The Chronicles of Oklahoma 103 2 (Summer 2025)

Chronicles

Editor: Anna L. Davis, MA

Volume CIII Number 2 Summer 2025

Contents

Would Americans Tolerate Sonic Booms? Oklahoma City’s Role in the Failed Effort to Develop a Supersonic Transport Aircraft

BY THOMAS A. WIKLE

In 1964, Oklahoma City became the testing ground for a government experiment. The Federal Aviation Agency had chosen Oklahoma City as the site of sonic boom testing to see if citizens could live with the sounds produced by supersonic passenger transportation. While these experiments intended to create safe, quiet, and efficient supersonic aircraft, the outcome involved protests and accusations of property damage. Wikle writes about the government program that earned Oklahoma City the nickname "Boomtown."

126

"Bullheaded Resistance": Choctaw Nation Political Responses to the Euro-American Cattle Market and the Act of 1899

BY TARYN M. DIXON

In the nineteenth century, the Choctaw Nation's cattle business provided for many tribal citizens. However, as Indian Territory was open for white settlement, they were forced to fight for their tribal autonomy. To protect their cattle business, the Act of 1899 was passed, attempting to protect tribal livestock operations. Dixon (Choctaw) explores the history of the Choctaw cattle industry, their traditional ranching practices, and how they fought to maintain their tribal control during the Allotment era.

Opera in America and Origins in Tulsa

BY MICHELLE JALUVKA

150

Opera as an artistic medium in the United States has often been categorized as high-brow entertainment. As the city of Tulsa grew, so too did the art scene. The opera in Tulsa started as a local grassroots movement featuring local talent. However, as the demand for bigger productions began, Tulsa citizens banded together to bring top talent from the New York Metropolitan Opera. Through the 1950s and 1960s, these singers would shape Tulsa's opera scene. Jaluvka looks at the prima donnas who brought national esteem to the Tulsa opera. 171

Volume CIII Summer 2025

Notes and Documents

A Stronger Stillwater

BY D. SCOTT PETTY

Book Reviews

Black, Jennifer M., Branding Trust: Advertising and Trademarks in Nineteenth Century America, reviewed by Loren Gatch Bruning, John R., Fifty-Three Days on Starvation Island: The World War II Battle That Saved Marine Corps Aviation, reviewed by Thomas A. Wikle Kiser, William S., Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands, reviewed by Collin Karst Puglionesi, Alicia, In Whose Ruins: Power, Possession, and the Landscapes of American Empire, reviewed by Kathleen Wilson

For the Record

Minutes of the Special Meeting of the Board of Directors, December 18, 2024 Minutes of the OHS Quarterly Board Meeting, January 22, 2025

ON THE COVER

Arnold Palmer pauses while waiting for a sonic boom, 1964 (2012.201.OVZ001.3534, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

Would Americans Tolerate Sonic Booms? Oklahoma City’s Role in the Failed Effort to Develop a Supersonic Transport Aircraft

By Thomas A. Wikle*

On February 3, 1964, residents of Oklahoma City and surrounding communities were startled by a loud bang that shook windowpanes and rattled dishes. Some likened the sound to a bomb exploding. Visiting her mother in Oklahoma City, Bridget Meadows remarked, “I didn’t know what it was at the time—it literally shook the house . . . the kids ran crying.”¹ More booms were heard by residents the next day, and within less than a week, the booms grew in frequency to eight each day. Buildings sustained minor damage, mostly fallen mirrors, broken windows, and cracked plaster. Although some residents were unaware of their cause or purpose, the booms had been announced in advance in Oklahoma City area newspapers and other

SONIC BOOMS

news outlets. Commissioned by the Federal Aviation Agency (FAA; now the Federal Aviation Administration) and involving the National Aeronautical and Space Administration (NASA) and the US Air Force, the blast-like noises were part of a project to assess how the US population would react to regular sonic booms produced by a future fleet of commercial airliners traveling faster than the speed of sound. Created by military aircraft, the booms were slated to last six months. Although most business owners and civic leaders supported the test, opposition grew each week, as demonstrated by complaints directed at FAA officials, city and state leaders, and the Air Force. Seven years after its conclusion, the sonic boom test over Oklahoma City became a key factor in the government’s decision to cancel funding for American-built supersonic passenger aircraft.

The 1960s was a decade shaped by rapid technological change. In 1961, US scientists and engineers successfully launched an astronaut into space, and commercial jets recently replaced propeller-driven aircraft for carrying passengers over long distances. With American companies leading the world in aircraft design and construction, US leaders envisioned a future with faster aircraft. Following test pilot Charles “Chuck” Yeager’s achievement in exceeding the speed of sound in 1947, the US military began building supersonic aircraft, including the US Navy’s D-558-2 Skyrocket, which flew at Mach 2.0 (twice the speed of sound) in March 1953. By the early 1960s, ten military aircraft were capable of supersonic flight.² For many, a supersonic commercial airliner was the next logical objective for the US aircraft industry.

Air Force and Navy engineers knew that aircraft exceeding the speed of sound (approximately 678 miles per hour at 30,000 feet) created an unpleasant experience for people on the surface. A sonic boom happens when sound waves ahead of a supersonic aircraft become compressed, producing a noise with the intensity of a shotgun blast or mild thunderclap.³ Rather than creating a single loud noise, the disturbance sweeps over the ground like a broom in a continuous motion. A typical sonic boom’s intensity of about 110 decibels is greater than a passing train (eighty-nine to eighty-five decibels), but less intense than nearby thunder (165 to 180 decibels).

Hoping to influence public opinion about the need to endure sonic booms, the US military commissioned short films such as Mission

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Sonic Boom (1959) and Strategic Air Command (1955), narrated by actor and Air Force Reserve Colonel Jimmy Stewart.⁴ Magazine advertisements portrayed the booms as a “thundering signal of aviation’s progress for national defense” or reminded readers that the military pilots who create booms, “Are patriotic young Americans affirming your New Sound of Freedom.”5 Anticipating damage claims, the Air Force distributed brochures to explain how booms were created and who to contact about property damage.6

Meanwhile, the race was on to build a supersonic transport (SST) airliner. In the early 1960s, the United Kingdom and France began a joint venture to develop the Concorde, an airliner that could carry one hundred passengers at speeds between 1,500 to 2,000 miles per hour. Whereas a conventional commercial jet could travel between New York and London in seven hours, the Concorde would complete the journey in just two hours.7 The Soviet Union also developed a supersonic transport called the TU-144.8 Initially, President John F. Kennedy was not in favor of the US investing in the development of a supersonic airliner. However, a 1963 decision by Pan American World Airways President Juan Tripp to purchase six Concordes was a major setback to American aviation leadership.9 Speaking during a graduation ceremony at the US Air Force Academy in Colorado Springs on June 5, 1963, Kennedy announced that the US would initiate its own program to build a commercial supersonic transport (SST) and pledged $750 million of the estimated $1 billion needed for research and development.10 Soon after, Burbank-based Lockheed, Seattle-based Boeing, and Los Angeles-based North American Airlines submitted SST plans. Ultimately, Boeing’s design, the 2707, won.11 Powered by four turbofan jet engines, the Boeing 2707 would carry 240 passengers at three times the speed of sound.12 To withstand tremendous heat flying at high speeds and altitudes, the aircraft’s exterior would be made of titanium.13

With SST development underway, government officials questioned how the public might react to regularly occurring sonic booms. Estimates suggested that when SSTs began regular flights in the late 1970s, 65 million people would be subjected to ten daily booms.14 Additional information came from scientists and economists. A technical paper written by a NASA scientist in 1960 warned that shock-wave noise pressures from sonic booms could damage buildings and annoy people on the ground.15 A December 1963 report to President Kennedy,

coauthored by Eugene R. Black, former head of the World Bank, warned, “the sonic boom gives all who are working on the supersonic transport the most worry.”16

In March 1961, John F. Kennedy appointed FAA Administrator Najeeb Halaby to lead development of SST policy. Having previously served as a test pilot, Halaby knew that public acceptance of low-intensity sonic booms would be critical to the success of the SST Program.17 A preliminary study of sonic boom acceptance over St. Louis, Missouri, in 1961–62, called Operation Bongo, had demonstrated that the public was not pleased with regularly occurring booms. One hundred fifty flights by Air Force B-58 Hustler bombers yielded five thousand complaints and 1,624 damage claims.18 Following the St. Louis test, Halaby directed FAA officials to search for a city suitable for a long-term study of boom impacts on structures and people. Oklahoma City appeared to meet Halaby’s criteria. The city had relatively flat terrain and residential buildings of various types and ages. In addition, the city’s “air-minded” and “progressive” residents seemed likely to be accepting of sonic booms given the large number of people employed at nearby Tinker Air Force Base and the FAA’s Aeronautical Center located at Will Rogers Airfield.19

Slated to extend from February 3–August 3, 1964, Operation Bongo II involved eight sonic booms each day created by Air Force jets flying between 21,000 and 50,000 feet. In preparation for the test, the Air Force invited thirty-nine school administrators, city officials, police and fire department representatives, and insurance executives to attend a sonic boom demonstration at Clinton Sherman Air Force Base on January 14, 1964.20 In addition to notifying news outlets, the FAA distributed brochures explaining benefits of the SST Program and the purpose of the test over Oklahoma City. The brochure listed questions the FAA hoped to address including, “How do people feel about hearing booms over or near their communities?” and, “At what levels are booms annoying to most people?” A statement on the brochure provided assurance that people and animals would not be harmed.21 Although the FAA held discussions with city leaders, the plan to subject residents to a six-month sonic boom test was never put to a vote by city council members or the public.22 When newspapers announced that Oklahoma City would host the test, the city’s chamber of commerce held a celebratory dinner.23

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130 The FAA rented test houses on 91st Street, Kenilworth Road, Northeast 24th Street, and Southeast 16th Street. The house on Kenilworth Road was almost directly below the planned flight path. Accelerometers and strain gauges were installed by the FAA on each house’s rafters, studs, and doors, while seismic sensors were buried outside to measure boom-related movement. Microphones were positioned within and outside each house to capture the intensity of booms.24 Inside, technicians installed mirrors on walls and placed bric-a-brac on shelves. Photographs were taken by the agency to evaluate house exteriors before and after exposure to booms.25 The plan called for booms created during the initial twelve weeks of the project to be limited to 1.0 to 1.5 pounds per square foot (psf) of overpressure (pressure greater than atmospheric pressure). Overpressures would increase to 1.5 to 2.0 psf for the subsequent fourteen weeks of the project.26 To assess public perceptions and attitudes, the FAA contracted with the University of Chicago’s National Opinion Research Council. A group

The FAA test home at 329 NW 91st Street, Oklahoma City, 1964 (2012.201. B1192.0115, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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of three thousand Oklahoma City residents would be surveyed three times during the six-month test period.27 In a television interview, Halaby explained that they sought the views of average people, whose feelings about the booms fell somewhere from “curious” to “furious.”28

The plan called for aircraft departing Tinker Air Force Base to fly over the Wichita Mountains and Fort Cobb before turning northeast. On reaching 30,000 feet, test aircraft would start to accelerate. Each supersonic run would begin eighteen miles west of downtown Oklahoma City. The route passed over shopping centers, parks, industrial buildings, and a mixture of newer neighborhoods and older subdivisions. Crossing the southeast corner of Yukon, the route passed Bethany, Warr Acres, and the southeast tip of Lake Hefner. Continuing northeast, the transect continued over The Village and Nichols Hills. On reaching Arcadia, test aircraft would decelerate to subsonic speed as they passed Luther, Wellston, Carney, and Agra. At Cushing, the aircraft would turn southwest for the return to Tinker.29 Remarkably, the

The sonic boom flight path, 1964 (2012.201.OVZ001.2714, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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thirty-mile supersonic portion of the route would be completed in less than two minutes.

Although the Air Force planned to use several types of aircraft to make the flights, including F-101 Voodoos, F-106 Delta Darts, and fourengine B-58 Hustlers, most flights were made in F-104 Starfighters. Designed by the legendary engineer Clarence “Kelly” Johnson, the F-104’s slender body and stubby wings contributed to its nickname “missile with a man in it.” Powered by a single Pratt and Whitney J75 engine, the F-104 could fly at Mach 2.0 (twice the speed of sound) and could climb at the astonishing rate of 48,000 feet per minute.30 The F-104 was flown “clean,” meaning without fuel tanks or ordinance mounted on its wings. Speaking about boom tests over Oklahoma City, Air Force Lt. Col. Jack Price noted, “although the supersonic transport will be bigger and fly faster, the F-104s duplicate the airliner booms by flying lower.”31

The first flight over the city took place on February 3. Taking off from Tinker at 10:05 a.m., the F-104 became supersonic at 10:21 a.m., with the boom audible to Oklahoma City residents at 10:27 a.m. Technicians estimated the plane’s speed to be 1,210 miles per hour and the boom’s intensity to be 0.785 psf of overpressure.32 Flights were made at prearranged times announced in advance. A typical schedule called for booms at 7:00 a.m., 7:30 a.m., 9:30 a.m., 10:00 a.m., 1:30 p.m., 2:00 p.m., 4:00 p.m., and 4:30 p.m.33 Although Easter Sunday was planned as the only “boomless” day during the six-month project, there were days when weather prevented flights.34 For people on the ground, the full effect of each boom could be felt within four miles on each side of the aircraft’s flight path. A visiting writer for Popular Mechanics magazine wrote, “I was brushing my teeth when the first one came over. There was a loud crack; the bathroom window rattled, and it seemed the floor and walls shook. . . . Twenty minutes later, while eating breakfast in the motel restaurant, it happened again. . . . If you’re used to it, you can almost ignore it. I wasn’t and I didn’t.”35 Besides Oklahoma City, the flight path crossed in close proximity to the towns of Washita, Anadarko, Gracemont, Minco, and Union City.36 Although much lower in intensity, the booms could be heard up to twenty miles away. By late afternoon on February 3, the FAA had received seventytwo complaints.37

Within a week of the first flight, the FAA had recorded 655 complaints.38 After a total of thirty-four booms, FAA engineers reported

no damage to the test houses, with one technician suggesting that the structures would experience more significant strain from a passing freight train or the slamming of a bedroom door.39 However, there were reports of damage to other structures, including the city’s two tallest buildings, which sustained 147 broken windows.40 Angry citizens sent letters to Oklahoma City Mayor Jack Wilkes, FAA Administrator Halaby, Oklahoma Senator Mike Monroney, and Lyndon B. Johnson.41 Senator Monroney wrote back to every person who contacted his office, whether in favor or in opposition to the booms. A few residents sent letters to local newspapers, such as Lester W. Ellis, who wrote, “I knew before last week started that I wasn’t going to like sonic booms. Nothing has happened to change my mind.”42 A letter to the editor published on February 13, 1964, noted, “Perhaps the booms don’t seem to bother downtown, but you should come out to Lake Hefner area and take a listen . . . I submit that these tests are a public nuisance in the legal concept of a gross invasion of privacy by any standard.”43 Another boom opponent wrote, “Why six months? You have already gotten reactions. Is it inefficiency which requires that much time, or just purposeful irritation?”44 Others wrote in support of the booms, including bankers, business owners, medical doctors, insurance executives, and church pastors.45 One stated that the “minority” of people opposed to the booms, were “against anything that is progressive.”46

Among the F-104 pilots who made runs over Oklahoma City was twenty-seven-year-old First Lieutenant Edward “Ted” Hopkins. A recent US Air Force Academy graduate, 1st Lt. Hopkins was part of the 331st Fighter-Interceptor Squadron based at nearby Webb Air Force Base in Big Springs, Texas. Hopkins came to Tinker on a temporary assignment with thirty enlisted airmen and four other officers.47 He was selected for sonic boom missions, in part, because more senior officers considered the straight and level flights to be unglamorous.48 Each aircraft was maintained by a crew chief and two assistants. To acknowledge their new mission, ground personnel stenciled “Sooner Boomer” on the fuselage of each plane, just above the wing. As Hopkins explained, after his F-104 completed its ground roll, it accelerated rapidly using afterburner. Often flying through clouds, Hopkins and other pilots relied on navigation instruments as well as radar guidance from controllers on the ground. The F-104s could make two sonic boom runs on one tank of fuel with each boom created according

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to a precise schedule. After completing the first two runs of the day, Hopkins would return to refuel in preparation for runs three and four. The process continued for a total of four sets of two runs. Between each pair of booms, he would find an altitude to loiter before returning to the starting point for his next run.49 Air Force Captain Samuel H. Fields was another pilot who flew sonic boom missions over Oklahoma City. Fields discovered that pitching the nose of his F-104 down just before breaking the sound barrier would produce an extra “pop” in the boom.50 Fields could not hear the noise made by his aircraft since a sonic boom cannot be heard inside the airplane that creates it.51 Another pilot was thirty-three-year-old Captain Richard Durant. An Oklahoma City native, Durant had already logged 130 hours flying F-104s before he began making boom runs.52

Unable to see the small fighter aircraft flying high over the city, most Oklahoma City residents believed the flight path was directly

Captain Richard B. Durant and his F-104, 1964 (2012.201.B0318.0200, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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over their homes. One Sunday afternoon, Hopkins was asked to fly the route “low and slow” so that residents and members of the media could see his aircraft and flight path. It was necessary to pitch the 104’s nose up to a high angle to stay airborne while flying at a slow speed. As Hopkins exited his aircraft after the demonstration, he saw two Air Force colonels and two men in civilian clothing walking toward him. One of the colonels asked if he was okay and if the aircraft had sustained damage. After inspecting his F-104 and reporting no damage, Hopkins was told that at least two people on the ground had fired guns at his plane during the demonstration flight. He also learned that the men in civilian clothing were Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agents.53

Some residents were not bothered by the booms. Jimmie Sorrells noted, “My family didn’t mind it one bit. In downtown Oklahoma City, in the Skirvin Tower where I work, we could hardly hear or feel the booms.”54 Others became accustomed to the precise schedule maintained by the Air Force, with workers at one construction site using booms to signal breaks.55 Ron Roby, who worked for Gulf Oil, remarked, “you could set your watch by the time you would hear the booms pass over the office.”56 Others were less enthusiastic, such as a farmer who complained that the noise caused his cows to stop producing milk.57 One woman claimed that the booms made her furniture shrink. Another said they caused her electric clock to run backwards.58 Northwest Oklahoma City resident H. M. Bickel noted, “The booms are hard on anyone who hasn’t had Marine basic training.”59 After three weeks of booms, the League of Women Voters voiced opposition.60 Media outlets outside the state also took notice. An editorial in The New Republic stated, “Not since 1884, when land ‘boomers’ from the East had to be repulsed by US troops, has this city been so up in arms.”61 Some local anti-boom groups, including Ban the Booms, argued that people’s constitutional rights were being taken away by the government.62

While some residents came out in opposition, most state and civic leaders spoke in favor of testing. Known locally as Mr. Chamber of Commerce, Stanley Draper referred to the booms as “the sound of the future.”63 In February 1964, Oklahoma Governor Henry Bellmon went on record in support of the tests, saying, “My position is that the booms have not been a serious problem to Oklahoma City or its residents and I feel it would be a serious mistake to take action that would

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to reporters, 1964 (2012.201.B1192.0121, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

136 Mrs. Cecil Ramage shows sonic boom damage

SONIC BOOMS

cause these tests to be cancelled.”64 Pro-boom groups emerged under names such as Citizens for the Advancement of Oklahoma City.65

Before the end of February 1964, supporters and opponents began flooding Oklahoma City Council meetings.66 Recalling the council chamber packed with pro-boomers and anti-boomers, news reporter Kay Dyer remarked, “The city council meetings during those days lasted for hours, and hours, and hours.”67 Facing a backlash of boom opposition, the Council met on February 25 and voted 7–0 in favor of a resolution to ask the FAA for a three-month suspension of the tests to allow an assessment of boom impacts on people and property.68 The next day, Gordon Bain, FAA deputy director in charge of the tests, told a reporter that his agency would consider suspending the project if the city council sent a formal request to Washington, DC.69 FAA Administrator Halaby weighed in during a television interview on February 27, saying, “If the people here do not want the tests, we will revise or discontinue them.” In the same interview, he noted that other cities had expressed interest in hosting the project.70 The day after the vote, The Daily Oklahoman published an editorial saying that the city council’s decision did not reflect the sentiment of the whole community and that the resolution jeopardized the city’s “favorable impression as a forward looking aviation center.”71 On February 28, the Northwest Oklahoma City Chamber of Commerce, the Yukon Chamber of Commerce, and the Del City Chamber of Commerce went on record in favor of continuing the test.72 Not wanting to appear unsupportive, the Oklahoma City Council voted to rescind its earlier resolution.73

Pressure on the Oklahoma City Council continued into early March. Boom supporters attending council meetings wore blue cards featuring the letters SST, while opponents wore cards that said “Stop Sonic Tests” or “Ban the Boom.”74 At one meeting, a representative of an anti-boom group presented council members with a petition containing 704 signatures from people opposed to the test.75 Among them was Ward One City Councilman William C. Kessler, who argued, “people’s basic human rights are being ignored. We’re being used as human guinea pigs.”76 The pro-boom Oklahoma City Chamber of Commerce came out with its own petition signed by 16,758 citizens favoring a continuation of the tests.77 Later that month, the Council voted 5–2 in favor of a statement saying that it had no authority or jurisdiction over the test.78

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138 While the City Council attempted to address citizen concerns, the FAA received a steady stream of damage claims. Among them were a $15,000 request by a farmer whose chickens had stopped laying eggs and a claim by a man whose seeing eye-dog was too frightened to perform its responsibilities. While the vast majority of claims were modest—broken windows or cracked ceilings—a few involved potentially life-threatening situations, such as a six-year-old who narrowly escaped being hurt when the ceiling of his home collapsed.79 Reacting to requests for compensation, an FAA engineer suggested that the city was filled with substandard dwellings that did not meet building codes.80 The FAA made it known that the burden of proof fell on residents to demonstrate that booms had damaged their property. Nearly ninetyfive percent of claims submitted were rejected.81 Some whose claims were turned down complained to their representatives in Congress. Displeased with FAA’s manner of dismissing claims, Senator Monroney wrote to FAA Deputy Director Bain with a copy of a damage claim denial shared by one of his constituents, noting, “Absolutely no explanation is given as to how the decision to deny the claim was reached.” Monroney’s letter also noted that he hoped that “procedures will be set up to guarantee that all citizens submitting claims for property damages will be treated fairly and their claims given careful consideration.”82

In May 1964, a group of anti-boomers attempted to stop the test in state court. After seeing the evidence presented by the plaintiffs, Oklahoma State Judge Boston W. Smith granted a temporary restraining order on May 13, directing Halaby, Air Force Chief of Staff General Curtis LeMay, and twenty other FAA and Air Force officials to halt the tests. On the day the restraining order was issued by the court, Halaby contacted representatives of the National Academy of Sciences with an urgent request to form an advisory panel of scientists who would provide guidance on boom research.83 One day after it was issued, the restraining order was rescinded by US Federal Judge Stephen Chandler.84 Soon after, an editorial appearing in the Saturday Review argued, “If the people of Oklahoma City cannot obtain the help of the law to save themselves from being used as subjects of an experiment by a distant government, can any American citizen anywhere feel secure against invasion of his body and mind at any official’s whim?”85 Another editorial published in The New York Times suggested, “never were so

SONIC BOOMS

An Oklahoma City Council meeting, 1964 (2012.201.OVZ001.2707, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

August C. Carlson was a former boom claim investigator, 1964 (2012.201.B1192.0124, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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many people bedeviled by so few, as with these new monsters of noise and terror.”86

By July 1964, overpressures produced by the eight daily sonic booms were twice as strong as the ones created in February.87 Concerned about property damage, the FAA requested volunteers to have their homes inspected three times a week for the remainder of the test period.88 Despite the increase in boom intensity, opinions of city residents remained mixed. A July 1964 survey of 250 residents by The Oklahoma City Times found 118 respondents supportive of the test and ninety-one opposed. Comments ranged from, “I hate them if that’s plain enough for you,” to “anything that is going to be helping our country is fine with me.”89 Individuals and anti-boom organizations continued to pressure city council members and politicians to demand that the FAA stop the test. Mark Weaver, the FAA’s public relations officer assigned to the project, received death threats and was burned in effigy.90 Oklahoma City Council and Chamber of Commerce members also received threats.91

On July 28, the Oklahoma City Council voted 4–3 to ask the FAA to stop the test. The request was submitted five days before the sixmonth project was scheduled to end.92 On July 30, the FAA terminated the sonic boom test over Oklahoma City, with the final boom flight taking place that day at 1:20 p.m. Flying in an F-101 Voodoo, the project’s last run was made by Captain Robert C. Mali.93 The FAA reported the total cost of Operation Bongo II to be $1,039,000 (about $10 million in 2025).94

Soon after announcing the completion of the test, FAA Administrator Halaby presented citations acknowledging the efforts of city and state officials in “contributing significantly to the future of aviation in the United States.”95 An FAA statement noted, “in the years ahead the citizens of Oklahoma will take pride in their participation and contributions to the national supersonic transport development program.”96 Halaby made stops in Oklahoma City to visit people who had complained about property damage. Among them was Helen Waddy, who showed the administrator a five-foot hole in the ceiling of her bungalow on Northwest 15th Street. Mrs. Waddy remarked, “I don’t think they should do this to another community, I really don’t.” As Halaby left, Mrs. Waddy asked how his name was pronounced, to which the administrator replied, “Well, in Oklahoma City, it’s mud.”97 Over the testing period,

A diagram of the cones of sound generated by the supersonic planes, 1964 (2012.201. B1192.0120, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

the FAA and Air Force received 15,116 telephone calls and letters complaining about the booms. Of these, 9,594 alleged property damage.98 With testing complete, FAA analysts began reviewing structural data from test houses and interviews with residents. One finding was that weather conditions caused the intensity of booms to be greater on cool, moist days and less severe on hot, dry days.99 The survey of residents was also revealing. Although research showed no significant damage to test houses, forty percent of respondents believed their homes had been damaged.100 The duration of the test and the increased overpressure in later weeks may have contributed to a decline in the percentage of people who could accept the booms. At the end of the first eleven weeks, ninety percent of respondents felt that they could accept eight daily booms. However, that number dropped to eighty-one percent at the end of the next eight-week period and seventy-three percent during the final week of the test. During the final week, twenty-seven percent said they could not live with sonic booms.101 Also noteworthy was that many of those interviewed believed there was little point in complaining.102

With test houses showing little significant damage and the public opinion survey suggesting that most people could live with sonic booms, FAA Administrator Halaby urged the federal government to continue the SST Program.103 Despite his enthusiasm, some newspapers took a dim view of the motivations behind the test. A February

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1965 issue of The Saturday Evening Post speculated that the booms in Oklahoma City, “will turn out to have been not a test of the possible but a conditioning for the inevitable.”104 The FAA continued collecting data in the months following the Oklahoma City test. Twenty-one buildings at White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico were subjected to sonic booms between November and February 1965 using boom overpressure intensities as high as 5.0 psf to provide more conclusive evidence of potential structural damage.105 Hoping to mitigate complaints from the Oklahoma City test, the Air Force flew twenty-two sonic boom missions over Chicago in February and March 1965, resulting in tens of thousands of dollars in additional damage claims.106

On July 1, 1965, Najeeb Halaby stepped down as FAA administrator. Speaking at the swearing-in ceremony for his successor, President Johnson reaffirmed the nation’s commitment to move forward with the SST Program, noting that he would ask for $10 million over eighteen months to support research and development for supersonic passenger aircraft.107 The campaign to project a positive image of the program continued with Boeing Aircraft distributing the film You and Me and the SST, narrated by journalist Bob Considine.108 With more frequent conversations about how to cope with sonic booms, Popular Mechanics published an illustration showing a "boom proof" house featuring extra-small windowpanes.109

To expedite the processing of Oklahoma City area damage claims, the FAA hired the Remmert Adjustment Company.110 As of August 1964, 208 of 4,202 claims had been deemed to have merit. Most of these were small, averaging only $50. By June 1965, the FAA had paid just $16,597 for property damage caused by booms, including $1,890 to repair broken glass in St. Patrick Catholic Church, located on North Portland Avenue.111 With the FAA unwilling to provide compensation for the vast majority of claims, a few residents filed lawsuits, including a one billion dollar claim against President Johnson for “mental, physical, and nervous” damage.112 Judge Chandler dismissed two federal lawsuits on the grounds that a federal agency could not be sued without its consent.113 A few individual suits were successful. In mid-February 1967, a federal court awarded $10,000 to Bailey Smith for damage to his Oklahoma City home located on Northeast 67th Street.114 Another ninety-seven claims went to trial in federal court in mid-April 1967.115 After waiting more than four years, many city residents received compensation in 1969 when the government lost a class action suit.116

By the late 1960s, public enthusiasm for the SST Program faded. Noting delays and cost overruns, two reviews commissioned in 1969 questioned the financial viability of the SST Program and recommended an end to public funding.117 Anti-boom organizations had also begun emerging from within the growing environmental movement. Among them was Citizens League Against the Sonic Boom, organized by Harvard University physicist William A. Shurcliff.118 Another factor was growing fear about unknown environmental impacts associated with supersonic aircraft, such as damage to the atmosphere’s ozone layer.119 In 1971, both houses of Congress voted to halt funding for the SST Program. Overnight, 120 orders for Boeing 2707s were canceled, resulting in the loss of tens of thousands of jobs.120 Two years later, the FAA banned non-military supersonic flights over the US.121

For its part, the FAA’s supervision of the sonic boom test over Oklahoma City demonstrated that the agency was not prepared to oversee research involving human subjects. The agency also did a poor job handling complaints, addressing legal claims, and dealing with the public. Following the test, the FAA returned to its role as a regulatory agency. The Oklahoma City sonic boom test also represented the nadir of FAA Administrator Najeeb Halaby’s influence over the SST Program. Following the test, management of the program shifted from Halaby and the FAA to the President’s Advisory Committee on Supersonic Transport, chaired by Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara.122 McNamara’s skepticism for the program could be seen during the committee’s first meeting on April 13, 1964, when he noted, “the figures that I have been presented to date show the unprofitability of the supersonic to be so great that I have no confidence that following down this course of design development will ever lead to a profitable airplane.”123

In hindsight, the battle over sonic booms was a significant triumph for the environmental movement, which popularized the notion of noise as a form of pollution. Restricted from flying over the US mainland, the Concorde carried passengers from 1976 to 2003. With a oneway ticket between Washington, DC, and London, costing 431 Francs in 1976 (about $2,800 today), the Concorde was never affordable, nor was it profitable for its owners. When retired for financial reasons by British Airways and Air France in 2003, the fleet of Concordes amounted to just twelve aircraft.124

Several factors contributed to the federal government’s decision to end funding for the US SST, including technical challenges, high costs,

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and negative public opinion. Without question, the sonic boom test in Oklahoma City helped tip the scales against the SST by presenting an unfavorable vision of day-to-day life with low-intensity booms. Some viewed the decision as a lost opportunity and setback to progress. Writing about the project, author Jim Eckles stated, “The United States was probably very lucky it didn’t build the SST . . . It could have bankrupted many an airline and required huge subsidies.”125 Others suggested that the program’s high cost outweighed its benefits. As noted in an editorial published in the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, “The proposed demand for supersonic transport planes (four hundred airliners between 1970 and 1990) seems altogether out of proportion to the imposition on society which it would entail.”126 Today, the 1964 sonic boom test is an event remembered by longtime residents of the Oklahoma City area. We should be thankful for the sacrifices they made. By serving as test subjects for six months, residents of Oklahoma City and surrounding communities helped save tens of millions of fellow Americans from a future shaped by an endless succession of annoying booms.

Endnotes

* Thomas A. Wikle is a retired professor of geography at Oklahoma State University and the author of several previous articles published in The Chronicles of Oklahoma that explore Oklahoma’s rich aviation history. In his spare time he works as a commercial pilot and flight instructor at Stillwater Regional Airport.

The photograph on page 126 shows sonic boom protestors at an Oklahoma City city council meeting, 1964 (2012.201.B1192.0109, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

1 Ken Raymond, “Jets Broke Speed Barriers—and Tempers,” The Daily Oklahoman, September 18, 2006.

2 Eli Dourado and Samuel Hammond, Make America Boom Again: How to Bring Back Supersonic Transport (George Mason University, 2016), 9.

3 “Sonic Boom Test in Oklahoma City,” The New York Times, January 14, 1964.

4 Mission Sonic Boom, US Air Force film, PF No. 19704, 1959, posted July 10, 2021, by Periscope Films, Youtube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q5BUVPTEEns.

5 “Freedom Has a New Sound,” Flying, September 1955, 5; “Sonic Boom,” Air Force, July 1954, 33.

6 Sonic Boom (United States Air Force Office of Information, 1966).

7 Salman Baig, “Why You Never Got to Fly the American Concorde: The Boeing 2707 SST Story,” Medium.com, January 7, 2024, https://medium.com/@salman12788/ why-you-never-got-to-fly-the-american-concorde-the-2707sst-story-009217e6b871.

8 David Schneider, “The New Supersonic Boom,” IEEE Spectrum, August 16, 2021, https://spectrum.ieee.org/the-new-supersonic-boom.

9 David Susman, “The Oklahoma City Sonic Boom Experiment and the Politics of Supersonic Aviation,” Radical History Review 2015, no. 121 (January 2015), 175.

10 Susman, “The Oklahoma City Sonic Boom,” 176.

11 “What Happened to the American SST?” The NDC Blog, January 28, 2017, https://declassification.blogs.archives.gov/2017/07/28/what-happened-to-the-american-sst/.

12 Baig, “Why You Never Got to Fly.”

13 “Jets Broke Speed Barriers.”

14 Karl Kryter, “Sonic Booms from Supersonic Transport,” Science, January 24, 1969, 359.

15 Matthew Hudson, “Will We Ever Fly Supersonically Over Land?” The New Yorker, June 25, 2021, https://www.newyorker.com/tech/annals-of-technology/will-weever-fly-supersonically-over-land.

16 “SST Report Stresses Role of Boom Testing,” The Daily Oklahoman, March 3, 1964.

17 Robert Burkhardt, “Sonic Boom Town,” The New Republic, August 22, 1964; “Sonic Boom Test in Oklahoma City,” The New York Times, January 14, 1964.

18 Osita Nwanevu, “Boom and Bust,” Slate, July 29, 2014, https://slate.com/technology/2014/07/oklahoma-city-sonic-boom-tests-terrified-residents-in-1964.html.

19 “City’s Boom Dispute Strays Off Course, FAA Official Claims,” The Daily Oklahoman, March 4, 1964.

20 “Persons Attending Sonic Boom Demonstration at Clinton Sherman Air Force Base,” folder 3, box 47, January 14, 1964, Monroney Collection: General Correspondence,

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1962–68, Sonic Booms, Carl Albert Congressional Research and Studies Center, University of Oklahoma (hereafter cited as Monroney Collection).

21 Sonic Boom Brochure 6 (Federal Aviation Agency Office of Public Affairs, 1964).

22 John Skow, “The Sound of Progress,” The Saturday Evening Post, February 13, 1965, 25–6; “City No Volunteer as Site of Test, Air Official Says,” The Daily Oklahoman, February 28, 1964.

23 Nwanevu, “Boom and Bust.”

24 "Support Sought for Boom," The Chickasha Daily Express, February 26, 1964; “Cost’ll Shake You,” The Oklahoma City Times, January 31, 1964.

25 “FAA to Take City’s Pulse,” The Oklahoma City Times, January 14, 1964.

26 “MMAC Celebrates 75 Years—From Sonic Boom Studies to Emergency Evacuation Safety,” Monroney News vol. 7, no. 5, https://www.esc.gov/MONRONeYnews/archive/ Vol_7/CB/05_1.asp.

27 Paul Borsky, “Community Reactions to Sonic Booms in the Oklahoma City Area,” National Opinion Research Center Report, No. 101, (University of Chicago, February 1965): 13, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/tr/pdf/AD0625332.pdf.

28 “Sonic Boom,” WKY Television news clip, posted May 16, 2014, by the Oklahoma Historical Society, Youtube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q5BUVPTEEns https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=7XIVeTUZoKs.

29 “Boom Study to Start Monday,” The Chickasha Daily Express, July 31, 1964.

30 “Missile With a Man In It—the F-104 Starfighter,” Duotech, https://duotechservices. com/missile-with-man-on-it-f104-starfighter.

31 “Sonic Boom,” Changing Times: The Kiplinger Magazine, May 1961.

32 “Boom or Bang, Sonics Are Popping in the Sky Over City,” The Daily Oklahoman, February 4, 1964.

33 “Here’s the Boom Schedule,” The Daily Oklahoman, February 11, 1964.

34 “Sonic Booms End in Oklahoma City,” The New York Times, August 1, 1964.

35 Kevin Brown, “Ready for Your Daily,” Popular Mechanics, October 1964, 112–13.

36 “Boom Study to Start Monday,” The Chickasha Daily Express, July 31, 1964.

37 “Boom or Bang, Sonics Are Popping in the Sky Over City,” The Daily Oklahoman, February 4, 1964.

38 Nwanevu, “Boom and Bust.”

39 “Test Site Unhurt by Sonic Booms,” The Daily Oklahoman, February 11, 1964; Joseph Power, “Some Results of the Oklahoma City Sonic Boom Tests,” Materials Research and Standards 4, no. 11 (November 1964): A65.

40 Miguel Ortiz, “That time the Air Force bombarded Oklahoma City with sonic booms,” March 14, 2023, https://www.wearethemighty.com/mighty-history/ that-time-the-air-force-bombarded-oklahoma-city-with-sonic-booms.

41 Susman, “The Oklahoma City Sonic Boom Experiment,” 180.

42 “Who Needs Super Planes, Anyway?”, The Oklahoma City Times, February 14, 1964.

43 Robert Varga, “He Finds Sonic Booms Serious,” Oklahoma City Advertiser, February 13, 1964.

44 A. G. Dill to the Federal Aviation Administration, folder 5, box 47, March 18, 1964, Monroney Collection.

SONIC BOOMS

45 Mike Monroney to city and business leaders, folder 4, box 47, June 1964, Monroney Collection.

46 Dency Henley to Senator Mike Monroney, folder 6, box 47, June 8, 1964, Monroney Collection.

47 “F-104s Great Sonic Boomer,” Abilene Reporter-News, May 17, 1964.

48 Edward “Ted” Hopkins, interview by Thomas A. Wikle, May 31, 2024.

49 Hopkins interview.

50 “Samuel H. Fields ’54,” Grip Hands, Summer 2012, https://www.usma1954.org/grip_ hands/memorials/20052shf.htm

51 John Kelly, “Remembering the Boom in Sonic Booms that Once Shook the USA,” The Washington Post, June 6, 2023.

52 “City Pilot to Fly in Boom Testing,” The Daily Oklahoman, January 15, 1964.

53 Hopkins interview.

54 “Who Wants to Fly at 2,000 MPH?” Oakland Tribune, January 17, 1965.

55 Rachard Clark, “Mysterious ‘Boom’ Comes 50 Years after Infamous Oklahoma Sonic Boom Study,” Newson6, January 2, 2014, https://www.newson6.com.

57 “Sonic Boom Tests,” September 17, 2007, posted November 29, 2017, by The Oklahoman Video Archive, Youtube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vc_2sgS1VcU

58 Nwanevu, “Boom and Bust”

59 Ed Dycus, “You Didn’t Miss a Thing,” Oklahoma City Advertiser, February 13, 1964.

60 “Boom Opponents Regrouping Forces,” The Chickasha Daily Express, February 27, 1964.

61 Burkhardt, “Sonic Boom Town,” 5.

62 “Ban the Booms,” folder 4, box 47, Monroney Collection.

63 Pendleton Woods, Historic Oklahoma County: An Illustrated History (Historic Publishing Network, 2002), 52.

64 “Support Sought for Boom,” The Chickasha Daily Express, February 26, 1964.

65 Dave Klement, “Boom Forces Clash Today,” The Daily Oklahoman, March 3, 1964.

66 “To Boom or Not to Boom,” The Sapulpa Daily Herald, February 27, 1964.

67 “Sonic Boom Tests.”

68 “City Council’s Boom Letter Ready, The Oklahoma City Times, March 4, 1964.

69 John Lear, “The Era of Supersonic Morality,” Saturday Review, June 6, 1964.

70 “Sonic Boom,” WKY Television news clip.

71 “Bowing to Pressure,” The Daily Oklahoman, February 26, 1964.

72 “Support for Boom Tests Growing,” The Daily Oklahoman, February 28, 1964.

73 Lear, “The Era of Supersonic Morality,” 50.

74 “Tension Marks Boom Crowd,” The Oklahoma City Times, March 3, 1964.

75 “City Council to Send ‘Neutral’ Boom Letter,” The Oklahoma City Times, March 3, 1964.

76 “Jets Broke Speed Barriers.”

77 “City Council to Send ‘Neutral’ Boom Letter,” The Oklahoma City Times, March 3, 1964.

78 “Council Denies Any Authority for Objection,” The Daily Oklahoman, March 4, 1964.

79 "Ceiling Tumbles In; Owners Blame Booms," The Oklahoma City Times, March 20, 1964; Nwanevu, "Boom and Bust."

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80 “City’s Homes Substandard, FAA Claims,” The Oklahoma City Times, June 19, 1964.

81 Ortiz, “That time the Air Force bombarded Oklahoma City.”

82 Mike Monroney to Gordon M. Bain, folder 4, box 47, July 13, 1964, Monroney Collection.

83 Lear, “The Era of Supersonic Morality,” 50.

84 Lear, “The Era of Supersonic Morality,” 50.

85 Lear, “The Era of Supersonic Morality,” 50.

86 “Sonic Boom,” Air Force, 33.

87 Susman, “The Oklahoma City Sonic Boom Experiment,” 169.

88 “Our Sonic Booms Involve ‘Voodoo’ Now,” The Oklahoma City Times, May 15, 1964.

89 “City Boom Reaction Mixed,” The Oklahoma City Times, July 31, 1964.

90 Skow, “The Sound of Progress,” 26.

91 Dan Verano, “People Are Being Subjected to Sonic Booms to See If The Rich Get Supersonic Planes Again,” BuzzFeed, November 9, 2018, https://www.buzzfeednews.com/ article/danvergano/supersonic-planes-nasa-sound-experiment.

92 “City Asks Boom Halt,” The Oklahoma City Times, July 28, 1964.

93 “Booms Ending, But Not Echo,” The Daily Oklahoman, July 31, 1964; Ortiz, “That time the Air Force bombarded Oklahoma City.”

94 Lawrence Benson, “Quieting the Boom: The Shaped Sonic Boom Demonstrator and the Quest for Quiet Supersonic Flight,” National Aeronautical and Space Administration, 2013, 18, https://www.nasa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/QuietingtheBoomebook.pdf; “Aeronautics: Boom or Bust,” Time, December 11, 1964, https://time.com/ archive/6832415/aeronautics-boom-bust/.

95 “First Sonic Boom Test is Completed in Oklahoma City,” FAA Aviation News 3, no. 5 (September 1964), 3.

96 Burkhardt, “Sonic Boom Town,” 5.

97 “10 to 20% Object to Sonic Booms: FAA Gives Early Results of Oklahoma City Test,” The New York Times, August 4, 1964.

98 Jim Eckles, “How a Sonic Boom Study at WSMR Helped Kill Supersonic Transports,” Hands Across History, May 2010, 6.

99 Burkhardt, “Sonic Boom Town,” 6.

100 Borsky, “Community Reactions.”

101 Andrea O’Sullivan, “How the FAA Killed Supersonic Flight—And How it Can Revive it,” Reason, July 26, 2016, https://reason.com/2016/07/26/how-the-faa-killed-supersonic-flight/.

102 Borsky, “Community Reactions to Sonic Booms in the Oklahoma City Area,”

103 “SST Spurred by City Boom Test Findings,” The Daily Oklahoman, April 25, 1965.

104 Skow, “The Sound of Progress,” 26.

105 “MMAC Celebrates 75 Years.”

106 Benson, “Quieting the Boom”; “Aeronautics: Boom or Bust.”

107 Lyndon B. Johnson, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, Book One (Government Publishing Office, 1965), 714.

108 “You and Me and the SST,” Boeing Supersonic Transport SST Promotional Film 72732, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=730hKzBgu6c&t=1s

109 Brown, “Ready for Your Daily,” 116.

110 Larry Levy, “FAA Hires Experts to Probe All Claims of Boom Damage,” Oklahoma City Times, March 11, 1964.

SONIC BOOMS

111 “SST Spurred by City Boom Test Findings,” The Daily Oklahoman, April 25, 1965.

112 Nwanevu, “Boom and Bust”

113 Lear, “The Era of Supersonic Morality,” 49.

114 “$10,000 Boom!” The Daily Oklahoman, February 18, 1967.

115 “Judge Chandler Orders 97 Sonic Boom Cases to Trial,” The Daily Oklahoman, April 1, 1967.

116 “MMAC Celebrates 75 Years.”

117 Baig, “Why You Never Got to Fly the American Concorde.”

118 Lear, “The Era of Supersonic Morality,” 50.

119 David Kurlander, “You, Me and the SST: The Ozone Layer, Technological Noises, and Supersonic Transports,” Café.com, September 21, 2021, https://cafe.com/article/ you-and-meand-the-sst-the-ozone-layer-technological-noises-and-supersonictransports/

120 Baig, “Why You Never Got to Fly the American Concorde.”

121 Nwanevu, “Boom and Bust”

122 Mel Horwitch, “The Role of the Concorde Threat in the US SST Program,” Working Paper WP1306-82, Alfred P. Sloan School of Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, May 7, 1982, 6.

123 “What Happened to the American SST?” The NDC Blog, January 28, 2017, https://declassification.blogs.archives.gov/2017/07/28/what-happened-to-the-american-sst/.

124 Schneider, “The New Supersonic Boom.”

125 Eckles, “Sonic Boom Study,” 6.

126 L. Douglas DeNike, “Sonic Booms,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, November 1965, 25.

"Bullheaded Resistance": Choctaw Nation Political Responses to the Euro-American Cattle Market and the Act of 1899

By Taryn M. Dixon*

“In 1902 it seemed to me that cattle ranching on a big scale was doomed but today ranching has returned under different conditions, and is a leading industry.”1 Writing in a 1959 The Chronicles of Oklahoma article, J. B. Wright reminisced about his youth in Indian Territory. Before statehood, Indian Territory was a cattleman’s haven, comprised of luscious plains filled with blooming prairie grass. In the mid-1800s, this land fed hordes of cattle as cowboys wrestled them up trails toward cattle markets in the north. At the same time, prospective settlers joined land runs, encouraging thousands of westward immigrants to establish homesteads. From a 1902 viewpoint, the land upon which the forty-sixth state would soon reside was prime ranching land. Why,

then, did a young J. B. Wright fear the downfall of cattle ranching and what were these different conditions that existed in Indian Territory?

The answer resides not only in J. B.’s childhood exposure to cattle, but also in his citizenry.2 James Brookes Wright was the last child of Allen Wright, the principal chief of the Choctaw Nation from 1866-1870.3 In 1878, two years after J. B.’s birth, Allen lost his final campaign for chief.4 After his political career ended, Allen invested most of his time in his ministry studies and his ranching pursuits.5 It was here among his father’s livestock that J. B. understood cattle’s place in Indian Territory. In his eyes, and the eyes of numerous Choctaws in the late nineteenth century, the cattle industry was a tenet of the Choctaw Nation economy, and—even more importantly—the Choctaw Nation ran the cattle economy.6 Their legislation determined who could access land, who could introduce and sell cattle, and who could run cattle operations. Government intervention within the cattle industry promoted a staunchly anti-settler policy to aid internal economic development. This well-crafted legislation peaked at the very end of the nineteenth century when pressure from invasive settlers and US law resulted in the Choctaw Nation’s last effort to preserve the cattle market for its citizens: the Act of 1899. By the birth of the twentieth century, the world of cattle ranching in Indian Territory was defined by political negotiation and resistance.

Much of the scholarship analyzing the Choctaw Nation in the mid-to-late nineteenth century presents this period as marred with “federal complicity,” where the Choctaw government was intentionally referential to US powers.7 In her exceptional ethnography of the Choctaw Nation, Valerie Lambert depicts the very end of the 1800s as the beginning of the tribe’s demise—a “dismantling” of national sovereignty.8 It was an era of survival against the amalgamation of socio-political threats facing the Choctaws.9 The Act of 1899 was a moment of experimental nation-building in which the Choctaw Nation used the cattle industry to assert its sovereignty in response to threats of US governmental oversight, the invasive international cattle market economy, and settler intrusion.

To understand the significance of cattle as a mode of Native American resistance to colonization, we must understand cattle not only as resources but as representations of European expansion. Colonial settlers on the North American continent practiced raising livestock for

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sustenance and profit. Furthermore, livestock raising also held ideological symbolism as a representation of civilization.10 Europeans believed their cattle embodied a sociocultural superiority over societies that did not practice similar livestock raising techniques. By the seventeenth century, cattle represented domestication, husbandry, and individual land use on which cattle could graze. In the Euro-American consciousness, all these patterns conveyed civilization. Thus, the acceptance of cattle in a society represented the civilizing of the cattle owner.11 Despite this expectation, the Choctaws—alongside many other Native groups throughout the continent—redefined the cattlehuman relationship.

Choctaws first acquired cattle through trade networks with Indigenous groups in the Gulf region. James Taylor Carson speculates that most Choctaw cattle in the early colonial period were from the Caddoans, who themselves got cattle from trade with the Spanish.12 The breed of cattle the Choctaws acquired at this time is unknown, though we may speculate that they were likely Spanish longhorn. Early colonial encounters tell us that “cattle were becoming a regular fixture on the Choctaw landscape” by the early eighteenth century.13 The acceptance of cattle into Choctaw society was by no means uncontentious— Choctaws likely began to slowly explore livestock raising as increased colonial presence led to decreased hunting availability and environmental effects. Cattle raising eventually became a substitute for wild meat.14 If cattle came to replace deer, their role within the community in the early colonial period more closely resembled wild grazers than European domesticates. As livestock became mainstays, Choctaws found that ranching fit within their gendered conceptions of society. In a society where farming and planting were women’s work, the Choctaw dismissed cattle raising as a solely male occupation. Historical analysis indicates livestock raising was a mixed-gender practice, with women milking and cooking the meat and men slaughtering them.15 Because cattle grazing required significantly less labor than arable farming, the supervision of livestock was often allotted to men.16

The ranging practices of these Choctaw cattle hardly met the standard of livestock raising as practiced by colonialists.17 Furthermore, cattle were raised on tribal lands rather than individual lots. Comparatively, in England, cattle required their owner to retain land for pasture. By bypassing the need for privatized land, small-scale cattle

ranching guaranteed Choctaw citizens could have access to the benefits of the market economy without slicing up their territory. Up through the early nineteenth century, cattle raising grew as a reliable form of economic stability and was standardized as a form of surplus production. As James Taylor Carson states, “Choctaw men and women relied extensively on livestock to put the nation back on a sound economic footing. Stock raising, after all, fit perfectly within the regional market economy of the Lower Mississippi Valley and within the marketplace economy of the Choctaws.”18

By the end of the colonial period, cattle were common in Choctaw society. However, cattle practices differed from those observed in Euro-American settlements. Cattle within Choctaw society represented what Virginia DeJohn Anderson refers to as “selective acculturation.”19 Cattle served as means of market interaction and resource access, aligning with their use in European ideologies. Richard White conducted significant research on how the tribe responded to cattle in various ways across their landholdings in the southeast. This included stealing cattle from settler herds for food, as well as

Map of Indian Territory and Oklahoma, (detail). US Bureau of the Census, 1890 (G4020 1890.U5, Library of Congress Geography and Map Division, Washington, DC).

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Allen Wright’s home in Boggy Depot, Indian Territory, c. 1890 (6222.2, Oklahoma Historical Society Photograph Collection, OHS).

The Wright family at the Allen Wright home, 1941 (13736, Oklahoma Historical Society Photograph Collection, OHS).

predominantly mixed-blood or intermarried white citizens establishing ranching practices in peripheral areas of the Choctaw homeland by the nineteenth century.20 This diverse adaptation method meant that some groups in Choctaw society engaged more closely with the cattle market.

The Indigenous practice of selectively acculturating colonial domesticates resulted in tension between settlers and Natives. In the Choctaw case, where cattle were tucked into social norms, settlers realized “that Indians intended to pick and choose among the items on the English agenda for native cultural transformation. Owning cows did not make them Christians, much less Englishmen.”21 The failure to make Choctaws, or any other Indigenous people, into Euro-Americans resulted in a revamped settler project: relocation.

Fifty-six years after his people’s relocation to Indian Territory, J. B. Wright was born in the far western stretches of the Choctaw Nation. He grew up in Boggy Depot, a bustling town a few miles southwest of modern-day Atoka. His hometown was located near the Military Road, which connected Fort Washita in the Choctaw Nation to Fort Gibson in the Cherokee Nation. Along this route, immigrants, traders, and cattle drivers kicked up clouds of red dirt as they passed from places like St. Louis and Kansas City, Missouri, towards Dallas or Austin, Texas. His father was a busy man in that corner of Indian Territory, but he always had a ranch venture on the side. Such practice was standard for many economical Choctaws, though most farmers could not afford significant operations like the elder Wright. In this land, where water drained into the Red River, where citizens spoke Indigenous languages, and where the range was open, cattle was king.

The land of the Choctaw Nation was held in communal ownership, as had been the practice in their ancestral homelands.22 Indian Territory (or, at least, the portion that the Nation controlled) was perfect grazing land. Citizens raising cattle could turn their heads on the open range, where they free grazed on natural hay: “Most of the whole country was outside land with immense canebrakes and [cattle would] forage in all the valleys and on the creeks between the mountains, and . . . would live and do well all winter,” a white settler reminisced.23 As J. B. noted, “I well recall when the western part of the Choctaw Nation and bordering parts of the Chickasaw Nation was mostly prairie with free, open range and grass growing belly deep to a horse.”24 All citizens,

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including J. B. Wright, saw cattle stray from their owners’ ranch with minimal hindrances.25 These cattle would be branded and moderately supervised until roundup. Roundups were large-scale collections of livestock that were joyous, weeks-long affairs comprised of numerous teams working independently or as hired hands.26 Cattle were rarely penned, and often only for branding purposes. Some range cattle had horns, making adult cattle branding a dangerous work that required a skilled cowboy to rope a specific head out of a group. When working for his father or other ranching family members, J. B. preferred branding calves, since their youth was not a threat. He would grab the calf around its neck, shove his knee into its underbelly to hitch it up, and wrestle it to the ground.27 Without a doubt, ranching was laborious business, and many Choctaw citizens were uninterested or incapable of dedicating their full time to ranch maintenance. Many hired settlers as workers to watch over their property, including J. B.’s father: “When [dad] first established the ranch, he hired a white man, Walter van Hoosier, as foreman to look after the livestock, and he himself worked on a salary to carry on the ranch business.”28 The cattle produced from ranching operations might be sold within the Nation, but the best profits came from northern markets. Reportedly, Choctaw cattle “brought top prices on the Kansas City, Chicago, and Saint Louis markets.”29

Unfortunately, the profitability of the nation’s farming and livestock resulted in threats from outsiders, who wished to extract the benefits of the carefully curated cattle market. The Choctaw Nation had the unfortunate luck of being well-situated between two cattle-centric economies. To the south, the Spanish heritage of the Texas borderlands resulted in numerous prosperous ranchos; to the north, an expanding US economy meant a rise in beef demands in growing population centers. Prospecting ranch owners settling near the Texas-Mexico border hungrily eyed Indian Territory as a tunnel for hired cowboy outfits to transport their property to markets in the Midwest.30 On their drives, cowboys could easily feed their wares on open-access tribal lands from the Red River to the Kansas-Missouri border. Although the financial benefits of such drives were occasionally profitable, many Choctaw citizens were frustrated with the trampled, overgrazed fields that foreigners created with their hundreds of heads of cattle. Worse still, many Texas herds transmitted tick-borne diseases

A young Choctaw cowboy, c. 1918 (15896, Oklahoma Historical Society Photograph Collection, OHS).

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that infected local cattle herds.31 Thus, cattle trails such as the Military Trail resulted in non-citizens using national graze lands for their cattle—in other words, an invasion.

The accessibility of land bolstered non-citizen settlement as well. Emphasizing Indian Territory as a resource was perhaps the best way to express its value to prospective settlers. As iterated repeatedly in first-hand accounts, the land the Choctaw Nation was luscious, composed of fields blossoming with wild grasses and creek beds, from which alluvial soils nourished a plethora of viable food for livestock. For enterprising men coming in from the far eastern stretches of the US, the short, mild winters of Indian Territory and the proliferation of grasses were a majesty of nature.32 To speculating westward immigrants, the unfenced plains of prairie grass of the Choctaw Nation appeared unclaimed. Many settlers easily claimed unoccupied portions of land through the payment of quaint sums.33 One Virginian named Richard Morgan relocated to Durant, Indian Territory, in 1893, with funds earned while working in the cattle business in Texas. His new operations north of the Red River were centered in what he called, “the heart of the finest grazing country I had ever seen, with good pens and yards for shipping cattle.”34

By the 1890s, non-citizens could not operate businesses within the Choctaw Nation and the only way to gain citizenship was through marriage, which Morgan promptly did.35 His wife, Loerna (née Nail), was a Choctaw woman from a well-educated family. Loerna’s paternal grandfather was Robert Nail, a chairman of the Rabbit Creek Colony and a Choctaw interpreter. Despite his white heritage, Morgan was proud of his community and believed himself to be accepted into it. When Morgan arrived at the Caddo Courthouse in 1898 to receive his and his wife’s allotment, the Choctaw registers joked that they would permit him to file for his parcel—but not another intermarried white man who accompanied him.36 Like many other intermarried citizens, Morgan based his capital on ranching. His hometown of Durant had easy access to the railroad, and he made multiple trips up the Kansas, Missouri, and Texas railway (later renamed to the Missouri Pacific Railway) to sell cattle at auction in St. Louis.37 It was not only individuals who staked their familial and financial claims in Native lands: corporations and businesses rushed into Indian Territory as well. One 1888 Cherokee Nation newspaper emphasized cattle syndicates’

“cupidity” for Native-held land.38 By 1890, only one in four individuals in the Choctaw Nation were citizens.39

The Choctaw Nation’s transition into a settler-dominated space with widespread practices of capital accumulation through private venture was a systematic and well-curated strategy of the settler state to pressure assimilation.40 Economic dependency and settlement patterns were not directly controlled by the US Federal government, but they were developments born out of intentional practices of jurisdictional claiming and legislative encouragement to privatize. Because US legislation portrayed Indian Territory as a region under US oversight, and because land use practices of the Choctaw and the other Five Tribes did not abide by Euro-American standards of ownership, westward migrating settlers inevitably viewed settling Native-owned land as legally permissible. Through the nineteenth century, the Choctaw government had been forced to accede to US expectations, reinforcing a paternalistic relationship with the federal government that had been steadily rising. The 1898 Curtis Act is one such example. This US statute erased Choctaw and Chickasaw sovereignty by abolishing their courts and requiring US executive approval for all tribal laws.41 The Curtis Act was born out of the 1887 Dawes Allotment Act, which was intended to parcel land to enrolled tribal citizens to enforce individualized land use.42 The implementation of Allotment represented an oppressive form of federal oversight, demanding that Native nations across the continent abide by Western civilization land use practices, further incentivizing individual involvement in economic forms, specifically capitalism. Despite the introduction of these federal laws, citizens of Indigenous nations responded in complex, diverse forms. Thus, the effectiveness of Allotment and its effect on the Choctaw Nation social and cultural perceptions is unknown and requires more historical study.

The intrusion of the foreign cattle market (and foreigners at large) was not met with total complicity from the Choctaw government. Throughout the 1880s and 1890s, the Choctaw National Council continuously passed bills that asserted administrative control over the cattle market and those non-citizens who abused it. The most significant of these bills came in 1885 when it became illegal for Choctaws to hire non-citizens to “take charge of their cattle.”43 This bill was one in a series that obstructed foreigners from locating work in the Nation

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while increasing the number of jobs available to legal residents. Over time, the regulations for cattle grazing became stricter. Within two years, it would be illegal for individuals, citizens or otherwise, to graze their cattle on the public range outside of the winter grazing period.44 Another bill would forbid running herds on Sunday.45 The passage of these bills indicates that the Choctaw economy had a significant stake in its cattle market and that the government was willing to define the extent of its jurisdictional control by regulating it. Based on the nature of laws aiming to retain the cattle market as a resource for Choctawonly labor and preserving national resources the intention of the legislature was not to eradicate the cattle economy, but rather to mediate non-citizen profit. These late nineteenth-century legislations were protective of social patterns that would have been largely promoted by Euro-American society, i.e. ranching for purposes of individual profit or sustenance. However, and most critically, the acts were enacted to preserve the Choctaw economy and citizen prosperity, thereby undermining reliance on US markets. Moreover, the implications of controlling the cattle industry could be applied to numerous other industrial

Choctaw Chief Green McCurtain addressing Choctaw officials, c. 1898 (558, Oklahoma Historical Society Photograph Collection, OHS).

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labor fields developing within the region at the same time, such as the expansive coal industry operating in northern Choctaw Nation by the 1870s and the lumber industry operating in the central portion of the Nation thereafter. Throughout the latter end of the nineteenth century, US business methods were becoming increasingly vital to the Choctaw economy, and maintaining some method of control would have been a major concern for the legislature at the time.

It was this heavy-handed assertion of internal control that led to the Allotment Act having critical effects. Early negotiations between Choctaw delegates and the federal government guaranteed parceling, as stipulated in the Dawes Act, would not apply to the Choctaw Nation. By 1897, relentless pressure from the US government and the Dawes Commission resulted in the acceptance of Allotment for both the Choctaw and Chickasaw Nations.46 This implementation was a crisis for the Choctaw. Traditional land use was made unsustainable, a cataclysmic development for many citizens who still heavily relied on the standardized communal land use that their ancestors had practiced. For some citizens, especially more progressive individuals who sought US acculturation, Allotment appeared as a moment to assimilate into a society already suffocating their lifeways. For the cattle case specifically, this meant more Choctaw citizens would be pressured to raise penned livestock on small farms, a form of sustenance that encroaching settlers were familiar with and could usurp. Despite decades of legislation intended to empower Choctaw ranchers and farmers and to disenfranchise settlers, the suffocating prospect of forced land privatization demanded quick and decisive action from the Choctaw Nation.

With these uncertainties overhead, the Choctaw National Council passed its Act of 1899. We know that the severance of land directly caused the Act of 1899, as it is written into the document: “the allotment of our lands in severalty and the taking of each citizen of his rightful share, which must of necessity break up the holding of large bodies of land in pastures, is under the Agreement in the near and immediate future, therefore—.” This law made the introduction of foreign cattle into the Nation by any individual, citizen or otherwise, outside of the grazing period of November and December, illegal. Any cattle introduced during such time were required to be penned, and any individual not penning legal cattle or abiding by the regulations would be fined. Here is the first indication of the act’s intention to promote

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citizens’ economic development by determining who could access land resources. The document defines “foreign cattle” as cattle from any “State or surrounding Nations.” These foreign cattle, as outlined previously, were the property of settlers and speculators who “run at large on the public domain and to drift [unattended], and thus drifting carry the small herds of cattle away from their ranges causing great loss and inconvenience to the citizens.”47

Based on its language, this law was intended to preserve quality land for citizen-owned cattle. At the time of the document’s publication, Allotment was imminent but not active. The public range, at least temporarily, was off-limits only to foreign cattle, retaining its use and the benefits for Choctaw citizens and their businesses. Furthermore, any individual whose illegal cattle were found grazing on public land would be fined five dollars per head of cattle. If the fine was not paid within ten days, the sheriff of the county would collect the cattle and perform a public sale, of which legal Choctaw residents could purchase and expand their cattle holdings.48

Not only did this act forbid non-citizens access to the range, but any individual caught doing so would be “prosecuted under the laws of the United States.” Any instance of illegal activity practiced as defined within the Act would be reported to the local Indian agent and the US commissioner.49 Such an announcement instilled that settlers were under foreign protection and effectively stated that the US must uphold the Nation’s law. No longer would cattle drivers or foreign settlers have unbridled access to the resources of the Nation. By setting such strict mandates, the government ensured its citizens would have great access to land resources for their cattle, easier access to purchase and expand their cattle holdings, and would set up a strict penalty system that thwarted non-citizen business competitors. Further still, the Choctaw Nation placed the work of policing non-citizen illegal activity into the hands of the US government.

The Act of 1899 benefited Choctaws, at least for a short period. It allowed many citizen cattle ranchers to dispossess their direct competitors, and citizens outed illegal activity if its existence threatened their operations. W. F. Choate of Canadian, a town in northern Choctaw Nation, wrote to Chief Green McCurtain in May of 1903 to complain: “There is about a thousand head of cattle held in the vicinity of Choate and Indianola upon the range and in pasture. My purpose of addressing you is to know whether or not these parties can not be dealt

with or handled, and their stuff removed from the Choctaw Nation.”50 As stipulated in the Act of 1899, addressing unauthorized land use by non-citizens was to be enforced by federal agents. McCurtain’s executive office regularly forwarded requests such as Choate’s to the corresponding federal jurisdiction. In this case, Johnson Frazier, sheriff of Calvin, Indian Territory, was instructed to investigate the incident. It would take several months for the investigation to unfold, largely due to the sheriff claiming illness.51 Presuming that Choate’s original statement was accurate, as Frazier was ordered to assist US Indian Policemen to remove cattle and collect illegal hay royalties in August of that same year.52 Choate’s incident was one of the numerous investigations in the Choctaw Nation that followed the passage of the Act of 1899, though not all were as successful at clearing the land of illegal cattle herds. When claims of illegal activity were investigated and found true, the Choctaw Nation had to make extravagant payments to the US government to enforce the law. In November 1903, a single operation of cattle removal cost the Nation over $1,500.53

Having the US government enforce the Choctaw Nation’s law was not an unprecedented choice, and the decision was born out of a contentious debate concerning jurisdictional control and authority over settlers. Federal courts established along the borders of the Choctaw Nation, specifically Fort Smith, were known to “exceed [their] legitimate authority and jurisdiction” on matters of internal Choctaw operations.54 Whereas these US-based operatives pushed for control over Indian Territory, the Choctaw Nation saw their role as mere enforcers of tribal law. Although the US Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the Secretary of the Interior, and the Indian Agents were foreign actors, they were, by design, working on behalf of the Choctaw Nation. The Choctaw legislators’ expectations for US agents are reminiscent of a foreign trade monitor, in that they were expected to work as inspectors, revenue collectors, and policy enforcers.55 US agents were also expected to track illegal international markets like the liquor trade.56 It comes as no surprise, then, that legislators in 1899 would place monitoring of illegal cattle exchanges into the hands of US entities, seeing as such a practice had been well-established. Based on previous statutes, such as an 1882 bill that set more strict protocols on settlers requesting citizenship, it appears that US-affiliated settlers were largely uninterested in making sure they abided by the laws of the Choctaw Nation. Regulations set to ensure occupants of the Nation

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were legal residents could never be fully enforced because outsiders greatly outnumbered citizens, and the US government and its agents on the ground were largely uninterested in upholding such laws. Choctaw legislators realized that the influx of foreigners on their land largely identified as US citizens, and therefore, only complied with US-enforced laws. This is not to indicate that these alien occupants were outside the Choctaw jurisdiction, for the Treaty of 1855 stipulated that the Nation had “unrestricted right of self-government and full jurisdiction over persons and property within [its] limits.”57 Rather, the Choctaw administration’s assertion that US agents must police their citizens on foreign land as a better guarantee that the laws would be upheld while simultaneously proving that the US worked for the Choctaw Nation.

The Act of 1899 had profound effects on who could raise stock in the Choctaw Nation, especially in promoting capital growth for tribal citizens by erasing competition. Alongside preceding cattle-centric laws, the government could ensure that its citizens did not outsource labor and that non-citizens could not lay claim to resources or opportunities within the Choctaw Nation. Perhaps more importantly, the act reinforced the Nation’s foreign sovereign power over the US by requiring the federal government to enforce tribal law. The Act of 1899 was a strategy of nation-building that incentivized capital development through ranching and investment in the cattle economy and enforced jurisdictional control over economic developments. Through the act’s implementation, we see decisive legislative responses to federal and US-citizen threats undermining the Choctaw Nation’s political autonomy.

Despite the intention of the Act of 1899, the historical record indicates that the legislation failed to properly benefit Choctaw citizens nor to confront rising foreign settlements. Inevitably, white individuals and other settlers found loopholes in the 1899 Act. Some individuals transferred the property rights of their cattle over to intermarried family members. Such occurred with Mr. Edwin Hawley, a non-citizen caught holding cattle. Rather than selling or paying the fine, Hawley “disposed” of his holdings by granting them to his son, an intermarried citizen. Some Choctaw citizens aided in non-citizen evasion, agreeing to claim cattle herds or operations in the eye of the law. This led to US government employees and the Choctaw Nation administration labeling cattle transferals as done in “good” or “bad” faith. Troublesome,

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too, was the fact that federal entities needed to know who was or was not a Choctaw citizen to enforce the law—information not easily accessed.58 In extreme cases, some male settlers could guarantee land and capital access by gaining guardianship over their Choctaw wives, ensuring their title in a political economy tightly bound by regulations meant to ensure such control did not happen.59

The Act of 1899 was far from perfect in its intention to incentivize economic development strictly for Choctaw citizens. Further still, it failed at keeping capital internalized. The prospect of Allotment and cattle market laws encouraged stock raising, and as such practice grew, Choctaw ranchers relied on market demands throughout the US to grow their business. The rise in externalized capital meant monetary transferal between private parties, promoting the spread of capitalism in the Choctaw public. Just as the Dawes Act intended, land privatization would result in Native governments and their citizens interacting with the larger US economy. Furthermore, the Act of 1899 did not incentivize jobs for Choctaw citizens; rather, it heightened investment in an international market and hindered many small-scale Choctaw farmers. David Chang’s study of small-scale Muscogee (Creek) farmers of the same period theorized that most citizens were independent of foreign trading and encounters. These small farmers profited from isolationism and self-dependency, whereas ranchers profited from increased settler interactions.60 Work completed by Richard White and James Taylor Carson indicates that ranching was a business conducted by Choctaw citizens with some exposure to Euro-American lifeways, including intermarried whites, their mixed-blood descendants, and Choctaws educated in academies or boarding schools.61 This means that a specific section of Choctaw society pursued ranching, and, as ranching was a prosperous business, financial success almost always emerged in mixed-blood and educated families. It is possible that this development corresponds with the birth of a class system within the Choctaw Nation, a historical observation that requires further research. Small-scale Choctaw farmers were largely financially stable until their claims were threatened by internal ranch operations from more prosperous citizens and the Act of 1899 and the economic incentivization of land privatization at the turn of the century likely only aided an upper-class of Choctaw landowners with major operations. The Choctaw legislative policy of controlling economic markets such as stock raising did little to counteract settler encroachment and

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US jurisdiction invasion. The aftereffects of the Act of 1899 reveal a systemic failure to supervise international capital exchange, promote financial security for working citizens, and reinforce national law with internal resources. It is in this era of failed Choctaw governmental control that J. B. Wright witnessed a prosperous but unregulated system with a diverse array of profiteers, from ranch owners like his father to smaller citizen farmers, settlers, and cattle traffickers on market drives. This unstandardized, easily invaded market existed due to the retention of traditional cultural practices of communal land holding and cattle raising. As he aged, J. B. witnessed major threats to these standards through non-citizen invasion and US assimilation policies such as the Dawes and Curtis Acts. When the Choctaw Nation implemented laws to counteract these threats, legislators reformed Allotment and privatization into a tool of economic development and jurisdictional control. Despite these intentions, statutes intended to control the cattle economy resulted in poorly enforced policing procedures that did little to hinder non-citizen settlement or economic dependency on the US market. Furthermore, the aftereffects of this market dependency resulted in increased accumulation of capital in a small collection of individuals.

Cattle grazing, c. 1900 (20736.RR.1, J. O. Walker Collection, OHS).

Thus, the cattle market J. B. experienced in his youth had completely changed by his adulthood, largely due to the vicious fight over territorial claims between the Choctaw Nation and the United States.

The story of changing stock raising practices in the Choctaw Nation is only one of innumerable examples of US-tribal nation conflict defining cultural and social spheres. While historians have interpreted the early twentieth century as a period where Choctaw legislators did not act to protect their citizens from threats, this interpretation is wrong. Rather, the story of Choctaw cattle provides evidence that substantial political action on the part of tribal politicians proves non-compliance with US expectations and a dedication to promoting Choctaw citizen prosperity. Historically, the Choctaw Nation enacted legislation that its politicians believed would benefit its citizens in the continuous fight against political erasure.

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Endnotes

* Taryn M. Dixon is a citizen of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma. She grew up in Okemah, Oklahoma, and received her BA in history and anthropology from Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri, in May 2025. She is enrolled to begin the history PhD Program at Northwestern University. She intends to continue studying the history of the Choctaw people after the Removal period, with a special interest in cultural assimilation and class formation. Her research on Choctaw cattle was inspired by growing up and helping on her dad’s ranch, as well as spending summer breaks working for the Choctaw Nation in their Tribal Research Department.

The photograph on page 150 shows the 1866 Choctaw Treaty delegation. From left to right: Allen Wright, Campbell Le Flore, Julis Folsom, and F. Batliste (1215.1, Oklahoma Historical Society Photograph Collection, OHS).

1 J. B. Wright, “Ranching in the Choctaw and Chickasaw Nations,” The Chronicles of Oklahoma 37, no. 3 (1959): 294.

2 All references to nationality, nation-state, governance, and citizenship in this paper refer to the Choctaw Nation unless explicitly stated otherwise.

3 Wright is reportedly the individual who proposed the name “Oklahoma,” or, in Choctaw, okla homma (red people).

4 There are conflicting accounts of J. B. Wright’s birthdate. His headstone records it as December 26th, 1876. “James Brookes Wright,” Oklahoma Cemeteries, https://www. okcemeteries.net/atoka/boggydepot/wrightjb.htm.

5 Jon D. May, “Allen Wright,” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry?entry=WR004.

6 References to “Nation” refer to the Choctaw Nation, as it existed in the late-nineteenth century, located in southeastern Indian Territory, and later the state of Oklahoma.

7 Sandra Faiman-Silva, Choctaws at the Crossroads: The Political Economy of Class and Culture in the Oklahoma Timber Region (University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 101.

8 Valerie Lambert, Choctaw Nation: A Story of American Indian Resurgence (University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 48.

9 Termination refers to the historical period of Native American governments being “terminated” under US law. The termination of the Choctaw reservation presumably occurred with Oklahoma statehood. In 2020, the US Supreme Court ruling McGirt v. Oklahoma ruled that these tribal governments had never been officially terminated and were, therefore, active.

10 Virginia DeJohn Anderson, Creatures of Empire: How Domestic Animals Transformed Early America (Oxford University Press, 2004), 77.

11 Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 210.

12 James Taylor Carson, Searching for the Bright Path: The Mississippi Choctaw from Prehistory to Removal (University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 53.

13 Carson, Searching for the Bright Path, 56.

14 Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 211.

15 Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 77.

16 Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 88.

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17 James Taylor Carson, “Native Americans, the Market Revolution, and Culture Change: The Choctaw Cattle Economy, 1690-1830,” Agricultural History 71, no. 1 (1997): 16.

18 Carson, Searching for the Bright Path, 74.

19 Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 225.

20 Richard White, Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (University of Nebraska, 1983), 101–3.

21 Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 211.

22 Carson, “Native Americans, the Market Revolution, and Culture Change,” 54.

23 Bud Cutler, interview by Bradley Bolinger, June 15, 1937.

24 Wright, “Ranching,” 294.

25 Wright, “Ranching,” 296.

26 W. A. Arnold, born in Cherokee Nation in 1874, worked his first cowboy job as a chuck wagon driver for a white rancher. Although he worked within Cherokee lands, round-ups expanded across tribal borders. He reportedly collected cattle for his boss in Choctaw lands as well. W. A. Arnold, interview by O. G. Davidson, n.d. See also Wright, “Ranching,” 296.

27 Wright, “Ranching,” 299.

28 It is important to note that “settler” is not interchangeable with white-US citizens. Settlers could be of any nationality, race, or ethnicity. In this article, the term refers to a permanent or semi-permanent resident of the Choctaw Nation who was born outside the tribal structure with no kinship or citizenship affiliation. Wright, “Ranching,” 296.

29 James D. Morrison, The Social History of the Choctaw Nation, 1865–1907 (Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma, 1987): 72.

30 David Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 (University of Texas Press, 1989): 56.

31 James R. Carselowey, “Texas to Kansas Cattle Trail,” Indian Pioneer Papers, Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma.

32 J. E. Dunn, Indian Territory: A Pre-Commonwealth (American Printing Company, Inc, 1904): 128.

33 Arnold interview.

34 Richard Morgan, interview by Lula Austin, April 13, 1937.

35 Richard Morgan stated that the Choctaw Nation rescinded permits for non-citizens, though extant research does not confirm or deny this claim. As a white citizen who verbally confessed to speculating on Indian Territory land, Morgan was likely well aware of the laws he needed to abide. Morgan interview.

36 Morgan interview.

37 Morgan interview.

38 H. W. C. Shelton, “The Pets in Council,” Telephone (Tahlequah, I. T.), August 30, 1888.

39 Lambert, Choctaw Nation, 47.

40 “Settler state” is defined in this article as a postcolonial governmental body that dispossesses and disavows Native sovereignty to promote self-expansion. The United States is considered a settler state.

41 M. Kaye Tatro, “Curtis Act (1898),” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry?entry=CU006.

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42 An Act to Provide for the Allotment of Lands in Severalty to Indians on the Various Reservations (General Allotment Act or Dawes Act), Statutes at Large 24, 388–91, Native American Manuscripts, Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma (hereafter cited as WHC).

43 A proposed act prohibiting citizens to hire non-citizens to take charge of their cattle, Acts, Bills and Resolutions no. 52 (1885), WHC.

44 A proposed act to prohibit introducing steer cattle in the Choctaw Nation except in the months of November and December, Acts, Bills and Resolutions no. 33 (1888), WHC.

45 A proposed act to prevent hunting, gathering, or running cattle on Sunday, Acts, Bills and Resolutions no. 42 (1888), WHC. This bill would be repealed the following year.

46 Cox interview.

47 An act regulating the introduction of foreign cattle into the Choctaw Nation (1899), WHC.

48 An act regulating the introduction of foreign cattle, WHC.

49 An act regulating the introduction of foreign cattle, WHC.

50 W. F. Choate to Green McCurtain, May 26, 1903, Box 17, Folder 2, Green McCurtain Collection, Native American Manuscript, Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma (hereafter cited as GMC).

51 Johnson Frazier to Green McCurtain, July 1, 1903, Box 17, Folder 2, GMC.

52 Green McCurtain to Johnson Frazier, August 21, 1903, Box 5, Folder 3, GMC.

53 Alf. McCoy to Green McCurtain, November 4, 1903, Box. 5, Folder 6, GMC.

54 A resolution expressing the sense of the Choctaw Nation in reference to the location of Federal Courts, Acts, Bills and Resolutions no. 4 (1889), WHC.

55 An Act defining certain duties of the National Agent, Acts, Bills, and Resolutions no. 39 (1884), WHC.

56 A resolution expressing the sense of the Choctaw Nation in reference to the location of Federal Courts, Acts, Bills and Resolutions no. 4 (1889), WHC.

57 A proposed bill to request the Secretary of the Interior to prohibit the United States Commissioner acting upon citizenship petitions; to request the United States Indian Agent to determine citizenship of petitioners; and to ask the United States Indian Agent to have all new citizens to prove their rights as citizens. Acts, Bills, and Resolutions no. 8 (1882), WHC.

58 J. B. Shoenfelt to Green McCurtain, November 11, 1903, GMC.

59 “Appointment of Guardian,” October 5, 1903, GMC.

60 David A. Chang, “‘An Equal Interest in the Soil’: Creek Small-Scale Farming and the Work of Nationhood, 1866-1889,” American Indian Quarterly 33, no. 1 (2009): 100.

61 White, Roots of Dependency, 103; Carson, Searching for the Bright Path, 74.

Opera in America and Origins in Tulsa

By Michelle Jaluvka*

Opera is one of several cultural traditions adopted from Europe. The United States lived in Europe’s shadow in many respects while developing into its own independent country, which is reflected in the nation’s cultural development. Americans “retained a colonial mentality in matters of culture and intellect” in the mid- to late 1900s which manifested in deep reverence for art of European descent (especially opera) and limited appreciation of uniquely American art forms such as Broadway.1 Lawrence W. Levine famously argued that European art was elevated as superior. This elevation led to a growing rift between social and cultural classes in America. Levine observed that the public

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The Tulsa opera scene came to fruition in the early twentieth century and flourished into a high-quality, professional opera company. The presence of opera in Tulsa was established far before it was organized into a legitimate institution. The popularity of touring opera companies was a catalyst for the development of small-town opera houses—cities and towns wanted to be able to host these prominent touring groups.2 This was the case in Tulsa when an opera company came through town and graced the city with its first opera production, Faust, soon after the city’s establishment in 1898.3 The original performance venue was the Epperson Opera House until the Grand Opera House was built in 1906 followed by the Tulsa Municipal Theater in 1914.4 Eventually, the growing popularity of opera in Tulsa led to the Chamber of Commerce pledging $30,000 a year to support annual opera seasons. The Great Depression negatively impacted Tulsa’s financial landscape and jeopardized the success of the opera scene. Despite these economic headwinds, the dean of the University of Tulsa School of Music, Albert Lukken, was able to support opera in Tulsa by putting on a production of Aida in 1933 and an outdoor opera series in 1934.5 After this series, productions halted due to World War II.

In the 1940s, Bess Gowans, a pianist in the Tulsa area, catalyzed the introduction of a local opera company. She was a well-respected accompanist and music educator in Tulsa and served in leadership roles in many music organizations in the city. She coordinated concerts at Philbrook Museum of Art, and one of these concerts, held in 1948, featured guest opera singers Ralph and Ione Sassano. The reception to the concert was so positive that it renewed the collective desire to start a local opera company.6 Following the Sassanos’ tremendous success in Tulsa, the singers were asked to remain in the city to help get the city’s first opera company off the ground. Gowans served as an accompanist for the fledgling organization. It was eventually called the Tulsa Opera Club, formally incorporated in 1948. They began work soon after on their first production, La traviata. After hiring Gerald Whitney as conductor and attracting a large group of willing chorus members,

172 classified genres such as Broadway, folk songs, and popular music as “lowbrow” culture, in contrast to European cultural products such as opera, which were viewed as “highbrow” culture and worthy of higher levels of respect. This hierarchy played a significant role in shaping the landscape of American popular culture.

the production was a hit among Tulsans. However, it became apparent that securing funding sources would be pivotal to maintaining the company’s livelihood. The appointment of prominent local figure Maud Lorton to the board of directors, formed in 1949, would ensure such funding. She and her husband, Eugene Lorton, owned the Tulsa World, and Maud was known for financially backing the arts. She pledged $1,000 to support the new organization in exchange for a board position labeled Patron of Arts.7 She was a powerful social force with the potential to garner much-needed funds. She was also known for being strong-willed and spontaneous in business decisions. Lorton’s impressive financial and managerial support of the company demonstrates the trend of women, especially elite socialites, in the development of opera in America.

The name of the club was altered in 1951 from Tulsa Opera Club to Tulsa Opera, Inc. The use of the word club had a “connotation of amateurism” and was “inappropriate for an organization striving to be recognized as a legitimate regional opera company.”8 Two years later, it became evident that there were not enough available Tulsans with the training fill lead roles in the major operatic productions that

The Grand Opera House, Tulsa, c. 1906 (5436.0, Strums Magazine Collection, OHS).

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the audiences were demanding. By revamping the board of directors, Maud Lorton aimed to gain enough financial backing to bring in talent. In 1953, the company put on its first production with outside talent, Madama Butterfly, and it was a financial and artistic success. Metropolitan Opera singers Tomiko Kanazawa, Giulio Gari, and John Brownlee, and New York City Opera singers Lydia Ibarrando and George Tallone were brought in for the production. In addition to importing stage talent, this was the first year a director had been brought in from a larger company. Anthony Stivanello, also from New York, was hired to do the staging and would remain with the company in this role for twenty years.9

This period marked a shift in focus as the company looked increasingly at New York City for inspiration in programming and talent while keeping the local audience in mind. The board of the Tulsa Opera aimed to program popular operas that would be high-grossing productions while casting local singers. This programming approach is demonstrated in a Tulsa World article from 1954 regarding La boheme and La traviata, two highly popular productions. The stated rationale when making these selections included that “the board wished to present operas which were popular and which were in the current repertory of the Metropolitan Opera company” and the “desire to select an opera which would provide a proper balance between imports and local talent.”10 In its coverage of their production of Faust in 1955, the Tulsa World noted that although “Tulsa Opera has limited its productions to the most popular of the standard opera none has aroused the wide interest which is being shown in the forthcoming production of the Gounod masterpiece.”11 The 1954 article continues, “it is Tulsa Opera’s policy to provide an outlet for singers and dancers of outstanding talent in the Tulsa area and to assure as much local participation as is consistent with uncompromising standards of quality.”12 The company took great pride in their local chorus members. The chorus received rave reviews from critics and the stars who worked with them. Nell Rankin claimed that “Tulsa has a national reputation as being not only a cultural and musical center of the Southwest, but an operatic center” due to the high standard of performance upheld by the company.13 A 1955 review of opera rehearsals asserted that “Tulsa Opera singers can match the professionals when it comes to long and steady rehearsal hours” and that “a number of them have been conditioned in

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professional careers,” some of whom have “studied music, some have masters degrees, some are studying now, some are teaching.”14 The impressive musical training of the Tulsans in the company contributed to the company’s performance quality and allowed them to support the talent of their visiting stars. The article further claimed, “the chorus has received national recognition as one of the best trained choruses in the country.”15 As a small opera company, albeit one that was developing rapidly, it is particularly notable that the chorus of amateur musicians was at a quality deemed worthy of national praise. Furthermore, it speaks volumes to the mission of the company that, while maintaining high performance standards for the chorus, there was a standing invitation for Tulsa residents to join. It was an impressive feat that the board successfully managed to select both culturally relevant productions for profitability that included sufficient local talent. Eventually, the strategy of casting a combination of prominent Metropolitan stars and proficient, local performers raised the company from amateur to professional.

Once the organization was designated as a professional opera company and had developed a strategy of bringing in star performers for lead roles, it was crucial to have a secure funding source. The Opera Guild was created in 1955 to take care of fundraising activities and educational outreach. The Opera Guild led to the beginning of a great Tulsa Opera tradition, namely student matinee performances for middle and high school-aged students to acquaint younger generations with opera.16 Another milestone in this decade was the appointment of Jeannette Turner as the manager of the Tulsa Opera in 1959 following her six-year tenure as the board’s secretary. Turner was the only paid employee of the Tulsa Opera from 1959 until 1974.17

During Turner’s tenure, the board established the Tulsa Opera Ball in 1961. The ball was largely created by William Baden, president of the board of directors from 1959–1973. The ball raised $35,000 annually which accounted for over half of the budget for one production per season.18 The Met was the location of a strike in 1962, and its stars were up for grabs by other opera companies willing to pay them. The Tulsa Opera recruited five Metropolitan stars for their spring production of The Barber of Seville due to money raised during the opera ball. These stars included Roberta Peters, Cesare Valleti, Frank Guarrera, Salvatore Baccaloni, and William Wilderman, in addition to

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Dino Yannopolous as director.19 Apart from Baccaloni, whose career was ending, all recruited stars would return to the company for future productions. This star-studded cast marked a great accomplishment for the company.

The casting decisions combined with the programming of popular and challenging operas made the Tulsa Opera Company a name worth knowing. While many elements contributed to the increase in the status of the company, one of the most prominent were the high-level prima donnas who took the stage. A major strategy employed by the Tulsa Opera board to elevate the level of professionalism of the company was to import vocal talent from more established institutions. In

Jeanette Turner, 1962 (2012.201.B1318.0168, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

many cases, this involved first contracting the top-billing female lead, commonly referred to as the prima donna.

Prima donnas are a unique set of female celebrities specific to opera. Women and female-presenting individuals are historically objectified, and when they are in the public eye, they are subject to gender-based critique and stereotypes. In a general sense, the feminine ideal indicated a duty to a male partner prioritized above herself—a woman must be chaste before marriage, domesticated, and dedicated to building a home and family to allow the husband to further his career. This ideal celebrates the “private, nuclear family and the moral bond between women and children” and praised “domesticity and child-centered motherhood as the apex of womanly fulfillment.”20 In stark contradiction, prima donnas stood center stage with a focus on themselves and their career “demonstrating musical prowess, financial independence, sexual freedom—and eliciting in return praise and monetary reward.”21 By their nature, prima donnas violated their perceived natural femininity upheld by societal ideals through their powerful careers. This idea is especially pertinent when considering

Metropolitan Opera singers prepare for Carmen, 1950 (2012.201.B0993.0308, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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Before these nineteenth-century female singers developed into successful prima donnas, they had to receive a proper education. There were two primary avenues of education: private tuition or conservatory training. Private tuition was a less intensive option as it was not part of a larger conservatory curriculum. However, finding a good teacher was challenging as many teachers were sought-after not because of their expert pedagogy, but because of their connections to prominent opera companies.22 It was common for prima donnas to believe the teachers were not good enough for their abilities and to switch between tutors, indicating there were flaws on both ends of the private tuition relationship.23 Prima donnas believed that their “vocal skills were evident in the cradle,” that their gifts were natural and innate, and that “tuition only polished already present abilities.”24 Because of this, they did not need the rigorous coursework found in schools, but opted for lessons to refine their technique. If singers wanted more effective teachers whose qualifications they could be sure of, however, conservatories were a sound option.

Conservatories presented singers with high-level education but posed challenges for female students. Access was unequal between the sexes with regards to well-rounded education. Female students were often relegated to domestic training as supplementary courses. Male students were taught core subjects such as math and reading.25 Despite this challenge for female students, the appeal of conservatory training cannot be understated. Performing in productions for these schools allowed for press coverage and reviews that were not available to students of private tutors and is only one of multiple distinct advantages.26 Success within the conservatories could fast track a prima donna’s path to professional work.

Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the Paris Opera awarded contracts to those who won contests at the Paris Conservatory. The regulations of the Opera “in 1879 enabled it to have prior claim on the students at the end of their studies” above rival opera companies.27 This was especially appealing to aspiring prima donnas whose goals were to be in the leading roles of famous opera companies. The combination of higher-quality training than private tuition and added opportunity for early professional success led many prima donnas to take

178 that operatic productions are rife with sexual content for their female leads.

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the conservatory route, including many of the stars that graced the stage of the Tulsa Opera. Some of the prima donnas who performed notable roles with the Tulsa Opera had a combination of private and conservatory training, such as Dorothy Kirsten. Others had exclusively private studio training, such as Elinor Ross. Each one of these famous prima donnas was able to find success on local, national, and, in some cases, international stages.

There were many prima donnas starring in productions during the 1950s and 1960s, including artists from the Met imported by the Tulsa Opera. Eight of the twenty-one prima donnas with recurring lead or supporting roles hailed from the Met. The remaining imported stars were from New York City Opera (Muriel Greenspon) or the San Francisco Opera (Lorraine Calcagno and Dorothy Warenskjold). Tulsa local

Elinor Ross, 1959 (2012.201.b1109.0070, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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Virginia Lee Anderson had the highest number of recurring lead or supporting roles by a large margin. She performed nine times with the next highest number of roles being five. The prima donnas who sang in five recurring roles were Dorothy McCormick, Marilyn Chapman, and Marija Kova, all from Tulsa. Most imported prima donnas sang four or fewer recurring roles. Out of the imported prima donnas, Roberta Peters, held four roles in this period. In Opera News, the leading opera publication of the time, Peters was featured more often than any Tulsa Opera prima donnas. The fact that Tulsa Opera was able to recruit her to perform is a testament to their quality and availability of resources. They budgeted effectively to be able to pay the price that fame demanded, and they ran a company whose shows were of a high enough quality to adequately support such a famous opera star.

Elinor Ross was one of the most prominent starlets of the Tulsa Opera. She performed as a lead in three shows: Il trovatore in the spring of 1959, Un ballo in maschera in the fall of 1959, and Turandot in the fall of 1966. Ross hailed from New York and had a non-traditional path to opera stardom. She originally studied at Syracuse University with the goal of a career in medicine but pivoted to her ultimate career in opera.28 She was a member of the studios of three vocal pedagogues, William Herman, Stanley Sontag, and Leo Resnick, with Herman serving as her principal teacher. Resulting from this instruction, she made her professional debut with the Cincinnati Opera in 1958 in the role of Leonora in Il trovatore. 29 After an illustrious period touring opera houses both in the United States and abroad, she made her debut with the Met in 1970 in Puccini’s Turandot, singing the title role.30

Roberta Peters, like Ross, studied under William Herman. Peters sang a lead role in productions over a wide range of years: Lucia di Lammermoor in the spring of 1958, Il barbiere di Siviglia in the spring of 1962, and L’elisir d’amore in the fall of 1965. Peters began her career with the Met at age nineteen with no prior performance experience and remained on their roster for over forty years.31 Her career was similar to Ross’s, based in the US with notable performances abroad.

Dorothy Kirsten’s collaboration with the Tulsa Opera began in 1958 with a lead role in Madama Butterfly and concluded with a return in the fall of 1963 to star in Tosca. She was a conservatory student at Juilliard before studying in Rome where she received private instruction.32 Her career spanned many prominent opera

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companies—she made her debut with the Chicago Opera Company in 1940, her New York opera debut with San Carlo Opera Company in 1944, and sang with the Met intermittently for thirty years.33

The final prima donna who was brought into the Tulsa Opera Company during this time was Gianna D’Angelo, another conservatory trained vocalist. She studied at Juilliard and made a pilgrimage to Italy to study with Giuseppe de Luca and Toti dal Monte. She made her debut in Rome in 1954 and later with the Met in 1961.34

Opera News had a running section in each volume that advertised the programming of various opera companies in the US. This recognition increased the turnout for these companies, but indicates that the

Roberta Peters, 1954 (2012.201.B1258.1167, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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companies had to be noteworthy enough to include. One such mention was in 1958 announcing Lucia di Lammermoor with Roberta Peters.35 The inclusion of high-profile prima donnas (Peters was a regular in the publication) may have also aided in getting the Tulsa Opera Company featured in the magazine. Indeed, the announcement says, “the former amateur opera club has grown to a major civic institution in less than ten years.”36 This statement demonstrates the success of the strategies that the Tulsa Opera board implemented to boost their national profile through programming, recruiting of big-name stars, and the professionalism of general operations. Tosca with Dorothy Kirsten and Lucia di Lammermoor with Gianna D’Angelo were also advertised in 1963.37 In 1964, Tulsa Opera productions of Aida with Lucine Amara, Hansel and Gretel, and La boheme appeared.38 In the same year, the company was featured as they “announced [their] Grand European Tour for May and June, with twelve performances planned in visits to Lisbon, Barcelona, Milan, Rome, Vienna, Munich, Paris and London.”39 A tour of this proportion was indicative of the high level of the company as it evolved over the years. Being featured in such a high-profile publication boosted turnout, helping the Tulsa Opera Company gain international recognition. The inclusion of Metropolitan prima donnas raised the quality of the company on a national scale.

The coverage in Opera News, The New York Times, and the Tulsa World paint a detailed picture of the perception and impact of prima donnas in popular culture regarding their vocal ability, body image, fashion, and lifestyles. Each publication provides evidence of the impressive vocal ability of prima donnas. There was no shortage of positive reviews of prima donnas’ performances, and even in the reviews that had pieces of critique to offer, there was rarely a review without some complimentary statement. The stars of the Met dominate these reviews, with only sporadic mention of the performances of Tulsa’s local singers. One such star was Nell Rankin of the Met, who performed numerous times with the Tulsa Opera. Rankin’s most notable feature in Opera News surrounded her vocal training and was in equal measure. Rankin began studying with her teacher, Jeanne Lorraine, at age thirteen. Much of the author’s conversation with Rankin details her teacher’s pedagogy. Rankin credits Lorraine entirely for her vocal success in her roles, including Santuzza and Carmen, which she performed in Tulsa. The end of the interview turns to inquiries about Rankin’s performance as Santuzza in the Met broadcast the week of the article’s

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publication. It would be the first broadcast of the company by a mezzo soprano in the history of the opera house.40 Speaking more directly to Rankin’s vocal talent, the magazine’s advertisement for the 1964 broadcast of Lohengrin explains how Rankin “has charged the stage with a long series of dramatic portrayals,” including singing Carmen in London, a role she also sang in Tulsa.41 Rankin also appeared in Opera News is a review of her performance in the Philadelphia Grand Opera’s production of Aida in 1957. The critic wrote that, “Nell Rankin stopped the show with her judgment scene.”42 Of her performance in the Tulsa Opera’s production of Carmen in 1957, the Tulsa World published an article asserting that “Bizet must have had Nell Rankin in mind when he wrote Carmen.”43 Another article stated, “Nell Rankin is a serious and highly endowed artist who has determined to be the greatest ‘Carmen’ of her time and we are ready to concede that she has succeeded.”44 It is important that her reputation is so highly regarded in Tulsa because she was fulfilling the purpose of imported stars as intended by the board—to sell tickets and increase the production quality of the company. Rankin made her mark on the Tulsa Opera and at the Met, and her features in the popular press play an important role in cementing her stardom.

Dorothy Kirsten and Frank Sinatra, 1949 (LC-L9-49-U20-A, no. 12, Look Magazine Photograph Collection, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

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A performance of Aida, 1952 (2012.201.B0993.0285, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

Dorothy Kirsten was another prima donna whose vocal abilities were highly acclaimed across publications. In a 1962 Opera News, Kirsten celebrated her one-hundredth performance as Cio-Cio-San in Madama Butterfly, a role she held with the Tulsa Opera in their 1958 production.45 An opera star holding any role for one hundred performances is impressive. In the batch of reviews of Kirsten available from The New York Times, only one is critical, and this was in 1962 for a production of Jersey Butterfly which occurred only days after Kirsten canceled a radio event due to illness, indicating that a full recovery may not have been made.46 She was a valued member of the Met, however, so much so that they honored her twenty-fifth anniversary with the company with a production of La boheme with Kirsten starring as Mimi.47 In a later production of Jersey Butterfly in Trenton, New Jersey, Kirsten redeemed herself with The New York Times critics saying she “remains something of a technical marvel,” that “she handled the more dangerous parts (including a somewhat gingerly handled high option

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at the end of her entrance) with casually professional aplomb,” and that she “was full of authentic visual and dramatic detail.”48 These highly favorable reviews indicate Kirsten’s high level of vocal talent, making her participation in Tulsa Opera productions more noteworthy.

In 1965, a review of Robert Peter's performance in Lucia, published in The New York Times, stated that “Miss Peters was uneven. She always sang with grace and control, but at odd moments her voice was remote, and except in the Mad Scene, tense at the very top.”49 One year later, a review published about her performance in the same production notes that, “Miss Peters, in particular, seems to have developed a more theatrically effective approach to her part, and she sang with her accustomed fluency.”50 Her talents were significant enough to draw the attention of the Tulsa Opera. In 1963, she was featured for her vocal virtuosity with a review in Opera News stating, “[the] highest vocal honors go to Roberta Peters, whose Queen combined the scintillating and the sinister” about her performance of Mozart’s Queen of the Night. 51 In 1965, Peters had a page-long feature on her coloratura career. The feature detailed the versatility of her voice in many different roles. In Rossini’s The Barber of Seville, Rosina is traditionally sung by a mezzo-soprano whereas Peters was a coloratura soprano. Max de Schauensee writes that “facing this hurdle, Miss Peters again carried the day with one of her best interpretations,” that “anyone seeing her piquant Rosina will not give himself over to lamentations,” and that “there are many (including myself) who prefer the bright, youthful tone and the sparkling ornamentations that bring glamor to a role which can become mature and heavy in the mezzo version.”52 De Schauensee goes on to write that “one of the surest barometers in determining the worth of an artist can be found in the recording field” and that “one of the major recording companies has shown its enthusiasm for Miss Peters by casting her as the heroine of its complete versions of Barbiere, Rigoletto, and Lucia.”53 Her involvement in these recordings prove, in de Schauensee’s determination, that she is a highly valuable artist as a result of her vocal abilities.

Two final prima donnas highlighted for their voices were Gianna D’Angelo and Lucine Amara. In The New York Times, D’Angelo was lauded as singing “with delightful self-confidence, almost triumphantly—and with good reason. Her pitch was faultless, and she could perform all the niceties of the coloratura with accuracy and control” in

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her debut with the Met.54 Another review from second role with the company reinforces the success of D’Angelo’s performance prowess. “Her voice had the clarity and luminosity that marked it before . . . she also produced some exceptional phrasing, linking together some phrases unexpectedly or making a lightning-quick echo effect,” and how her “singing goes hand in hand with her acting.” The critic’s only complaint was that “there are times when her use of gesture is a shade fussy,” but they clarify that “this is a minor detail in a total achievement of high quality.”55 Overall, D’Angelo is presented in an extremely favorable light on merit of her voice alone.

Amara became well-known for her performances of various roles in Aida, the title role of which she would sing with the Tulsa Opera in 1964. An article entitled “New Faces on the Nile” was published in a 1959 issue of Opera News walking readers through up-and-coming stars who would be taking the stage in the Met production of Aida. It details how Amara worked her way up the ranks of Aida roles, first as an offstage Priestess on opening night of the 1951–52 season and then as the title role. The feature is summarized succinctly with its closing sentence: “Just beginning to hit her stride, Lucine Amara still seems to be the soprano with a future.”56 She made a musical impact for a prima donna who was only in the beginning of her career. Another mention in Opera News explains how, “she joined the Company in 1950, rapidly rising from short roles to leading assignments. Among other accomplishments, the soprano has sung on four opening nights.”57 The number of opening nights she performed is a testament to not only her talent, but her ability to draw an audience at the beginning of a show’s run with the company. Her vocal ability carried her on her path of stardom which resulted in Amara being evidently well-favored by the company and by Tulsa Opera.

Opera News, as a national publication, only focused on the biggest names in opera. The more interesting case is why the local stars are not featured in the Tulsa World. One could argue that they should be highlighted prominently in the local newspaper as it is a vehicle of local happenings, including the performances of Tulsa residents. This was the case on very rare occasions, such as the review of fall 1955’s Faust. The review discusses how “‘Siebel’s Flower Song’ won Dodee Brockhoff applause almost as warm as that given the famous artist with whom she was cast,” and how “Marjorie Di Profio was equally well received

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as Martha.”58 Both Brockhoff and Di Profio were local talent, but this was one of very few occasions in which local talent received individual mention in a review. In other years, when local prima donnas were cast in leading roles, such as 1961 when Virginia Anderson was cast as Countess Ceprano in Rigoletto. The most recognition she received was a quote about the local talent stating that “three other gifted Tulsans again show that the Tulsa Opera chorus can provide comprimarios worthy of any operatic stage.”59 Anderson did not receive the fame or attention of the imported stars. This is likely connected back to the original purpose of hiring these Metropolitan prima donnas: to provide better publicity for the company. With stars whose names are known on an international level, their inclusion in a headline alone may be enough to market a show, an important consideration for a growing opera company.

In a 1961 article about Rigoletto at the Tulsa Opera, the Tulsa World review assets that Gianna D’Angelo “made such an appealing Gilda that had she sung like a screeching owl the audience would have loved her.”60 The use of the term appealing leads to an interpretation that the reviewer is commenting on D’Angelo’s attractiveness in the role, implying that her voice possesses no importance so long as she is appealing to look at on stage. This implies that a prima donna was ultimately nothing more than a sexual object for the audience to enjoy. A Tulsa World article advertising Eva Likova’s performance with the Tulsa Opera in their production of the Bartered Bride states, “for the beauteous Miss Likova, a Czech, the Thursday, Friday and Saturday night presentations of the Smetana opera will be in the nature of an anniversary.”61 The description of her appearance is completely unnecessary to convey the larger point surrounding the anniversary of her Tulsa appearance, but important for marketing.

The scrutiny the press placed on the figures of prima donnas, and particularly in praising them on being small or getting smaller between performances, is important. One The New York Times review of D’Angelo described her as “slim, tall, and exceedingly pretty” and hoped that “the other two new singers prove as satisfactory and intriguing as she was.”62 This leads to the implication by the reviewer that D’Angelo’s attractiveness is a large part of what made her so worthy of praise and acknowledgement in the press. This sentiment is echoed in an Opera News article about Amara which emphasizes that in her Aida

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One of the jeweled costumes from Tosca, 1956 (2012.201.B0993.0387, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

title role opening night performance, she was “twenty pounds slimmer than at her unseen debut” as an offstage chorus member.63 Finally, a Tulsa World article on Graciela Rivera opens with the line, “Graciela Rivera, a petite soprano who thinks it is an advantage to be short ‘because I match the tenors,’” which reinforced the preference of being a small, petite woman.64 With the impact that prima donnas had on the public because of their fame, it is exceedingly harmful for reviewers and reporters to emphasize the appealing nature of being slim.

Designers were well-aware of the impact of prima donnas on society and used this to their advantage. Dorothy Kirsten was the subject of a feature in Opera News about the celebration of her fiftieth Tosca performance in 1958. “Edith Head, award-winning Hollywood designer, created a new second-act gown for the prima donna: royal garnet velvet, trimmed in diamonds and topped by a full-length cape of the same material, lined in gold lamé.”65 The information about this dress

Opera fashion, 1950 (2012.201.B0993.0320, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS).

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is valuable to cultivating an understanding of Kirsten’s influence. The notion that a Hollywood designer would design a gown specifically for an opera prima donna indicates that Kirsten had risen to the same level of fame as Hollywood stars. Opera can be described as a more niche form of entertainment. Head’s designs were also worn by celebrities such as Audrey Hepburn, Ginger Rogers, and Grace Kelly in multiple films.66 The materials used to create the dress would have been incredibly expensive, diamonds alone driving up the cost of production.

Peters was featured in the 1963 Opera News “First Night Finery” section. She wore a “peach-brocade original by William McHone and a voluminous mink cape by Leo Ritter. The soprano’s coiffure, by Mr. Kenneth, is set off by diamond clips and large drop earrings from Tiffany.”67 Eva Likova garnered similar attention on a smaller scale in a Tulsa World feature. It describes Likova’s outfit at length, saying that she “was dressed attractively in a beige boucle blouse with rhinestone and pearl trim around the neckline and a brown wool pleated skirt. Her emerald earrings sparkled in the bright lights when she tossed her head as she sang a duet with George Tallone.”68 While this commentary is less specific, the level of detail the author describes demonstrates strong local interest in Likova’s style. By noting each item at length without mentioning a designer, it allowed Tulsa residents to purchase items that match the description and feel as though they are dressed exactly like Likova. The impact prima donnas have over the public is not only evidenced in features surrounding their fashion choices, but also in articles that demonstrated that they were ordinary people just like their fans.

The press took care to write articles about prima donnas that showed elements of their lifestyle outside of their operatic careers. One of the most prominent features of Dorothy Kirsten from Opera News was her multi-page photo spread entitled, “The Stars at Home.” This segment featured photos of her home along with detailed descriptions. Kirsten “lives on a flower-banked hillside overlooking the Pacific, like the heroine of Puccini’s opera [Madama Butterfly],” and “her house is even Japanese in feeling.”69 This feature provides an important intersection between depicting Kirsten as an ordianary woman while still connecting her resolutely to her operatic career. Because Kirsten’s home connects her explicitly to her role of Cio-Cio-San, fans can continue to deepen their perceived relationship

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with Kirsten that resulted from her portrayal of this role. This comparison created interest in her performance in Madama Butterfly. It also presentd an image of Kirsten that has an unwavering connection to opera—even in her home life, she will still be perceived as a prima donna. Another demonstration of prima donnas’ social influence is shown in the February 13, 1965, issue of Opera News which writes that “Roberta Peters, who sings Despina and Lucia this week, ‘Talks to Teens in the February issue of Seventeen magazine.”70 Her feature is one that presents her not as a Metropolitan prima donna, but as a relatable maternal figure for teens. She discusses the use of the phrase “overnight success” and how it downplays the grueling process to achieve a so-called “big break” in any field. Peters discusses how she had to leave school for private tutoring and how she “regret[s], even today, all the things [she] missed when [she] was a teen-ager [sic].”71 She writes about how challenging the uphill battle was until she reached her goal of singing opera professionally, and inspires young teens by explaining how they likely have peers who are on a similar journey of chasing their dreams. She says that “chances are they’re not winning any popularity contests. Their clothing and hairdos aren’t up to the minute, they don’t get around as much and maybe don’t even date often. But honestly, don’t you envy them?”72

The press was undoubtedly an important vehicle in providing the prima donnas associated with the Tulsa Opera with the fame accompanying their classification. If having high social impact is a cornerstone of the prima donna role, the publications make it evident that the imported stars from the Met fit the role. Prima donnas are cultural figureheads who inspire the lifestyles of their fans through features in national publications, making them more than just an opera singer, but a celebrity akin to any film star. Finally, they are awarded this status on the merit of their vocal ability. Even if select articles and reviews focus more on other elements of prima donnas, their vocal abilities are highly praised across all publications examined here, proving that their celebrity is not undeserved by any means. By capitalizing on the psychological processes of fan culture and the shrewd method of the Tulsa Opera board’s targeting of prominent Metropolitan prima donnas, the Tulsa Opera was able to build both their local audience and national reputation.

There is little doubt that prima donnas and elite women were crucial to developing the Tulsa Opera Company from 1954 to 1968. The

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popular press held them in high regard for their vocal abilities and served as cultural figureheads through their fashion and lifestyle influence. The company successfully elevated the level of professionalism of opera through the artistry of the performers, the shrewd programming choices, and savvy budgetary maneuvers. The successful imitation of the Met’s strategies allowed the company to gain national recognition as well as the inclusion of their prima donnas. Additionally, the work of Bess Gowans and Maud Lorton’s financial contributions cannot be understated—without their commitment to the company, it would have been difficult to ultimately reach a high level of professionalism. These women prove how important women in administrative roles were to the development of the company. Further, they show that women in leadership roles, in tandem with prima donnas on stage, were essential to the development of opera in America as well as the increased performance quality of the Tulsa Opera Company.

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Endnotes

* Michelle Jaluvka is the instructor of clarinet at Southwestern Oklahoma State University where she teaches applied clarinet and music history. Prior to this appointment, Ms. Jaluvka served as adjunct instructor of clarinet at Oklahoma Baptist University and the University of Central Oklahoma. She has performed at conferences such as the International Clarinet Association’s ClarinetFest, the American Single Reed Summit, the Music by Women Festival, the SHE Festival of Women in Music, and the North American Saxophone Alliance. Her scholarly work has been showcased at the American Musicological Society’s Southwest Chapter Meeting and the Darkwater Women in Music Festival. Ms. Jaluvka earned dual master of music degrees in clarinet and musicology from the University of Oklahoma with a graduate certificate in women and gender studies. Previously, she graduated from Appalachian State University with a bachelor of music degree in clarinet. She is currently a doctoral candidate at the University of Oklahoma.

The photograph on page 171 shows prima donna Roberta Peters and Ed Sullivan on The Ed Sullivan Show, 1960 (2012.201.B1219.0562, Oklahoma Publishing Company Photography Collection, OHS.)

1 Lawrence W. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Harvard University Press, 1988), 2.

2 David William Cholcher, “Opera in the Oil Patch: A Comparative History of Opera and the Petroleum Industry in Tulsa, Oklahoma and Houston, Texas” (MA thesis, University of Arkansas, 1995), 9.

3 Jack A. Williams and Laven Sowell, Tulsa Opera Chronicles (Jack Williams and Laven Sowell, 1992), 11.

4 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 12.

5 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 14.

6 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 14.

7 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 18.

8 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 20.

9 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 25.

10 “’Traviata’ and ‘La boheme’ Next Opera Presentations,” Tulsa World, May 16, 1954.

11 Maurice de Vinna, “Faust,” Tulsa World, October 16, 1955.

12 “’Traviata’ and ‘La boheme’.”

13 Sabra Smith, “Glamor of ‘Carmen’ Much Like That Of Singer Who’ll Portray Role Here,” Tulsa World, April 10, 1957.

14 “Opera Rehearsals Stepped Up—Stivanello Coming Sunday,” Tulsa World, April 21, 1955.

15 “Opera Rehearsals.”

16 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 26.

17 Cholcher, “Opera in the Oil Patch,” 33.

18 Cholcher, “Opera in the Oil Patch,” 35.

19 Williams and Sowell, Tulsa Opera, 34.

20 Nancy M. Theriot, Mothers and Daughters in Nineteenth-Century America: The Biosocial Construction of Femininity (University Press of Kentucky, 2015), 17.

21 Susan Rutherford, The Prima Donna and Opera, 1815–1930 (Cambridge University Press, 2006), 33.

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22 Rutherford, The Prima Donna, 92–3.

23 Rutherford, The Prima Donna, 101.

24 Rutherford, The Prima Donna, 102.

25 Rutherford, The Prima Donna, 103.

26 Rutherford, The Prima Donna, 107.

27 Rutherford, The Prima Donna, 108.

28 “Elinor Ross,” Elinor Ross, accessed January 18, 2023, https://www.elinorross.net/.

29 Brian Kellow, “Elinor Ross, 93, Who Possessed a Dramatic Soprano of Uncommon Warmth and Beauty, has Died,” Opera News, March 7, 2020, https://www.operanews. com/Opera_News_Magazine/2020/3/News/Elinor_Ross,_Who_Possessed_a_ Dramatic_Soprano_of_Uncommon_Warmth_and_Beauty,_has_Died.html.

30 “Elinor Ross."

31 Laura Kuhn, Baker’s Dictionary of Opera (Schirmer Books, 2000), 604.

32 Kuhn, Baker’s Dictionary, 391.

33 Kuhn, Baker’s Dictionary, 391.

34 David Hamilton, The Met Encyclopedia (Simon and Schuster, 1987), 99.

35 “Names, Dates, Faces,” Opera News, March 10, 1958.

36 “Names, Dates, Faces.”

37 Opera News, November 16, 1963.

38 Opera News, October 17, 1964.

39 “Names, Dates, Faces,” Opera News, December 19, 1964.

40 Gerald Fitzgerald, “Method Singer,” Opera News, January 30, 1960.

41 “Lohengrin,” Opera News, February 1, 1964.

42 Martha Wagner, “Philadelphia,” Opera News, December 16, 1957.

43 Sabra Smith, “Glamor of ‘Carmen’ Much Like That Of Singer Who’ll Portray Role Here,” Tulsa World, April 10, 1957.

44 Maurice de Vinna, “Nell Rankin Rated Greatest ‘Carmen’—Others Acclaimed in Opera Production,” Tulsa World, April 12, 1957.

45 “Names,” Opera News, December 29, 1962.

46 Ross Parmenter, “A Familiar Cast Sings ‘Butterfly’,” The New York Times, October 17, 1962.

47 “Met Will Honor Dorothy Kirsten,” The New York Times, February 6, 1971.

48 John Rockwell, “Opera: Jersey ‘Butterfly’: Dorothy Kirsten Sings Title Role With Opera Theater in Trenton,” The New York Times, February 25, 1973.

49 Eric Salzman, “Roberta Peters in Lucia at Met,” The New York Times, February 19, 1962.

50 Raymond Ericson, “Stadium Offers Enjoyable ‘Lucia’,” The New York Times, August 6, 1966.

51 Frank J. Warnke, “Salzburg Tradition,” Opera News, November 16, 1963.

52 Max de Schauensee, “Coloratura,” Opera News, January 9, 1965, 27.

53 de Schauensee, “Coloratura.”

54 Raymond Ericson, “Gianna D’Angelo Makes Debut at ‘Met’,” The New York Times, April 6, 1961.

55 Raymond Ericson, “Met Introduces Gianna D’Angelo As Lucia in Season’s Last Week,” The New York Times, April 18, 1962.

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56 Gerald Fitzgerald, “New Faces on the Nile: Amara and Uzunov,” Opera News, November 28, 1959.

57 “Turandot,” Opera News, January 16, 1965, 20.

58 Maurice de Vinna, “Production of ‘Faust’ by Tulsa Opera Underscores Reasons for Its Acclaim,” Tulsa World, October 21, 1955.

59 Maurice de Vinna, “Rigoletto Dazzles Audience Here,” Tulsa World, November 3, 1961.

60 de Vinna, “Rigoletto Dazzles.”

61 Margaret Smith, “’Bartered Bride’ Recalls Debut in Prague for Young Soprano Who Will Sing Leading Role in Her Second Tulsa Appearance,” Tulsa World, May 12, 1954.

62 Ericson, “Gianna D’Angelo Makes Debut.”

63 Fitzgerald, “New Faces.”

64 Louise Moores, “Petite Soprano,” Tulsa World, April 25, 1956.

65 “Names, Dates, Faces,” Opera News, March 17, 1958.

66 Allison P. Davis, “Thirty Fantastic Movie Costumes by the Legendary Edith Head,” The Cut, October 28, 2013, https://www.thecut.com/2013/10/30-fantastic-movie-costumes-by-edith-head.html.

67 “First Night Finery,” Opera News, October 19, 1963.

68 Billie Traxton, “‘Bartered Bride’,” Tulsa World, May 12, 1954.

69 “The Stars at Home: Dorothy Kirsten,” Opera News, March 27, 1965.

70 “Names, Dates and Places,” Opera News, February 13, 1965.

71 Roberta Peters, “Roberta Peters Talks to Teens: The Seven-Year Cinderella,” Seventeen, February 1965, 146

72 Peters, “Roberta Peters,” 172.

Notes and Documents

A Stronger Stillwater

By D. Scott Petty*

It has been ten years since that fateful day in Stillwater, Oklahoma, when a community’s spirit was tested most unexpectedly and tragically. Oklahoma State University’s (OSU) 2015 homecoming parade tragedy is a painful chapter in history, but it is also a story of immense resilience and love. This year not only serves as a decade of remembrance for those friends we lost and the pain endured, but also a celebration of the healing, strength, and support that has carried so many forward.

For many who were injured or deeply affected by the event, recovery was not just about physical healing. It required a deep emotional and mental toughness. However, in the wake of what may have been Stillwater’s darkest moment, love illuminated and continues to light the path forward. This love extended beyond family—from friends, neighbors, first responders, and even strangers. Stillwater embraced the victims and their families, providing support, care, and compassion.1

For Stillwater, the theme of community compassion first surfaced following a barely documented October 14, 1977, OSU Homecoming Tragedy, which unexpectedly took the lives of three fraternity members accidentally electrocuted during the final hours of the construction of their house decoration.2 Compassion again flourished following the tragedy that took the lives of ten men associated with the OSU Cowboy Basketball program when their aircraft crashed during a return trip to Stillwater from Boulder, Colorado, on January 27, 2001.3 On November 17, 2011, Cowgirl Basketball Head Coach Kurt Budke, Assistant Coach Miranda Serna, and the devoted husband-and-wife pilots were killed during a recruiting trip to Arkansas.4 Time and time again, through shared grief, the community rallied, demonstrating

unwavering compassion and resilience. Fortunately, a reflection of these unspeakable events ultimately empowered the community to become a stronger Stillwater.

On the crisp fall morning of Saturday, October 24, 2015, the streets of Stillwater were alive with excitement. Alumni, students, friends, and fans had gathered along Main Street to celebrate Oklahoma State University’s homecoming parade, the cherished tradition that filled Main Street with vibrant energy before the Cowboys faced the University of Kansas on the gridiron. The familiar chimes of the Edmon Low Library bells echoed at 10:30 a.m. across campus, their Westminster melody marking the time as they had since 1953. Yet, as the parade came to an end, the joyous atmosphere gave way to an unimaginable tragedy. The soundscape shifted from celebratory cheers and bell chimes to the piercing wails of sirens converging on the heart of Stillwater. This day, meant to celebrate our university, community, and tradition, would forever be remembered as a moment of collective heartbreak and resilience.

Harrison

On the morning of the parade, sisters Kelly and Kimberly Harrison arrived as the first parade entries approached the final intersection at Main Street and Hall of Fame Avenue. The festive atmosphere was

The scene of the crash on October 24, 2015 (image provided by the Stillwater Newspress).

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electric with marching bands, OSU student organizations, antique cars, a National Guard unit, first responders, and floats with Stillwater children. With the parade’s end approaching, Kimberly, standing with her younger sister on the northwest corner, caught sight of a horrifying scene—a vehicle careening into a parked police motorcycle, crashing into the barriers and spectators around them. Her instinct to protect Kelly kicked in, but before she could act, the force of the collision and flying debris struck both sisters. Kimberly blacked out from the impact.

Kelly remained conscious, witnessing the chaos unfold around her. She saw the devastation up close. She learned from medical professionals that the motorcycle had severely injured her leg. “I remember waking up to doctors telling me they’d do their best to save it,” she recalled.5

Despite her physical injuries, the emotional scars weighed heavier. “I remember everything,” Kelly says bluntly. “But I’ve never shared all the details with Kimberly. She doesn’t need to carry that.”6

Both sisters faced long recoveries, but their paths diverged in how they coped. Kelly, who had been pursuing her doctorate in molecular biosciences at the University of Kansas, accepted that her academic journey would have to slow down. Her professors understood and

Kelly and Kimberly Harrison (image provided by the Harrisons).

supported her as she took time to heal, both physically and mentally. Kimberly, however, battled with intense anger and unresolved trauma, eventually seeking counseling to deal with the emotions that overwhelmed her.

The sisters are now thriving in their respective careers. Kelly, an assistant professor of molecular biology at OSU, and Kimberly, a financial crimes investigator, credit their resilience to their family’s support and their unbreakable bond. Despite the physical and emotional scars left by that day, the Harrison family continues to find strength in one another. Through years of therapy, surgeries, and recovery, they have learned to find joy again. They laugh often together, and they continue holding dear their connection to Stillwater.

“We’ve been through hell, but we’re still standing,” Kelly said. “We’re thankful for that every day.”7

Contreras Rodriguez

Diana Rodriguez Coca described the sudden noise as “a loud bang.”8 The Hyundai Elantra accelerated to 59 mph before crashing through parade route barriers. It careened straight toward Diana and her son, Jacob. In that split second, Diana’s maternal instincts took over. She grabbed Jacob and shielded him with her body, rolling to her right side as the car barreled into her. Her back was broken on impact and, even with her leg fractured in multiple places, she never let go of her son. Jacob escaped with only minor scrapes and bruises.

As this mass casualty incident unfolded around them, Diana became the last victim to be airlifted from the scene. Her serious internal and back injuries had been unnoticed at first. Her husband, Cristian, was not present at the parade but arrived approximately twenty minutes after the incident. What he learned by phone was crushing. He almost lost his wife.

Originally from Bogotá, Colombia, Diana came to the United States as a distinguished Fulbright Scholar, with plans to pursue a doctorate in industrial engineering. Her temporary residency in Stillwater was to be a steppingstone in her academic career before returning to Colombia. The tragic events of the parade drastically altered the course of her family’s life.

Diana’s recovery was long and grueling. She underwent multiple surgeries and endured lengthy and intense physical therapy on her back and leg. She faced the challenge of learning to walk again. Diana

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admitted her recovery would have looked very different, and she may not have been able to recover had this occurred in Colombia. Academic ambitions were delayed, but she focused on healing and never gave up. “I have found my new normal. Pain still exists, and I deal with it,” Diana shared.9

Her resilience paid off. Rodriguez Coca eventually earned her doctorate in industrial engineering and is now an associate professor with OSU Fire Protection and Safety. Her passion for safety and protection, amplified by her own life-altering experience, now drives her work and advocacy. Though doctors warned her that her injuries might prevent her from having more children, Diana and Cristian were blessed with the birth of their daughter, Emily. Today, the couple continues to build their lives in Stillwater with Jacob, now eleven, and Emily, seven.

Cristian, Diana, Jacob, and Emily Contreras Rodriguez (image provided by the Contreras Rodriguezes).

Health challenges still lie ahead for Diana, but she and her family have found a deep love for Stillwater. “This community has supported us through everything,” she says.10 Rodriguez Coca now serves on the Stillwater Medical Foundation Board of Directors. This board helped raise nearly $500,000 within two months of the crash to assist with documented survivors’ recovery and medical bills. Fortunately, their story is one of hope, resilience, courage, and an unshakable bond, grounded in the love of a family that has weathered a storm.

Wyatt

Six-year-old Hadley Wyatt’s hand had been ripped from her eightyear-old sister Mia’s grasp as the car plowed through parade spectators. Mia escaped unscathed, but Hadley was not as fortunate. She suffered a concussion, facial lacerations, knee injury, and contusions. Life-flighted from Stillwater Medical, Hadley required emergency surgery at Oklahoma Children’s Hospital in Oklahoma City.

Hadley’s story of bravery captured the hearts of many, including Oklahoma City Thunder stars Kevin Durant and Russell Westbrook. Less than thirty days later, on November 21, 2015, her parents, Adam and Sara Wyatt, stood on the sidelines of Gaylord Family-Oklahoma Memorial Stadium, their hearts heavy with survivors’ guilt. Announced

Sara, Hadley, Mia, and Adam Wyatt (image provided by the Wyatts).

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as part of pre-game public address introductions, Hadley walked onto the field as an honorary Junior Captain for the University of Oklahoma vs. Texas Christian University football game in Norman to a standing ovation. She smiled timidly and walked toward midfield with Bob Stoops. She became a symbol of resilience and hope for so many. For the Wyatt family, seeing Hadley take center stage at the coin toss was both heartwarming and bittersweet. “We’re Oklahoma State graduates,” Adam said. “To watch her walk onto that field and receive a standing ovation was deeply moving, not just for us but for so many Oklahomans.”11

While Hadley’s recovery was a reason to celebrate, it also came with an emotional toll. “She could smile, speak, and walk,” Sara said, “but we were keenly aware that others weren’t as lucky. Four people lost their lives, and about fifty were injured that day.”12 Grappling with deep guilt became a crucial part of their family’s healing process.

Counseling provided the family with tools to navigate their grief and guilt. The Wyatts’ journey to parenthood had already been marked by challenges. After battling infertility, a failed pregnancy, and an earlier disrupted adoption, they had finally adopted Mia. Sara’s unexpected pregnancy followed soon after, and Hadley was born just twenty-three months later.

Today, at almost sixteen and eighteen, Hadley and Mia thrive in their rural community of Chattanooga, Oklahoma. Mia plays basketball and softball, while Hadley cheers for the junior high and high school teams and raises show pigs in the FFA.

In the years following the crash, Hadley experienced stress-related symptoms, including stomachaches and subtle facial tics. “We didn’t connect these to the trauma at first,” Sara admitted.13 Counseling became a lifeline once again as Hadley worked through her experiences.

On October 25, 2024, nearly nine years to the day of the homecoming tragedy, Hadley was behind the wheel of the family’s car when she experienced a seizure, causing her to crash into a steelposted rural mailbox. While the car was totaled, miraculously, she was uninjured. Her illness led to another hospitalization at Oklahoma Children’s Hospital, the same place she had fought to recover nearly a decade earlier. A complicated diagnosis included stomach ulcers, anemia, and emotional trauma. Hadley’s road to recovery once again included both medical treatment and counseling.

This time, her counselor suggested a simple yet powerful and thought-provoking exercise: writing down her accomplishments and reflecting on her meaningful life. “I love taking care of my show pigs and spending time with my friends,” Hadley shared in December of 2024, her determination shining through.14 Now looking forward to her next semester at Chattanooga, Hadley continues to exemplify resilience, finding strength in the challenges she’s faced and gratitude in the life she’s built.

For the Wyatt family, Hadley’s journey is a testament to healing and hope. Through unimaginable hardships, they’ve learned to embrace life’s blessings while honoring those who were lost. “It’s not always easy,” Sara said. “But we’re grateful for every moment we’ve been given.”15

Schmitz

Leo and Sharon Schmitz were both injured in the homecoming parade tragedy. Sharon suffered a leg injury that prevented her from driving for several weeks, while Leo endured far more severe injuries, becoming the parade victim hospitalized the longest. Leo very nearly became the fifth person to die from his blunt-force trauma sustained in the crash. His head, internal, and limb injuries kept him hospitalized until January 5, 2016. Following his release, he faced months of agonizing rehabilitation.

“I had to make lots of decisions for Leo because he was unconscious and incapable of making critical, life-saving medical choices,” Sharon recalls.16 Leo had many visitors who spoke to and encouraged him, even while unconscious. The entire Wyatt family trekked 215 miles to visit Leo on Christmas Day, barely two months after the crash. Leo remembers nothing until nearly New Year’s Day 2016, having been in a medically induced coma and undergoing a leg amputation above the knee.

“Because of my traumatic brain injury, I still can’t smell or taste anything. I haven’t been able to for nearly ten years now, but I still feel lucky. My faith gave me the strength to learn how to walk with a prosthetic leg and ultimately return to work,” Leo shared.17

The Schmitz family relocated to Owasso from their five acres with miniature horses near Skiatook to be closer to Leo’s job at the American Airlines Maintenance Center in Tulsa. Their new

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home is designed to accommodate Leo as he requires a wheelchair when not wearing his prosthetic leg. Leo retired on September 30, 2020, but the couple has endured a challenging decade.

Before the incident, Leo enjoyed dressing up as a clown and loved to clown around, even incorporating the word ‘clown’ into his email address. However, he has had to learn to manage anger issues since the tragedy, and therapy has played a significant role in helping him process his emotions. Sharon bought Leo a ‘ShinFin,’ a device that helps leg amputees swim, and he now enjoys swimming at the Owasso YMCA.

“People often look at Leo with his prosthetic leg and don’t consider what it takes to live with someone who also suffered a traumatic brain injury. He’s still a loving and kind person, but Leo’s personality changed,” Sharon said.18

Leo’s struggles have included seizures, which one neurologist described as possibly a psychogenic non-epileptic seizure. These

Leo and Sharon Schmitz (image provided by the Schmitzs).

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episodes resemble epileptic seizures but are due to psychological stress or trauma. On one occasion, he experienced a seizure that caused severe injuries to his tongue. It was potentially hours before Sharon found him. “He honestly could have bled to death. The room looked like a crime scene, as there was blood everywhere,” Sharon recounted.19

A second seizure occurred only one day after the second anniversary of the parade incident, October 25, 2017. While picking up new furniture at a local store’s loading dock, Leo began seizing while slowly backing their truck toward the dock. The seizure caused him to suddenly accelerate the truck in reverse, slamming it into a bollard protecting part of the building, damaging both the vehicle and the structure. Fortunately, no one else was injured. Like so many, Leo and Sharon’s story is one of resilience, faith, and a commitment to navigating life together despite overwhelming challenges.

Abai

The Abai family relocated to Stillwater in 2005 after being displaced by Hurricane Katrina. Clement and Mumbe, both former athletes at Tulane University in New Orleans, found refuge at OSU where they could finish their graduate degrees. They loved Stillwater so much that they stayed.

Eleven-year-old Keke hopped off his bike in front of Hastings, a retail book and music store that once stood on the southwest corner of Main Street and Hall of Fame Avenue. He, his seven-year-old sister Mwende, and their parents, Clement and Mumbe, came to enjoy the parade and visit with friends. That day, Mwende, sporting rollerblades and a helmet, rode alongside her family. Her parents had insisted she wear the helmet for safety—an insistence which may have saved her life.

Keke does not remember much about the impact itself, but he does remember his brand-new tennis shoes, which had been knocked from his feet in the chaos. As he lay injured and bleeding in the street, his concern for his new shoes—a reflection of a young boy’s mindset—lingered in his mind. His mother knelt beside him, looking into his eyes and reassuring him, “Everything is going to be all right. Just stay still—help is coming.”20 Mwende, who had suffered a head injury, was fortunate to have been wearing her helmet. She was evacuated by helicopter to the trauma

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center at Oklahoma Children’s Hospital. LifeNet and ambulances from nearby counties arrived to transport the most seriously injured. Keke, however, was loaded into the back of a white pickup truck with other victims suffering non-life-threatening injuries. His injuries included road rash, an injured nose, and a deep gash on his foot.

“I got twenty-one stitches from the top of my foot, between my toes, and on the bottom side,” Keke recalled.21 Dr. Tom Wuller, a local orthopedic surgeon, stitched him up.

Keke had to take a year off from soccer to allow his injured, dominant foot to heal. Although young and somewhat shielded from the full emotional impact of the event, the injury changed the course of his life. Yet, several years later, as a junior high student, Keke returned to the OSU homecoming parade—not as a spectator, but as a participant, marching and playing the sousaphone with his school band.

Today, Keke studies for his grueling mechanical engineering major and competes in Division I soccer at Boston University. His soccer journey has come full circle. After earning a soccer scholarship to Boston University, Keke’s team achieved tremendous success. They won both the regular-season championship and the Patriot League Championship, earning a coveted spot in the 2024 NCAA Soccer Championship.

“Last summer, I worked on unmanned aerial systems with the Oklahoma Aerospace Institute for Research and Education (OAIRE), and I really enjoyed it,” Keke shared with a smile. Alongside his studies and athletics, Keke cofounded an athletic Bible study with fellow collegiate athletes. “I believe in seeking to find good in all things encountered in life,” he said, demonstrating a sense of faith that has carried him through tough times.22

Mwende also made a remarkable recovery. Now a junior at Stillwater High School, she, like her brother, has embraced life with strength and resilience.

Campbell

Just over a decade prior to the incident, Alleyn Campbell was the first of the Campbell triplets born at Stillwater Medical Center. They are still the only triplets born there to date, and Alleyn beat his brothers, Brandon and Collen, into the world by one minute and two minutes, respectively. However, he was the only one of the triplets injured in the harrowing homecoming parade ordeal, which impacted his young life.

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In the chaos, Alleyn sustained head and leg injuries, leaving him lying on Main Street, unconscious. His parents, not at the parade at the time of the crash, learned the eldest of their twelve-year-old sons was alone and disoriented. While his dad, Maury, rushed across the parking lot from the pharmacy where he worked across the street, his mother, Collett, had been on campus setting up the family tailgate for pre-game festivities. A thoughtful bystander named Connie comforted Alleyn while his parents rushed to his aid.

Alleyn and Keke Abai found themselves loaded into the same pickup truck that transported them to Stillwater Medical Center. Every ambulance in the county had been summoned to the crash site to transport those with serious injuries. With only ten life-flight helicopters in the state of Oklahoma that day, eight of them air-lifted victims with lifethreatening injuries to trauma centers at Oklahoma City and Tulsa. Private vehicles were used to transport those with non-life-threatening injuries.

The truck carrying Keke and Alleyn was driven by OSU student Taylor Collins, who one year earlier had served as OSU’s homecoming executive director. He also portrayed OSU mascot Pistol Pete. As spectators rushed to help the injured, Collins lifted the over-sized mascot head out of the bed of his pickup truck and assisted in carefully loading the bed and the backseat of his super-cab with the children.23

Triplets Collen, Brandon, and Alleyn Campbell (image provided by the Campbells).

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Alleyn’s injuries were not life-threatening, but along with a concussion, he had multiple fractures to his left femur, injuries to his right rotator cuff, dislocated joints, and significant road rash imbedding rocks into both legs. His recovery journey began with three-and-ahalf months in a wheelchair, transitioning to a walker, and then a cane. His determination shone through as he navigated physical therapy, despite admitting he was a challenging patient.

Alleyn underwent two surgeries, the first to repair a growth plate in his knee. He faced further complications in his recovery and a second surgery in 2020. Yet, this chapter did not deter his spirit. “My outlook on life is much more positive since going through my injuries and recovery,” he reflected.24

Throughout his rehabilitation, Alleyn discovered a newfound purpose. After sharing his recovery story online, his mom was contacted by a mother of another young accident victim in Norman, seeking encouragement for her son. This reinforced Alleyn’s belief in the power of shared experiences.

His passion for music flourished in parallel with his healing. Alleyn began playing music in the sixth-grade school band. He is approaching graduation with a bachelor of science in history and a minor in music at OSU. He’s driven by a genuine love for the subjects. He’s now marched in that homecoming parade for OSU’s marching band four years—a dream he had harbored since childhood.

In a poignant moment, he read a victim impact statement in front of a Payne County judge, victims’ families, and the driver of the vehicle that caused the tragedy.25 The experience was overwhelming and unexpected, pushing Alleyn into a position he never anticipated but ultimately helping him process his feelings and experiences. From a traumatic incident that could have defined him, he emerged with a positive outlook on life, a commitment to encouraging others, and a profound appreciation for the interconnectedness of human experiences.

Lucas

Two-year-old Nash Lucas passed away from traumatic injuries on that October morning, just a few feet from his mother, Niki Strauch. They came to Stillwater so Niki could finish her degree at OSU, never fathoming the unimaginable tragedy that followed. Niki grew up in a family tied to the medical profession—her mother was a nurse, and her father worked in a hospital laboratory. Finally

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completing her bachelor’s degree in December 2024, Strauch has been working as a pharmacy technician for five years. Today, Niki is pursuing a fast-track nursing program at the University of Central Oklahoma. Her future career, grounded in the art and science of healing, offered little solace in the wake of her son’s loss.

“Nash was more than just a part of me. Losing a part of you is excruciating. That loss of an internal part of you is unexplainable to someone who has never experienced it. But you really have no options, so you just keep going,” Niki said, capturing the profound emotional and physical void left by Nash’s absence.26

Nash, with his bright spirit, loved Paw Patrol, Barney, Bob the Builder, and playing with big green tractors. His passion for these things, along with his love for music, remains a distant yet precious memory for those who knew him. “The support system of family and friends helps, no question,” Niki says. “But being a mom without a child present is impossible to explain to anyone who hasn’t experienced that void.”27

Niki candidly shares, “People mean well, offering words of comfort and advice, but people want to help fix it. Nash’s loss is an unfixable thing.”28

Since Nash’s passing, Niki has welcomed two more children into her life—Raegan Charlee, five, and Lincoln Nash, three, named in honor of his older brother. But even with this new joy, painful memories sometimes resurface. When Lincoln was just two months old, he contracted RSV, a serious lung infection, and was admitted to Oklahoma Children’s Hospital. The experience brought back a flood of memories for Niki, rekindling the grief she’s lived with for years.

As the ninth anniversary of the OSU homecoming parade tragedy approached last year, Niki couldn’t help but gaze at Lincoln and remember Nash. Both boys were born in April, making Lincoln’s two years and seven months old on the anniversary of the crash a bittersweet reminder of Nash’s life.

For Niki, crowds and parking lots trigger unexpected waves of anxiety, heightening her awareness of potential dangers. “Something unexpected can happen in the blink of an eye,” she says.29 Even seemingly peaceful places, like the lake, can create uneasiness now.

Though many encouraged her to seek therapy and mental wellness support, Niki realized that grief’s timeline is deeply personal. “Those

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pushing therapy truly meant well. But I needed to pursue that help when I was ready. On my timeline,” she explains, underscoring the importance of navigating healing in her way.30

One of Niki’s most painful losses is the ability to be naïve—to believe in the certainty that nothing catastrophic could happen to her children. “I miss that trust,” she admits.31 Instead, her reality is one where her firstborn is forever two-years-old and her heart bears the weight of that indefinite pause—an utter loss of blissfulness.

In a world shaped by loss, Niki continues to carry on with resilience, love, and the indelible memory of her son quietly guiding her future.

Stone

Marvin and Bonnie Stone had been inseparable since arriving at the OSU campus in 1982. They never had children, so they supported everyone else’s children. Whether buying Blue and Gold Sausage, Girl Scout Cookies, or quietly helping finance college tuition for the son of a family friend, the Stones did everything together. Bonnie served in various IT roles across campus with her last position managing significant responsibilities for OSU’s Institutional Research and Information Systems. Marvin enjoyed a distinguished career in the Department of Biosystems and Agricultural Engineering, playing a vital role in developing Oklahoma’s Mesonet system of 120 environmental monitoring stations. Sadly, their lives ended tragically, but together.

In an extraordinary act of generosity, the Stones’ surviving family and a few other victims’ families declined financial assistance from the Stillwater Medical Foundation, choosing instead to help those in longterm recovery. Their final gift to Stillwater was selflessness, a reflection of the values that defined their sixty-five years of life.

Nakal

At just twenty-three, Nikita Prabhakar Nakal was a young woman with a bright future. A University of Central Oklahoma MBA student from India, she had embraced the opportunities before her, balancing her studies with the excitement of building a life in the United States. She and her boyfriend, Bhardwaj Varma Chitapaldi, met while working at JP Morgan in Mumbai before both moved to Oklahoma—Nikita to UCO and Bhardwaj to OSU. They shared dreams of a future, but those dreams were shattered.

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Bhardwaj held her hand in her final moments, overwhelmed with grief as he watched her life slip away. The loss reverberated across continents, reaching her family in India, where her father, Prabhakar, closed his automotive parts business in the wake of his daughter’s passing. Nikita’s only brother, Nishith, now has a daughter of his own, keeping her memory alive in their family’s next generation.

Bhardwaj still resides in the US, working for a hedge fund while staying closely connected to Nikita’s family. Their love story, though tragically short, is a reminder of the deep bonds that endure even in loss. Even Oklahoma’s children revealed unbridled love, responding with an unexpected level of heartfelt compassion. Students from

The Stillwater Strong Memorial (image provided by the author).

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A sweet teacher named Amanda Sloan led the effort. If the students met their goal, they would have the opportunity to duct-tape a school administrator to the cafeteria wall. Students took turns reading lines of a touching poem about “making a difference” during the assembly, and they did just that. The assistant principal stood on a chair while children—who today are in high school and driving, attending college, trade schools, or even approaching college graduation—took long strands of duct tape. Adults helped the students affix the tape. When the time came and the chair was removed from underneath the assistant principal's feet, the room erupted. Squealing in sheer euphoria, these kids were shocked and elated that she actually stuck against that wall, dangling her feet above the ground like some cartoon character. The pupils of this mostly middle-class elementary school collectively contributed almost $1,200. Those funds were among the most touching contributions to the nearly $500,000 secured by the Stillwater Medical Foundation to help the victims through their emotional and physical recovery.

Each of these journeys, and so many others, is a powerful reminder of the strength found in human vulnerability and the hope that can arise from even the darkest circumstances. From the healthcare workers who served tirelessly during the homecoming tragedy and years later during the COVID-19 pandemic to everyday citizens who stepped in to help however they could, Stillwater’s response was nothing short of extraordinary. First responders, medical professionals, and students rallied around those in need, embodying the true meaning of love for their fellow man. As we reflect a decade since the OSU homecoming parade tragedy, it’s important to honor those we lost and the pain felt by so many. In the days and weeks following the incident, Stillwater Medical’s administrative team decided for those injured in the parade crash, no medical bills would be sent for their medical services or treatments

212 Hawthorne Elementary School in Oklahoma City sprang into action, spurring investment in the victims’ recovery. In the thirty days following the crash, the 327 students enrolled in this northwest Oklahoma City public school held a coin drive to donate $1,000 to the victims to assist in their healing. Flooded with gratitude, I visited this school, where a school-wide assembly had been planned for the week of the Bedlam football game.

provided.32 We are reminded that even in the most difficult moments of life, love persists, and resilience emerges as the true mark of strength.

Unveiled at an OSU homecoming ceremony on October 26, 2018, the Stillwater Strong Memorial was dedicated as a symbol of remembrance and community unity. Located near the crash site at the corner of Main Street and Hall of Fame Avenue, the memorial features a sixfoot-tall steel ribbon, painted in OSU’s bright orange and Stillwater blue. Illuminated at night, the ribbon stands prominently above four granite panels, each bearing a laser-etched photo and brief life tribute, an enduring remembrance for the four victims lost. Encircled by two curved concrete benches, a separate granite marker mounted on a singular pillar honors the first responders, volunteers, and healthcare workers who heroically served that day.

The memorial was made possible through the collective efforts of a generous community. The Stillwater Community Foundation accepted charitable donations to support memorial construction, with significant contributions coming from the Stillwater Chamber of Commerce’s Leadership Stillwater Class XXVI. This benevolent group organized a pass-the-bucket fundraiser during the 2017 OSU homecoming football game. Memorial construction funding also included one hundred percent of the profits from the book, “Stillwater Strong—Loyal and True.”33

The City of Stillwater provides ongoing care and maintenance for the memorial, signage, and grounds landscaping, ensuring it remains a lasting tribute to the strength and compassion of the Stillwater community. Especially during annual homecoming festivities, many family members and friends make intentional visits to embrace the resolute stillness of the Stillwater Strong Memorial.

Through love, grief, and grace, we honor the memory of those we have lost. May we always remember that sharing their stories brings their earthly human impact to life.

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Endnotes

* D. Scott Petty resides in Stillwater, Oklahoma, and has held leadership roles in nonprofits, healthcare, and banking. Today he owns and operates investment property interests. As an OSU student he was Pistol Pete number forty from 1985–87. He enjoys attending OSU Athletic events, mentoring, travel, reading, and writing. He wrote Stillwater Strong—Loyal and True, donating all book profits to the Stillwater Strong Memorial project. Scott was honored as the Stillwater Chamber of Commerce Citizen of the Year in 2018. He currently serves as a vice chair of the Oklahoma Hall of Fame Board of Directors in OKC, past chair of the OKPOP Museum Foundation in Tulsa, the Oklahoma Music Hall of Fame in Muskogee, the Stillwater Public Education Foundation and the Saville Center. He is a member of Stillwater Frontier Rotary and a director for the Wesley Foundation and Stillwater Community Foundation. He and his wife of thirty-six years, Gerri, have two adult children, Drs. Catherine and son-in-law Alberto Ayala, and Will.

1 Author’s note: Out of the deepest respect for the victims and their surviving family, this article intentionally omits details pertaining to the driver.

2 Leslie Corbly, “Oklahoma State University’s 1977 Homecoming Also Marred By Tragedy,” KOSU, October 30, 2015, https://www.kosu.org/history/2015-10-30/oklahomastate-universitys-1977-homecoming-also-marred-by-tragedy.

3 Steve Buzzard, “Air Tragedy Claims 10,” January 27, 2001, https://okstate.com/ news/2001/1/27/Air_Tragedy_Claims_10.

4 “Kurt Budke, Miranda Serna Die in Crash,” ESPN.com, November 18, 2011, https:// www.espn.com/womens-college-basketball/story/_/id/7250025/oklahoma-statecowboys-coach-kurt-budke-assistant-miranda-serna-killed-plane-crash.

5 Kelly Harrison, interview with the author, August 27, 2024.

6 Harrison interview.

7 Harrison interview.

8 Diana Rodriguez Coca, interview with the author, June 7, 2024.

9 Rodriguez Coca interview.

10 Rodriguez Coca interview.

11 Adam Wyatt, interview with the author, December 28, 2024.

12 Sara Wyatt, interview with the author, December 28, 2024.

13 Sara Wyatt interview.

14 Hadley Wyatt, interview with the author, December 28, 2024.

15 Sara Wyatt interview.

16 Sharon Schmitz, interview with the author, November 17, 2024.

17 Leo Schmitz, interview with the author, November 17, 2024.

18 Sharon Schmitz interview.

19 Sharon Schmitz interview.

20 Keke Abai, interview with the author, July 31, 2024.

21 Abai interview.

22 Abai interview.

23 Kimberly Querry, “Man Behind the Mascot: ‘Pistol Pete’ Credited with Taking Injured to Hospital Following Homecoming Crash,” KFOR-TV, October 26, 2015, https:// kfor.com/news/man-behind-the-mascot-pistol-pete-credited-with-taking-injuredto-hospital-following-homecoming-crash/.

24 Alleyn Campbell, interview with the author, October 17, 2024.

25 Bill Haisten, “Thankful Edition: OSU Parade Survivor Alleyn Campbell Recovers in Best Way—With a Good Life,” Tulsa World, November 28, 2019.

26 Niki Strauch, interview with the author, August 29, 2024.

27 Strauch interview.

28 Strauch interview.

29 Strauch interview.

30 Strauch interview.

31 Strauch interview.

32 Rachel Goodwin, “Stillwater Medical Center Won’t Bill Victims of OSU Homecoming Parade Crash,” KTUL, November 25, 2015, https://ktul.com/news/local/stillwatermedical-center-will-not-bill-any-victims-of-osu-homecoming-parade-crash.

33 Megan Hays, “Stillwater Strong Memorial Unveiled Three Years After Homecoming Crash,” O’Colly, October 28, 2018.

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Book Reviews

BRANDING TRUST: ADVERTISING AND TRADEMARKS IN NINETEENTH CENTURY AMERICA. By Jennifer M. Black (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2024. Pp. 331. $49.95 cloth, e-book).

At the heart of the market as a social institution are mechanisms of trust that make its exchanges possible. As capitalist markets expanded during the nineteenth century, these modalities of trust took on an increasingly impersonal and abstract character. At the same time and conversely, the increasingly hedonic basis of capitalist dynamism—the consumer’s experience and enjoyment of goods—encouraged the cultivation of a personal psychological relationship between individuals and the goods they purchased. Consumers’ trust in these goods was thus facilitated by the development of branding products and of the corporations that manufactured them. A semiotic amalgam of systemic and personal trust, brands, and corporate trademarks are far more than mere marketing devices. Rather, branding constitutes the system of meanings that enable participants in consumer capitalism to make sense of their roles and positions within the economic system. While advertising professionals by the early twentieth century took credit for the development of brands, Jennifer M. Black’s Branding Trust locates the origins of these strategies to the economic conditions of antebellum America. In an era beset by periodic financial panics and governed by prevailing doctrines of caveat emptor that made the consumer responsible for recognizing commercial fraud and misrepresentation, sellers of goods resorted to strategies of trustbuilding to establish a rapport with consumers. Black contends that manufacturers and advertisers engaged with Victorian cultural codes of gentility that grounded middle-class character ideals of transparency, honesty, and respectability to catalyze consumers’ trust in, and patronage of, their products. Examining evolving advertising practices

in nineteenth-century print media as well as legal controversies over trademark infringement and protection, Black documents the emergence of a visual aesthetic in advertising which, by the early 1900s, culminated in the abstract iconography of the corporate logo.

This book makes an important argument, albeit an obvious one. Given the goal of winning trust in a bourgeois society, what other cultural codes could one possibly have invoked? The best parts of the book trace how advertising and other artifacts of everyday visual culture (handbills, posters, trade cards) increasingly incorporated this symbolization of trust. In another respect, though, the book falls short. Woven into Black’s account of the social construction of trust is a separate skein of claims about American racism. Like many other historians and social critics, Black has discovered that the American middle class suffered from anxiety about its status in a dynamic and turbulent economy. This anxiety, Black contends, was manifested through the racialized “performed identities” of the “white” middle class. Thus, as a racist society, the protocols of trust that it generated to accommodate expanding market relations must have also obeyed a racist logic or served racist purposes. In so reasoning, Black commits a category mistake. Even if capitalism has racist roots, it does not follow that the social capital generated by discursive strategies of consumer trustbuilding, which Black documents were also racist in some functional sense.

As Black notes, American society’s racism was abundantly reflected in cultural stereotypes that regularly showed up in various visual media, stereotypes which signaled the exclusion of marginalized groups from the American mainstream. However, unless Black can specify how Victorian trust-building character virtues were somehow defined and prized in contradistinction to the anti-virtues of some racialized “Other,” her repeated claims about the racialized nature of social trust remain speculative and at times verge on silly.

Loren Gatch

University of Central Oklahoma Edmond, Oklahoma

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FIFTY-THREE DAYS ON STARVATION ISLAND: THE WORLD WAR II BATTLE THAT SAVED MARINE CORPS AVIATION. By John R. Bruning (Hachette Books, 2024. Pp x. 515. $34.00 cloth).

Fifty-Three Days on Starvation Island tells the story of US Marine Corps aviators who fought the Japanese during the Battle of Guadalcanal in World War II. While other books have reported the Marines’ ground war on Guadalcanal, Bruning’s account focuses on the first two Marine air squadrons sent to defend the island in August 1942 after its capture by the US following the Battle of Midway. The narrative is told through the eyes of three marine officers: Major Richard Mangrum, Captain Marion Carl, and Oklahoma native, Major John L. Smith.

The first several chapters serve as a prologue to Guadalcanal, describing devastating attacks by better-trained and equipped Japanese pilots against Marine aviators stationed on Midway Island. As told by Bruning, in 1942, the US public knew little about the sacrifices faced by troops fighting in the Pacific. Following the US victory at Midway, Mangrum, Carl, and Smith became the senior leaders of Marine Air Group 23, part of the First Marine Air Wing. Receiving orders that their Air Group would soon be deployed against the Japanese, the three officers developed an abbreviated schedule for teaching basic combat tactics to newly minted Marine pilots. On August 20, 1942, the US Navy delivered Air Group 23’s twelve Dauntless dive bombers, nineteen Wildcat fighters, pilots, and their ground crews to Guadalcanal. Located in the Solomon Islands and about a thousand miles northeast of Australia, Guadalcanal was an unlikely location for a battle. Nicknamed the “Cactus Air Force,” Air Group 23’s mission was to prevent the Solomons from becoming a Japanese base for attacks against supply lines linking US forces with Australia. Bruning describes a devastating attack the night after the Marines came onshore that lead to a decision to withdrawal Navy ships before all supplies could be offloaded. Left with minimal weapons, ammunition, food, and medical supplies, the Marines had to survive in the mosquito-infested jungle, scavenging parts from damaged or crashed aircraft to keep their fighters and bombers flying. Over the next month and a half, thirty-one Marine pilots and twelve gunners flew missions against the Japanese, destroying targets on the ground and more than eighty enemy aircraft.

The book is not without a few minor shortcomings. To reach sections about Marine aviators on Guadalcanal, readers must wade through several chapters that describe publicity tours and other events that happened before and after Guadalcanal. Some may also struggle with the book’s novel-like prose that offers the thoughts and feelings of main characters with less of an emphasis on authentic historical accounts. However, the book is a masterful story of deprivation, commitment, and courage. Unsupported for fifty-three days, Marine air and ground crews distinguished themselves in the face of superior enemy forces. Bruning’s account is also a tribute to the leadership of his central characters. Captain Marion Carl became the Marine Corps 'first ace while Major John L. Smith was awarded the Medal of Honor, America’s highest military recognition. Major Richard Mangrum earned the Navy Cross for his leadership during the battle and became a lieutenant general and assistant commandant of the Marine Corps. Fifty-three Days on Starvation Island is a “must read” for persons interested in the US Marine Corps and the history of the Pacific Theater during World War II.

Thomas A. Wikle Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma

ILLUSIONS

OF EMPIRE: THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN THE U.S.-MEXICO BORDERLANDS. By William S. Kiser. (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2021. Pp. 366. $55.00 cloth, e-book).

Few histories of the American Civil War and the period of Reconstruction have focused on the foreign relations of the United States during the time, aside from exceptional books that focus explicitly on American foreign policy. Illusions of Empire certainly falls into the exceptional category, primarily concerning the relationships between the United States, the Confederate States, and Mexico in the American Southwest. Aside from these rough boundaries, Kiser also discusses the role of Native American tribes, independent bandits, and the French Empire in the Civil War and Mexican-American relations. Kiser argues in the book that diplomacy with Mexico played an important, yet often overlooked role in the American Civil War and the French intervention in Mexico.

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Illusions of Empire stands out in its explorations of the behaviors and allegiances of Mexican governors like Luis Terrazas of Chihuahua and Santiago Vidaurri of Nuevo León. Kiser takes great care to emphasize the disunity in Mexico that resulted in the effective decentralization of policymaking and expanded autonomy for its state governments. As a result, Union and especially Confederate diplomats and officers would often attempt to work with Mexican governors in states along the border as opposed to the central government under Benito Juárez.

Kiser backs up his claims with a wide variety of sources, including official government documentation and correspondences from Mexico and the United States, both in English and Spanish. In addition, the book offers a valuable critique of what Kiser refers to as Greater Reconstruction, which is defined as “the dramatic nineteenth-century expansion of American capitalist empire and assimilation of minority racial groups” (p. 5). He paints Greater Reconstruction as a complicated and nuanced transitional period in the United States, in which the country moved towards a “new democratic trajectory” (p. 158) at the same time as it expanded its imperial ambitions, often at the expense of the Native Americans (p. 7).

The author also compares Greater Reconstruction and the French Empire’s Grand Design. Like Greater Reconstruction, the Grand Design was an attempt by Napoleon III to construct an international order more amenable to the French Empire and ensure France’s status as a “preeminent global hegemon” (p. 28). The Grand Design and Greater Reconstruction are essentially mirrors of each other, but they are also opposed, as the American approach toward the French intervention showed. The intervention essentially acted as a kind of competition between the United States and France for hegemonic power, and the victory of the republican cause ensured the US would come out on top.

Kiser’s years of experience exploring the American Southwest during the mid-nineteenth century make this an invaluable book for exploring the Southwest during the American Civil War more deeply. Anyone interested in learning more about the diplomacies of the United States and Confederate States would find this book immensely interesting.

Collin Karst

University of Central Oklahoma Edmond, Oklahoma

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IN WHOSE RUINS: POWER, POSSESSION, AND THE LANDSCAPES OF AMERICAN EMPIRE. By Alicia Puglionesi (Scribner, 2022. Pp. 368. $28.99 cloth, e-book).

In Whose Runs: Power, Possession, and the Landscapes of American Empire presents a powerful examination of American colonial power over the land and Native peoples throughout the last two centuries. Alicia Puglionesi uses four case studies to discuss the growth of the American empire, the quest for economic growth through the extraction of natural resources (oil, hydroelectricity, and atomic), and the exploitation of Native peoples and their cultural heritage. Through these examples, the author dispels the myths created by the colonial Americans that they used to justify their dominance over the land and the Indigenous people.

Part one, “Tongues from Tombs”, examines the myth of the Mound Builders and the whitewashing and exploitation of Native American history. The Mound Builders were a fictional lost race of white people invented by colonizers, believed to predate the Native American populations, and were credited for the creation of mounds, petroglyphs, and artifacts. Puglionesi relates the story of the Grave Creek Stone and Henry Schoolcraft to provide an example of a Native artifact being purposefully misinterpreted to project colonial ideals. Additionally, Schoolcraft’s first wife, Jane, is discussed at length. Jane was of Ojibwe descent, an avid writer who often translated Ojibwe tales into English, which Schoolcraft edited—often changing much of the stories and the intentions of Jane’s poems—and published under his own name. During the nineteenth century, it was not uncommon for many middle-to-upper-class white men to claim Indigenous cultural heritage that was not their own. These myths and retellings were created to reduce Indigenous claim on the land and to justify the destruction and appropriation of Native heritage.

“Harmonial Wells” outlines the history of the oil industry in the United States. Northwestern Pennsylvania, known as “Petrolia,” was the location of the first oil well in the country, Drake’s Well, and over the years was the home to many non-Native oil prospectors and their claims. To find and stake claims on oil-bearing land, many prospectors claimed that they were visited by the spirits of “Indian chiefs” who told them where to look, thus solidifying their claim. With this, spiritualism

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began to rise in the region. The history of the oil industry in northwestern Pennsylvania, northeastern Ohio, and southwestern New York shows the exploitation of not only the land but also Indigenous environmental knowledge.

Part three, “Power on the Susquehanna,” discusses the construction of the Conowingo Dam on the Susquehanna River. The Conowingo petroglyphs were etched on a large boulder that, for centuries, rested in the Susquehanna River. Much like the Grave Creek Stone, the petroglyphs were credited to a fictional race of people predating the Native populations. In the 1920s, when it was decided the river would be dammed and a reservoir created, the stone was dynamited to preserve the petroglyphs. Appropriating the petroglyphs as their own cultural asset, the remains of the stone were taken to Baltimore and put on display in the Maryland Academy of Sciences. The creation of hydroelectric dams all over the country were responsible for the destruction of Native American lands and cultural heritage, further displacing people and continuing to solidify the colonial claim on the land.

Lastly, “Trace Elements,” details the effects of nuclear testing on local populations in and around Los Alamos, New Mexico, in the mid-1900s. The establishment of the Manhattan Project not only changed the economic structure of the region by increasing the demand on Indigenous pottery and other goods but also affected ecological conditions of the surrounding area. The extraction of atomic material from the land and the nuclear tests that were being conducted poisoned both the land and the people. In addition to blatant racism, the constant search for newer, better, and more profitable sources of energy, and purely economic greed, has been a driving force behind much of the destruction and displacement of Native people in the United States.

Puglionesi draws our attention to the erasures of events that persist in the history of the United States and emphasizes that the American landscape is embedded with conflict. These histories have left scars on both the landscape and the American people, whether we are aware of it or not. Overall, In Whose Ruins is a page-turning discussion of how the American empire used the landscape to secure its power over both the land and the Native peoples it displaced.

222

Kathleen Wilson SUNY at Buffalo Buffalo,

New York

For the Record

Oklahoma Historical Society

Special Meeting of the Board of Directors

Wednesday, December 18, 2024

Call to Order

Compliance with Open Meeting Act. The special meeting of the Board of Directors of the Oklahoma Historical Society was called to order by President Duke R. Ligon at 1:02 p.m. on Wednesday, December 18, 2024, at the Oklahoma History Center, 800 Nazih Zuhdi Drive, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.

Pledge of Allegiance

Roll Call

Board members present: Jack Baker, Randy Beutler, Michael Birdsong, Billie Fogarty, Ann Hargis, Karen Keith, Duke R. Ligon, Shirley Nero, Lindsay Robertson, Donna Sharpe, David Sigmon, Barbara Thompson (1:04 p.m.), Jim Waldo, and Weldon Watson

Board members excused: T. S. Akers, Cheryl Evans, Ken Fergeson, Deena Fisher, Alan Loeffler, Patti Loughlin, Terry Mabrey, Carlisle Mabrey, Jonita Mullins, Kenny Sivard, and Greg Stidham

Declaration of quorum. Trait Thompson declared a quorum had been met.

Discussion and Possible Action on Using Funds from the Bob Blackburn Collections Endowment Fund to Pay for the Storage Fees, Truck Rental, and Contingency Costs for the Oklahoma Sports Museum Collection

Trait Thompson, executive director, provided some background information about the acquisition of the collection from the Oklahoma Sports Museum in Guthrie, Oklahoma. Originally, the timeframe to remove the collection from the building to the Oklahoma History Center was approximately two years. Recently, the owner of the Oklahoma Sports Museum sold the building. Due to the timing of the sale, everything must be removed from the premises by February 23, 2025. OHS staff from various departments across the agency

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will box and transport the items. Meanwhile, in this short window, it would be a challenging task for the collections team to assess the collection properly. Mr. Thompson is asking the Board of Directors to approve the use of funds from the Bob Blackburn Collections Endowment Fund to pay for eight months of storage at a reputable, climate-controlled storage facility. This facility was previously used during the Capitol Restoration Project, overseen by Mr. Thompson prior to his position with the Oklahoma Historical Society (OHS). The total cost for eight months of storage would be $23,200. To move the collection from the Oklahoma Sports Museum to the storage facility, the moving crew (comprised of OHS staff) would need a box truck. Mr. Thompson said the box truck would be rented through state Fleet Management, and the cost of a five-day rental is $331.25. Finally, $2,353.13 was added to cover any contingencies, which is ten percent of the total request.

In summary, for the storage facility, box truck rental, and ten percent contingency, the total request of funds from the Bob Blackburn Collections Endowment Fund is $25,884.38. The Collections Committee met and approved the amount requested. Karen Whitecotton, deputy executive director, added that while the collection is in offsite storage, staff will be able to use the time to properly determine which items will be kept in collections, used for exhibits, or used for educational purposes.

Karen Keith moved to use funds from the Bob Blackburn Collections Endowment Fund to pay for the storage fees, truck rental, and contingency costs for the Oklahoma Sports Museum collection. Seconded by Billie Fogarty, the motion carried unanimously.

Announcements

There were no announcements.

Adjournment

There being no further business to discuss, President Duke R. Ligon adjourned the special meeting of the Board of Directors at 1:09 p.m.

Trait Thompson, Executive Director Duke R. Ligon, President

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Oklahoma Historical Society

Board of Directors Quarterly Meeting Wednesday, January 22, 2025, 1:30 p.m.

Call to Order

Compliance with Open Meeting Act. The regular quarterly meeting of the Board of Directors of the Oklahoma Historical Society was called to order by President Duke R. Ligon at 1:32 p.m. on Wednesday, January 22, 2025, at the Oklahoma History Center, 800 Nazih Zuhdi Drive, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.

Pledge of Allegiance

Roll Call

Board members present: T. S. Akers, Jack Baker, Randy Beutler, Michael Birdsong, Cheryl Evans, Ken Fergeson, Deena Fisher, Billie Fogarty, Ann Hargis, Duke R. Ligon, Alan Loeffler, Patti Loughlin, Carlisle Mabrey, Jonita Mullins, Shirley Nero, Lindsay Robertson, Donna Sharpe, David Sigmon, Kenny Sivard, Gregory Stidham, Barbara Thompson, Jim Waldo, Weldon Watson, and Dan Lawrence (emeritus)

Board members excused: Karen Keith and Terry Mabrey Declaration of quorum. Trait Thompson declared a quorum had been met.

Possible Discussion, Revision, and Vote to Approve the

Minutes of the October 23, 2024, Quarterly Meeting

Ann Hargis moved to approve the minutes of the October 23, 2024, quarterly board meeting. Seconded by Lindsay Robertson, the motion carried unanimously.

Swearing in of new board member Gregory Stidham

President Duke R. Ligon swore in Gregory Stidham to the Oklahoma Historical Society (OHS) Board of Directors. Mr. Stidham, of Checotah, will represent District 3.

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Treasurer’s Report

Donna Sharpe stated that the OHS has $1,781,452.55 in cash at the State Treasurer’s Office. The OHS has $200,349.09 invested in a Morgan Stanley account. This was originally a $150,000 investment. The OHS has $92,843.68 invested at Federated from an original investment of $150,000. The OHS has $16,128,419.14 invested in the Oklahoma City Community Foundation Endowment Fund. The total cash and invested funds of the OHS amount to $18,203,064.46.

Executive Director’s Report

Review of budget projections and expenditures from the 2nd quarter (October 1, 2024, to December 31, 2024). Gabby Hosek, chief financial officer, provided a review of the 2nd quarter budget projections and expenditures. She stated that the funds were where they should be for this time of year. She also pointed out that there were more contributions from the friends groups than anticipated.

Legislative update. Trait Thompson, executive director, stated that Senator Kristen Thompson and Representative Jim Grego have been appointed as the new Appropriations subcommittee chairs, and he looks forward to getting to know them during the legislative session. Mr. Thompson said the Senate budget hearings concluded on January 8, and the House budget hearings concluded on January 21.

SB38, the bill to raise the sales and use tax cap from approximately $1.5 to $2.2 million, is authored by Senator Bill Coleman. Mr. Thompson explained how raising the cap will allow more funding per year to be used toward deferred maintenance projects across the agency. HB2439, the bill to clarify the OHS is exempt from surplus property statutes, is authored by Representative Scott Fetgatter. SB261 (not requested by the OHS), which would allow Oklahoma Heritage Preservation Grant funds to be used for capital improvement or repairs, is authored by Senator Nikki Nice. Currently, capital improvements or repairs are excluded from the grant funds, but Mr. Thompson said there is no plan to oppose the bill.

Mr. Thompson spoke about the conversations he had with legislative leadership about amending the statutory language to allow for pledges made toward OKPOP to count toward the $18 million match from the state by November 15, 2025, instead of only money in the bank. Currently, the number of pledges totals $8.95 million. Mr. Thompson has had meetings with Speaker Kyle Hilbert and House Vice Chairman of Appropriations John Kane and believes the House would support the effort. Conversations have also occurred with Senator Chuck Hall and Senator John Haste, chairman and vice chairman

of Senate Appropriations, respectively. Mr. Thompson explained that a bill has not been filed with the Senate. Instead, the OHS will use the Joint Committee on Appropriations and Budget process. He explained that in utilizing this process, these budget bills would be filed toward the end of the year when the legislature is finalizing the budget. Following this process allows time to draft the bill language.

Governor’s Executive Order 2024–29 about remote work. Mr. Thompson said on December 18, 2024, Governor Stitt issued an executive order requiring all state employees to return to work with the following exceptions: employees whose work is outside of normal working hours, employees for whom no reasonable in-office accommodation is possible, and the agency is at full capacity and new office space would have to be obtained at a cost. The OHS had nine employees with a telework agreement. Mr. Thompson said meetings were held first with the OHS’s attorney to discuss the status of each employee and then individually with each employee to discuss new arrangements. To clarify, Mr. Thompson said the executive order does not affect irregular telework, such as working from home prior to a doctor’s appointment or in special circumstances granted by an employee’s supervisor.

Update on the approval of the SHPO Statewide Historic Preservation Plan. Mr. Thompson spoke on the approval of the State Historic Preservation Office’s (SHPO) Statewide Historic Preservation Plan. He said this plan provides an overview of the current state of preservation in Oklahoma, as well as the goals and objectives for preservation. The plan is entitled “Preservation and Perseverance: Care Before It’s Gone” and covers 2025 through 2034. Mr. Thompson gave a big thanks to Lynda Ozan, deputy state historic preservation officer, and the SHPO staff. He also thanked the Historic Preservation Review Committee and the Historic Preservation Committee of the Board of Directors.

Ms. Ozan said they spent the last two years developing this plan. She stated this was a five-year plan in the past, but the National Park Service (NPS) realized the time it takes to complete this endeavor. Now, they have created a ten-year plan. Within it, SHPO included input from the public, such as their comments and feedback. Ms. Ozan said moving forward, SHPO will be doing more of what people have become interested in and asked for in the state plan. She provided an example, such as a virtual presentation of cemeteries and cemetery restorations. An example of a long-range goal would be to provide people the information for stabilization of buildings during natural disasters. Ms. Ozan said that if people were able to prepare buildings in a way to stabilize them, it would keep something like the tornado damage in Sulphur, Oklahoma,

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from happening again. Then, at the five-year point, an internal review will occur along with a review by NPS to ensure SHPO is meeting those goals. Ms. Ozan said yesterday (January 23, 2025) was the first meeting about the state plan and it was completely booked. She has been following up on emails from the meeting and received great responses and reviews from the public.

Update on accreditation of the Oklahoma History Center Museum. Nicole Harvey, interim director of the Oklahoma History Center Museum (OHCM), provided the update on the accreditation from the American Alliance of Museums (AAM). Ms. Harvey made note that the accreditation process took place prior to her tenure as interim director. She referenced that a few board members were spoken to and involved in the process and how reaccreditation happens every ten years. The OHCM received its reaccreditation in November 2024. Ms. Harvey stated that the OHCM is one of fourteen museums in the state to have this accreditation. OHCM is also a Smithsonian Affiliate while the Research Division is a National Archives Affiliate, making the OHS/OHC (building) the only building/organization (OHS) with all three.

Update on the 100th anniversary of the State Flag of Oklahoma program. Mr. Thompson spoke about 2025 being the 100th anniversary of the adoption of the current Oklahoma state flag. He said the plan is to have a program on April 2 to commemorate the flag. The Daughters of the American Revolution are assisting with the program. Plans are still being made, and invitations will be sent to the Board of Directors.

Update on LCF Projects. Mr. Thompson provided an update on the Legacy Capital Financing (LCF) Fund projects. After the initial site visits in the summer of 2024, the architects submitted their preliminary site visit report in September 2024. They then provided a final site visit report in the fall. Mr. Thompson said the clarity around the scope of work for each site has allowed the architects to go deeper into the design phase. Follow-up meetings have been held at sites like Hunter’s Home, Fort Gibson Historic Site, and Will Rogers Memorial Museum (WRMM). Virtual meeting follow-ups have also been held to refine the scope of work with Fort Supply Historic Site, Honey Springs Battlefield, and Henry and Anna Overholser Mansion. Mr. Thompson stated the meetings allow the site staff to have input into the projects they believe deserve the most attention and to comment on how they will be using some of the design features in daily activity. He adds that this work is critical in ensuring that the organization does not overspend or waste time on redesigns once a construction contractor is hired.

Update on brush clearing at Honey Springs Battlefield. Chantry Banks, director of Museums and Historic Sites, presented on the brush clearing of

Honey Springs Battlefield. Mr. Banks said the brush clearing was made possible through a reimbursement grant with the National Park Service. On site, the trees were cut, mulched, and little to no disturbance was made on the ground level. He provided photos from the perspective of inside the visitor center showing the sightline. A person can now see beyond the creek that once ran between the tree line. Mr. Banks said the work has been completed and now resembles what it should have looked like during the time of the Battle at Honey Springs.

Above and Beyond recipients for November and January. Mr. Thompson announced the recipients for the Above and Beyond award for November 2024 and January 2025. The recipients for November 2024 are Felecia Vaughn, OHCM; LaChelle Westfahl, Human Resources; Heather Franks, Collections; Nicole Harvey, OHCM; Brittney Berling, Development; and Jillian Helsley, OHCM. The recipients for January 2025 are Kristina Wyckoff, SHPO; Sara Werneke, SHPO; Rachel O’Donnell, WRMM; Tad Jones, WRMM; Marcus Young, SHPO; and Dani Hendrickson, WRMM.

Discussion and Possible Action of Greg Stidham’s Committee Assignments

President Ligon assigned board member Gregory Stidham to the Museum and Historic Sites and Historic Preservation committees.

T. S. Akers moved to accept President Ligon’s committee assignments of Gregory Stidham to the Museums and Historic Sites and Historic Preservation committees. Seconded by Donna Sharpe, the motion carried unanimously.

Discussion and Possible Action on the Approval of the Black Heritage Committee Assignment

President Ligon reviewed the members of the Black Heritage Committee suggested by Dr. Matthew Pearce, staff liaison of the committee.

Deena Fisher moved to accept President Ligon’s Black Heritage Committee assignments. Seconded by David Sigmon, the motion carried unanimously.

Discussion and Possible Action on the Confirmation of the Committee for the Oklahoma Civil Rights Trail Grant Program Committee

President Ligon reviewed the members of the Oklahoma Civil Rights Trail Grant Program Committee suggested by Lynda Ozan.

David Sigmon moved to accept President Ligon’s Oklahoma Civil Rights Trail Grant Program Committee assignments. Seconded by Jack Baker, the motion carried unanimously.

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Discussion and Possible Action on OKCU Membership Price and Benefits

Angela Spindle, membership officer, provided a recap of the agenda item and the circumstances as to why it was tabled at the quarterly Board meeting in October. Questions were raised regarding the legality of offering an organizational membership contingent on opening an account with a credit union. Ms. Spindle consulted with the OHS’s counsel in the Attorney General’s office and the conclusion was that this was legal. Currently, Oklahoma’s Credit Union (OKCU) is offering an OHS membership to their new accounts for $35; the OHS is the only institution with which OKCU has this arrangement. The credit union was once only available to state employees, and now it is open to anyone. Due to the expansion, OKCU has asked to lower the price of the special OHS membership from $35 to $10. Ms. Spindle has searched through OHS files, as has OKCU, and neither party has found a contract stating the original agreement. OKCU has granted the OHS the ability to provide the level of benefits deemed appropriate.

Ms. Spindle suggested the OKCU-OHS members would receive for one year at this level: a digital membership card, digital copies of publications, one membership, and one ballot. These members can pay extra for full benefits at any level, minus the $10 they have already paid.

T. S. Akers moved to approve the OKCU membership price and benefits. Seconded by Weldon Watson, the motion carried. Ken Fergeson voted nay.

Discussion and Possible Action of Final Selection of Grant Awardees for the Oklahoma Heritage Preservation Grant Program

Nicole Harvey, director of strategic initiatives, provided an overview of the Oklahoma Heritage Preservation Grant program. She spoke about the projects which have made the final selection. Ms. Harvey shared that there were fifty-seven applicants in this grant cycle, and forty are being presented today. The final applicants total $577,655.25.

There was some discussion amongst the board members and Ms. Harvey about a possible administrative rule change in the upcoming year about awardees charging admission for programs created with grant funds.

Weldon Watson moved to approve the final selection of grant awardees for the Oklahoma Heritage Preservation Grant Program. Seconded by Cheryl Evans, the motion carried unanimously.

Discussion and Possible Action on Endorsing an Oklahoma Historical Society/Will Rogers Memorial Museum Partnership with the Will Rogers Medallion Awards

Tad Jones, director of the WRMM, spoke about the Will Rogers Medallion Awards. The awards program would like to partner with the OHS and WRMM for future awards events celebrating Will Rogers. Mr. Jones said the event took place in Ft. Worth, Texas, but with this new partnership, it would move to Claremore and be held at the WRMM.

Jack Baker moved to endorse an Oklahoma Historical Society/Will Rogers Memorial Museum partnership with the Will Rogers Medallion Awards. Seconded by Billie Fogarty, the motion carried unanimously.

Discussion and Possible Action on Organizational Changes for Collections

Trait Thompson spoke about moving collections management from under the Oklahoma History Center umbrella to under Karen Whitecotton, deputy executive director. Mr. Thompson explained how the museum would be able to focus more on programming and exhibits, while Ms. Whitecotton, with her extensive background in collections management, could ensure that the collection, which has always been an OHS collection, is handled as such.

Kenny Sivard moved to approve the organizational changes for Collections. Seconded by Billie Fogarty, the motion carried unanimously.

Discussion and Possible Action to Set the Fair Market Value of the Nuyaka Property Under 53 O.S. § 5.2 (A)

This agenda item was not heard.

Discussion and Possible Action to Declare 2.761 Acres in Claremore Surplus Property Under 53 O.S. § 5.2 (A)

Trait Thompson described the location of the property. It is located across the street from the Will Rogers Memorial Museum (WRMM). He stated it is an empty parcel of property with a small parking lot. The OHS has no current plans for the property.

Weldon Watson moved to approve the action to declare the 2.761 acres in Claremore as surplus property. Seconded by Ann Hargis, the motion carried unanimously.

Randy Beutler left the meeting at 2:53 p.m.

THE CHRONICLES OF OKLAHOMA

Discussion and Possible Action to Set the Fair Market Value of the 2.761 Acres of Claremore Property Under 53 O.S. § 5.2 (A)

Trait Thompson said the property was appraised at $600,000. Tad Jones, director of WRMM, and Mr. Thompson answered some clarifying questions about the property. The funds from the sale, in total, will go toward the renovations of the WRMM.

Cheryl Evans moved to set the fair market value of the 2.761 acres of the Claremore property. Seconded by Donna Sharpe, the motion carried unanimously.

Discussion and Possible Action to Enter into Executive Session Under 25 O.S. § 307 (B)(1) for the Purpose of Discussing the Annual Performance Review for Employment, Hiring, Appointment, Promotion, Demotion, Disciplining or Resignation of the Executive Director of the Oklahoma Historical Society

Vote to enter Executive Session. Jim Waldo moved to enter into Executive Session. Seconded by Donna Sharpe, the motion carried unanimously.

Vote to return to Open Session. Lindsay Robertson moved to return to Open Session. Seconded by Barbara Thompson, the motion carried unanimously. David Sigmon left during Executive Session.

Possible action on matters discussed in Executive Session. A roll call was conducted. A quorum has been met.

Jim Waldo moved to formally approve the evaluation committee’s recommendation. Seconded by Lindsay Robertson, the motion carried unanimously.

New Business

There was no new business.

Announcements

Oklahoma Historical Society Awards Banquet – Thursday, March 20, 2025

Trait Thompson announced the OHS Awards Banquet. He said the support the OHS receives from the Board of Directors is greatly appreciated. The banquet starts at 6 p.m. and for more information, contact Development Officer Brittney Berling.

Adjournment

There being no further business, President Duke R. Ligon adjourned the regularly scheduled quarterly board meeting at 3:25 p.m.

Trait Thompson, Executive Director Duke R. Ligon, President

Longtime OHS Members

Listed below are the people and organizations that have supported the Oklahoma Historical Society through their membership for twenty or more years. Their long-term loyalty is most sincerely appreciated.

80+ Years

Robert A. Hefner III

Frank W. Lewis

70–79 Years

M. H. Barrett III

Robert P. Bogenschutz

James B. Bratton

George Campbell

W. John Hefner Jr.

Edward C. Lawson

Duke and Linda Ligon

Thomas D. Martin

William Justice Moll

Joe A. Smith

60–69 Years

Oliver B. Adams

C. B. Allen

Phillip Busby

Roy V. Bynum Jr.

Tom J. Caldwell

Billy R. Clark

Karen J. Curtis

John D. Edwards

Paul W. Eichling

Jean I. Everest

Colene Frizzell

Robert A. Hefner IV

Walter W. Hunzicker Jr.

Sarah Ann Johnson

Lyda L. Long

Wendell Long

Jocelyn J. Love

Robert T. Motter Jr.

Stuart C. Phillips

Alice B. Quan

Frank A. Sewell Jr.

Nick H. Stone

Beuna Williams

50–59 Years

Robert H. Anthony

Gerald and Dawn Baehler

Jack D. Baker

Van Barber

Zella Zane Bowers

David and Janet

Campbell

C. B. Clark

Steven Cole

June Drabek

Drew and Linda Edmondson

Russell H. Harbaugh Jr.

Michelin A. Hobbs

Sid T. Huckabay

Linda Huggard

Charles C. Kennedy

Paul and Judy Lambert

Timothy and Linda Larason

Ward and Edna

McCurtain

Joe Nimmo

Vernon and Linda Pierce

Michael and Sherrel

Sheriff

Michael C. Thomas

Ralph and Barbara

Thompson

Alvin O. Turner

William Waller

Ada Public Library

Colorado College

Dartmouth College

Edmond Library

Eufaula Memorial Library

Huntington Library

Kansas State University

Langston University

Midwest City Library

Muskogee Public Library

University of Central Oklahoma

University of Chicago

University of Maryland

University of Tennessee-Knoxville

University of Texas-Arlington

Western Carolina

University

Western Oklahoma State College

THE CHRONICLES OF OKLAHOMA

Laquitta H. Ladner

K. Kay Lewis

Jean Long

Richard T. Malouf

Tim Mauldin

Ralph and Susan McCalmont

Jane McConnell

James McCurtain

Neil McElderry Jr.

Devon L. Moore

Harold G. Moore

Tom Muchmore

Nancy Myers

Russell Newville

Joann Nitzel

Raymond D. North

John R. Potts

Dale and Phyllis Regier

Barbara A. Reuter

Phil and Gayle Roberts

Ric and Francie Russell

Charles and Cheryl

Saxon

John L. Schmitz

Anne L. Schneider

Blaine and Peggy Shaffer

John E. B. Sheriff

Elizabeth Amber Sloan

Kenneth and Lois Stern

Roberta D. Stuckey

Delores T. Sumner

Bill E. Torbett

Michael and Dorothy Tramontana

Margaret S. Verble

Philip H. Viles Jr.

Darrel Walker

40–49 Years

Brad Agnew

Sharron Jo Ashton

Eugene W. Baade

Edsel Barton

Nuben Barton

Rogers I. Barton

Vereal A. Barton

Winston Barton

Bruce and Sheryl Benbrook

John and Mary Bishop

William Bleakley

Betty E. Boone

Frank Boyd

Marjorie Breidenbach

Kenny and Diane Brown

Chester L. Bynum

Lyndal R. Caddell

Mark Lea Beau Cantrell

Marybelle Chase

Carl Cochrane

Donald L. Coffin

Lewis Culver

Gerald C. Dennis

Robert L. Dorman

Eugene Earsom

Richard W. Finney

Steven D. Fiser

Bruce Gallie

Byron Gambulos

Gilbert and Aulena

Gibson

Jay and Valerie Hannah

Carolyn Hanneman

Allen and Linda Hicks

Jeff and Carol Hirzel

Caroline Kilgo

William D. Welge

Harvey D. Yost II

Arizona State University/Polytechnic Campus

California State University-Chico

Cecil H. Green Library-

Stanford University

Dallas Public Library

Denver Public Library

Los Angeles Public Library

Northeastern State University

Oklahoma Christian University

Old Greer County Museum

Rose State College

Southwest Oklahoma University

Tahlequah Public Library

University of California-Davis

University of Central Florida

University of Texas-Austin

University of Wyoming

Vere Harmsworth

Library-University of Oxford

30–39 Years

Don and Dot Adkins

Mitchell Adwon

Robert D. Allen (Dallas)

Robert D. Allen (Del City)

Bill and Karen Anderson

E. Vann Greer Andrews

Nancy Antle

K. M. Armstrong

George and Yvonne Atkins

Linden Baker

Judy L. Barker

Ronald D. Bebee

Donald and Virginia Bellows

Kim Bishop

Ed and Teresa Bradway

Beth Boydston

LeRoy and Marlene Boyer

Paul Bradley

Robert Allan Breedlove

Treca J. Brewer

Gary Brown

Jamie and Markita Broyles

Bob and Chimene

Burke

Billy F. Burke

Steven and Donna Byas

Samonia C. Byford

Martha Ann Clark

Susie E. Clinard

Terry N. Copeland

D. Ryan Cordell

Kenneth D. Corder

Rick Corley

Jerry and Nancy Cotton

Janet M. Cottrell

Jeffrey Don Craighead

Joe H. Crosby

James L. Crowder Jr.

Mark W. Curnutte

Everett and Judy Cutter

Jim L. Davenport

Steve C. Davis

Nancy de Quevedo

Eddie and Maxine

Decocq

Rosella I. Detert

Terry Duke

John E. Elliott

Frances Elliott

Dianna Everett and Bobby Weaver

Donald and Sally Ferrell

Lonnie Fink

Mary A. Finley

Deone K. Fisher

Carol Floyd

Delbert and Mary Lou Foltz

Mary Eaves Fraley

Jimmy A. Frazier

Herman E. Fullgraf

Gary W. Gallagher

Alan W. Garrett

Don Garrison

Nancy Gee

Geraldine C. Gesell

Jean W. Gordon

Bobbie Baker Gosnell

Edward and Brenda

Granger

John and Marsha Greiner

Judith H. Groves

Richard Hamill

Roger D. Hardaway

FOR THE RECORD

Harold Barry Hardwick

Burns and Ann Hargis

Fred and Kellie Harlan

Patricia Harper

Robert and Mary Haught

Roy and Sherry Heim

Michael R. Higgins

Lidia Hook-Gray

Patrick D. Howard

Thomas and Robin Howell

Robert L. Huckaby

Van and Liz Hughes

Jo Ann Hunt

Nancy Barr Impastato

Brent and Deborah Johnson

Betty Johnston

Charles Jones

James T. Jones

Judy K. Jones

Davis D. Joyce

Brian Kernke

Jack D. Key

Barbara J. Klein

Steve and Susan Kline

Timothy C. Klinger

Jerry Koelsch

Daniel W. Lawrence

Neal Leader

Max Lehew

Michael Lekson

Tim and Nancy Leonard

David W. Levy

Jerry W. Lewis

Daniel F. Littlefield Jr.

Alan N. Livingston

THE CHRONICLES OF OKLAHOMA

Chad Long

Michael W. Lovegrove

Terry Mabrey

Eugene I. Majerowicz

Robert and Susan Markman

Claire Fuller Martin

Dallas Mayer

Jim Mayer

Judy McCormack

Mark Mellow

Patricia A. Miller

David Moore

Anne Morgan

Sondra Morrison

Philip L. Moseley

Carol C. Mullins

Leah L. Nellis

Hollye Nelson

Max J. Nichols

L. David Norris

Julia Drummond Novitch

Susan Oliver

Rondi Ott

Stephen H. Parker

Sharon Peck

Veronique Pepin

Dennis Peterson

David K. Petty

Lloyd Dwayne Phelps

Jean S. Phillips

Dannie and Ginger Pierce

Billy Pope

Jeffrey and Stephanie Pounds

Robert B. Ringo

Mary Ryan

Nancy B. Samuelson

Phyllis Sandmann

Barbara Schindler

Bob G. Schulz

Logan and Donna

Sharpe

James L. Showalter

David Smith

R. G. and Kaye Smith

Towana Spivey

Pat Starbuck

Polly Jane Statham

Dennis and Carol Steichen

Mike and Glenna

Stidham

June C. Stone

Gary and Sherry

Strebel

Robert A. Streets

J. Byron Sudbury

Marilyn Sulivant

Bruce V. Swearingen

Mike and Darla Terry

J. Peter and Susie Thurmond

Dale and Carolyn Tompkins

Michael Tower

Daryl Townley

Barbara Van Hanken

Joyce Varner

George Verstraete

Dena and Steven Wagner

James R. Waldo

Gwen Walker

Tom Walker

Michael Wallis

Luann Sewell Waters

John Watson

Joyce Wells

Gerald W. West

Pete and Lynne White

Mark Whitman

Laurie Williams

Larry Wingo

Peter Winn and Gail

Deaton

Carol Woitchek

Allen and Jacque

Wright

Salena Wright

Mary C. Young

Linda Anne Zablatnik

C. M. and Linda Zeeck

Kalvin F. Zitterkob

Allen County Public Library

Alva Public Library

American Antiquarian Society

Ardmore Public Library

Atoka County

Historical Society

Baylor Library

Bethany Library

Checotah Landmark

Preservation Society

Cimarron Heritage Center

Donald W. Reynolds

Community Center and Library

Eastern Oklahoma

State College

GH2 Architects, LLC

Indian Nations Council of Governments

John F. Henderson Public Library

McCurtain County

Historical Society

Missouri State University

Museum of the Red River

Norman Public Library

Northeastern

Oklahoma A&M College Library

Oklahoma Baptist University

Oklahoma City Community College

Oklahoma School of Science and Math

Oklahoma State University-Edmon Low Library

Plains Indians and Pioneers Museum

Purdue University

Pushmataha County

Historical Society and Museum

San Antonio Public Library

Sapulpa Historical Society

Sequoyah County Historical Society

Southern Methodist University

Southern Prairie Library System

Spencer Historical Society

Spiro State Bank

T. B. Ferguson Home Site

Texas Tech University

Tulsa City County Library

University of Georgia

20–29 Years

Charles and Doris

Ablard

Mike Adams

John and Leslie Adkins

Teresa Adwan

Harold C. Aldridge Jr.

Stanley J. Alluisi

John and Nancy Alsup

Larry Angus

Walter D. Archibald

Steve and Patty Armbruster

Joyce Arnold

Lawrence and Judith Ashbaugh

Carol Asin

R. Tucker Attebery

Brian and Julia Bakeman

T. Lindsay and Julie Baker

Steven Bradley Baker

Jonathan and Elsie

Bartel

Rita L. Benischek

Clayton I. Bennett

Lynette Bennett

Russell Bennett

FOR THE RECORD

Loyd and Judy Benson

Randy L. Beutler

Chris P. Bills

Linda Bills

Billy L. Billups

Jeff and Seonae

Birdsong

Robert and Sharon Bish

John and Mary Bishop

Kathleen Black

Bobby C. Blair

Francine and Michael Bray

Darlene Gibson Breen

Lee and Marva Briix

Barbara Brinkman

D. Paul Brown

James and Ruth Anne

Brown

Jana Brown

Judy Burns

Art T. Burton

Brian A. Buswell

John R. Calhoun

Nancy Ann Calhoun

Thomas and Glenda

Carlile

M. E. Carr Jr.

Harriet Carson

Joseph and Michelle

Carter

John and Roberta Cary

Carl R. Chaves

Stephen L. Chilton

Dewey W. Clapp

Helen P. Clements

Richard Henry Coiner

Jr.

John R. Colbert

THE CHRONICLES OF OKLAHOMA

Tom and Ellen Cole

Frank E. Coleman

Karen Collier

Debby Cook

Iris H. Cook

Karen T. Cox

Bill and Carol Crawford

Betty Crow

Brent Cummings

Gene Cusick

Elizabeth A. Dailey

Mary Emma

Dailey-Coates

Don and Beverly Davis

Shirley De Vore

Robert Delozier

Lise Deshea

Alan E. Dillingham

Ford and Vanessa Drummond

Kenneth E. Dungan

William and Barbara Durrett

Paul Dwight and Anna Berglan

John and Teresa

Earnheart

Anna Eddings

Linda A. Epperley

Betty C. Estes

David and Sarah Evans

Theo T. Evans

Philip J. Fickling

Patricia Fields

Deena and Tom Fisher

Mary Lou and Delbert Foltz

John and Sue Francis

Doug Frantz

238

Ronald and Mary Frantz

Robert A. Fugate

Bob Gaddis

Mark Gajewski

Thomas R. Galbraith

William Gallaspy

Mike and Debbie Gately

Steve Gerkin

John W. Geurkink

Rose C. Gideon

Martha H. Gillingham

Jerry L. Goodman

Joy I. Grant

K. Frank Gravitt

Jack Grimmett Jr.

Phyllis Hammer

David Hampton

R. H. Hancock

Larry and Paula Hawkins

Doug Hayworth

Brian Hearn

Lawrence and Gay Hellman

Charles Henderson

Brad and Kim Henry

Kathryn A. Hewitt

Trent and Nancy Hight

Bill Hill

Bill H. Hill

Frank and Bette Jo Hill

Tonya Holmes-Shook

John A. Hooser

Martha Hordinsky

Carol Sue Humphrey

James T. Hunter

Robert E. Hurst

Randal and Kimberly Ice

Dale and Ellen Ingram

Lorna A. James

Charles and Sharon

Johnson

Clinton Johnson

Warren Johnson

James A. Jones

Ken and Jerry Jones

Sheila Jones

Venetia Jorgensen

Christopher Kimball

Robert W. Kindt

Robert and Ruth

Klabzuba

Phil Kliewer

Hattie Knox

Gerald and Jean Krows

Norma Jean Lannon

Del Lemon

Kay Little

John L. Logan

Leonard and Dorene

Logan

Keith and La Nita

Lough

Patti Loughlin

Thomas Luccock

Mac Maguire

Ann W. Markham

Micky Marsee

John K. Martin

Marge Mattocks

Charles H. Mayfield

Johnny and Cindy McCharen

Bob McCloy

Carolyn McCoy

Barbara McCrary

James McCurtain

Joseph and Carol McGraw

Margaret McKinney

Robert H. Meinders

William Menzie

Mary Frances Michaelis

Vicki Miles-LaGrange

Earl and Marie Miller

Richard Mize

Dennis P. Morehart

Jonita Mullins

Jerry E. Murphy

R. Clark and Kay Musser

Chuck Neal

Leon and Marcene Nelson

Tom Nelson

Larry W. Nemecek

Donnie and Shirley Nero

LeAnne Newell

Martin L. J. Newman

Gary Nichols

Charles J. O'Leary

Minnette Page

William G. Paul

Dale Payton

Norman H. Pence

Marty Pennington

Veronique Pepin

Laurie Phillips

Bruce Pitts

Lois Powell

Payton and Carla Pratt

Amanda Pritchett

Elizabeth Rasmussen

Stephen and Alice Reagan

George J. Records

Cathryn and Michael Render

Penny Stark Replogle

Denise Rhodes

Paul Rich

Becky Rickard

Carolyn Riffel

Lindsay and Lynn Robertson

Roger Robison

W. Edward Rolison

Walter and Melanie Roth

Linda Ryan

Meg Salyer

Gilbert O. Sanders

Paula and Herman Sanders

A. W. and Pamela Schmidt

Fred and Patricia Schonwald

Paul I. Schulte

George D. Scott

Lee Sherrard

Sharon Shive

Dennis M. Shockley

Michael and Lanell Shores

Elizabeth J. Shumway

D. L. Sigmon

Constance A. Smiley

Kip and Betty Smith

Joani Smith

Carol Frances Smith

Anna M. Smith

FOR THE RECORD

Christopher J. Sohl

Patsy Stafford

John H. Stallings

Joyce Steel

Lacey Stevenson

Charles Stogner

Raymond J. Stone

Donald R. Stout

Walter and Judy Stoyanoski

Merle Swineford

Mary L. Symes and Sandy Semler

Michael and Sharon

Taylor

Jim and Debbie Terlip

George and Nona

Thompson

Richard and Marilyn

Thompson

Carol Tillman

Joe L. Todd

Dale and Judy Tracy

David Vassar

Paul Vassar

Dan Vinyard

J. Blake Wade

Linda Wagner

Angela Walton-Raji

Jean Warner

Carol A. Watson

Daniel G. Webber

Earl D. Wells

Jimmie White

Gary and Irene Wickham

William M. Wiles

Diane J. Willis

THE CHRONICLES OF OKLAHOMA

Emmet and Linda Wilson

Susan Worstell

Carol Wright

Nancy P. Yoch

Stan A. Young

Greg Yoxsimer

Richard V. Ziglar

Antlers Public Library

Bartlesville Public Library

Clayton Library Friends, Inc.

Fayetteville Public Library

Har-Ber Village Museum

Harrah Historical Society

Haskell County Historical Society

Heard Museum Library

Heartland of America Museum

Henryetta Public Library

Inception Tech

Indiana University

J. Conrad Dunagan Library

Lindsay Historical Society

Marquette University

Midwest Genealogy Center

Museum of the Great Plains

Nowata County Historical Society

Pawhuska Public Library

Ponca City Library

Prague Historical Society

Pryor Public Library

Robert S. Kerr Museum

The Museum of Broken Arrow

The Small Group-Architects

University of Rochester

University of California-Berkeley

University of Oregon

Wilson Historical Society and Museum

Join the Oklahoma Historical Society or renew your membership, and help preserve Oklahoma’s heritage for future generations.

Oklahoma Historical Society memberships start at $40, and include unlimited admission to all OHS museums and historic sites. You will also receive a oneyear subscription to The Chronicles of Oklahoma, Mistletoe Leaves, and EXTRA! Visit okhistory.org/membership to view a full list of benefits and levels. You can easily join online or call our membership office at 405-522-5242.

Take advantage of all that we have to offer and know that your membership provides vital support for the Oklahoma Historical Society!

Battle of Honey Springs Reenactments

November 7, 8, and 9, 2025

The Battle of Honey Springs reenactment shows the largest of approximately 107 documented Civil War military engagements in present-day Oklahoma. The engagement took place on July 17, 1863, just two weeks after the famous Battles of Gettysburg and Vicksburg Approximately 9,000 Union and Confederate troops, mostly American Indians and African Americans, were involved in the Battle of Honey Springs. Of those, approximately 200 total casualties were suffered. After a decisive Union victory, Confederates lost control of Indian Territory north of the Arkansas River. The Union victory also ensured Federal control of Fort Gibson in Indian Territory and Fort Smith in Arkansas. Honey Springs Battlefield 423159 E. 1030 Rd. Checotah, OK 74426 918-617-7125

History in Focus

Katz Drug Store Sit-In (20246.38.395.T, John Melton Collection, OHS)

On August 26, 1958, seven-year-old Ayama Najuma, wearing her best white Sunday school dress, sat at the whites only lunch counter at Katz Drug Store, located at 200 West Main in Oklahoma City. She was one of thirteen members of the Oklahoma City National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Youth Council, led by Clara Luper, a teacher at Dunjee High School in nearby Spencer. Their nonviolent protest against racial segregation launched a national sit-in movement. There to capture the historic moment was local commercial photographer John B. “Johnny” Melton, whose photographs contain many images of the early Civil Rights Movement in Oklahoma City.

THE CHRONICLES OF OKLAHOMA

Full text of Volumes 1–100 of The Chronicles of Oklahoma are available free of charge online on The Gateway to Oklahoma History at gateway. okhistory.org. The tables of contents for Volumes 70–102 can be found online at okhistory.org/publications.