Drawing Room Displays
“The Price of War” Recording, Publishing & Preserving Art 1939-1945
16 January - 28 April 2017
Introduction ‘The Price of War’: Recording, Publishing & Preserving Art 1939-1945 Items from the Paul Mellon Centre’s Research Collections This display uses items from the Paul Mellon Centre’s Research Collections to explore the impact of the Second World War on art, architecture, publishing, and the individuals connected to these endeavours. The display highlights the multi-faceted nature of archive, library, and photographic archive material. Originally preserved or acquired because of their value to art historical research, these items also reflect the conditions under which they were created, during the war years or very soon afterwards. This display is by no means a comprehensive overview of the subject, but rather a reflection on the destruction, creation, publication and exhibition of art during this time, as captured through these items.
Cover: Front cover of Item 1 Opposite: Front cover of Item 10b
Upright display case
PRESERVATION & DESTRUCTION 1
Title page of Elizabeth Rivers, This man: a sequence of woodengravings, (The Guyon House Press, 1939). LR: 094 RIV.
This man was published in 1939 by Guyon House Press.1 In 1940 the Press suffered the effects of enemy action. This was the first book to be illustrated by Irish artist Elizabeth Rivers (1903-1964), an artist who created paintings, stained glass, sculpture, and wood engravings. It is likely that most copies and all of the illustration blocks for the book were in the building at the time, given that copies of This man are incredibly rare. As a consequence, Rivers’ early pre-war work is little-known. Pat Donlon notes that the 'turmoil of the war years' seemed to affect Rivers’ later work, highlighting in particular her illustrations for Out of Bedlam (1956). Donlon notes that Rivers' darker, more stylised work appears after the war years and suggests 'her graphic work takes on an almost painful mystical edge'.2 This rare item exemplifies the effects of the war on Rivers and many other artists from this period.
Title page of Item 1
Front cover of The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, September 1944, Vol. 135, No. 498. LR: Journals: B.
This issue of the Burlington Magazine includes an article by Tancred Borenius (Hon. Acting Editor 1940-45) concerning two versions of Richard Wilson’s The Destruction of Niobe’s Children, written in the same year that the National Gallery’s version of the painting (NG110) was destroyed by enemy action. Borenius commented: ‘The loss is one which naturally will be keenly felt by everyone interested in English painting and is all the
Front cover of Item 2
more regrettable since, despite its renown, certain points regarding this picture and its position in Wilson’s work still remained obscure.’3 Unlike most of the National Gallery and Tate’s collection this painting was not in storage, but instead in a restoration workshop in the West End where it was burned by an enemy bomb attack.4 There is something ironic about the fact that the artwork might not have been destroyed but for it having been selected for restoration.
Photograph of Richard Wilson’s The Destruction of Niobe’s Children, Tate Photographic Archive. LR: E4028.
This photograph is the only known image of the National Gallery’s The Destruction of Niobe’s Children (NG110) destroyed by enemy action in 1944. It was part of Tate Photographic Archive, which was donated in full to the Paul Mellon Centre in 2008.
It is the same image reproduced to illustrate Borenius’ article in the Burlington Magazine (see caption 2). In a footnote to his article, Borenius acknowledged that ‘We are greatly indebted to the Director of the Tate Gallery for placing at our disposal the photograph reproduced as the frontispiece to this number.’5 Without this photograph, the appearance of the work would be unknown today.
Research note titled ‘Hail and Farewell’ by Ellis Waterhouse on the Mount Edgcumbe House picture collection, undated. AR: EKW/3/17a&b
This document from the Ellis Waterhouse Archive records Waterhouse’s thoughts on the destruction of artistic documents and monuments during wartime. He was very familiar with this subject, having been appointed in 1945 a monuments and fine art officer with the army and Foreign Office (better known as a ‘Monuments Man’). The document is undated and concerns, in particular, Mount Edgcumbe House which was gutted by enemy action in 1940. Most of the painting collection was destroyed.
Waterhouse relied on his own notes from 1932 to try and compile a list of the principal pictures at Mount Edgcumbe House before the war. He poignantly observed: ‘There must be many students who possess record of such things, taken perhaps casually against some unforeseen future date when they might prove useful, mostly of things which did not seem important enough to publish by themselves when they survived for all to visit.’
Black & white photograph of the exterior of 66 Frognal, NW3 Hampstead c. 1938. AR: DCS/2/7/18d
This photograph from the Dennis Sharp Archive features a house designed by the modernist architects Connell, Ward and Lucas (completed in 1938). It was one of the last buildings they finished as their partnership disbanded at the outbreak of the hostilities. There is no doubt the war changed the course of architectural design greatly. In his introduction to
the Arts Council exhibition Ten Years of British Architecture 1945-1955, John Summerson writes: ‘In 1945, for the first time in Britain’s history, building effort was canalized into great national schemes… designed for the welfare of the country at large. The contrast with 1938… its luxury flats… was complete: the war interval had constituted the most dramatic full stop in the history of building in Britain.’6
a. Letter from Chief Officer of London Fire Brigade to G. H. Walford, 14 July 1939. b. Receipt slip from the War Damage Commission, 10 October 1943. c. Letter from the post warden to all residents of Frognal, January 1941. AR: DCS/2/7/21a, DCS/2/7/21c, DCS/2/7/21b
These documents are all part of the project file on 66 Frognal in the Dennis Sharp Archive. They include a letter from the London Fire Brigade to the owner of the house stating that 66 Frognal was to be used as a fire alarm station in the event of hostilities; a receipt from the War Damage Commission concerning damage to the building; and a letter from the post warden to all residents of Frognal, concerning practical ways in which to â€˜minimise the effect of Incendiary Bombs which may fall in or near your homeâ€™. Together, they illustrate the very practical ways in which the war affected buildings and the people living in them.
Page 17&18 of ‘Britain at War Guards her Art Treasures’, Picture Post, 7 November 1942. LR: Journals P
This issue of Picture Post shows how the National Gallery implemented an evacuation plan in order to protect the collection from destruction. The National Gallery did suffer bomb damage, including the total destruction of one exhibition hall.7 Despite this setback, it continued a programme of temporary loan exhibitions (see item 17, small flat display case). As a pioneering photojournalistic magazine, Picture Post exemplifies the increased use of photography to document the war. The article on
the relocation of the collection to Manod caves was only published in November 1942 – some two years after it had taken place. The location of the collections was not revealed since, as the author noted, ‘Next to precious jewels, objects of art are the most attractive valuables for the war-time thief.’8 The article also considered the effect that the inaccessibility of the national art collection had on the public: ‘We’re inclined to cherish the things we love only when we’re about to lose them.’9
Large Flat Display Case
a. Editorial by Harold Sawkins, ‘Commercial Art Receives Another Blow’, The Artist, February 1942, Volume 22 No. 6. b. Front Cover of The Artist, January 1942, Volume 22 No. 5. LR: Journals A
The Artist printed regular articles on techniques for painting and designing. Between 1939 and 1945, each issue of the magazine focused on some aspect of wartime conditions. The editorial for January 1942, written by Harold Sawkins, explores how ‘Art can attune itself to war’. It features the Colonel of the Royal Army Ordnance Depots, who had enlisted the artists among his workers to create posters as a means of ‘increasing the efficiency of the depot and saving wastage, Sawkins praises ‘their desire to do all they can to use their art to advantage in wartime.’ The editorial in the February 1942 issue discusses the paper and card shortages which led the government
to restrict printing. Sawkins highlights the strain put on commercial artists who could no longer produce catalogues, brochures, and leaflets of their work. Whilst he expresses concern about the consequences of limiting the commercial artists’ outlets for promoting their livelihoods, he asserts: ‘such is the price of war’ – sacrifices at home were necessary in order to achieve victory in Europe. He writes: ‘Let us therefore take this blow in the right spirit; the determination of a great people to bear any burden rather than face slavery.’ Meanwhile, on the opposite page, in an advert for the Press Art School, Percy V. Bradshaw alerts art students in the services to the possibility of becoming ‘famous in their respective fields of art’ by creating ‘topical sketches of the War’ and turning ‘the War to advantage – and to profit!’
Front covers of: a. War Pictures by British Artists No. 1: War at Sea b. War Pictures by British Artists No. 4: Army (Oxford University Press, 1942) c. War Pictures by British Artists Second Series No. 2: Production (Oxford University Press, 1943). LR: P 7.04 WAR
These booklets of war artists’ pictures were published in 1942 and 1943. Despite the surge of photojournalism, war art was still used as a means of recording war – largely thanks to the encouragement of Kenneth Clark. The War Artists’ Advisory Committee (WAAC) chaired by Kenneth Clark, was set up to ‘collect a series of pictorial records of the war in all its aspects’.10 The WAAC under the Ministry of Information (MoI) sought to provide reproductions of these works, as a propaganda tool and to boost public morale.11 However, the WAAC and MoI had some disagreement about who the audience for such publications might be.12 Whilst the WAAC felt that a high quality art publication for ‘the intelligentsia’ was needed, the MoI was keen to appeal to a wider audience.13 In 1942 they came to an agreement and produced a series of four publications under the title War 14
Pictures by British Artists. The series was hugely successful and the 24,000 copies published sold out in six months. Each book has an introductory text by a different author (Herbert Richmond, J. B. Morton, H. E. Bates and Colin Coote) and includes numerous black and white illustrations. The MoI wanted the publications to be affordable for the public. The poor quality of the paper is typical of wartime publications, although extra supplies of paper were released by the paper controller especially for the project.14 Brian Foss remarks that there is an ‘uneasy compromise’ in this series between the MoI and the WAAC’s intentions for the project.15 Whilst the series foreword expresses the WAAC’s sentiments on the importance of the war artists’ subjective interpretations of war, some of the introductory texts, Foss asserts, in fact have little to say about the images themselves ‘preferring instead to engage in a brand of flag-waving much admired by supporters of unequivocal propaganda’.16
Front cover of Item 9a
a. Plate 50 and page 59 of War Pictures by British Artists Second Series No. 3: Soldiers (Oxford University Press, 1943) b. Plates 6 & 7 of War Pictures by British Artists No. 2: Blitz (Oxford University Press, 1942). LR: P 7.04 WAR
These plates are from the second series of War Pictures, commissioned in 1943, following the success of the first. Foss notes that this series contained more analysis of the artists’ works than the previous publications, and suggests that this showed more influence on the project from the WAAC, whose objective for the series was always to provide insightful art publications as well as propaganda.17 Regardless of the differing goals for the publications, these booklets provide a record for us of how war artists’ work was being presented to
the general public, and the foresight the WAAC had to document the war through art, as Clark acknowledged in his foreword to the series: ‘What did it look like? They will ask in 1981, and no amount of description or documentation will answer them. Nor will big, formal compositions like the battle pictures which hang in palaces; and even photographs, which tell us so much, will leave out the colour and the peculiar feeling of events in these extraordinary years. Only the artist with his heightened powers of perception can recognise which elements in a scene can be pickled for posterity in the magical essence of style. And as new subjects begin to saturate his imagination, they create a new style, so from the destruction of war something of lasting value emerges.’18
Front cover of Item 9c Front cover of Item 10a Plates 18 & 19 of item 10b
Letter from W. G. Constable to Herbert Read, 23 September 1939. AR: WGC/1/2/1a
This letter, written by art historian and curator of Boston Museum of Fine Arts W. G. Constable, reveals how the War affected the research he was undertaking for a book about Richard Wilson. Constable asks his publisher, Herbert Read: ‘What are we to do about Wilson?’ He writes of trouble acquiring photographs of works of art in public and private collections now that many were in storage for safekeeping: ‘…in normal circumstances, they would have had photographs taken, but in the present conditions, this is out of the question.’ Interestingly, Constable later writes to Read on 3 March 1942 about the same issue but seems affronted that
‘Various private owners, too, have declined to allow their pictures to be photographed owing to the war, which seems a very odd reason.’ In later letters Constable continued to update Read on his progress: ‘We have pretty well got together all the material that we can until times become normal.’ He relays to Read that besides the disruption to the National Gallery’s photographic department and ‘work in English archives … completely at an end’, the entry of the United States (where Constable resided) into the war had changed his priorities. Read acknowledges as much writing: ‘I expect America’s entry into the war has plunged you into all kinds of new activities, and that you have still less time to think of Wilson, Canaletto etc.’
Letters from Herbert Read to W. G. Constable, 16 October 1939 and 27 February 1947. AR: WGC/1/2/1d, WGC/1/2/1e
In these letters Herbert Read and W.G. Constable continue to discuss how the war has affected their work: ‘time passes so quickly these days, and events have given an air of unreality to all our art activities’.19 Routledge & Sons – under Read’s directorship – continued to publish books where possible, through the war. Read gave up his editorship at the Burlington Magazine in 1939 and, in a letter dated 9 February 1942, revealed that a project to set up a Museum for Modern Art in London, in which he had been involved, had been ‘indefinitely postponed’. He told Constable the success of the National Gallery’s wartime exhibitions convinced him there would have been great appetite for his Museum
of Modern Art had it been set up at the beginning of the war. In terms of the practicalities of publishing art books during wartime, Read wrote in February 1942: ‘apart from our general anxiety about the war the main problem is to get hold of sufficient paper to carry on a minimum amount of publishing business.’20 After the war ended it was several months before the planning of the Wilson publication got underway again. Though the war was over, Herbert Read wrote to Constable of the other projects in the pipeline – on George Stubbs, William Hogarth and Thomas Gainsborough – that all had been delayed by ‘production difficulties’, ‘from which it will take us many weeks to recover.’
Frontispiece and title page of Eric Newton, War through artists’ eyes (John Murray: London, 1945). LR: In Process.
This book was published to exhibit ‘a small but…representative collection’ of contemporary war art.21 Eric Newton, an art critic who served in the First World War, introduces the book by saying: ‘As I write, our armies are gathering along the frontiers of Germany… It is possible that the best war pictures are still to be painted. Meanwhile this is surely a fitting moment to present this record of tension and strain in one of the most important chapters of British history.’22 He discusses the ability of artists to capture elements of war in a descriptive and interpretive manner and compares the different styles and approaches taken by artists such as Henry Moore, Graham
Detail of front cover of Item 13
Sutherland, Anthony Gross, and Edward Ardizzone in capturing the unfamiliarity of war.23 Newton also considers how the war has provided the artist with a new subject of observation upon which to ‘turn their attention’ and focus fresh compositions. He suggests that: ‘left to himself he [the artist] betrays an irritating indifference in the choice of his theme. The absurd creature is apt to paint his cook or a couple of cabbages or the dull stretch of country at his back door.’24 Commercial publications such as these presented another means by which the work of war artists could be recorded and shared with the public.
Letter from Captain Edward G. Spencer-Churchill to Ellis Waterhouse, 23 September 1938. AR: EKW/1/300a
This letter from Captain E.G. Spencer-Churchill (18761964) is part of the research correspondence contained in the Ellis Waterhouse Archive. The uncomfortable atmosphere in Europe following Hitler’s rise to power is clearly evident: writing in September 1938, Spencer-Churchill comments to Waterhouse: ‘We intended to be away much longer, but this disgusting Hun may try for 22
his knock out blow any time now, so thought I would get back while the going was good’. During the war, Waterhouse’s art research ceased as he was commissioned to work for the British legation, the intelligence corps, and as a monuments and fine art officer. In this role he defended buildings from military vandalism and supervised the return of stolen art works.
Excerpts from the Oral History of Brian Allen, Director of the Paul Mellon Centre 1996-2012. AR: PMC59/3/1, S1T3, 0:07:00- 0:08:00 & S2T1, 0:14:42- 0:15:45
Scan the QR code below to listen to Brian Allen discussing Ellis Waterhouse’s role as a monuments and fine art officer during the war and after it ended. Or listen via our website: http:// www.paul-mellon-centre.ac.uk/
The Monuments, Fine Art and Archive programme (MFAA) was set up in 1943 to protect vulnerable monuments and artworks and aid in the restitution of stolen art across Europe and Japan. Over three hundred individuals from fourteen countries were involved in the MFAA, including Ellis Waterhouse. The individuals were selected on account of their expertise in art as museum directors, curators, art historians, archivists, architects, educators, and artists.25 Waterhouse is not the only ‘monuments man’ to be represented in the Centre’s collections. See item 16, a letter written by Christopher Norris. Connect to our Wifi Username: PMC Guest Password: C0nst4bl3
Fourth page of a letter from E. Christopher Norris to W. G. Constable, 16 June 1949. AR: WGC/1/4/6a
In this letter, part of the W.G. Constable Archive, Christopher Norris includes details of his involvement with the Monuments and Fine Arts programme (MFAA). Before the war Norris was an art historian who worked on Rubens. In 1945 he was employed for the MFAA as an art protection officer in Berlin. He was involved in negotiations to organise restitution across British and American zones. By the time he wrote this letter he had become the Chief of the British Section of the MFAA and only returned permanently from Germany in 1950.26 Norris writes to Constable about how the political state of Germany
should affect what is done with art collections in the MFAA’s care: ‘As you know I very much hope that we shall neither of us [UK or USA] send Berlin material to Berlin on any kind of pretext. I believe that we have finally persuaded our authorities to delay any transfer to the Lander until the Central German Government is formed. It will be easier then to protect the collections as a whole.’ This letter shows how the expertise of art historians such as Norris and Waterhouse was invaluable in the post-war art restitution efforts across Europe.
Small Flat Display Case
a. Front Cover of British painting since Whistler: National Gallery 1940, (London: National Gallery, 1940). b. Photograph of Nicholson and Yeats exhibition, 1942 (loaned from the National Gallery Collection, AR: NG34) LR: 062 LON-NAT
This catalogue was produced to accompany the first temporary exhibition held at the National Gallery during the Second World War.27 The photograph shows the exhibition space in the East Wing used for such temporary exhibitions. Though the art press was scathing about the quality of this first exhibition’s pictures compared to the permanent collection, the public were not deterred. Marriott, in an introduction to the exhibition
organised by Lillian Browse, was clear that the objective was not to replace the Old Masters gone from the walls, but to exhibit something different yet equally worthy of the space.28 In this introduction, Marriott outlines the value of access to art: ‘the essential value of the artist to the community is emotional and spiritual, depending upon qualities which have nothing whatever to do with information conveyed or patriotic intention, and that in time of war this value is greatly enhanced. As applied to its benefits to ourselves “Art for Art’s sake” is a true saying.’29
a. Front cover of Holland and England: some examples of their art: June – July 1942, (London: Thos. Agnews & Sons, Ltd, 1942). b. Newspaper cutting review of Agnews’ exhibition Holland and England: "Dutch And English Masters." Times [London, England] 4 June 1942, p.6. c. Photographs of Agnews in Bond Street 1937, the top gallery and the front saloon [‘loaned from the National Gallery Collection' NG AR: NGA27/28/5] LR: 062 LON-AGN
This exhibition catalogue and newspaper cutting concern the Dutch and English masters exhibition of 1942, organised by the fine art dealer Agnews. The exhibition was well received by the press who commented that ‘Once more the thanks of Londoners are due to Messers. Agnew for showing, in their current exhibition of Dutch and English paintings, a number of pictures of a quality which it is hard to see in wartime’.30 Agnews resolved not to close the business for the duration
of the war, but did put much of their stock into storage in country houses. In 1941, however, it became clear that there were still buyers around London, and so some stock was brought out of storage and exhibited for sale.31 Geoffrey Agnew described that: ‘Unable to spend their money on cars, travel, clothes, food or entertainment, they found an escape from the dreariness of wartime conditions in visiting the small exhibition of modern and old pictures which we held in the front gallery.’32 The photographs here show Agnews’ Bond Street premises a couple of years before the war began. The top gallery was not used for exhibitions during the war; instead they were held in the front gallery/saloon. The gallery manager, Mr Greenfield, moved his desk from the office to the front gallery and assisted with sales, as staff numbers had reduced due to eligible men being away at war.
Front cover of Rudolf Wittkower & F. Saxl, Guide to the photographic exhibition of English Art and the Mediterranean compiled by the Warburg Institute (London: CEMA, Third Impression 1943). LR: 062 LON-WAR
This exhibition catalogue of 1941 was compiled by the Warburg Institute and the Council for the Encouragement of Music and Arts. The authors reflected seven years later, when they published the catalogue as a book with plates: ‘At a period when inter-European relations were disrupted by war, it was stimulating to observe in the arts of this country the agelong [sic] impact of the Mediterranean tradition on the British mind.’33 With artworks in storage and some reference resources unavailable, curators had to compromise and negotiate more than ever to put on exhibitions. In the introduction to this exhibition
arranged by Wittowker and Saxl of the Warburg Institute, they admit: ‘Good photographs of English works of art are rare at all times, and a considerable number of those which exist are at the moment as inaccessible as the originals themselves.’34 At the time, the Warburg’s own library was inaccessible and the British Museum’s reading room was closed. So, in putting together this exhibition of 500 photographs, Saxl and Wittkower relied on a large number of other public libraries, museums, art galleries, and private collectors to provide photographs and books as well as ‘assistance of a more intimate nature: help from friends, interested like ourselves in the subject, but more learned; friends with practical ideas, energy and willingness to give us some of their scanty war-time leisure.’35
a. Front cover of An Exhibition of British Landscapes in Oils from George II to Queen Victoria, (CEMA, 1942). LR: 062 LON-CEM
b. Letter from Eric Maclagan to Mr R. G. Coombs of Messrs. M. Knoedler & Co., 31 January 1942 and a letter for watercolour owners regarding lending artworks. AR: FHS/300/1a & FHS/300/1b
These documents relate to exhibitions held at the Victoria & Albert Museum (V&A) during the war years. CEMA supported a number of exhibitions held at the V&A that then toured the UK. Its aim was to keep up the morale of the public.36 The exhibition on British landscape painting covered a subject that could no doubt raise spirits. Ralph Edwards writes in the introductory essay: ‘A love of wild nature and the country-side is among the strongest most persistent of British characteristics, and for nearly three hundred years this deep instinct has expressed itself in our native School of landscape painting.’37 To put on such exhibitions, paintings were borrowed from generous public and private owners. Of course, many pictures remained inaccessible in war conditions: ‘It would be impossible to present anything approaching a Item 20a
comprehensive view of the School from the middle of the eighteenth century to Victoria’s accession in present conditions; and this exhibition… is strictly limited in intention and range. There are only a few pictures by painters whose names will be known to all’. A letter from Eric Maclagan, part of the Frank Simpson Archive, sheds light upon some means by which the V&A attempted to acquire paintings for their wartime exhibitions. Here he requests the help of fine art dealers Messrs. M. Knoedler & Co. to track down private owners of Orpen watercolours who might be willing to lend artworks for the exhibition ‘British Water-colours, 1919-1939’. In the letter to be sent to owners, the Director of the V&A writes: ‘A number of drawings have been selected from the national collection belonging to the Museum, but the success of the show must largely depend upon the readiness of the artists and private owners to lend us other first-rate drawings.’ Without the willingness of private owners and artists to lend their paintings, many of the temporary exhibitions held at the National Gallery and V&A would not have taken place.
a. Letter from Oliver Brown, Leicester Galleries to George Davey, M. Knoedler & Co., 24 June 1946. AR: FHS/3/1/1/108a
b. Page 33 of the first annual report of the Arts Council 1945-46, in a volume of the first five volumes 1945-1950. LR: In Process
These items relate to the transition of CEMA into the Arts Council of Great Britain. The letter discusses a painting sold by the Leicester Galleries to Knoedler & Co. in 1946, at the end of the war. It mentions that the picture toured as part of a CEMA exhibition and contains an early reference to the organisation’s new name: the Arts Council. The first annual report of the Arts Council details this transition. Perhaps one of the positive legacies
of the Second World War – as far as the world of British art is concerned – was the establishment of the Arts Council. Lord Keynes’ ‘policy and hopes’ for the Arts Council seem a fitting way to end this exploration of the art world in wartime: ‘At the start our aim was to replace what war had taken away; but we soon found that we were providing what had never existed even in peace time. That is why one of the last acts of the Coalition Government was to decide that CEMA, with a new name and wider opportunities, should be continued into times of peace…. Our name is to be the Arts Council of Great Britain’ 38 – Lord Keynes.
Page 9 of Item 1
‘Exceptional Woodcuts from Elizabeth Rivers', Irish Arts Review, Winter 2006, p. 66.
2. Donlon, Pat, 'Drawing a Fine Line: Irish Women Artists as Illustrators', Irish Arts Review Yearbook, 2002, vol. 1, p. 91. 3. Tancred Borenius, ‘Editorial: Richard Wilson’s Niobe’, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, September 1944, Vol. 135, No. 498, p. 211. 4. Nicholas McCamley, Saving Britain’s Art Treasures, (Leo Cooper, 2003), p. 142.
13. Brian Frederick Foss, British Artists and the Second World War, (PhD thesis, UCL, 1991), p. 240. 14. Ibid., p. 243. 15. Ibid., p. 242: Foss returned to the subject of the WAAC in War Paint: Art, War, State and Identity in Britain, 1939-1945 (Paul Mellon Centre by Yale University Press, 2007). 16. Brian Frederick Foss, British Artists and the Second World War (PhD thesis, UCL, 1991), p. 242.
5. Tancred Borenius, ‘Editorial: Richard Wilson’s Niobe’, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, September 1944, Vol. 135, No. 498, p. 211.
17. Ibid., p. 243.
6. John Summerson, ‘Introduction’, Ten Years of British Architecture 1945-1955, Arts Council, 1956, p. 5.
19. Letter from H. Read to W.G. Constable, 9 February 1942.
7. Nicholas McCamley, Saving Britain’s Art Treasures, (Leo Cooper, 2003), p. 142.
21. Eric Newington, War through the artists’ eyes, (John Murray: London, 1945), p.7.
8. ‘Britain at War Guards her Art Treasures’, Picture Post, 7 November 1942, p. 14. 9. Ibid., p. 17. 10. Eric Newton, War through the artist’s eyes, (John Murray: London, 1945), p. 7. 11. http://www.iwm.org.uk/history/thesecret-purpose-of-the-war-artistsadvisory-committee. 12. Brian Frederick Foss, British Artists and the Second World War, with Particular Reference to the War Artists’ Advisory Committee of the Ministry of Information (PhD thesis, UCL, 1991), p. 240. Accessible here: http://discovery.ucl. ac.uk/1317736/1/282523.pdf.
18. Kenneth Clark, ‘Foreword’, War Pictures by British Artists, (Oxford University Press, 1942).
22. Ibid., p.10. 23. Eric Newington, War through the artists’ eyes, (John Murray: London, 1945), p. 8-9. 24. Ibid., p.7. 25. http://www.monumentsmenfoundation. org/the-heroes/the-monuments-men, accessed 2016.11.11. 26. http://www.monumentsmenfoundation. org/the-heroes/the-monumentsmen/norris-sqdr.-ldr.-e.-christopher, accessed 2016.11.11. 27. Suzanne Bosman, The National Gallery in Wartime, (National Gallery Company: 2008), p. 91.
Acknowledgements 28. Charles Marriott, British Painting since Whistler, (National Gallery: 1940), p. 2. 29. Ibid., p. 1.
Display and text prepared by: Frankie Drummond Charig and Bryony Botwright-Rance.
30. "Dutch And English Masters." Times [London, England] 4 June 1942, p.6. 31. Geoffrey Agnew, Agnewâ€™s 1817-1967, (London: Agnew, 1967) p. 54. 32. Ibid. 33. Rudolf Wittkower & F. Saxl, British art and the Mediterranean, (Oxford University Press, 194), p. 2. 34. Rudolf Wittkower & F. Saxl, Guide to the photographic exhibition of English Art and the Mediterranean compiled by the Warburg Institute (London: C.E.M.A., 1943), p. i. 35. Ibid., p. ii - iii. 36. Jorn Weingartner, The Arts as a Weapon of Warâ€Ś (I.B. Tauris, 2006), p. 8. 37. Ralph Edwards, An Exhibition of British Landscape in Oils from George II to Queen Victoria, (C.E.M.A., 1942), p. 1. 38. Lord Keynes, The first annual report of the Arts Council 1945-46, p. 20.
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