The Activist - NSW Young Labor Conference Edition | Volume 6 | November 2023

theactivist

foreword

the key to tackling the housing crisis the regional young labor experience

walking together after the referendum the history of disability rights in the labor party the big reasons behind microcredentials meaningful access: abortion in regional, rural and remote NSW

foreword

MaxKennedy NSWYoungLaborPresident

This has been a massive year for NSW Young Labor.

In March, NSW Young Labor led the charge that elected a Labor Government in New South Wales after 12 years of LiberalNational rule.

In April, nearly 100 members of New South Wales Young Labor attended the Australian Young Labor conference, and it was members from our state that drove the policy agenda of the national youth wing of our party.

In June, we held our Housing Youth Council, which in turn launched our housing policy campaign that members of Young Labor took to branches, SECs, and FECs across the state, showing that NSW Young Labor has an important role to play in the party’s policy debate.

Until October, NSW Young Labor members campaigned again across New South Wales during the referendum campaign and, in the face of a malicious scare campaign, proudly stood up for a Voice to Parliament.

And now, in December, New South Wales Young Labor is holding its first conference since 2018, bringing nearly 200 delegates (and countless alternate delegates and observers) from across the state together to decide our movement’s policy agenda going forward.

This year has demonstrated how invaluable Young Labor is to the broader Labor Party and has highlighted our capacity to organise.

Our members do so much for this party, putting in the hard yards on election campaigns, helping run events, and engaging young people in the movement. But our contributions should always extend beyond just organising.

NSW Young Labor has a crucial role to play in the party’s policy apparatus. We should always back Labor Governments when they do the right thing, but should not be afraid to push Governments to do more, or provide constructive criticism when they get things wrong.

I am sure that our 2023 NSW Young Labor Conference will showcase our ability to do just that.

NSW Young Labor Conference should drive debate within the party. We should be advocating for new and creative policies to address the housing crisis, leading the charge to make TAFE and University more affordable, championing policies protecting young workers in their workplaces, and pushing for ambitious social and legal reform in New South Wales.

Our members have contributed much to the NSW Labor Party’s campaign machine this year, and I look forward to seeing the contributions our members make to the policy debate as well.

thekeytotackling thehousingcrisis

LJMargeit NSWYoungLaborSecretary

The Minns Labor Government was elected earlier this year with a clear plan for tackling the housing crisis currently plaguing the country, but particularly affecting New South Wales as the most populous state in Australia. Nowhere else in the country is the housing crisis so clear to see as in Sydney.

Like many other crises requiring bold social policy solutions, young people are wearing the brunt of it.

I admire the tenacity with which the Minns Government has come into Macquarie Street with a clear plan to tackle housing. Labor has committed to fixing existing social housing stock, building more social housing, and is actively challenging the NIMBYs of Balmoral Beach and pushing for radical housing targets to tackle the supply side.

This is something we should be proud of as members of NSW Young Labor.

But, frankly, the housing crisis is affecting young people now.

Young people are more likely to be renting. The ones who aren’t are likely living with their parents because they can’t afford to live out of home. It’s a story we know all too well.

Increasing supply of housing will, of course, improve housing affordability in the medium to long term.

We can’t fix the housing crisis and lower rents overnight, but tangible, real solutions are needed to start making life easier for young renters.

I’m not talking about pets in rentals, as much as we all love the idea. With a cost-of-living crisis and more people choosing to live in sharehouses to save money, I doubt many of us are thinking about getting a cat.

I’m talking about a Tenancy Review Scheme, and I’m talking about a vacant property tax.

The Tenancy Review Scheme is a simple, cost-effective way to make life easier for renters in the near future. It can be done through existing agencies, such as the Rental Bond Board. It tips the balance back in the favour of renters. Not only are landlords currently able to charge through the nose for their properties, but there are also little to no rights for renters to a wellmaintained, safe property or good renting experience. We may not be able to lower rents overnight, but we can at least look at improving on value for money.

It is only fair that landlords begin to be held to the same standards as renters when it comes to providing references.

And it is only fair that landlords are held to account where their property is not being used for its intended purpose - housing.

That is why NSW Young Labor is proposing a vacant property tax at its 2023 Conference.

Housing is a valuable resource and it should be treated as such. It is simply not fair for investors to be able to hoard this resource while young people like us are struggling to find a decent place to live.

Our proposal is simple: If a property is vacant for more than 50% of the time in any given 6 month period, it will be subject to a vacant property tax to be collected by the State Government.

our housing youth council earlier this year!

And don’t we all know the State Budget could use a boost right now.

These proposals are not rocket science, and they won’t resolve the crisis alone. But they are real, tangible, effective solutions that will help young people in the short-term as they navigate this housing crisis.

I look forward to watching the Minns Government’s bold plan for building more housing play out.

But I also implore them to do something to help us now.

youknow? did

NSW Young Labor is asking our members to move our template motion atyourlocalbranches,SECs,andFECs.

While this housing crisis affects everyone, like with so many other issues facing Australia and the world over the last few years, young people are disproportionately wearing the bruntofit.

Faced with drastically increasing rents and the dream of property ownership slipping further and further out of reach, action is needed now to ensure thiscrisisdoesn’tgetanyworse.

AddamParish

NSWYoungLaborSeniorVicePresident

New South Wales Young Labor is fundamentally an organisation for members in the greater Sydney area. NSW Labor struggles with the same issues, distance being the greatest inhibitor to the inclusion and growth of regional NSW for our party. It just makes sense for the organisation to hold its events within commuting distance of where the core of the membership is, either by a reasonable car ride or public transport, even members as far as Newcastle, the Blue Mountains and the Illawarra at a stretch can attend in person to most things. This creates a fuller and more inclusive experience in Young Labor for those in population centers, and a stark dichotomy to the experience of regional members.

I was born and raised in Orange in the state's central west. I own a home, work a full time job and attended school in regional NSW. My life is here. I have felt the enviable pullofSydneymorethanonce.

There is something to be said about the age old tale of queer people escaping to the big city, but I love regional NSW and am proudtobeacountryLabormember,flying

the flag in seats we might never win. Being in the Party has been an experience that has shaped me and given me opportunity, hot summer days doorknocking in Wallerawang, helping to run campaigns in the seats of Bathurst, Orange and Calare. But being in the Party has been an experience of being in my branch, before anexperienceofbeinginaYLA.

Being a Young Labor member in the regions is often just being another member of a branch, at worst it’s an act of solidarity to the party because of the distance to your YLA meeting. I was lucky when I joined that Orange had the most active members in Western NSW YLA, making attending meetingsformejustadrivedowntheroad.

It was less lucky for members like Cody Jones and Thom Robinson from Dubbo, where a YLA meeting meant a four hour round trip, a commitment that they made as they are passionate for the cause. But for me YLA meetings were a common occurrence and a time to get together with like-minded individuals and work towards somethingbiggerthanourselves,andfor

something we believe in. In my seven years as a member of the party, only twice have we had the privilege to hold an event on thissideofthedividingrange.

Being an active member of NSW Young Labor is not accessible for regional members because we do not get the opportunity to participate. Attending a policy forum on a Tuesday night is two days off of work and overnight in a hotel. The pandemic made zoom a more possible reality but a video call is far different from the real experience. Going to a by-election is less of a chore but a chance to finally catch up with friends, for us seeing the rest of the organisation is a bit like seeing your cousins at Christmas. Camaraderie with fellow members is vastly different, not just through lack of events but opportunities to form friendships through a shared passion thatwilllastourtimeintheparty.

For most regional members, their experience does not include opportunities for upskilling, mentorship, or activism. NSW Young Labor needs to better engage and consult with members in regional and remoteareas.

This will not only lead to better engagement and retention of existing members, but promote growth and opportunity. More events across the state, and ensuring events in the city are accessible would go a long way to ensuring all members can participate in our organisation to its fullest. It shouldn't matter if you live in Balmain or Balranald, the promotion and importance of engaging all our members shouldbeatthecoreofourorganisation.

During my time in the organisation I've witnessed significant progress, with NSW Young Labor now having the highest active membership in our regional YLAs, the most regional members on the leadership team, and at the upcoming NSW Young Labor 2023 State Conference, we will see the greatest quantity of regional policies ever presented. The wealth of experiences and stories regional people bring to the organisation is vital. We bring unique and experienced perspectives to address problems that would never be faced by communities in metro areas of the state, those that represent people in circumstances, and locations that we need to represent. We need to do more to bring regional NSW Young Labormemberswithus.

walkingtogether afterthereferendum

CaitlinMarlor AustralianYoungLaborIndigenousOfficer

On October 14th 2023, Australia held an historic, once in a lifetime referendum, to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as the traditional custodians and caretakers of the land, and giveusaVoicetotheFederalParliament.

On October 14th 2023, Australia voted overwhelminglyagainsttheproposal.

The proposed amendment sought to empower the voices of First Nations’ people to be heard in parliamentary decisions. Although the result was extremely disappointing and disheartening, this was simply a setback for our community. We have been fighting for hundreds of years, and we aren’t stoppinganytimesoon.

Today, there are families who still remain separated as a result of the Stolen Generations. Nationally, 42.8% of the children who have been removed from their family and placed out-of-home care were Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, even though our community only makes up3%ofthepopulationasawhole.

There are people being killed in custody and in their communities because of their heritage. As a country, we are failing to close the gaps in education, health and employment. We must continue the fight to make our country a fairer, and safer placeforall.

The defeat of the referendum has ignited a spark amongst the broader community who now see the need for systemic change. Efforts are underway to mobilize support for real and practical changes for FirstNations’communities.

This campaign was one of the first times I have seen such overwhelming amounts of support rallying around our community. The time and energy people invested was beyond impressive, and those who played a key role in the campaign should stand proud that they were on the right side of history.

The Australian public are more aware of the issues faced by our community than everbefore.

Our strength as a community has only been bolstered by the solidarity of the politicians, unions, organisations and everyday people who played a part in the campaign. We now know how much momentum we can build in the pursuit of justice for our people, and in due course, thefightwillcontinue.

The road to the referendum was paved with debates and conflict over the practicality and potential ramifications of such a Voice. After years of bipartisan support for the Voice, Peter Dutton and David Littleproud chose to oppose our proposal.Weallheardit.

They called it ‘Risky’, ‘Divisive’ and ‘Dangerous’. They said ‘If you don’t know, vote no’. SupportforthecollapsedwhenthepeopleofAustraliawerefedtheseshamefullies.

I know that the seven million will continue to have conversations with the nine million; our neighbours, our workmates, our friends. We will turn the no into a resounding yes, through time. The fight continues, fueled by the determination of those who supported us in establishingthevoice.

thehistoryof disabilityrights inthelaborparty

JulianGonzalez YoungLaborEnabledConvenor

The Labor Party is the only political party that makes substantial and progressive change for young people. That is a sentiment that I still believe to this day, a sentiment which has been proven correct by the number of progressive social and economic advances both the Albanese and Minns Labor Governments have made intheirshorttimesinoffice.

The NDIS was a plan that was established with the good intentions of protecting the security and dignity of every disabled person in Australia. As Prime Minister Julia Gillard came up to the dispatch box to deliver a monumental moment in disability rights in Australia, she was in tears as she brought forward the strongest disability reformsincetheKeatingGovernment.

As an autistic kid living in the hearts of Western Sydney, I admittedly did not understand the impact that this would have. Not only for my family, but for the thousands of Australians who were going to be protected by the Government. The NDIS provided extra funding to people with a disability, creating a foundation to build greater independence, access skills and jobs, access support services for over 500,000 Australians, including 80,000 children over the course of the past decade.

At this year’s National ALP Conference, the National Labor Enabled Network held its first fringe event where NDIS Minister Bill Shorten called for a staunch reform of NDIS policy, and National Labor Enabled moved progressive motions that changed the Labor Party Platform to update the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) (1992), as well as to accept the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and ExploitationofPeoplewithDisability.

As an autistic man, witnessing the Party platform change in front of my eyes to ensure Australia’s oldest political party protects the rightsofdisabledpeopleisincrediblymoving.

About a month later, the Royal Commission’s report was released with 222 recommendations from people and organisations with lived experiences that ultimately aim to benefit and protect the lives ofpeoplewithadisability.

The Royal Commission exposed the violence and isolation that disabled children experience in homes and in schools, the exploitation of working disabled people through loopholes that allow their wages to be below the poverty line, and the lack of accessible housing that restrictssupportnetworksfordisabledpeople.

The Royal Commission also proposed a future for disabled Australians where our country is more inclusive and accessible, where our humanrightsareprotected.

Alongside Minister for Social Services, Amanda Rishworth, Minister Shorten welcomed the Royal Commission with open arms, calling it a “historic moment for Australians of disability, andinfact,allAustralians”.

The nation and the government have a responsibility to protect us, and while ‘careful consideration’ is wonderful, it is just a start. I fundamentally believe that the Labor Party is the only political party able to make progressive and substantial change in Australia, and through the recent findings and recommendations of the Royal Commission, I know that our Party will do what is right by our disabledmembersandcitizens.

To quote the Minister for Disability Inclusion, KateWashington;

“this is an era for a reform rich environment for disability rights”

bigthe reasons behindmicrocredentials reasons

KaiHe GeneralExecutive

By the time I finished my undergraduate degree, I had worked in more jobs and industries than mymumthroughoutherentirecareer

I’m not alone in this.

Today, the average worker can expect to hold three to seven careers before they retire, with some researchers estimating up to 17 different jobs. It should be no surprise then that more peoplearetakingupshort,skills-baseddegreescalledmicrocredentials.

Aside from offering workers the opportunity to upskill and gain some flexibility in their jobs, microcredentialsarealsoincreasinglyseenasasolutiontotheskillsgap.

Workforce of the Future

Earlier this year, Federal Minister for Education Jason Clare launched a pilot program for microcredential courses for industries facing a severe skills shortage. In a media release, he added that “microcredentials can help Australians upskill and reskill to prepare for the jobsofthefuture”.

Despite having record-breaking rates of university education, more Australians are finding it difficult to find a job that fits their skillset. In fact, up to 70% of workers report experiencingaskillsmismatch.Thisisdespiterecord-lowunemploymentrates.

A 2023 study by the OECD titled Micro-Credentials for Lifelong Learning and Employability talks about the equalising benefits of microcredentials as the cheap, short degreesgivedisadvantagedworkersaccesstoeducationandemploymentopportunities.

Across the world, this benefit is being realised with employers offering disadvantaged students free internships, leaving them with a microcredential and valuable working experiencetodistinguishtheirCVs.

An Imperfect System

Despite its benefits and increasing interest by employers and employees, microcredentials face significant barriers in realising its potential as a solution to our nation-wide skills shortage and force for socialequality.

The biggest challenges are poor levels of recognition and inconsistent quality of education. This issue is rooted in the reality that microcredentials and their providers suffer from poor regulation and oversight, especiallycomparedtotraditionaldegrees.

ThisiswhereGovernmentsneedtostepin.

While this concern by employers has dropped sharply from 57% in 2021 to 44% in 2023, we need a universal rating system and more government regulation over the sector to help unlock the potential of microcredentials.

In trialling this model, referred to as institutes of applied technology, at various TAFE campuses, microcredentials were embedded into degrees for the first time. This gave graduates a head start in the workforce, combining the benefits of university education with a job-ready CV filled with certificates and professional skills.

There’s no question that we’re witnessing theriseofthemicrocredential.

Initiatives like the Albanese Labor Government’s $18.5 million pilot program to develop microcredentials for in-demand sectors are a step in the right direction for thisrapidly-growingindustry.

Clare’s initiative builds on the findings of a 2020 report written by David Gonski and Peter Shergold AC for the NSW Government into what the future of vocational and higher education might look like. The report found that a new model of education was needed to create a stronger, more future-proof, more flexible workforce. The answer was a model that combined university education, work experience and vocationaltraining.

Lowering Barriers

In a world where employers are frequently looking for more than just a degree, microcredentials can be the distinguishing factor between a successful and unsuccessful applicant. Microcredentials can therefore help lower barriers for workers from disadvantaged and underrepresented backgrounds, and give them a competitive advantage in the job market.

But it’s time for the government to get serious about microcredentials, and ask the big questions about what role it will play in theworkforceofthefuture.

abortioninregional,rural andremotensw

ImogenDraisma IllawarraYLAExecutive

On 26 September 2019, the collective sigh of activists could be heard across NSW. The argument for reproductive rights had beenwon.

However, with the erosion of access to healthcare under Coalition governmentsthe fight for access had just begun. A priority in name only, access to reproductive healthcare and abortions in regional, rural and remote communities have remained at the bottom of the policy agenda,shroudedintaboo.

In the landscape of reproductive healthcare and accessing abortion, the PBS provides coverage for pharmaceuticals that induce a medical abortion (ie. oral medication), while the MBS provides for the subsidy of surgical procedures. All options for medical or surgical abortions are constrained by the length of pregnancy and early detection is key for increasing the scope of services that are available to an individual and their circumstances.

While Early Medical Abortion (EMA) can be prescribed by a trained doctor via telehealth, there are wider barriers in readily accessing appointments with regional, rural or remote NSW GPs within the relevant timeframes. Underlying stigma also impacts the willingness of rural practitioners trained for the delivery of EMA to readily advertise their services. Similarly, irrespective of the right to privacy, in small communities privacy can be an issue for those who seek EMAs. When you consider the delivery of these services for adolescents, people with a disability and those who may be subject to reproductive coercion - it is clear that the issueofaccessibilityismuchmoreserious.

The tyranny of distance, coupled with the taboo of abortion that remains despite decriminalisation, significantly limits the access to supports and services outside of Sydney.

For example, in my local area of the South Coast, many locals struggle to get an initial appointment with a bulk-billing GP and there remain GPs who have a conscientious objection to facilitating medicalabortions.

If a surgical abortion is the only available optionmany have to travel to seek private surgery in Wollongong or as far as Canberra. The Shoalhaven Women’s Centre have reported the additional trauma caused to those seeking abortions due to cost: transport and accommodation, as well as the need to take leave.

The recent parliamentary inquiry conducted into regional, rural and remote healthcare in NSW overlooked the delivery of reproductive healthcare and women’s healthcare through our hospitals,withfocusonlygiventomaternitycare.

NSW Health are seemingly indifferent in their position on access and acknowledge that GPs will opt to refer patients to private providers instead of public hospitals. NSW Health also requires all local health districts to develop referral pathways to ensure timely abortion access if they did not provide abortions - however, there is limited evidencethatthishasoccurredacrossNSW.

It is fundamental that as Labor, we reject the notion that reproductive healthcare and procedures should remain in the hands of the privatesector.

We must strive for meaningful reform and transparency.

While data collection on all abortions performed in NSW are reported to the Secretary of the NSW Ministry of Health, this data is not wholly made publiclyavailable.

The most recent data from 2019/2020 shows that only 0.7 of both medical and surgical methods of termination were conducted in NSW public hospitals. However, you wouldn’t be wrong in thinking that those figures are considerably low, given that surgical abortions, although in decline, are still a significant part of medical treatment, especially when considering that three years after decriminalisation, dedicated abortion services are only available in two NSW hospitals - John Hunter HospitalandWaggaWaggaBaseHospital.

Private sector providers and NGOs have provided the necessary services for decades. NGOs’ resources are predominantly accessible in metropolitan centres but struggle to meet demand. Services delivered by MSI, the leading private provider, leaves patients up to $730 out of pocket, regardless of eligibility for Medicare or aHealthCareCard.

Many NGOs and private providers have been outspoken in their concerns when required to refer patients to NSW Health for late-term abortions - our public hospitals under increasing strain are simply not equipped to provide these services.

In other states and territories, Labor governments are making significant progress to remove the financial and accessibility barriers. In April, the Barr Government implemented its policy for access to free medical and surgical abortions for all ACT residents, irrespective of citizenship status. In Queensland, a state based map of abortion and contraception providers is being delivered by ‘Children by Choice’ in collaboration withthePalaszczukGovernment.

In the short tenure of the Minns Government, there have been a number of commitments that will lay the groundwork for improvement to access for reproductive healthcare and greater transparency. The Special Commission of Inquiry into healthcare will provide scope to critically identify the existing limitations in NSW Health to meet the demands for reproductive healthcare. In addition to this, a record commitment of an additional $34.3 million for the Women's Health Centre Program over the next four years was included in the 2023/24 Budget. This will directly increase accessibility for support and procedures throughthesecentres.

While a person's postcode or their bank balance determines the quality and accessibility of reproductive healthcare and abortion services you can receive in NSW, it is the job of the labour movement to ensure the battle for access that is freefromstigmaiswon.

socialmovements&unions: morethanhistory

AdamConnor InnerSydneyYLA

“

It is no point winning great

w

ages and conditions if the world

w

e build chokes us to death”

-JackMundey

I grew up in a union family where it was normal to come home to The Lamp, the newsletter of the NSW Nurses and Midwives Association, open on the kitchen benchtop. I often had conversations with my parents about the indignities of their working lives as nurses in public hospitals under a Coalition government, and the strength in numbers that being part of the union gave them to fight back and win decent pay and conditions. From an early age, my parents’ involvement in their union has driven my belief that they can empower ordinary people and change society like no other organisationcan.

This is what inspired me to become a union organiser at the age of 19, representing some of the most vulnerable workers in the hospitality industry. It showed me that unions are at the industrial coalface with employers over wages and conditions, but as the only mass-member democratic organisations in our country we also need them to be at the forefront of leadingsocialmovements.

Sydney is home to one of the world’s greatest examples of social movement unionism. The period between 1968 to 1975 saw the imposition of 42 union bans on construction sites across the city by the Builders Labourers Federation (BLF). Not only did these bans completely reshape the physical layout of Sydney, but they transformed how people saw the power and nature of unions. Inspiring similar union actions across the world in the following decades, the Green & Pink bans of the BLF reveal the promise of unions not just to win better conditions for their members, but to act as the voice of the working class asawhole.

In June 1973, student Jeremy Fisher was expelled from a Church of England residential college at Macquarie University. He was informed by the college head that homosexuality was a perversion and that unless he accepted ‘treatment’ for it, he was out. The BLF voted to place a work ban on the construction of new buildings at the University, and it should be noted that it was not just a handful of radicals in the unionleadershipwhoendorsedthis.Itwas voted on and endorsed unanimously by all building workers on site. Eventually, the ban led to the reversal of the decision of thecollegehead.

Of course, much of the focus in this period was on the Green Bans where the BLF refused to work on developments which would displace local communities or destroy beloved amenities and greenspace. The Bans were met with mass support from the public. At the same time, the members of the union were winning massive wage increases and unprecedented safety improvements to their worksites. In the face of a protracted campaign against the union from employers, developers, the media, and even the Federal Union, the NSW Branch was eventually closed in 1975. Its spirit of militancy and social movement unionism is of course carried on by its successor union the NSW Construction & General DivisionoftheCFMEU.

But what can we learn from this transformative moment in Australian history? It would be problematic to simply ascribe the militancy and industrial power of the BLF to only being the result of a handful of radical leaders at the top. In fact, it was exactly because the members of the BLF felt that they ran the union that itwassosupportiveofsocialmovements.

Membersfelt ownershipover theunionanddid notwantto surrenderthe powertheyfeltat workwhenthey wenthomeforthe day.Theylivedin thelocal communitiesbeing blightedbycorrupt developers,their friends

and families were persecuted minorities, and they felt a duty to stand up for them. In other words, the power of the BLF as a social movement union flowed directly from democratic control of the union by workers. To strengthen our unions’ commitment to the social issues of our time, it must be true that we need to engage and convince union membersthatthesearetheirissuestoo!

Trade unions remain the most democratic and deep-rooted organisations in our society and as Meredith and Verity Burgmann state they are “certainly more democratic in general than corporations, parliamentary parties and governments”. This presents an opportunity for not just us as Labor members, but the entire union movement to leverage our industrial strength to transform our society, just as the BLF did in previous generations. We must bind unionism to LGBT+ rights, environmentalism, Palestinian rights, and the other pressing social movementsofourtime.

But if we are to do this and overcome the great challenges of our times, we must ensure that union members know that it is theirmovementtolead.

theargumentforpaid studentplacements

PollyHancock NSWYoungLaborAssistantSecretary

“Equal pay for equal work,” cried feminist union activists of the past. Iconic women such as Muriel Heagney and Zelda D’Aprano, founders of the Council of Action for Equal Pay and the Women’s Action Committee respectively, were some of the earliest Australian socialist advocates for equality in the workplace. In 1969, the right to equal pay for equal work was won. Fifty years later, there remains a significant challenge facing many young women:mandatoryunpaidlabour.

Thousands of university students are required to undertake placements or internships as part of their degree. Under the Fair Work Act, students completing vocational placements aren’t considered employees and therefore aren’t entitled to the minimum wage or other benefits. The industries in which placements are more often than not unpaid are femaledominated, such as nursing, teaching, counsellingandpsychology.

Working without wages is simply not feasible for many young adults, especially those who come from a lower socioeconomic background. It often means students have to travel longer distances to their placement site, paying for parking or public transport. Sometimes placements are in regional locations, meaning students must also find and pay for accommodation. As university degrees are costly, students are actually paying for theprivilegetoworkforfree.

Teaching students must complete 500 hours of placement, whilst nursing degrees require at least 800 hours, and for social work and occupational therapy programs it is 1,000 hours. Being required to complete hundreds of hours of labour without compensation not only financially disadvantages students, but also contributes to early burn out, higher university dropout rates and poorer mental health.

Two of the key election promises of the Minns Labor government were safe staffing levels in NSW hospitals and addressing the teacher shortage crisis. To deliver these promises, it will be necessary to train up and employ more people in healthcare and education. Over 20,000 training teachers and nurses across the state fill our schools and hospitals on unpaid placements each year. The government should do all that it can to support these students whilst they complete their degrees, and then employ them with secure, well-paid jobs once they graduate.

To do unpaid work can mean having to choose between putting petrol in the car to get to placement or having enough to pay the rent. Amid the cost-of-living crisis, rising university fees and HECS debt increases, we can no longer expect students to do this work for free. We need more well-educated, qualified and passionate workers in these essential industries, and their hard work should be rewardedwithfairpay.

misinformationin thedigitalage

JacquelinePrice NorthSydneyYLAExecutive

The continual developments and advancements in technology and Artifical Intelligence (AI) is making it increasingly difficult to discern what is fact and what is not. The constant dissemination of misinformation and disinformation is directly impacting our political landscape and democracy, with alarming normalisation of ‘fake news’ being accepted as truth and playinganinfluentialroleinpublicdiscourse.

Social media is exacerbating this issue, being the vehicle for the spread of sensationalised or misleading content and fostering echo chambers of misinformation. As AI continues to evolve, the lines between truthful information and falsehoods blur, amplifying the confusion of an already complexsituation.

Unfortunately, we saw this during the Voice to Parliament campaign. Talking to voters on the campaign, it was clear the disinformation affected people. Such a simple idea was besmirched by disinformation and manipulated by the campaign against the Voice to Parliament to create fear and confusion, ultimately distorting the public discourse.

More recently, the Herald Sun published an article stating that Former Victorian Premier, Dan Andrews, had a membership application for a golf club rejected, only for the President of the club debunking this almost immediately after the story got published. However, this was not before outlets such as Sky News and the Daily Mail could run their own stories on the matter and encourageadiscourseofvitriolonline.

This incident, whilst seemingly small on the surface,shouldbeaconcernforallofus.

In a time where information travels at the speed of a click, the unchecked spread of misinformation threatens Australia’s democratic processes. However, the response to tackling the spread of misinformation is complex. In January 2023, Minister for Communications, Michelle Rowland, released the Combating Misinformation and Disinformation bill exposure draft. While the final version of this bill is to be determined, the Minister has indicated consultation will take place and legislation will eventually be enacted to tackle this spread and critical issue. Yet, this is only one part of a broader solution thatinvolvesus.

Advocating for change and transparency is precisely why young people should be engaged with and participate in politics. As a member of Young Labor and being involved in various campaigns, I see the importance and reward in dispelling these myths and mistruths. While social media currently falls short in stopping the spreading of misinformation, having conversations with voters, family members, and friends, can be a powerful antidote. Being informed and getting involved means we can halt the spread of misinformation, debunk falsehoods, and contribute to a more truthful and transparentpoliticalenvironment.

publictransport forregionalnsw

IsabellaTaylor HunterYLAMember

Regional New South Wales (NSW) faces a pressing need for improved public transport infrastructure to address a myriad of challenges facing communities. The vast expanse of Regional NSW encompasses diverse communities, agricultural hubs, and emerging economic centres, making efficient and reliable public transport vital for fostering connectivity, economic growth, and overall community wellbeing. 16 regional hubs were identified by the NSW government in their improvement plan for public transport. However, it is missing many areas that are still trying to advocate for better accessibility.

One of the primary reasons for enhancing public transport in Regional NSW is the significant role it plays in connecting remote and rural areas. Many residents in these regions face isolation due to limited transportation options, hindering access to essential services like healthcare, education and food storefronts. Improved public transport can bridge these gaps, ensuring that individuals across Regional NSW have equitable access to vital resources. Many of the zones identified in the government strategy already have some level of public transport. Arguably the focus needs to be on their surrounding townships to allow for greater accessibility to essential services available in well-known regional hubs and to ensure these communities are not being left behind in consideration for improving a better quality of life and resource.

Furthermore, an enhanced public transport system in Regional NSW is essential for economic development. Many regional areas have untapped potential for growth, and improved transportation infrastructure can attract businesses, stimulate job creation, and boost local economies. This, in turn, can contribute to a more balanced distribution of economic opportunities, reducing the concentration of prosperity in urban centres.

Additionally, an efficient public transport system can alleviate environmental concerns in Regional NSW and meet state government targets for reducing carbon emissions. The reliance on personal vehicles contributes to carbon emissions and environmental degradation. By providing reliable and sustainable public transport options, the region can reduce its carbon footprint, promote eco-friendly practices, and contribute to Australia's broader efforts in combating climate change.

Moreover, investing in better public transport for Regional NSW aligns with broader urban planning goals, fostering more sustainable and liveable communities. Reduced traffic congestion, improved air quality, and increased accessibility can enhance the overall quality of life for residents in these areas.

for the region. The benefits of such investments extend beyond transportation, positively impacting the lives of individuals and communities across Regional NSW.

energising thesocialistobjective

JamesMiranda AustralianYoungLaborAssistantSecretary

The ALP is arguably the most unified it has ever been on the issue of climate change. There is now a broad consensus across the Party that Australia needs to act more decisively to actively transition its energy system, industrial processes, and skilled workforce away from fossil fuels and towards our competitive advantages in renewable resources and critical minerals.

This new cross-factional consensus was on full display at this year’s ALP National Conference where deliberations over the climate, environment, and energy chapter were just as civil and unified behind the scenes as they were on the floor (with the exception of native forest logging). But how long can this unity realistically persist as the rubber starts hitting the road?

This year, as the net zero transformation begins itself to transition from concept to practice, the disruption and division produced by the scale of structural change being pursued is shaping up to be a major test of the accord within the party on climate action. Efforts to build new transmission lines and set up renewable energy zones both onshore and offshore are generating significant community opposition across NSW, in many instances pitting Labor MPs against their own constituents. renewables

This opposition is generally rooted in a sense of powerlessness, fuelled by the view that regional communities are being forced to bear all the costs of the transition without seeing any real return themselves. We are butting up against the limits of what can be achieved in an energy system that is privately owned and structurally geared towards profit maximisation for the few.

The contradictions between the profit incentives of our energy system’s private owners and the democratic imperative to socialise the gains from our energy transition are intensifying before our eyes.

Here in NSW, where the senior party has recently taken power on the back of these same anxieties over privatised energy, there is seemingly no ambition to capitalise further on those sentiments.

Social license issues remain a constant as our privatised networks seek to expand, and the lack of state control over generation assets like Eraring is making it harder to guarantee energy and employment security.

Young Labor has always played an important role within the party, championing a forward-facing approach to policy shaped by hopeful idealism and a belief that more is always possible that has not yet been eroded by the traumas of sustained political engagement. As our elected leaders continue to make the case that we cannot afford to centre NSW’s transition efforts around public ownership, it is our duty as those who will inherit the economy of tomorrow being built today to ask in return: can we truly afford to do it any other way?

AuthorisedbyMaxKennedy,AustralianLaborParty(NSWBranch),Level9/377SussexSt,Sydney