres, about 50% of which is occupied by industrial plots and railways (Fig. 12). These industrial plots, which mainly feature warehouses and storage sites, cluster around the railway lines that run through the area and along the Yongjiang, making a ‘T’ shape. The railway lines are key to understanding the site, as they reveal its organisation.

The industrial plots are also exclusively owned by local or provincial state-owned enterprises, although very few are owned by the province. Moreover, they are either used by the enterprise that owns them, leased to another industrial or commercial business after signing a two to twenty-year lease257, or abandoned. The commercial use of plots legally defined as industrial is developing along the site’s two major roads, mainly to sell cars258. The industrial warehouses are ideal for this activity.

However, for the local government, these enterprises are only more or less legal259 because of the current land-use regulations.

The rest of the site’s immediate environment is made up of residential, agricultural and commercial areas. The residential areas occupy almost 27% of the total surface area, and are home to nearly 44,500 inhabitants260. Several types of lodgings can be found there, from dormitories in industrial zones to dwellings built during the 1990s, including lodgings built for workers in the 1950s. These areas also include several commercial and public buildings that help the neighbourhoods thrive.

254

Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

255 I mentioned these buildings in the previous part.

256 Such as the Heifeng Creative Space and Book City cf. part II.3.2.

257 Yao, Y. (March 2014). Towards the Methodology for the Reuse of Industrial Heritage in China. Thesis under the supervision of Trisciuoglio, M. Polytechnic University of Turin.

258 Personal observation made during the site’s visit. April 11 and April 12, 2015.

259 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

260 Op. cit.

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Part III

Figure 12: Land use of the Yongjiang North Shore’s surroundings. (Source: South East University of Nanjing (2009). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing.

Several ‘urban villages’ can also be found among the residential areas. Once surrounded by agricultural areas, the ‘urban villages’ have now been caught up by the urban sprawl, which started in the 1950s. They are generally in poor condition, with small habitable spaces that are not all correctly connected to the urban infrastructure261. Because of their poor condition, these villages and the industrial dormitory towns seem threatened by the project plans.

Finally, the site also contains a number of military zones belonging to the Chinese army’s Eastern Theatre Command. They are occupied by several thousands of troops and belong to the Ministry of Defence. They have not yet been reclaimed by Ningbo’s government, although negotiations are currently underway. These zones could thus bring about uncertainties in the urban planning of the area, as authorities do not know whether to include them in or exclude them from their plans. This could be a serious complication.

As for accessibility, it seems first that the road density is insufficient and second that these plots are poorly connected to the rest of the city. Only two urban roads serve the site: Daqing North Road and Huancheng North Road, but it is demarcated by major roads such as Dongchang Road, Renmin Road and Qingfeng Bridge. In addition to these, there are badly structured secondary roads, which often end in impasses (Fig. 13). The current road system is thus disorganised and does not make up a network, which is a considerable handicap for the site’s accessibility. A good road network is crucial for attracting investment and enhancing the value of the land262.

261

Op. cit.

Ye, L. and Wu, A. (May 2014). “Urbanization, land development, and land financing: Evidence from Chinese cities”. Journal of Urban Affairs, volume 36, N° S1, pp. 1-15.

262

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Part III

Figure 13: Yongjiang North Shore’s road system. (Source: South East University of Nanjing (2009). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing.

However, since the end of 2015, the northern part of the site has been served by four metro stations, on line 2 of the metro network. This line has greatly improved the site’s accessibility by connecting it to the city centre. However, half of the stations available today are on the boundaries of agricultural areas, so they are far from the residential areas and at the end of the impasses. This is, of course, merely a temporary situation, as the inauguration of the metro line and its stations prove that the area is to be further developed.

The site under study is thus situated very close to the urban centre, along one of the access routes along which the district developed. Its land has considerable value because of the two rivers that act as boundaries. Moreover, the site is part of a large industrial zone, which started to develop in the 1950s. It is an important land reserve for the city. However, its immediate environment also includes several residential areas and military zones, which could make planning difficult.

1.2.

The site’s characteristics and the identification of its remarkable buildings

The site under study is situated on an east-westerly axis between Daqing North Road and the Yongjiang. Its surface area is slightly greater than one square kilometre, with an average width of 350 metres and a length of three kilometres. Although this configuration offers a large area along the riverbank, it could be considered too small to be profitable in the short term. Furthermore, the area is divided into 33 plots263.

263

Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理 分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.

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Part III 1.2.1.

Current use and structural organisation

The site contains almost a third of the area’s industrial plots, which occupy 90% of its surface area.

They belong to state-owned enterprises and most of them are active or leased to private companies.

However, since 2014, some of them have been gradually decreasing their activity before closing down. Comparing photos of the site taken in August 2014 with photos taken in April 2015264, this lesser activity is clearly visible, especially for Ningbo Baisha North Station Yard (Fig. 14). Some factories have closed and some buildings have been demolished.

Figure 14: The reduction of the Ningbo Baisha North Station level of activity between August 2014 and April 2015 is clearly visible here. It is explained by the fact that a new station was built further north to make way for the Yongjiang North Shore urban project. (Source: photos from 2014: Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of the TJUPDI / Photos from 2015: by author.)

In 2013, a group of urban planners from Wuhan’s Huazhong University of Science & Technology conducted an analysis of the site265. Considering the varied industrial functions, they suggested dividing the site into three parts: the west, the centre and the east.

The western area gathers different businesses specialising in storage and distribution (crops, metal, metallic parts and building materials). Its main features are therefore its numerous storage zones and its warehouses, which have different styles and are organised in different ways. This western area started to develop with the establishment of Ningbo Baisha Granary Ltd. in 1954, grew after the Ningbo Baisha North Station Yard built in 1958 and took on its present dimensions in 1987, when two new warehouses were built on the plot belonging to the Ningbo Zhenhai Stevedoring Company Ltd. 266 Today, only the station has been abandoned, following its relocation at the end of 2014.

The central area is unique in that, since 2009, it has developed around an industrial-style church. It also harbours the most diversified functions, with different storage and distribution zones (building materials, salt, maintenance of metallic materials and machinery, wire, wood and clothing) along the railway line and the riverbanks and different factories (textile, dyeing and wire manufacturing). It started to develop in 1968 with the establishment of two textile companies: Ningbo Zhonglei Woollen Textile & Dyeing Co., Ltd. and Ningbo Specialty Cotton Corporation Baisha warehouse.

Industrial functions became increasingly diverse as plots were leased out to other state-owned or private enterprises from 1998 to 2004267, and their use changed drastically. Several plots belonging to the district government, for example that of the old wire manufacturing factory, are now abandoned and demolished.

264

Photos from August 12,13 and 15, 2014 : Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI. Photos from April 11 and 12, 2015: by author.

265 Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理 分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.

266 Op. cit.

267 Op. cit.

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Part III In the eastern area stand three industries specialising in the transformation, packaging and storage of fishing produce, and a shipyard, Ningbo East China Ship Engineering Co., now abandoned and partly demolished. The first food processing plant, Ningbo Tianyu Fisheries Import and Export Co., was built in 1958. It was joined by the Ningbo Frozen Food Co. in 1982, and then by the Ningbo Seafood Processing Companies in 1987. This last company belongs to the Zhejiang province. Today, all three are still active, although the Ningbo Frozen Food Co. and the Ningbo Tianyu Fisheries Import and Export Co. are underused.

Coming back to the classification determining the pollution level of industrial sites in China268, no remediation company will be needed for the project to go ahead. Most of the industries are classified as ‘slightly polluting’, because of their storage function, and the others are all in the ‘quite polluting’ category. Mr Hu Lijun269 also made this remark. There will consequently be no additional remediation costs to weigh on the budget of the project.

The site is not only used for industry, as there is Jiangbei church, for instance. Moreover, to the far east of the site, along the riverbank, there is a military zone that belongs to the Chinese navy. Various residential areas, made up of different dormitories and an urban village, have also developed along Daqing North Road. Ningbo’s government considers these areas to be in poor condition, which implies their upcoming demolition and therefore a relocation of their inhabitants. Finally, various shops - food retail and Volkswagen dealerships - have established themselves in old industrial warehouses to the north of the goods station, again along Daqing North Road (Fig. 12).

Daqing North Road is the spine of the site, as it connects the roads joining the industries to the rest of the city. Moreover, many of the site’s inner roads have dead ends, and none of them link the different parts of the site along an east-westerly axis (Fig. 15). This is because several factories own plots that take up the whole width of the site.

Figure 15: Map showing the three part of the site and map of the site’s railway and road system. (Source: by author, based on the analysis from Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.)

268

Cf. part I.3.1.1.

Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

269

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Part III However, the road network alone does not hold the key to the organisation of the site. The quays along the Yongjiang and the two railways linking the site to the national network (Fig. 15) must also be taken into account. A first railway line serves Ningbo Baisha North Station Yard and the plots in the centre of the site, and another the plots situated in the eastern part of the site. The two lines then join after Huancheng North Road, linking up with the national railway network. Most of the buildings are thus built along these railway lines, showing the railway network’s importance in the development of the site.

1.2.2.

Spotlight on the remarkable buildings

As well as this advantageous location, the site boasts a remarkable industrial heritage in the different factories and warehouses built between 1954 and 1987270, i.e. during the communist era and in the initial years of the reforms. All of these various industries are an important testament to the city’s industrial history, which justifies the classification of the site as a historical zone in the NHCCP. However, it would be unrealistic to conserve all of the existing buildings. The city is trying first and foremost to sell building land and bring in significant revenues. A select number of buildings must thus be chosen for preservation. These should be the most remarkable buildings, and have sound structures, to avoid the additional costs that a shaky structure would incur. The Ningbo Museum of Contemporary Art project incurred additional costs in this way as reported by Han Zhang (2011).

Zichen Ding’s study (2014) and the analysis conducted by the group of urban planners from Wuhan’s Huazhong University of Science & Technology (2013) list eight plots featuring such buildings. They are distributed among the three areas defined above (Fig. 16).

Three plots are in the western part: Ningbo Baisha North Station Yard, the quays of Ningbo Zhenhai Stevedoring Company Limited and the warehouses of Ningbo Baisha Granary Ltd. These were the first constructions on the site.

As far as the goods station is concerned, the different warehouses, all built in the 1950s, hold the most interest as heritage. They exhibit different architectural styles and two kinds of organisation along the railway lines. Two different typologies exist. The first group, made up of clustered warehouses, is extremely close to the railway line. The second group, which comprises more scattered warehouses, is further away from the railway line. These warehouses are in good condition and their large inner area, which is not segmented by any walls, should be fast to reuse. Ding Zichen (2014) and the urban planners (2013) also point out the importance of their context, which gives the site a real atmosphere with its large, open spaces, railway lines, gantry cranes, cranes, wagons and containers. However, some of the tracks have today disappeared, as well as some wagons and containers. Moreover, the low built density makes the conservation of the whole plot unrealistic.

270

Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.

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Part III Figure 16: Localization on the site of the main buildings listed by Zichen Ding’s study (2014) and the analysis conducted by the group of urban planners from Wuhan’s Huazhong University of Science and Technology (2013). (Source: by author. Photos: by author, April 2015. Excepted the shipyard’s one took by the Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI in August 2014. Its crane is now demolished.)

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Part III The plot owned by Ningbo Baisha Granary Ltd. does not hold as much interest as the other two, but it is the oldest. The company was established in 1954. Its characteristics are linked on one hand to the main granary and on the other to a cluster of ten warehouses. The architecture of the warehouses is not quite as interesting as that of the granary, but it comes under a specific typology. However, the warehouses are in poor condition, especially their roofs, which makes them less interesting and means their reuse would be more expensive. This company is still active today.

Only one plot was listed for the central area, that of the Ningbo Specialty Cotton Corporation Baisha warehouse, built in 1968. Right opposite is the main warehouse of the Ningbo Salt Industry Limited Co., built in the 1960s. The textile company’s different warehouses do not have much interest – they were mostly mentioned because of the way they are organised. Their roofs are slightly damaged.

However, the Ningbo Salt Industry Limited Co.’s warehouse is in good condition and its structure is entirely made from metal, unlike that of the previous buildings, made either of brick or of reinforced concrete. It is also unique in that railway tracks run right through it, as the unloading area is inside.

As well as these buildings, there are various industrial features such as a few gantry cranes near the church and various cranes and conveyors along the docks. The studies also focus on a building flanked by a chimney in the centre of the plot. It will not, however, be taken into account here, as it was demolished by the district government, which owns the land, at the beginning of 2014.

The last four plots make up the eastern part, with its three food-processing companies: Ningbo Frozen Food Co., Ningbo Tianyu Fisheries Import and Export Co. and Ningbo Seafood Processing Companies, and the old shipyard. In total, the studies distinguish 29 buildings, mainly for their good structural condition and the identity they offer the site. Particularly remarkable are the four refrigerated warehouses and their adjoining buildings. Their high structures mark the skyline of the site (Fig. 17) and offer significant volumes. They have a considerable impact on the surrounding landscape and also exhibit different architectural styles. Moreover, these warehouses are linked to the docks by ice conveyors, creating a particular atmosphere that is emphasised by the various chimneys and cranes.

Figure 17: The high structures of the Jiangbei church and the four refrigirated wrehouses mark the site’s skyline. (Source: by athor using photos took by the Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI in 2014.)

More generally speaking, the main interest lies in the organisation of these buildings, which are linked in different ways, whether they are for transforming, storing or refrigerating, or even whether they are offices or lodgings for the workers. There is also a strong connection between the railway lines, the refrigerated warehouses of Ningbo Tianyu Fisheries Import and Export Co. and Ningbo Seafood Processing Companies. All of these features offer the site a remarkable identity that makes it easily recognisable.

The old shipyard between the Ningbo Frozen Food Co. and the Ningbo Tianyu Fisheries Import and Export Co. is also particularly interesting in its organisation. It is built around a slipway, and the boats are stored on rails using a mobile transferring system. However, everything that gave the site its character has today been sold following the company’s withdrawal. Some of the warehouses have also been demolished by the district government.

Broadly speaking, these studies mark the importance of the different industrial features (gantry cranes, conveyors and cranes) scattered along the docks and train tracks and giving the site a unique 67

Part III identity. The same can be said for the railway lines, which are not only an important feature, but also connect the different parts of the site while flanking the buildings that have the most character.

1.3.

The Yongjiang North Shore project and Ningbo’s plans

This site’s urban project is part of an overall development vision for both the city and the district governments, as both are seeking to improve their economic competitiveness. It is important, then, to know the expectations the authorities have for the site and the role it is to play so as to fully understand the different planning decisions. The same goes for the surrounding projects, which also have an impact on the decision-making process.

1.3.1.

The expectations linked to the site and its role, as stated in the city’s plans

The site is located along the access route around which the district developed. This access route is defined in Ningbo City’s Master Plan, which is described in the previous part. I showed that the plan is mainly intended to develop Ningbo and help the city to achieve its economic transition. This goal also comes up in the NHCCP and the “Songiang six shores” master plan, which includes the site under study. At the same time, emphasis is placed on the desire to improve the city’s image, and particularly its environment and accessibility.

The site’s plan will thus need to include an ‘ecological corridor’, which will probably manifest as a strip of parkland along its banks. This is what was done along the east and south banks of the Yongjiang to satisfy the same requirement. That ‘ecological corridor’ will double as a cultural corridor, as planned in the NHCCP. This project will also fulfil the desire to limit the city’s urban sprawl271.

Figure 18: Metro system planned for 2025. The site is bypassed by this network : no metro station’s catchment area reach the site. This lack of public transportation connection reduced the sector’s accessibility and attractiveness. (Source: by author, based on a map from eChinacities.com : http://www.echinacities.com/upload/editor/image003.png.)

271

Ningbo City’s Master Plan (2006-2020) requests that 40% of Ningbo’s territory is free of urbanization. Cf. part II.2.2.2.

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Part III The NHCCP also expresses the wish to preserve and reuse the industrial buildings of the Yongjiang North Shore site. This implies that the site’s considerable industrial heritage be taken into account. It is also stipulated that the reuse of the industrial buildings and features should include their context, which would preserve the different atmospheres observed at the site. I also listed the NHCCP’s suggestions for reusing the buildings, which could turn out in their favour.

Finally, line 2 of the metro network, in the northern part of the site, and line 3, which should be in place by 2020 and will cross the area from north to south, are both part of the public transport development plan. It outlines a total of six metro lines (Fig. 18). However, while line 3 is to run through the centre of the site, no metro stations are to be built there, which will not make the site more accessible. The site will thus not be directly served by the public transport network.

Then again, after the section of the Great Canal linking Ningbo to Hangzhou was restored in 2014, marking the completion of Phase 2 of the restoration project, the last phase was revealed. It is to join the Yongjiang to the Yuyao via a wide canal. The project has been studied since 2010272, and in all likelihood will be carried out in the site under study, as that is where the distance between the two rivers is the shortest. That could mean a significant reduction of the building land, as well as the demolition of some of the site’s characteristic buildings and their context. However, the project is needed to develop Ningbo’s port. In any case, the canal cannot be constructed yet, as there is a dam close to the natural junction between the two rivers.

1.3.2.

A project that fits into the development of the district

The development of Jiangbei District, like that of the city’s other two urban districts, has led to many projects springing up around the site (Fig. 19). All of these are part of the “Songjiang six shore” project. It is thus imperative to know about these projects so as to avoid oversupply, which would impede the marketing of the site.

Figure 19: Main urban projects located around the site. (Source: by author, based on a map from Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012) 大庆北 路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block], Ningbo.)

272

Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

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Part III Today, Jiangbei District is mainly working on reclaiming the banks of the Yuyao and the Yongjiang.

The main idea is to better connect the district with the urban centre and Sanjiangkou district, Ningbo’s commercial and financial centre. Jiangbei District has thus first focused on developing its immediate periphery. Two projects are underway in the area between Sanjiangkou and the site under study: the redevelopment of the centre of the Old Bund district and the development of Bay Head district.

The first project revolves around Ningbo’s Old Bund, along the Yongjiang. This important piece of cultural heritage has acted as a starting point for the redevelopment of the area. It is hoped that the project will benefit from the extension of Sanjiangkou business district. Now complete, Sanjiangkou district gathers service, commercial, residential, cultural, touristic and recreational functions. The Old Bund district, meanwhile, is home to Ningbo’s Museum of Contemporary Art. It is currently handicapped by an oversupply of offices273.

The aim of the Bay Head project is to build a district of high-end lodgings, offering significant leisure services. Its contributors are counting on the district’s peninsular location and its environment, which includes a large number of parks. In addition, commercial and service functions are to be developed.

The project also includes Ningbo’s Great Theatre. It has been underway since 2012.

Two other urban projects frame the site under study: Higher Educational Park North to the east and the Zhuangqiao Airport district to the north. The first is now complete. Higher Educational Park North thus comprises various higher education establishments and the city’s university. The second is reliant on the air base ceding land to Ningbo’s government. Residential zones are then to be built there, and include functions meeting the needs of the future residents.

Jiangdong District, to the south, is also intent on developing the banks of the Yongjiang. It aims to do so with two urban projects. The first, involving the east bank, was partly described in the previous part. It is currently being completed. The second concerns the south bank, and is situated just opposite the site under study. It has been under construction since 2014. The aim of these projects is first and foremost to develop residential areas. They comply with the master plans’ requirement to combine an ‘ecological corridor’, in the form of a linear park, with a ‘cultural’ corridor, represented by media functions. Moreover, four industrial sites have been reused or are to be reused.

Several other projects mentioned in the “Sanjiang six shores” master plan are in the pipeline. Their main aim is to establish residential areas, and they are to be developed along the city’s three rivers. It is thus likely that the site under study will be a predominantly residential area. Moreover, it will have to complement the different urban projects surrounding it to be successfully marketed.

1.4.

Existing players and resources

The Yongjiang North Shore project is to unfold in an area that is already used and built upon. This implies the involvement of various players, and the need for the city and district governments to hold discussions with them to acquire the land.

1.4.1.

A reuse of occupied plots, implying interactions between the local government and various players

By analysing the different ways the site and its surroundings are used, I was able to identify four kinds of players in the area. First are the different state-owned enterprises, which occupy most of the

273

Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理 分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.

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Part III site. These enterprises, which are controlled by the district, the city or the province, do not represent an obstacle for Ningbo’s government, as they must submit to the decisions of the political authorities they answer to274. Moreover, most of the commercial enterprises on the site will not be a problem, because they are illegal.

However, Ningbo’s government cannot requisition industrial plots belonging to province-owned enterprises. In this case, the government must hold negotiations with the enterprises. These generally result in the government supplying the business with a new plot, close to port infrastructure275. The same offer can be made to businesses belonging to the city, so as not to curb their activity. This is because industries pay high taxes, and are the main source of the city’s economic growth276. However, if the managers refuse to relocate, the city government can increase their taxes and their rent277.

As for the residents and villagers living in the site’s residential areas, Ningbo’s government could justify requisitioning the plots either in the name of hygiene, or by stating that it is trying to improve their living conditions278. Nevertheless, compensation must be made to the residents if their lease is still running. This compensation either takes the form of money or a new lodging, which is, however, generally on the outskirts of the city279. For this reason, it makes sense that the government only requisitions residential plots in some areas, so the population is not too disgruntled280. It also stands to reason that recent buildings, or buildings that are in good condition, which are also the most populated, are preserved.

Finally, the plots belonging to the army cast a doubt on the project planning. The significant area they cover could thus disrupt the new road network that is being planned while limiting the marketable areas. Negotiations are being held with China’s Minister of Defence281 to claim these plots, but the government will have to be able to offer sufficient compensation for the relocations to go ahead.

The project is to be developed by the district government. The ownership of the plots belonging to Ningbo’s government will thus have to be transferred to the district282. Ningbo’s government consequently has yet another way of forcing the district government to adopt its own viewpoint, as well as its hierarchical position.

274

Cf. part I.2.1.2.

Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

276 Cf. part II.1.4.2.

277 Op. cit.

278 Zhang, T. (March 2002). “Urban development and socialist pro-growth coalition in Shanghai”. Urban Affairs Review, volume 37, N°4, pp. 475-499.

279 Op. cit.

280 Cf. part I.2.3.

281 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

282 Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

275

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Part III 1.4.2.

Many resources that will have to be turned to good account

The Yongjiang North Shore project benefits from many assets, which should, in theory, enable it to fulfil the expectations of Ningbo’s government. Among these assets are, first, its geographic situation, and next, a considerable and valuable heritage, which offers extra capital gain thanks to its characteristic, distinctive buildings. It remains, however, to be determined whether this second asset is to be preserved, and which features should be exploited.

Reusing built plots will maximise the city’s land resource, transforming well-situated industrial sites into plots for enterprises that will pay higher rent. The plots thereby become more profitable for the governments concerned283. Moreover, none of the plots considered here require additional remediation costs. However, demolishing the site’s existing buildings would require an extra investment from the district government284.

The surface area of the site under study may also turn out to be too small to offer a fast return on investment. The district and city governments need a fast return on investment to display an attractive balance sheet and have the proceeds of the land sale cover their expenses. It would not, then, be surprising if this project was to include its immediate environment, to a greater or lesser extent. This possibility is even more likely considering the building height restrictions due to the proximity of the air base285.

Moreover, given the site’s limited road network, the district will need to invest significantly to make it more accessible. Investments are thus vital for the success of the project, as a more extensive road network would make it more attractive to investors. The road network is to take the form of a dense grid286, offering as many land resources as possible and considerable accessibility. However, the possible launch of Phase 3 of the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal project could have a significant impact on these costs. If it goes ahead, several bridges will have to be built to cross it. In compliance with the city’s regulations, these bridges would need to have 11.83 metres287 of headroom. Moreover, the construction of the canal would reduce the amount of marketable land.

The multiple urban projects surrounding the site, which mainly have residential purposes, could also lead to a dispersion of resources if the functions defined do not satisfy an actual demand. The reasons for developing the residential supply are, however, the positive net migration and the city government’s desire to see Ningbo’s urban population grow288. Nevertheless, the risk is that such an offer will create a property bubble similar to those that already exist in China’s major cities. That could, in the long run, bring about a major loss of revenues289. Then again, urban plans often

283

Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

284 Cf. part I.2.1.1: districts are in charge of demolition work in this kind of projects.

285 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

286 This model is found in all urban projects currently underway in China and is easily observable in Shanghai, Beijing or Ningbo.

287 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

288 Cf. part II.1.4.1.

289 Okoshi, M. (March 19, 2016). “Investment surge puts froth back in China’s largest housing markets”. Nikkei Asian Review [online]. Available at http://asia.nikkei.com/Politics-Economy/Economy/Investment-surge-putsfroth-back-in-China-s-largest-housing-markets. Accessed March 19, 2016.

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Part III underestimate the importance of a growing population290. Moreover, as Ningbo is an average city, its government should, in theory, be offered attractive property loans by China’s central bank291.

There is also a risk that the most attractively situated sites will be given over to service functions because of their riverside locations, which offer enterprises considerable visibility. However, there are currently many service companies in the district, which means potential oversupply against the backdrop of China’s economic slowdown. The same goes for cultural or recreational venues.

2. A planning process marked by many new developments This urban redevelopment project is already long drawn-out. The first regulatory plan was drawn up in 2008 and its planning phase is still not complete, despite the fact that several suggestions have been made over the years. One reason could have been that the site under study is currently being used by various players, but apart from the land owned by the army, there are no serious obstacles to the project. Part of the answer could reside in the different urban projects that are being carried out around the site. Launched earlier on, these have required considerable resources. Moreover, the city is not large enough for many projects to be marketed at once, which is possible in China’s major cities.

The project has had different names during this period, as modifications were often justified by a change of scale, which could be considered an attempt to solve a potential marketing problem.

Before bearing the name ‘Yongjiang North Shore’ in 2014, it was called ‘North Shore City’ when the planned zone included the site and all its surroundings, then ‘Daqing Block’ when the zone considered was to be smaller, between Huancheng North Road and the Yongjiang.

Furthermore, in the different plans drawn up between 2009 and 2015, the seed of the idea to reuse industrial buildings was sown and allowed to mature. The consideration of the site’s built heritage has become an increasingly important subject over the years, finally resulting in its inclusion in the NHCCP. The interest taken in the site’s industrial heritage could also explain the successive delays.

2.1.

An interest in the reuse of industrial buildings that emerged with the first master plan in 2009

The first detailed plan for the development of the site was submitted by a group of urban planners from Nanjing’s South East University in 2009, under the name ‘North Shore City’292. It was revised by the same group in 2010, at the request of Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau. The revised detailed plan was based on the regulatory plan of 2008, which presided over the development of the site and its surroundings over an area of 6.94 square kilometres. For the design, the team of urban planners used the different urban planning recommendations made by the country, the province, the city and the master plan, as well as the regulatory plan. At that time, the revision of the NHCCP had not yet been considered, and there had been no mention of reusing or promoting industrial buildings in the regulatory plan.

The city and district governments requested that the urban planning agencies valorise the site’s resources to the best of their ability, by setting up a clear development strategy and promoting the site’s characteristics. In other words, that meant dividing and using the plots as efficiently as possible.

They also suggested ways to promote the landscape.

290

Cf. part I.3.1.3.

Op. cit.

292 South East University of Nanjing (2009). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing.

291

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Part III 2.1.1. Measures for optimizing the division of the plots and resources The first measure suggested to optimise the division of the plots and resources was the improvement of the site’s road network; a necessary investment to increase the value of the marketable plots. It was decided that the road network would be reorganised around nine main roads. Four would cross it horizontally (from east to west) and five vertically (from north to south).

• •

Horizontally, two new roads were to frame the area: one along the river and one to the north. The two others were actually extensions of the two main roads, Daqing North Road and Huancheng North Road.

Vertically, Renmin Road was to be extended towards the north and four new roads were to be built. Among these, two were to cross the site completely and join the south bank of the river via two additional bridges linking the banks of the Yongjiang.

The network of secondary roads was to be reorganised and many new roads constructed, allowing for a more “rational” development of the site and optimising the size and number of marketable lots.

Moreover, the roads were to be very wide to accommodate a potential increase in traffic.

At the same time, this suggestion sought to preserve as many of the residential areas as possible, so as not to annoy the population. However, every urban village and dormitory was to be demolished to make room for new residential areas. Moreover, while the difficulties arising from the military zones are mentioned, the various plans that were submitted skip over them as if they did not exist, counting on Ningbo’s government gaining ownership at some point in the future.

The plots were mainly to be used as residences, while privileging mixed-use development. The mixed-use buildings were to flank the dense areas along the main roads and the two future metro lines. Furthermore, the main residential areas were to be within a 600-metre radius of the metro stations. Various other functions were to be provided, mainly commercial, tertiary, recreational and cultural. These were to be a considerable source of income for the political authorities and attract residents. They were consequently to occupy the most attractive plots in the site, i.e. those along the riverbanks and line 3 of the metro. These plots that would have a high commercial value were to be the most densely built in the site, increasing their profitability for the developers293 thanks to the scale effect while allowing the authorities to make a mint out of them.

However, these functions were also to provide a complementary supply, which is undefined in the plan, so as to distinguish the project from its neighbours. Moreover, the 2010 revision included the possibility of adding the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal to the project. The document indicated that the canal had been included without considering its impact on the project’s future marketing. In the meantime, it had been suggested to leave the plots reserved for the canal free, so as to set up temporary facilities.

2.1.2. Promoting the landscape by creating a number of green spaces The main measure suggested to promote the landscape was the creation of extensive green spaces, particularly along the Yongjiang, the Yuyao and the various canals. This measure complied with the recommendations made in the regulatory plan, which requested that a 100-metre-wide park be set up along the two rivers and 15-metre-wide parks along the canals. Moreover, it complied with the requests made in Ningbo City’s Master Plan. However, the usefulness of having such large parks is

293

Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

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Part III open to debate. Various parks were also to be distributed throughout the site to increase the value of the plots and provide residents with assembly points in the case of an incident.

These green spaces were to give residents easy access to the water, while offering varied, attractive spaces. The idea was to improve the population’s perception of Ningbo’s rivers, which are thought to be too polluted and rather inaccessible, as a large area of their banks has long been occupied by industries. Moreover, the development of these parks was seen as a way to increase the value of the plots and attract service companies. This configuration is often adopted in China for riverbank projects. Examples are the different urban projects situated along the Huangpu in Shanghai and other projects that have been carried out in Ningbo.

It was also suggested that these parks be connected, to set up a pedestrian network adorned with public squares near the future symbolic buildings. Several recreational and cultural venues were also to be established in the parks. Moreover, the symbolic buildings were intended to characterise the site’s identity and landscape while giving the parks different atmospheres. In that view, the plan thus suggested reusing the existing industrial features and buildings.

2.1.3. Suggestion to reuse characteristic industrial buildings The suggestion to promote the site’s industrial heritage was, at that point, a completely new idea. No measure of that ilk had been broached either in the regulatory plan or in the master plan. For the team of urban planners, conserving industrial features and buildings was an idea that could fulfil the goals set by the local authorities. It was inspired by other reuse projects that were then being carried out in Ningbo: Book City, which was almost complete, and Hefeng Creative Space, the works for which had just started. Then came Ningbo’s Contemporary Art Museum, completed in 2005.

However, the development of the banks of the Huangpu for Shanghai’s Universal Exhibition seems to have been the primary source of inspiration. That project, which was underway in 2009, planned to preserve various industrial features and buildings in the park flanking the river, which is exactly the choice made by the urban planners. Only nine riverside buildings were chosen for conservation (Fig. 20): • • • • • •

A warehouse in Ningbo Baisha North Station Yard; Two warehouses on the site of Ningbo Zhenhai Stevedoring Company Limited; Ningbo Frozen Food Co.’s refrigerated warehouse; The slipway and two warehouses in the shipyard; One of Ningbo Tanyu Fisheries Import and Export Co.’s secondary buildings; Three of the Ningbo Tanyu Fisheries Import and Export Co.’s dormitories.

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Part III

Figure 20: Buildings and industrial element preserved by the project. Aside from the railways all of them are focused on the study area. (Source: South East University of Nanjing (2009). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing.)

All of these buildings, except the first three warehouses, are located where the park was to be. In addition to those are the cranes, gantry cranes and conveyers. Unfortunately, the only refrigerated warehouse to be conserved was to be next to one of the bridges over the Yongjiang, which would significantly have reduced its impact on the landscape. The bridge is to have a headway of 21.83 metres294, while the warehouse is no higher than 25 metres295.

This reuse project is rather unambitious in regard to the buildings, but it is much more original as far as the railway lines are concerned. Although most of the railway lines were to be preserved in the first plan, the 2010 revision planned to conserve and reuse every single one. Two options were presented: transforming them into a linear public space like the High Line in New York296, or renovating them to convert them into a tram line with seven stations297. The second option was the one favoured in the document, as it would connect the banks of the Yongjiang to line 2 of the metro, improving the site’s accessibility and value.

294

Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

295 Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理 分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.

296 This example is also used as a reference in the document presenting for this proposal. South East University of Nanjing (2010). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing.

297 Several photos of European trams and related planning to their lines are presented to illustrate this proposition: South East University of Nanjing (2010). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing.

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Part III The 2010 revision contains arguments justifying the choice to preserve some memory of the site’s history. It was mainly pointed out that reusing these buildings would give the site a distinctive identity, and that their vast interiors are perfect for hosting various venues: exhibition halls, design studios, bars or cafés. This point was also inspired by the different reuse projects then underway in Shanghai298.

In conclusion, the request, although clearly leaning towards the reuse of industrial buildings, was rather unambitious. Moreover, the desire to conserve industrial buildings, which comes up again and again in the text explaining the plan, is almost invisible in the diagrams and illustrations. The different suggestions made do not promote this heritage, despite the fact it is described as giving the site a strong identity. Each individual building299 was either to be located in a dense plot or in a park.

Ultimately, that is very similar to Hefeng Creative Space, which is just a few kilometres away.

However, the plan did encourage the authorities to consider the site’s industrial heritage, and the added value it could bring to the project. This consideration would then be a recurrent theme throughout the planning.

2.2.

The 2012 regulatory plan includes the site’s industrial heritage

The suggested detailed plan, which was revised in 2010, was not, however, to have a future. The numerous projects unfolding around the site, which were better located and already underway, seized the attention of potential investors, who had only a slight interest in the site300. Furthermore, the Sanjiangkou business district, Old Bund and Bay Head projects were then much more attractive.

In 2010, the lack of investors and the fall in the stock of available resources led to the project’s suspension.

In 2012, the opening of Qingfeng Bridge, the forthcoming relocation of the goods station and the advancement of negotiations to relocate Zhuangqiao air base were seen as opportunities to relaunch the project301. Moreover, the districts that had caused the project to be delayed in 2010 had either been completed, in the case of Sanjiangkou and the Old Bund, or were under construction, for Bay Head. Their proximity was also considered an added attraction. However, they did mean competition, which, added to the fluctuations of the real estate market302, was seen as a threat303.

However, this second attempt did not imply the adoption of the detailed plan suggested in 2009.

Instead, a new regulatory plan was drawn up. The 2008 regulatory plan, which was reaching the end of its five years of validity304, had to be updated. The new regulatory plan was mostly faithful to the one drawn up in 2008, but adopted several of the ideas suggested in the 2009 detailed plan.

Furthermore, the planned area was reduced to 4.17 square kilometres, between Huancheng North

298

On the margins of the preparation of the 2010 World Expo, Shanghai is developing several sites for ‘creative industries’ such as Red Town according to Rebecca Brollo (2014).

299 This is the ‘classic’ method of preserving industrial heritage as described by Yao Yanbin (2014).

300 Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

301 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

302 This current market’s fluctuation is a threat to major Chinese cities according to Masahiro Okoshi (March 19, 2016) and could quickly affect average-sized cities like Ningbo.

303 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

304 Cf. part II.2: Master plans have to be revised each five years because of the five-year plan system still in place in the country. Cf. part I.3.1.3.

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Part III Road and the Yongjiang. This planning zone was dubbed ‘Daqing Block’, and corresponded to administrative plot JB04. The rest of the previous area was part of plot JB06.

2.2.1. A plan that takes up the main measures promoting the site…

Most of the ideas put forward to increase the value of the plots in the 2009 plan were taken up and enacted in the new regulatory plan. Such was the case for the plans for the road network and green spaces, to which no modifications were made. It was, however, specified that the very busy roads had to be flanked by parks to reduce noise pollution, in compliance with new national laws305.

Moreover, Phase 3 of the construction of the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal, broached but not enacted in the new plan, was to involve the creation of parks on both banks to increase the value of the surrounding plots (Fig. 20). This was also partly to make up for the potential loss of value, as the new canal, planned to be between 100 and 120 metres wide, would significantly reduce the number of marketable plots.

The plan also adopted most of the land-use suggestions made in 2009. Almost half of the site was thus given a residential purpose, and it was decided to conserve the existing residential areas as in 2009. Moreover, the project had to enable Sanjiangkou business district to develop by offering service and commercial venues (Fig. 21). In short, the plan’s main recommendation was to profit from the site and its available resources with a rational land-use distribution, featuring residences, shops, service companies, leisure areas, cultural venues and entertainment centres. Emphasis was placed on mixed-use development, so that activities could be enjoyed throughout the day.

Figure 21: Land use and road network planned by the regulatory plan. Two plans are proposed considering the fact that the proposed Phase 3 of the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal is not officially recorded. The sector is expected to be predominantly residential (in yellow and orange) and the banks of the Yongjiang are intended for commercial (in red) and tertiary (in purple) functions. (Source: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大 庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.)

Moreover, the land-use regulations were elaborated to be as flexible as possible in their management, while respecting a permanent planned content. This shows a desire to adapt the plan, inflexibility being the main shortcoming of Chinese development plans306, but its flexibility was still strongly conditioned. The duality between the government and governance, and Chinese planning, is

305

Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

306 Cf. part I.3.1.3.

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Part III striking here307. The use of a plot could thus only be changed if that change was justified, i.e. if the sale price of the plot would go up as a result. A developer could thus reuse an existing building, if he or she so chose. Consequently, although the demolition of existing buildings was favoured, a door was left open for their renovation.

2.2.2. … And which confirms the interest in industrial buildings One of the reasons a door was left open for the reuse of existing buildings is that they can give the site a characteristic identity. The new regulatory plan promoted this idea using the arguments that had been made in 2009. It also mentioned the historical value of the buildings, before suggesting a selection of buildings to protect.

It was thus remarked that the goods station and the railway lines were the main vectors for the area’s industrial development. However, they occupy a significant area, which was considered an inconvenience. The docks were also singled out as one of the site’s features. Finally, the refrigerated warehouses were mentioned, and described as “urban sculptures” 308. The regulatory plan suggested preserving at least part of the railway lines and conserving one or several of the station’s warehouses, as well as some of the refrigerated warehouses. It was also recommended, as in the detailed plan, that the industrial features along the docks be preserved.

Most of the site’s industrial buildings and warehouses were considered to have potential for a future transformation, another of the main points put forward in the 2009 plan. These buildings offer potential users a distinctive shape, which complies with the request to promote the cultural, recreational and administrative buildings planned for the site. The station’s warehouses could thus easily be turned into shopping areas and service centres, while the refrigerated warehouses could be home to offices, public services, libraries or hotels. These reuse suggestions are important, because they justify the conservation and reuse of industrial buildings309. As for the reuse of the railway lines, the new plan adopted the first of the two options presented in 2009.

Ultimately, this ‘official’ recognition and promotion of the site’s industrial history had at least two goals. First, to make the project stand out from the others surrounding it, giving it an image that could be used to attract investors. Next, to fulfil one of the city government’s political ambitions, as it offered the opportunity to develop Ningbo’s cultural and touristic attractiveness in the same manner as Shanghai310.

However, once again, the plan only considered single buildings, and there is no precise definition of the buildings to conserve; merely some suggestions. This does, however, confirm the project’s inclusion of the existing heritage, made possible by the 2009 detailed plan.

The decision taken in the new regulatory plan has two consequences. The first is the need to launch studies to select the buildings to preserve, while the second is the emergence of a disagreement between the city and district governments. This decision was taken by Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau

307

Op. cit.

Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

309 Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

310 According to Rebecca Brollo (2014), the reuse of industrial sites such as Red Town or M50 in Shanghai have become tourist destination known worldwide.

308

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Part III at the request of Ningbo’s government311, but against the district, which sees it as a loss of potential profits, only compounded by the planned construction of the canal312. A compromise is needed for the project to be carried out. At that time, a consensus had been reached on at least one building: Jiangbei church. Its preservation was thus integrated into each of the suggestions that followed.

2.3.

First suggestion: three scenarios, after an analysis of the site in 2013:

The search for common ground led to the submission of several projects between 2013 and 2015.

However, these suggestions were neither master plans nor planning documents, but findings written up to flesh out the negotiations. Moreover, these findings were systematically presented with internationally recognised references and examples, to justify the decisions taken and demonstrate the substantial increase in value that reuse could generate by creating an image and publicity.

Moreover, as the regulatory plan had mentioned only the industrial plots along the Yongjiang, only the industrial buildings and features in the site under study were taken into account. The perimeter only contained an area of 1 square kilometre, which took on the name of ‘Yongjiang North Shore’, and then ‘North Yongjiang Industrial Exhibition area’ in the NHCCP. The analysis I used to give an overview of the site313 was completed by three scenarios, intended to offer three different ways of combining conservation and urban development. These scenarios revolve around a selection of buildings and use different criteria: identity and originality, diversity, the condition of the building and finally whether the proposed reuse will involve changing the regulatory plan. For this last point, the idea is to follow as many of the recommendations made in 2012 as possible, to avoid significant changes that would lead to the plan’s revision314. However, the scenarios did not really respect this concern.

They actually criticise the regulatory plan on several occasions, particularly due to the width of the parks, considered excessive, and the organisation and widening of the roads, as these measures apparently disregard the existing structure. Moreover, the land use is criticised because ultimately, no residential areas were included. This was seen as a waste of resources and a possible marketing failure.

2.3.1. Scenario 1: heritage trail.

The first scenario focuses on the infrastructure and the way it structures the site, as well as how vital it is to understand the site’s history. For its reuse, this scenario emulates the regulatory plan in adopting the first of the two options suggested in 2009. The advantage of this choice is that it gathers a quantitative and qualitative sample of the site’s industrial diversity, which does not require a large surface area and means a ‘heritage trail’ can be created. Three zones offering considerable diversity and varied architectural styles emerge in each of the three parts of the analysis. Groups of buildings are then selected from each zone (Fig. 22):

311

Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

312 Op. cit 313 Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理 分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.

314 Cf. part I.3.1.3 significant changes in land use, build’s density or road alignment (main element involved here) may require a revision of the regulation plan.

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Part III • •

•

In the west of the site, the four scattered warehouses that are further away from the railway lines are listed, with Ningbo Baisha Granary Ltd.’s two warehouses, which flank the railway lines, and its gantry and container maintenance zone.

In the centre of the site, Ningbo Salt Industry Limited Co.’s main warehouse is listed as well as two of the textile factory’s warehouses, which are next to the railway lines. Two other buildings are listed, but have now been demolished, as their plots belonged to the district government. Once again, the gantries edging the railway lines are to be kept.

In the east, three of the four refrigerated warehouses, with their ice conveyors. The two warehouses belonging to Ningbo Tianyu Fisheries Import and Export Co. are listed, along with all of the surrounding buildings that ensure its smooth functioning. However, for Ningbo Seafood Processing Companies, only the warehouse is to be kept.

Figure 22: Preserved buildings and road network proposed by this scenario. Parks along the banks are reduced compared to the one proposed by the regulation plan. (Source: Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产 调研 资料整理分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation], Wuhan, China.

Incidentally, it is suggested that these buildings be used mainly for services: schools, public centres, clubs, shops and cultural or leisure centres. A preference for multi-use development is expressed. As for new buildings, it is recommended that as many residential buildings with ground-floor shops as possible be constructed along Daqing Road, leaving airier spaces for cultural and recreational venues between the railway lines and the docks. Furthermore, it is requested that the new buildings built near the railway lines include these in their design, to preserve the link between buildings and railway. Finally, to illustrate and justify these choices, a study of New York’s High Line was submitted.

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Part III 2.3.2. Scenario 2: heritage districts In this scenario, it was decided to preserve only two of the three zones of interest presented in the analysis of the site. The originality and diversity of the buildings were the criteria for these “heritage districts”. As a result, only the most emblematic of the buildings in the eastern and western parts of the site are to be preserved (Fig. 23).

•

•

In the west, these include all of the warehouses linked to the goods station, as well as the container terminal and Ningbo Zhenhai Stevedoring Company Limited’s five warehouses.

Emphasis is also placed on preserving their context, or in other words, the freight terminals, the railway lines, the docks and the other various industrial features.

In the east, all of the buildings owned by Ningbo Tianyu Fisheries Import and Export Co. are listed, as well as the shipyard, which has today been dismantled, and whose main features are thus no longer present.

Figure 23: Preserved buildings and road network proposed by this scenario. Only the church is preserved in the central part of the site.

(Source: Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.

The industrial features along the docks are once again to be kept. This scenario thus suggests conserving important, remarkable buildings, while emphasising the preservation of their context.

However, for it to be applicable, it would require a complete change in the road plan. As a result, the green spaces would need to be reduced and parts of the railway lines removed. For this scenario, London’s Tate Museum was studied.

2.3.3. Scenario 3: industrial park This scenario is the least realistic of the three. It suggests selecting only one area, the eastern part of the site, and conserving everything in it. The idea is thus to transform the area into an industrial theme park harbouring recreational, commercial and cultural venues.

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Part III Consequently, all 29 buildings listed in the analysis are to be conserved, as well as all of the industrial features, roads and railway lines (Fig. 24). However, the urban village to the north-east would be demolished. In this scenario, the largest buildings clustered around the railway lines are to accommodate cultural or recreational institutions satisfying the city’s needs, while the others are to shelter creative industries, exhibition halls, cafés, bars, craft markets, art centres and shops.

Figure 24: In this scenario only east of the site is preserved, but here as a whole. Consequently the road network and the parks are completely revised. (Source: Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013) 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理 分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.

However, this scenario requires a significant reduction of the size and distribution of parks throughout the site, as the chosen area focuses 45% of the planned surface. Moreover, a considerable revision of the road plan would be necessary, as the scenario does not plan for any new roads in the conserved area, which it would see become pedestrian. To make up for the large area that is completely conserved, it is suggested to build extensively in the rest of the site. However, the scenario does not leave any space for the canal, unlike the other two scenarios. Although they do not include the canal, they make sure to leave the area in which it is to be constructed as free as possible. The references cited in this scenario are the IBA Emscher Park project in the Ruhr and Beijing’s Z798, which are often studied in China315.

2.3.4. The site’s inclusion in the NHCCP and another project developed the same year The first scenario is the one favoured by the analysis, as it implies the fewest changes to the regulatory plan. Any changes would be considered a nuisance, but they do enable more ambitious suggestions to be presented. These changes include preserving the context of the buildings; a change that is to be swiftly included in the NHCCP, which is currently being drawn up again. The analysis and its three scenarios also led to the site’s inclusion in the NHCCP, following the city government’s

315

Several Master’s Thesis and Thesis on industrial heritage in China using them as a case study such as Rebecca Brollo (2014), Yanbin Yao (2014) or Xiaochen Che (2013).

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Part III request and the approval of Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau316. This choice was made to preserve part of the site’s history, but also and especially to solicit a second opinion from TJUPDI. Accordingly, TJUPDI has been asked to conduct a new study on the selection of buildings to preserve.

Incidentally, another project will be presented by the Wuhan City Planning Institute in the same year.

It mainly uses the suggestions made in 2009. However, it offers a new perspective by suggesting that most of the Ningbo Baisha North Station Yard be preserved, or at least its exterior spaces, as only one building is selected. The other selected buildings – three of the refrigerated warehouses - are also to be preserved individually. There are two other differences with the 2009 plan: the new canal and a major change in land use, which is aligned with the previous study, integrating many more lodgings and placing particular emphasis on mixed-use development.

2.4.

A lack of consensus is disrupting the planning process

In October 2014, Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau published a report317 that summarised the different suggestions made in 2013 and explained why they had been rejected. It then tried to offer an alternative, using the analysis of the site conducted by representatives of Huazhong University of Science & Technology in 2013. The distinctive buildings that were singled out in the analysis are listed in the report, and partly included in the sketch that was submitted with it.

2.4.1. A rejection of the suggestions made in 2013…

The report first examined the three scenarios that were submitted following the site’s analysis in 2013. They were criticised for the infringements of the regulatory plan they would involve, but an opening was left for changes. A slight change could thus be considered if it kept part of the site’s context. However, if the changes needed were thought to be too restrictive for traffic, the current plan would be preferred to a preservation of the site’s industrial identity.

Furthermore, in the report, Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau chose its favourite scenario before communicating it to the government. It did not choose one of the original scenarios, but, as often occurs in China, a mix318. In this case, a mix between scenarios 1 and 2 was chosen, and it was also decided to keep some of the annexes surrounding Ningbo Seafood Processing Companies’ refrigerated warehouse (Fig. 25). However, for scenario 1, only the recommended urban density was kept.

For Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau, this solution had the advantage of presenting a clear, rational preservation of each kind of industry on the site, giving it a high added value that would attract wealthier investors and increase the value of the surrounding plots. However, there were too many contradictions with the regulatory plan, the road network only being one of many. Other examples include the reduced green spaces and the density of the plots. In conclusion, this scenario will not be followed up, as it was rejected by Jiangbei District in August 2013. The reason given was that it conserved too much of the site, and so would not generate enough profit for the district.

316

Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

317 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究, [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore]. Ningbo.

318 Cf. part I.3.2.2.

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Figure 25: Scenario proposed by the Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau in 2013 to Ningbo’s and Jiangbei district’s governments. (Source: by author based on a map from Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau : Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究, [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore]. Ningbo.

As for the draft project carried out by the Wuhan City Planning Institute, the report first remarked that it respected and enhanced the regulatory plan, as well as including the canal, although it may still be built elsewhere. Two advantages were underlined: its compatibility with the regulatory plan and its preservation of part of the heritage. However, its programme seemed too limited and would not allow for a global conservation policy of the site’s distinctive buildings. This led to its rejection by Ningbo’s government. However, the district government’s opinion on the project was not mentioned.

2.4.2. … That led to the submission of a new draft project in 2014 The aim of the report was consequently to offer a compromise between the regulatory plan and the three scenarios submitted in 2013. The idea was to pay more attention to the economic consequences of reuse, which in other words meant making a choice both rational and qualitative, to satisfy both parties.

In order to do so, Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau started with a reduced version of the scenario submitted to the local authorities in 2013. It chose to develop a conservation route along a railway line that would connect the two existing lines, and more precisely, the railway section with the station’s container terminal and the section serving the eastern part of the site. These are both to be preserved and then linked by the new railway line. The rest of the railway infrastructure is to be removed. Several buildings are to be preserved along this new line (Fig. 26), and the density around them is to be reduced.

•

•

•

In the west of the site, a station warehouse and three of the Ningbo Zhenhai Stevedoring Company Limited’s warehouses are to be conserved, as well as the gantry cranes by the station’s container terminal and various cranes along the docks. It is also suggested to renovate containers. However, the buildings to be constructed between the railway line and Daqing North Road will have to be higher and closer together.

In the centre of the site, only one chimney is to be conserved along with the church. The plots belonging to Ningbo Salt Industry Limited Co. and Ningbo Specialty Cotton Corporation Baisha warehouse are to be converted into an ‘industrial park’, adorned with some of the various industrial features.

In the east of the site, three of the four refrigerated warehouses are to be conserved, as well as their annexes and ice conveyors. Also listed is the shipyard’s slipway, although the elements that showed how it worked had already been sold when the plan was submitted.

Moreover, the new buildings to be constructed between these warehouses and the Yongjiang are to have a similar scale to that of the warehouses. However, the buildings to go up to the north of the warehouses will be higher and closer together.

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Figure 26: Proposition made by the Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau which attempts to reconcile the expectations of the both political actors. The preserved railways (in red) are connected by a new one (in black). The Phase 3 of the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal is also included in this proposal. (Source: by author based on a map from the Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究, [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore]. Ningbo.

The next step is to convert and modernise these buildings, while preserving their features. Their value will also be driven up by the public squares that are to be constructed outside them, in compliance with the NHCCP’s recommendations. However, no mention is made of preserving their context, despite the fact this point, too, was put forward in the NHCCP. Another route reserved for the ‘modern symbols’ is to be set up from north to south, from the church to the metro station where lines 2 and 3 cross. Moreover, the park along the Yongjiang is to display the industrial features that were found there and along the railway lines, as many are to be preserved as possible. It is also requested that, to the utmost extent, these railway lines be integrated to the new roads, similarly to grade crossings. The idea to use this railway line as a ‘heritage track’ is thus taken from the first of the scenarios submitted in 2013, as well as the idea to include the railway in the design of the buildings that will eventually edge it. To illustrate these ideas, the example of New York’s High Line was taken up again. As illustrations of the general concept, the IBA Emscher Park in the Ruhr and Beijing’s Shougang Industrial Park were presented. However, these last two examples do not really correspond to the drastic choices made here.

It is also reminded that for these future buildings, the reuse of existing buildings is more than possible, even if it is not set out in the plan. This reminder was certainly intended to incite Ningbo’s government to hold discussions directly with public investors and add to the list of buildings to conserve. Public investors are the first to choose their plot319. Moreover, it is recommended that the government select the investors who will suitably adjust the roads within the plots containing conserved buildings. However, this is rather unrealistic, given the government’s profit-seeking tendency.

In conclusion, the report offers a very basic solution for the preservation of the site’s history. It goes slightly further than the regulatory plan, but does not take any risks, only preserving a small part of the site’s rich potential. Moreover, this draft goes as far as ‘creating’ a new history by requiring that a new section of railway line be built. This would make it more difficult to understand the genuine history of the site, thus disregarding the plans. However, it does have the merit of offering a plan combining the district government’s desire to develop the district economically with the city government’s wish to reuse the industrial heritage.

2.4.3. Planning interrupted until summer 2015 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau’s suggestion is to be the last. Its outcome is still unknown to the people and documents I was able to consult. Then again, the project’s planning was interrupted until

319

Cf. part I.3.2.2.

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Part III the final version of the NHCCP320 was published. TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department is also working on submitting a draft project321.

The revised NHCCP was submitted to Ningbo’s government in July 2015 and approved during the summer. It sorted the buildings on the site into two categories (Fig. 27): those to be preserved and those that had an additional historical interest. Moreover, all the railway lines were mentioned, except those serving the station’s container terminal. Finally, it drew up a ‘historical zone’ gathering the buildings of the station and Ningbo Zhenhai Stevedoring Company Limited, as well as the three food-processing warehouses. However, that was only a suggestion, meant to show the value of the distinctive buildings after various studies and discussions with the different governments322. There is no certainty as to the adoption of the plan, which only makes suggestions. However, the plan was approved by the province and the city, so it could still play a role in the final selection of the buildings to conserve.

Figure 27: Map attached to the NHCCP outlining the most representative buildings of the site and of the Ningbo’s industrial history. It is only a proposal, not a conservation plan design to protect these buildings as ‘cultural relics’. (Source: By author based on a map from Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI.)

At around that time, a new development occurred. The revised ‘Songjiang six shore’ plan, carried out in December 2014, had requested that the projects in the urban centre be completed within three years323. As the project under study is in the urban centre, the planning phase had to be accelerated.

Moreover, the project had to be launched as quickly as possible to avoid the need for a new regulatory plan. The 2012 regulatory plan will have to be revised in 2017 if the project is still not underway. The possibility of having to draw up another regulatory plan and the requests made in the ‘Songjiang six shore’ project gave the two governments considerable motivation to speed up the procedure, so as not to lose even more money in planning. At the same time, plots JB04 and JB06 were melded to increase the project’s surface area324, hence coming back to the dimensions set out

320

Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

321 I was able to participate in it during my internship in this department of TJUPDI. 322 Cf. part II.2.3.: The NHCCP follows a cooperation system for its development as described in part I.3.2.1.

323 “打造三江六岸 建设美丽宁波” [Construction of a beautiful Ningbo Sanjiang six shores], Ningbo city’s website (June 5, 2014). Available at http://www.nbrd.gov.cn/art/2015/6/5/art_22882_1187970.html. Accessed May 12, 2016. The same information is also reported in several local newspapers such as “市民之江 城市之脉——“三 江六岸”三年内大变样” [Jiang pulse of the people of the city-“Sanjiang six shores” within three years of big change]. tutiao.com (February 3, 2015). Available at http://toutiao.com/a3910065399/. Accessed May 12 2015.

324 Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

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Part III in the 2009 plan. This larger surface area, which has gone from 4.17 square kilometres to 6.94 square kilometres, seems to have been chosen for a fast return on investment, which was important to the district as well as to have a large redevelopment area. Indeed, this site is almost last land that Jiangbei district can use as large redevelopment site.

The extension of the planning zone led TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department to refuse to carry out the new plan, despite the request of Ningbo’s government325. This is first because the department’s work does not extend to developing the new site, as it is specialised in heritage, which is now only a small part of the project, and secondly because the budget allocated to the planning is equivalent to that of the site under study326, which covers 1 square kilometre. Such a budget is not enough to elaborate a decent plan for the whole area327. Following the department’s refusal, Ningbo’s government launched a competition to design a detailed plan during summer 2015.

The result of the competition, or rather the choice made by the governments, has still not been made public today. Consequently, the buildings that are to be conserved are still unknown.

However, with the recommendations made in the regulatory plan and the suggestions made by Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau in 2014 and TJUPDI in 2015, it is possible to guess which buildings will be preserved. Given the smaller planning budget, a basic solution identical or similar to the one made in 2009 seems to be the most likely. Moreover, judging by recent local press reports328 about the ‘Songjiang six shore’ project, which includes the project under study, it is highly likely that only some of the station’s railway lines and buildings, along with some of the refrigerated warehouses, will be conserved.

At the beginning of 2017, nothing has yet been done and the project seems to be postponed329 considering the fact that there is no further action taken on the site since the competition of 2015.

This means that a new regulatory plan will be necessary when the city will decide to restart the urban development process. Nevertheless, the district’s point of view towards industrial heritage seems to have changed. Indeed the district proposed ten cultural industries projects which some located in former factories330. The first of them: No. 8 Wenchuang Park, the former Ningbo Best Textile Co.,Ltd plant, was recently achieved331 and is located in the 2009’s project’s area. It is interesting to notice that the project was led by a private company: Ningbo Olympic High Culture Co., Ltd. after buying it

325

Op. cit.

Op. cit.

327 Op. cit.

328 “宁波三江六岸已经很美了 为何要花千亿打造升级版？” [Ningbo Sanjiang six shore was beautiful why spend one hundred billion to build an upgraded version?], Fenghua News (November 13, 2015). Available at http://fh.cnnb.com.cn/system/2015/11/13/011302962.shtml. Accessed May 12, 2016. And “三江六岸”三年大的 范围内变化 - 宁波，中国 - 新” [“Sanjiang six shore” within three years of big change-Ningbo, ChinaNews], Shantou News Time (March 17, 2016), published on NEWSYC.COM [online]. Available at http://news.zlwxh.com/detail/c-1dkca.html. Accessed May 12, 2016.

329 Information reported by Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. February 15, 2017. Shanghai.

330 “"十三五"期間 江北將打造十大文化產業集聚平台”, kknews.cc [online] (March 14, 2016). Available at 326

https://kknews.cc/culture/ombeo25.html. Accessed February 15, 2017. “宁波文化创意产业产跑GDP 上半年完成投资62.5亿元” [Ningbo cultural and creative industry leading GDP in the first half of the year to complete the investment of 6.25 billion yuan], Department of Commerce of Zhejiang (August 2016). Available at http://www.zcom.gov.cn/art/2016/8/31/art_886_231303.html. Accessed February 15, 2017.

331

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Part III to the district. The private players prove here again that they are the first to invest in this kind of operation and that they could start a change in the governments’ point of view.

Moreover, it’s also seems to have a new wish for the conservation of the Yongjiang North Shore industrial area332, which could explain the project’s postpone. Indeed if projects like No. 8 Wenchuang Park prove to Jiangbei’s government that economic benefits are possible through industrial heritage preservation, they could have decided to wait until 2017 in order to revise the regulatory plan with the purpose to enhance the importance of industrial heritage in it.

3. An interest in the reuse of industrial buildings that comes up against the obstacles of Chinese governance As I showed in the first part of this dissertation, Chinese governance is mainly geared towards economic development. Economic development is mostly ensured by the sale of building land, which is the main source of funding for these local governments. However, in my second part, I also addressed how important competitiveness is to the city governments, so they can attract the investors needed to carry out urban projects. These two considerations generate different visions of economic development, leading to oppositions between the political players. These then hinder the project planning, as for the Yongjiang North Shore project.

In the first part, I also explained the considerable hierarchy of the Chinese government, which means negotiations between different political players are severely unequal. This makes any cooperation difficult. Moreover, this hierarchy and the rigidity of the system make it impossible to set up a flexible planning procedure, able to adapt to contextual changes and changes in the project goals.

This further penalises the project and its economic outlook.

Nevertheless, in this dissertation, I have presented examples of cooperation and cooperation systems that could offer solutions in similar situations. Such solutions would make it possible to conciliate these different visions, therefore reducing the pressure caused by the hierarchy.

3.1.

One goal; different visions

The planning process of the Yongjiang North Shore project has taken different turns since 2012, revealing disputes between Ningbo’s government and Jiangbei District. These centre around the reuse of the site’s industrial heritage, and more particularly the quantity of plots and buildings to conserve. The issue is that both governments, although driven by economic development, have different visions for Ningbo’s development. These hindered the planning process from 2012 to 2015 and then faded into the background when a new economic imperative arose, uniting the governments’ interests.

However, the project was not completely suspended between 2012 and 2015. The governments were still able to prepare their marketing strategy. The document provided by Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau in 2014333 thus shows indirectly that some plots had already been allocated. This seems to have become possible after an administrative committee for land development334 was set up in 2014 to supervise the ‘Sanjiang six shores’ project, which comprises the site under study.

332

“"十三五"期間 江北將打造十大文化產業集聚平台”, kknews.cc [online] (March 14, 2016). Available at https://kknews.cc/culture/ombeo25.html. Accessed February 15, 2017.

333 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究, [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore]. Ningbo.

334 Cf. part I.3.2.2.

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Part III Moreover, in my interview with Ms Shao Yong335, I found out that public and private investors are becoming increasingly interested in this advantageously located project. The period from 2012 to 2015 may also have allowed for the conclusion of the negotiations with the Chinese army, which were already well underway when the regulatory plan was drawn up in 2012336. With these negotiations, the governments aimed to reclaim the military zones.

3.1.1. Developing the city’s attractiveness, the main goal of Ningbo’s government I determined in the previous part that the main mission of Ningbo’s government is to achieve the city’s economic transition by enhancing its attractiveness. The promotion of Ningbo’s industrial heritage is a means to that end, as it highlights the cityscape, and thus ensures Ningbo’s attractiveness and economic growth. The promotion of the cityscape, which is staged along the riverbanks, therefore has two goals: boosting the value of the land and adding to Ningbo’s urban showcase.

Setting up the showcase is the main goal of the city’s different master plans. The explicit purpose of the urban showcase is to give Ningbo a distinctive image, and thus positive publicity. Moreover, this desire to develop a city’s image along a river is very popular in China, and draws on Shanghai’s Lujiazui District and Bund337. The Bund embodies Shanghai’s economic power, while offering it an international image that attracts tourists, residents and investors. The construction of modern towers and the reuse of historical and industrial buildings thus offer Ningbo its own image, and are at the core of several of its projects: Sanjiangkou District, the Old Bund or the Yongjiang East Shore. For Ningbo, using heritage has the advantage of staging the city’s history, justifying its classification as a ‘historical city’.

Moreover, the first suggestions to reuse the city’s historical heritage used economic arguments, as I stated in the previous part. Economic arguments were also advanced to defend the reuse of industrial heritage. This led to the study of the suggestion to reuse the site’s heritage in 2009. The 2012 regulatory plan also uses economic arguments to justify reuse, which was considered a way to guarantee the site’s marketing. The project’s suspension in 2010 may have convinced the authorities to include reuse so as to give the project a characteristic identity and attract investors. It is possible that the site was included in the NHCCP for the same reasons, because it was added at the request of Ningbo’s government. Furthermore, its inclusion in a ‘historical zone’ can be considered prestigious for the project, as well as an additional marketing advantage.

However, this economic argument is perceived by the municipality as less important than its attractiveness. Indeed, we saw that the lack of cultural services is a handicap, which penalizes Ningbo in the intercity competition. This explains one of the master plans’ goals: the construction of several museums, art galleries, exhibition halls and creative industries. To achieve it, the city is prepared to developed and completed non-profit projects even if they faced an important budget overspending, such as the Ningbo’s Contemporary Art Museum did for example.

335

Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

336 Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.

337 Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

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Part III 3.1.2. A district government seeking fast, immediate profit These economic arguments in favour of conserving heritage don’t seem to have, yet, convinced the district government. It believes that the project must be developed as quickly as possible while making maximum profit, allowing its economy to develop and its members to be promoted via the bǐsài system. Moreover, the other two urban districts are experiencing strong economic growth, which is only heightening the competition between them. This competition, too, is driven by the chance of promotion338. However, the site is also one of the last large redevelopment areas available for Jiangbei district according to the master plan recommendations in favor of limited urban sprawl.

Furthermore, the possible implementation of Phase 3 of the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal project in the periphery of the site, planned by the province and the city, is seen as a risk of financial loss. The canal, which is as yet only envisaged in the regulatory plan, has, perhaps, been confirmed since. It could be one of the reasons the project’s surface area was increased in 2015. The uncertainty shrouding the canal and the military plots implies considerable financial risks, as does the conservation of industrial buildings.

As I explained previously, from the district’s point of view, the reuse of industrial buildings means fewer marketable plots339, as well as the risk that the investors wishing to benefit from the choice location will desist. Moreover, these industrial relics can be seen as obstacles to the city’s modernisation, as Yao Yanbin (2014) explains in his dissertation. Each reuse could, therefore, be risky for the marketing of the project, as that vision could be shared by investors. That is why the district government’s advertising policy centres on virgin plots that are free of any restrictions. According to Ningbo city’s website, “In the past five years, a space of over 5 million square meters has been evacuated for further development” 340.

However, these arguments are debatable, as Ningbo’s finished reuse projects are considered marketing success stories341 and have kindled interest in politicians, investors and residents.

Moreover, every draft project was intended to convince the district government that reusing existing buildings could generate significant funds. That is why each of them presents both ways to use the buildings and international examples considered successes.

It is also noticeable that the private development of the No. 8 Wenchuang Park might have changed the district’s vision. Indeed, with the ten cultural industries projects announced, it seems that Jiangbei district’s decided to focus its future development in the economic transition - even though until then it was focused on industrial growth. This shift may be explained by the fact that Jiangdong and Haishu districts are ahead of Jiangbei, which try to fill the gap to preserve its growth. That could mean a better understanding of Ningbo’s motivation for the Yongjiang North Shore industrial area and lead to new negotiations and compromise in favor the site’s industrial heritage.

338

I studied the importance of economic growth in the assessment of leadership skills of an administrative entity through the ‘Bǐsài’ part I.2.1.1.

339 This argument was used by Jiangbei district for rejecting the scenario proposed by the Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau in 2013: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究, [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore]. Ningbo.

340 Quote from the Ningbo city’s website (May 12, 2014). “Jiangbei district stepping into a new era”. Available at http://english.ningbo.gov.cn/art/2014/5/12/art_421_669725.html. Accessed November 26, 2015.

341 Cf. part II.3.2.4.

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Part III 3.2.

A rigid, hierarchical system that is a recipe for stalemates

As was described in the first part, the fact that China was never able to complete its institutional transition, initiated at the end of the 1970s, has meant the survival of a rigid, extremely hierarchical system342. This system led to stalemates during the planning phase of the project under study. Every political player, no matter their involvement in the project, occupies a different position in the governmental hierarchy: state, province, city and district. They use their rank to make headway in negotiations, which seriously hinders any attempt to cooperate.

This hierarchy also comes into play on a regulatory level343, regarding land ownership. Acquiring plots belonging to a superior level of government or state-owned business344 thus means entering into negotiations that always benefit the higher-ranking entity. Even the master plans are affected by this problem, as they are subject to the laws issued by higher levels of government345. Master plans must consequently be adapted to the different changes made to these laws, which can lead to their revision, extending the planning time. The production of these plans requires discussions between the different governments so as to anticipate potential changes, but these discussions can rapidly degenerate if there are disagreements.

3.2.1. Unequal negotiations due to hierarchical pressure As the city and district governments disagreed on the project, negotiations had to be set up between them to attempt to reach a consensus. However, Ningbo’s government, which ranks higher than the district, would try to impose its own viewpoint, in turn causing the district government to dig its heels in. Such an unequal footing rules out a rational discussion and often turns out to be counterproductive346.

Nevertheless, the district government is not powerless in the case of the Yongjiang North Shore project. First, it is in charge of carrying out the project, so it must approve of the plans before the construction can go ahead. The rejection of the scenario suggested in 2013 can consequently be seen as the expression of its disapproval of the city government’s policy. Next, the district government has most of the funds needed to carry out the construction347, which once again gives it a way to counter the city government’s power. Finally, several plots in the site belong to state-owned enterprises controlled by the district government, which can thus reclaim them. It can then use them to show its disapproval. In fact, between 2014 and 2015, the district government had several of these plots razed without asking the city government’s permission. This was a way to impose its own vision after the pressure Ningbo’s government had subjected it to348.

342

Cf. part I.2.1.1.

Cf. part II.2.1.1.

344 Cf. part I.2.1.2 : These state-owned enterprises have the hierarchical rank of the administrative entity controlling it . They also own their plots.

345 Cf. part II.2.1.1.

346 Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

347 Op. cit.

348 Op. cit. These destructions were also noted by comparing the photographs taken in August 12, 13 and 15, 2014 and October 14, 2014 by the urban planners of the Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI the photographs taken by myself in April 11 and 12, 2015.

343

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Part III Ningbo’s government, although it has the last word on the district government due to the fact that it has to approve the regulatory plan and owns some of the plots, it is not free to act independently.

Ningbo’s government is in the thrall of the central government, which demanded that it preserve its heritage. Consequently, TJUPDI’s request to revise the NHCCP349, although initially seen by Ningbo’s government as a way to force its vision on the district government, quickly became a necessary undertaking to comply with changes in national legislation350. The NHCCP was initially to be drawn up after discussions between the urban planners and Ningbo’s government, but these very quickly gave way to discussions between the urban planners and the central government so as to ensure that the plan complies with the new national regulations351.

Finally, the internal and external pressure that Ningbo’s government is constantly under forced it to switch positions during negotiations. Sometimes, it agrees with the district government, whose support is required to carry out the project, and sometimes it imposes its vision to satisfy its own goals. At other times, it complies with national directives so as not to anger the central government, which would mean certain demotion352. These changes of position make it difficult for the urban planners to understand what Ningbo’s government wants. To make it even more difficult, the urban planners cannot, of course, discuss matters among themselves, as they may only turn to Ningbo’s government353. This is also a severe obstacle to the fulfilment of Ningbo’s economic goals and thus to future growth. The creation of ‘think tanks’ regrouping urban planners and members from city’s and district’s government may help avoid this situation. Moreover, the cooperation with key investors may also reduce the project’s uncertainties in the future.

3.2.2. Development plans that are too inflexible to adapt to changes in the project The project I focused on in this dissertation is a testament354 to the fact development plans cannot be adapted to new goals or changes occurring in the project’s surroundings. The report published by Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau in 2014 especially highlighted the infringements of the master plan committed in the three 2013 scenarios. Thus, although the report left an opening for minor changes, it emphasised the need for the regulatory plan to be revised if the suggestions were to be accepted.

Moreover, the attempts to make the 2012 regulatory plan flexible for the development of the blocks were only minor, and strongly conditioned by economic arguments.

Regulatory plans mainly serve to distribute land use and organise the road network. Moreover, detailed plans focus on large areas of land355, without zooming in on future blocks other than to define their density. This leaves the more minute planning to the developers356. And yet, a more detailed plan would clearly measure the impact that the conservation of industrial buildings would have on the site. These extensive blocks, measuring approximately 100 metres by 180 metres on the

349

I discussed the origin of PCVHN revision in part II.2.3.

Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai.

351 Op. cit.

352 Cf. part I.2.1.1.

353 Cf. part I.3.2.1.

354 Cf. part I.3.1.3.

355 The Yongjiang North Shore surfaces often changed but covering large areas ranging from 1 to 6.94 square kilometers.

356 Hu L., project chief of TJUPDI’s Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department. Personal communication.

April 1, 2016. Shanghai.

350

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Part III site, only make up one plot. Establishing several plots within one block would make it possible to preserve certain industrial buildings at the same time as marketing part of their surface area.

However, it could be a disadvantage for the marketing campaign, as the areas could be too small to be of any interest to developers seeking a scale effect. It could also lead to a loss of the buildings’ context if the urban planning is not correctly defined for each block and then individually regulated.

It could eve, lead to a situation similar to that of the Hefeng Creative Space. However for this example, the fact that the industrial buildings were ‘cultural relics’- therefore heavily regulated - may have been the main reason for this situation.

The inflexible nature of regulatory plans also makes it difficult to change the land use, as any major change would require its revision. Consequently, they cannot be adapted to a change in the resource stock. The project was thus suspended in 2010 because there was an oversupply of commercial and service ventures with all the surrounding projects. Regulatory plans place particular emphasis on commercial and service functions, which are the most profitable, by gathering them into single-use blocks situated in the project’s most attractive areas. This undermines the idea of multifunctional blocks, which would also house residences, meaning daily activity; one of the goals stated in the regulatory plan. And yet that very suggestion was consistently presented in the different plans submitted in 2013. The advantage of multifunctional blocks is that they would more easily adapt to evolutions in the market.

Finally, development plans are yet again subject to a five-year system, which can lead the authorities to set aside some of their goals. This seems to be the case in the Yongjiang North Shore project. To avoid having to revise the regulatory plan, the authorities tend to speed up the planning process to the detriment of its quality, at least when they are certain they can market the plots. The project was consequently accelerated after the ‘pre-sale’ of some of its plots, as mentioned before. This was not the case in 2010. Then again, the cyclical revision allows the authorities to adapt to new requests when there are not enough investors. This is what allowed them to consider the site’s industrial heritage in 2012, an idea that had been a mere suggestion up to that point. However, that kind of situation is rather infrequent and the five-year period is too long to follow the rapid changes in the market.

Ultimately, the issue with these development plans is that they are too inflexible to allow the authorities to tackle the challenge generated by the dispersion of resources. They are remnants of the socialist system that make it impossible to satisfy the expectations of the different players. This can exacerbate tensions during negotiations. Regulatory plans and city political systems must consequently be reformed in order to be more flexible, as Dennis Wei (2005), Vernon Henderson (2009) and the World Bank (2014) have remarked. This urgent issue seems to have been tackled by authorities considering the fact that a very slight flexibility was allowed in the 2012 regulatory plan.

3.3.

A governance that, nevertheless, offers possibilities

Ultimately, the main goal of the two local governments in charge of the Yongjiang North Shore project is to ensure that the plots are marketed. Giving the city a ‘promotional image’, as Ningbo’s government would like, is actually a secondary preoccupation compared to the economic prospects awaited with the sale of the plots. In summer 2015, the new planning development led Ningbo’s government to set aside its ambitions in order to ensure its revenues and curb its planning expenses.

Moreover, the different hierarchical pressures and the inflexible nature of the plans are further obstacles to Ningbo’s ambitions, as well as the discussions that the different players have held on the reuse of the city’s industrial heritage. The example of Hefeng Creative Space also showed that imposed, restrictive reuse brings about the opposite of the initial goals of the project. However, the 94

Part III site’s inclusion in the NHCCP does not give the existing buildings the status of ‘cultural relics’. This status offers a great deal of freedom in terms of development and reuse, while requesting that the buildings’ context also be preserved357. It should also be noted that the final plan for the site, suggested by TJUPDI, presents buildings that should be conserved, and not that must be preserved.

This leaves a certain leeway for negotiation.

In my previous parts, I also presented different solutions that would allow the governments to achieve their ambitions and act in the interest of the project’s other contributors. These solutions, which require the participation of economic players - developers or state-owned enterprises - also need Ningbo’s government to be genuinely motivated. This is because, for the economic players to live up to its expectations, Ningbo’s government would have to offer financial support358 or guarantees and accept not to use its hierarchical position to impose its desires. That would be counterproductive. Nevertheless, a moderate use of its position could actually be required to convince the economic players, as it would allow the government to offer significant guarantees.

3.3.1. Calling upon developers during the project’s marketing phase The marketing phase of the project is thus presided over by an administrative committee for land development, which is incidentally tasked with the entire ‘Sanjiang six shores’ project. I explained in the first part that this type of cooperation between political and economic players gives public developers the right to choose their plot first359. This quirk may be the reason private players desist, but it has a distinct advantage. Public developing companies can settle upon plots featuring industrial buildings that are characteristic of the site, with the intention of reusing them. The advantages that Ningbo’s government can offer those public firms could also be offered to private enterprises.

When developing companies choose such plots, the buildings are guaranteed to be reused and the plots to be marketed. Consequently, the district government is reassured and can count on future revenues. This ‘reservation’ tells the district government it must not demolish the existing buildings, or it will lose an investment option. If it did go ahead and demolish the buildings, the firm would withdraw, forcing the district government to find a new investor. This could be difficult given Ningbo’s considerable real-estate supply.

However, that is only possible if the developers are interested. To kindle their interest, Ningbo’s government must be ready to offer them advantages, generally in the form of financial compensation360. Ningbo’s government should also emphasise the regulatory plan’s ‘flexibility’ regarding the development of the plots to persuade the companies. The city government could, for instance, use its rank to make some changes to the density or the use of the plots. The regulatory plan states that such changes are possible if the investor can justify them. With the support of Ningbo’s government, that article can be bypassed, as the city government has the prerogative of validating such changes. However, these cannot be too significant, or they would lead to a revision of the regulatory plan361 and thus bring about an unwanted delay in the completion of the project.

The validation of Ningbo’s government would thus allow the developer to set up a multifunctional programme. It would also offer the possibility of erecting new buildings around the buildings to

357

Cf. part II.2.3.

Cf. part I.3.1.1.

359 Cf. part I.3.2.2.

360 Cf. part I.3.1.1.

361 I demonstrated in part I.3.2.2. that the cities could force the Urban Planning Bureaus to revise the regulatory plan which then leads to project delays. However in this case this possibility is excluded given the fact that the project must be realized as soon as possible as I explained in part III.2.4.3.

358

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Part III reuse. In exchange, the new buildings have to respect the site’s context, in compliance with the NHCCP. In this case, the companies are sure to be interested in the project, because they can profit from the construction by leasing part of the project to other companies. Ningbo Daily Newspaper Group did exactly that when the Book City project was being carried out, as I explained in the previous part362. Moreover, the example of Book City showed that such projects can be initiated by the company itself. Book City was thus carried out to drum up publicity for Ningbo Daily Newspaper Group and give it a distinctive image in the city, while showing its commitment to the city through the reuse of a building that represented its history. This is a perfect example of Ningbo’s government acting both in its own interests and in those of the company, making cooperation and the fulfilment of this goal easier.

Ultimately, thanks to the interest Ningbo’s economic realm shows in the reuse of heritage363, the city government has good prospects of achieving its goals. This solution could also be enacted during and after the planning phase of the urban project, which could be interesting in the case of the Yongjiang North Shore project. However, the support of Ningbo’s economic players is not guaranteed. Nor would it make it possible to change the road system, which for the urban planners of Huazhong University of Science & Technology will mean a loss of the buildings’ original context – a risk they already pointed out in 2013.

3.3.2. Working in collaboration with state-owned enterprises from the beginning of the planning process In my first part364, I described the role that state-owned enterprises played in promoting industrial heritage and developing creative industries. I also mentioned in the previous part365 that Ningbo’s government was trying to develop such industries. Moreover, these creative industries are now increasingly diversified and satisfy several of Ningbo’s needs366, as can be seen with the Book City project. Finally, I pointed out that these ventures generate a city-wide attractiveness, as is the case with Shanghai’s M50 Creative Park or Beijing’s Z 798 Art Zone367, at the same time as they increase the value of the surrounding plots.

In addition to these many advantages, Ningbo’s government gains revenues by taxing creative industries, without having to invest. The benefits that the city government and the state-owned enterprises could reap from working together thus seem evident. Ningbo’s government could achieve its goals while ensuring revenues for the public firms concerned. Ningbo’s government would also have to offer the firms advantages to bring about such ventures. The most efficient way for Ningbo’s government to do this would be to give the firms its guarantee that they would still own their plots in the event of such a venture. Both this guarantee and the prospect of future revenues would encourage the firms to take the steps needed to attract artists or cultural or recreational venues, as it was already the case for the Book City and No. 8 Wenchuang Park projects.

The attractiveness generated by the ventures would make it easy to market the surrounding plots. It would also convince the district government how advantageous it is to reuse industrial buildings, which was the case for Jiangdong district after the completion of Book City. In 2010, the existence of

362

Cf. part II.3.2.2.

Cf. part II.3.2.4.

364 Cf. part I.3.2.3.

365 Indeed these industries are seen as a way to ensure the economic transition of the city (cf. part II.1.4.2.) and Hefeng Creative Space project (cf. part II.3.2.1.) had the goal of providing suitable spaces to welcome them.

366 Cf. part I.3.2.3.

367 These two examples are presented in Yao Yanbin’s thesis (2014), pp. 48-50 for the M50 and pp. 66-69 for the Z 798.

363

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Part III such a venture on the site under study would have given it the edge over the Bay Head project.

Although further from the centre, the Yongjiang North Shore project is in an area that is theoretically more popular, which would have brought investors to prefer it to a virgin site that was better located but less attractive. The project would then not have been delayed.

Moreover, such ventures would have to be set up at the beginning of the planning process, or even before. This would make it possible to set up a regulatory plan that was more respectful of the context of the industrial plots, while making it compulsory to adapt the future road system. New roads could not cross those plots, as they would no longer belong to the local government; it having committed to looking after them for the firms. Consequently, the road network would factor in the situation as it stood, as suggested by the urban planners of Huazhong’s University of Science & Technology in 2013. However, if this restriction implied risks for the traffic circulation, the firms could not be offered such a guarantee. That means that the studies for improving the road network would have to be carried out before, through different scenarios that would account for the plots potentially concerned by such a cooperation.

Ultimately, a collaboration between the political and economic realms could overcome the obstacles caused by Chinese governance. It would also offer the city government different ways to fulfil its goals, while convincing the district government of the benefits of reuse. Moreover, these suggestions offer an alternative to the use of hierarchical pressure by political players. They do not, however, solve the problem of inflexible master plans. Nevertheless, an early collaboration between stateowned enterprises and the city government would make it easier to base the different plans on the actual situation.

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Conclusion: Throughout this dissertation, I have explained, by studying Chinese governance, why China’s local governments need urban development. Urban development is the source of almost half of their revenues and it is the fastest, most profitable and most ostentatious way for them to achieve their goals. The main aim of urban development projects is thus to ensure the economic development of the governed area, in order to guarantee that its leaders are promoted through the bǐsài system. The study of the Chinese governance through the analysis of an industrial site allows me to detail what other studies focused on industrial heritage only approached. The choice of a sub-provincial city also allowed me to study the reuse of industrial site in a different context than the one of megacities.

Industrial site: a privileged location for cities’ urban renewal.

The financial importance of these projects, which is often used to justify the urbanisation of agricultural land, has a role in urban renewal projects. These are increasingly promoted by the central government, which is implementing laws to preserve rural zones. Nevertheless, urban renewal projects are still a minority, and only represent 10% of the area urbanised in China each year368. However, this share is expected to increase in the coming years with the nearing end of the first industrial leases, issued at the beginning of the reform period and because of the different regulation in favour of rural areas’ preservation.

Urban renewal projects are often carried out in industrial or disused zones. Moreover, industrial sites, built during the socialist era or at the beginning of the reform period, are plots that benefit from advantageous situations in the city. They offer a much sought-after natural environment: the riverbanks. They are also close to the urban centre and its services, and feature built heritage that could give the city a distinctive identity. Consequently, the plots occupied by such buildings have a high financial value, which explains why their redevelopment is due not to the city’s industrial decline, but to a desire to restructure and optimise its resources. Moreover, most of these plots belong to state-owned enterprises, which has two advantages: it makes it easier for local governments to take possession of them and the cities can reclaim the riverbanks to turn them into their promotional showcases369. The situation of these sites offers local governments the opportunity to make significant profits. They thus strive to sell as many plots as possible, while developing the site to increase their market value370. The plots are mainly intended for service companies or cultural or recreational institutions, to promote the image of a post-industrial city that is geared towards services and the improvement of the quality of life.

Urban renewal: a key tool for cities economic transition.

The main ambition of Ningbo’s government is to achieve the economic transition and acquire this post-industrial image. However, to attract service, cultural and recreational companies, it must work on its attractiveness. To do so, it must optimize its resources and turn them to good account, first by improving its tourism through the promotion of its heritage and the development of its culture, and

368

The World Bank and the Development Research Center of the State Council, The People’s Republic of China (2014). China’s Urbanization and Land: A Framework for Reform. Urban China: Toward Efficient, Inclusive, and Sustainable Urbanization. Washington DC. 369 Lin, C. H. (May 2011). Le rôle du fleuve dans le processus de l’urbanisation. Etude des villes fluviales en Chine [River’s role in the urbanization process. Study of river towns in China]. Dissertaion under the supervision of Tsionis, Y. Paris-Est University.

370 Op. cit.

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Conclusion secondly by improving its environment and accessibility371. In this way, Ningbo will stand out in China’s intercity competition, set up to stimulate cities’ touristic, demographic and economic development372. This desire is thus strongly put forward in the different planning documents studied in this dissertation. Moreover, since 2014, these plans have promoted the reuse of industrial heritage. It is seen as a way to give the city a characteristic image and free areas vast enough to accommodate the various facilities needed for the city’s economic transition.

A remnant planned system which paralysed the planning process.

However, the project I chose to study sheds light on the different obstacles governance can generate during the planning process. It can be particularly difficult when a city’s government wishes to conserve industrial buildings to increase the attractiveness of the project, as the short-term profitseeking of the district government in charge can lead to a stalemate. Each government’s different vision as to the choices to make to ensure economic development brings them to use their hierarchical position and exert their powers to achieve their goals, thus hindering the planning process. Hierarchical pressure can also come from the central government, which also wishes to assert its vision through new regulations. Consequently, the city government often changes its position to try to satisfy the two other governments. This makes it difficult for the other contributors to understand what it wants. Moreover, the inflexible nature of master plans means they cannot be used as a basis for negotiations. The inflexible five-year system that still presides over the plans today imposes fast construction, which counters the desire to produce high-quality urban projects. These plans cannot, then, satisfy the actual needs of the city, and the difficulties involved in changing them mean they cannot be adapted to new goals, such as reusing industrial sites or to respond to market and contextual evolutions.

Even if such a goal is expressed in the project’s regulatory plan, the fact the industrial buildings and features to conserve are not clearly defined can cause friction between the different political players, leading to a delay in the planning. Nonetheless, a detailed and inflexible list of buildings to conserve by creating constraining rules for the reuse will have the same result as we have seen in the example of Hefeng Creative Space. However a solution exists: combining clear definition of industrial buildings and flexibility, allowing discussion between players, this would lead to a proposed conservation plan.

This is what was done by the TJUPDI in the map outlining the most representative buildings of Yongjiang North Shore industrial area without any constraint concerning their preservation or their demolition.

Preserving building’s context to succeed industrial renewal.

Nevertheless, the lack of clarification as well as economic considerations are the reason why industrial buildings are often conserved one by one in China, and their context ignored, as Yao Yanbin (2014) notes. It also confirms his observations as to the constant profit-seeking that drives these projects, which are echoed by Che Xiaoping (2013). Conserving only some buildings makes it possible to sell a greater number of plots, and conserving only a small area increases the profits made by all of the project’s contributors.

And yet, conserving the context of such buildings has many advantages. It would offer vast public spaces where events could be organised, creating a buzz that would enhance the city’s attractiveness and improve the living conditions at the same time. Moreover, the Book City project is the proof that

371 372

Op. cit.

Op. cit.

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Conclusion preserving the buildings’ context creates a coherent zone that can serve several purposes. This makes the project profitable for a company, public or private, and offers it positive publicity and a distinctive image, moreover rooting it in the city and making it more legitimate in the eyes of the population.

The key role of the economic realm in industrial renewal projects.

These companies from the economic realm can thus find reuse interesting. Their interest should enable a closer partnership between them and the city governments, as they have common goals.

Such a partnership would take into account the interests of state-owned enterprises, which brought about the consideration of industrial heritage and which are today being evicted from their land to make room for these projects. Moreover, the World Bank and the Development Research Centre of the State Council (DRC) of the People’s Republic of China373 issued a report recommending that the public and private sectors work together to carry out urban projects. This could also encourage the reuse of industrial buildings and sites. With the expiration of the first industrial leases in 2020, the reuse of industrial sites will take on crucial importance, freeing more well-located plots that had previously been owned by private enterprises. This will help to limit the city’s urban sprawl and protect the environment; two goals that the state strongly wishes to achieve. Moreover that could also lead to the development of industrial reuse practices for some of these sites.

Allowing flexibility and cooperation in order to bypass uncertainties and obstacles.

More generally speaking, what China needs is the completion of the reforms (economic, institutional, tax, land ownership and urban planning) initiated at the end of the 1970s. That is the main request made in the report published by the World Bank and the DRC (2014). The same request is made by researchers such as Dennis Wei (2005) or Vernon Henderson (2009). China’s reforms are still incomplete, which means a system where market economy is coexisting with planned economy within the different governments. This hybrid system is the main reason for the obstacles encountered in the reuse of industrial sites. Indeed, urban plans’ inflexibility and strong governmental hierarchy cannot match when the state no longer controls all the financial, expertise or knowledge-based resources, which cause uncertainties in designing and carrying out such projects. High flexibility and cooperation between players are a critical point to enable their completion in dealing with those unpredictable events. Nevertheless, these requests for the completion of the reform seem to have been heard by the state, which is currently trying to complete the reforms. Different discussions on the subject were held in Beijing in March 2016374.

Final conclusion.

In conclusion, I believe it would be interesting, once these reforms have been implemented, to analyse whether they could help the different players involved to more easily take industrial reuse

373

The World Bank and the Development Research Center of the State Council, The People’s Republic of China (2014). China’s Urbanization and Land: A Framework for Reform. Urban China: Toward Efficient, Inclusive, and Sustainable Urbanization. Washington DC. 374 Shao, Y., director of the Urban-Rural Heritage Conservation department of Shanghai Tongji Urban Planning and Design Institute (TJUPDI), professor at the College of Architecture and Urban Planning (CAUP) of Tongji University. And at the World Heritage Institute of Training and Research for the Asia and the Pacific Region (WITRAP). Personal communication. March 28, 2016. Shanghai / Hua, X. (March 31, 2016). “China sets priorities for economic reform”. China Daily [online]. Available at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/201603/31/content_24218542.htm. Accessed May 12, 2016.

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Conclusion into account. It would also be pertinent to come back to the planning of the Yongjiang North Shore project so as to identify the buildings that were conserved and analyse their reuse. Interview with economic and political players could also bring a better understanding of the Chinese governance as well as new information concerning decision process in the case of Industrial sites reuse. Finally, it would be useful to measure the interest that Ningbo’s inhabitants and developers have in such renovations, and the interest of the Chinese people in general. This would determine whether the suggestions made in this dissertation are likely to have a true impact and, accordingly, take a more concrete form.

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List of figures Figure 1: Ningbo location relative to Shanghai and Hangzhou. Map showing the location of the city and the main urban centers of the territory admistered by Ningbo’s government (Source: by author). ........................... 30 Figure 2: Ningbo’s administrative entities. ........................................................................................................... 35 Figure 3: Government and urban document and regulations hierarchy within the Chinese urban planning system. The J represents the judicial authority part of the government and the N represents the National People Congress part of it. In the case of Ningbo’s status, the master plan doesn’t need the approval of the Province but the one of the National government. (Source: by author) .................................................................................... 39 Figure 4: Planned ‘ecological corridors’. The three corridors that follow the rivers are reprensented in blue.

(Source: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (February 2015).宁波市城市总体规划（2006-2020 年）（2015 年修 订). [Ningbo City Master Plan (2006-2020) (2015 Amendment)]. Ningbo.)......................................................... 43 Figure 5: Planned infrastructure’s development: metro in purple. The future road network is superposed above the ‘ecological corridors’ as presented in the previous map (Fig. 3). (Source: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (February 2015).宁波市城市总体规划（2006-2020 年）（2015 年修订). [Ningbo City Master Plan (20062020) (2015 Amendment)]. Ningbo.) .................................................................................................................... 44 Figure 6: ‘Sanjiang six shore’ project’s distribution. (Source: by author, based on a map from “市民之江 城市之 脉——“三江六岸”三年内大变样” [Jiang pulse of the people of the city-“Sanjiang six shores” within three years of big change]. tutiao.com (February 3, 2015). Available at http://toutiao.com/a3910065399/. Accessed May 12, 2016. ............................................................................................................................................................... 45 Figure 7: The main projects are located east of the urban centre. This area also host the city’s main cultural institutions. (Source: by author). ........................................................................................................................... 46 Figure 8: Industrial sites located along the Yongjiang river. (Source: by author based on the following report: Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.) ................................................................................................... 52 Figure 9: Views of the two remaining buildings. The modern constructions in the background are a part of the Hefeng Creative Space. Here the significant difference in scale between old and new buildings is clearly visible.

(Source: Ding, Z. (December 23, 2014). Preliminary Research on the Industrial Heritage in Ningbo. TJUPDI Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department. Shanghai.) ............................................................................... 53 Figure 10: Taifeng Flour Factory before and after its transformation. (Source: Xiang, Y., Xu, J. and Froh, M. (September 2012). “Ningbo Book City: a Transition of Taifeng Flour Factory”. World Architecture, pp. 118-123.) .............................................................................................................................................................................. 55 Figure 11: The site is located along Jiangbei district’s development axis east to the city centre. Close to the ‘totem’ buildings located along the Yongjiang river. (Source: by author.) ........................................................... 59 Figure 12: Land use of the Yongjiang North Shore’s surroundings. (Source: South East University of Nanjing (2009). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing. ................................................................................................................................................... 61 Figure 13: Yongjiang North Shore’s road system. (Source: South East University of Nanjing (2009). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing. .. 62 Figure 14: The reduction of the Ningbo Baisha North Station level of activity between August 2014 and April 2015 is clearly visible here. It is explained by the fact that a new station was built further north to make way for the Yongjiang North Shore urban project. (Source: photos from 2014: Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of the TJUPDI / Photos from 2015: by author.) ................................................................................. 63 Figure 15: Map showing the three part of the site and map of the site’s railway and road system. (Source: by author, based on the analysis from Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.) ....................................................................................................................... 64 Figure 16: Localization on the site of the main buildings listed by Zichen Ding’s study (2014) and the analysis conducted by the group of urban planners from Wuhan’s Huazhong University of Science and Technology (2013). (Source: by author. Photos: by author, April 2015. Excepted the shipyard’s one took by the Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI in August 2014. Its crane is now demolished.) ............................ 66 Figure 17: The high structures of the Jiangbei church and the four refrigirated wrehouses mark the site’s skyline.

(Source: by athor using photos took by the Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI in 2014.) .............................................................................................................................................................................. 67

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Figure 18: Metro system planned for 2025. The site is bypassed by this network : no metro station’s catchment area reach the site. This lack of public transportation connection reduced the sector’s accessibility and attractiveness. (Source: by author, based on a map from eChinacities.com : http://www.echinacities.com/upload/editor/image003.png.) ............................................................................. 68 Figure 19: Main urban projects located around the site. (Source: by author, based on a map from Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012) 大庆北路地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block], Ningbo.) .................................................................................... 69 Figure 20: Buildings and industrial element preserved by the project. Aside from the railways all of them are focused on the study area. (Source: South East University of Nanjing (2009). 宁 波 江 北 甬 江 北 岸 地 区 城 市 设 计 说, [Ningbo Jiangbei Ningbo City, North Shore City, regional design]. Nanjing.) ........................................ 76 Figure 21: Land use and road network planned by the regulatory plan. Two plans are proposed considering the fact that the proposed Phase 3 of the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal is not officially recorded. The sector is expected to be predominantly residential (in yellow and orange) and the banks of the Yongjiang are intended for commercial (in red) and tertiary (in purple) functions. (Source: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (2012). 大庆北路 地段(JB04)控制性详细规划, [Daqing Road Lot (JB04) Controlled Detailed Planning, The regulatory plan of Daqing block]. Ningbo.)......................................................................................................................................... 78 Figure 22: Preserved buildings and road network proposed by this scenario. Parks along the banks are reduced compared to the one proposed by the regulation plan. (Source: Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation], Wuhan, China.................................................................. 81 Figure 23: Preserved buildings and road network proposed by this scenario. Only the church is preserved in the central part of the site. (Source: Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013). 甬 江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China.................................................................................................................................. 82 Figure 24: In this scenario only east of the site is preserved, but here as a whole. Consequently the road network and the parks are completely revised. (Source: Huazhong University of Science and Technology and studio 305 (May 2013) 甬江北岸工业遗产调研 资料整理分, [Industrial heritage research of the Yongjiang north shore: Analysis of data compilation]. Wuhan, China. ...................................................................................................... 83 Figure 25: Scenario proposed by the Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau in 2013 to Ningbo’s and Jiangbei district’s governments. (Source: by author based on a map from Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau : Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究, [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore].

Ningbo. .................................................................................................................................................................. 85 Figure 26: Proposition made by the Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau which attempts to reconcile the expectations of the both political actors. The preserved railways (in red) are connected by a new one (in black). The Phase 3 of the Ningbo-Hangzhou canal is also included in this proposal. (Source: by author based on a map from the Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau: Ningbo Urban Planning Bureau (October 2014). 甬江北岸工业遗产利用研究, [Heritage utilization for the Yongjiang North Shore]. Ningbo. .............................................................................. 86 Figure 27: Map attached to the NHCCP outlining the most representative buildings of the site and of the Ningbo’s industrial history. It is only a proposal, not a conservation plan design to protect these buildings as ‘cultural relics’. (Source: By author based on a map from Urban-rural Heritage Conservation Department of TJUPDI.) ................................................................................................................................................................. 87

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Detailled table of contents Introduction. ..................................................................................................................... 1 Part I – Governance and uncertainties, key principles for a project’s decision-making process ............................................................................................................................ 5 1.

Definition of governance and associated theories ....................................................... 5 1.1.

Finding a definition of governance ............................................................................................ 5 1.2.

The realm-of-power system and the relations between the public realm and the economic realm........................................................................................................................................... 7

2.

China’s economic reforms and the ensuing emergence of new players ............................... 9 2.1.

Transformations of the political realm following China’s economic reforms ................................... 9 2.1.1.

A decentralization of powers, leading to the creation of corporate governance .................. 10 2.1.2.

The privatization of state-owned enterprises – a profound transformation, or the old system in disguise? ............................................................................................................................................... 12 2.2.

The emergence of non-state players .............................................................................................. 14 2.2.1.

Foreign firms and the establishment of private Chinese companies ..................................... 14 2.2.2.

The players of the real-estate sector ...................................................................................... 14 2.2.3.

New players in urban planning ............................................................................................... 15

3.

Cooperation is needed to manage the unpredictable ....................................................... 16 3.1.

A risk assessment faced with various uncertainties ................................................................... 17 3.1.1.

The uncertainties linked to the context of the project ....................................................... 17 3.1.2.

Instability of the resource stock .......................................................................................... 19 3.1.3.

The variable nature of project goals .................................................................................... 20 3.2.

Cooperation between the players can overcome these various obstacles ................................ 22 3.2.1.

Associations pertaining to the preparation of master plans............................................... 23 3.2.2.

The collaboration involved in urban projects promoted by city governments................ 24 3.2.3.

The partnerships involved in urban projects initiated by state-owned enterprises ....... 26 3.2.4.

Chinese governance: a hybrid system between governance and government ................ 27

Part II – Ningbo and its recent interest in the reuse of industrial sites....................... 29 1.

Ningbo: a bustling city with many assets ..................................................................... 29 1.1.

A choice geographical situation: ................................................................................................... 29 1.2.

A long history as a port .................................................................................................................. 31 1.2.1.

A trading hub linking China to the world ............................................................................ 31 1.2.2.

A long industrial history ....................................................................................................... 33 1.3.

To a major port, a special administrative status ......................................................................... 34 1.4.

An evolving city .............................................................................................................................. 35 1.4.1.

Sociological data.................................................................................................................... 35 1.4.2.

An evolving economy ............................................................................................................ 36

2.

Local regulations are evolving to satisfy economic needs .......................................... 37 2.1.

The city’s administrative status enables a local vision................................................................ 38 2.1.1.

Regulations that are still subject to the governmental hierarchy ..................................... 38 2.1.2.

Local governance for a global vision regarding projects .................................................... 40 2.2.

Ningbo City’s Master Plan (2006-2020): a tool to bring about the economic transition .......... 41 2.2.1.

A stalwart determination to pursue the economic transition ........................................... 41 2.2.2.

Taking environmental quality into account to improve living conditions ........................ 42 2.2.3. ’ Sanjiang six shores’: the desire to use Ningbo’s riverbanks as an urban showcase fulfilled:45 2.3.

The Ningbo Historic City Conservation Plan and the promotion of industrial heritage .................. 47 2.3.1.

Ningbo’s three rivers as a showcase for heritage ............................................................... 48 2.3.2.

The recognition of the value of industrial sites .................................................................. 49

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3.

An overview of the reuse of Ningbo’s heritage ........................................................... 50 3.1.

A preview of existing cases of reuse and the condition of the industries located in the centre .... 50 3.1.1.

It all started with the reuse of historical buildings ................................................................. 50 3.1.2.

The status of the factories situated in the urban centre ........................................................ 51 3.2.

The Yongjiang East Shore: examples of reused industrial sites ...................................................... 52 3.2.1.

Hefeng Creative Space, a project instigated by Ningbo’s government .................................. 52 3.2.2.

Book City, a project instigated by a state-owned enterprise ................................................. 54 3.2.3.

Other industries in the area ................................................................................................... 55 3.2.4.

Prospects for the reuse of industrial buildings in Ningbo. ..................................................... 56

Partie III – Analysis of the decision-making process in light of the concepts studied: the case of the Yongjiang North Shore project .............................................................................. 58 1.

Defining the context and the existing resources ............................................................... 58 1.1.

Urban situation and immediate environment ................................................................................ 59 1.1.1.

Location .................................................................................................................................. 59 1.1.2.

Immediate environment......................................................................................................... 60 1.2.

The site’s characteristics and the identification of its remarkable buildings ............................ 62 1.2.1.

Current use and structural organisation .............................................................................. 63 1.2.2.

Spotlight on the remarkable buildings ................................................................................. 65 1.3.

The Yongjiang North Shore project and Ningbo’s plans.................................................................. 68 1.3.1.

The expectations linked to the site and its role, as stated in the city’s plans ........................ 68 1.3.2.

A project that fits into the development of the district ......................................................... 69 1.4.

Existing players and resources ........................................................................................................ 70 1.4.1.

A reuse of occupied plots, implying interactions between the local government and various players 70 1.4.2.

Many resources that will have to be turned to good account ............................................... 72

2.

A planning process marked by many new developments .................................................. 73 2.1.

An interest in the reuse of industrial buildings that emerged with the first master plan in 2009 .. 73 2.1.1.

Measures for optimizing the division of the plots and resources .......................................... 74 2.1.2.

Promoting the landscape by creating a number of green spaces .......................................... 74 2.1.3.

Suggestion to reuse characteristic industrial buildings .......................................................... 75 2.2.

The 2012 regulatory plan includes the site’s industrial heritage .................................................... 77 2.2.1.

A plan that takes up the main measures promoting the site… .............................................. 78 2.2.2. … And which confirms the interest in industrial buildings ..................................................... 79 2.3.

First suggestion: three scenarios, after an analysis of the site in 2013:.......................................... 80 2.3.1.

Scenario 1: heritage trail. ....................................................................................................... 80 2.3.2.

Scenario 2: heritage districts .................................................................................................. 82 2.3.3.

Scenario 3: industrial park ...................................................................................................... 82 2.3.4.

The site’s inclusion in the NHCCP and another project developed the same year ........... 83 2.4.

A lack of consensus is disrupting the planning process .............................................................. 84 2.4.1.

A rejection of the suggestions made in 2013… ................................................................... 84 2.4.2. … That led to the submission of a new draft project in 2014 ............................................ 85 2.4.3.

Planning interrupted until summer 2015 ............................................................................ 86

3. An interest in the reuse of industrial buildings that comes up against the obstacles of Chinese governance ........................................................................................................ 89 3.1.

One goal; different visions ............................................................................................................ 89 3.1.1.

Developing the city’s attractiveness, the main goal of Ningbo’s government ................... 90 3.1.2.

A district government seeking fast, immediate profit ........................................................ 91 3.2.

A rigid, hierarchical system that is a recipe for stalemates ........................................................ 92 3.2.1.

Unequal negotiations due to hierarchical pressure ............................................................ 92 3.2.2.

Development plans that are too inflexible to adapt to changes in the project .................. 93 3.3.

A governance that, nevertheless, offers possibilities .................................................................. 94 3.3.1.

Calling upon developers during the project’s marketing phase ......................................... 95 3.3.2.

Working in collaboration with state-owned enterprises from the beginning of the planning process .................................................................................................................................... 96

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Conclusion : .................................................................................................................... 98 Bibliography ..................................................................................................................102 Books ....................................................................................................................................102 Articles ..................................................................................................................................102 Thesis – Master’s thesis .........................................................................................................104 Reports .................................................................................................................................104 Law texts ...............................................................................................................................105 Websites ...............................................................................................................................105 Interviews .............................................................................................................................106

List of figures .................................................................................................................107 Detailled table of contents .............................................................................................109

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