Disaster Relief Housing: Utilizing the Urban Fabric for Community Shelters

Disaster Relief Housing: Utilizing the Urban Fabric for Community Shelters

By Nicholas Ray

Disaster Relief Housing: Utilizing the Urban Fabric for Community Shelters Project by: Nicholas Ray | University of Florida 2020 Chair: Stephen Bender | Co-Chairs: Dr. Frank Bosworth & Albertus Wang

A research project presented to The University of Florida Graduate School of Architecture in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to my professors and advisors, Dr. Frank Bosworth, Stephen Bender, & Albertus Wang for their guidance, unwavering support, and encouragement during my time at CityLab. They challenged me to think critically and pushed me to become a better professional, for which I am extremely grateful.

To my ‘Ohana’, thank you. Your love, support, and reassurance made every step of this process lighter. I hope you know just how much it means to have someone like each and every one of you in my corner. It’s made all the difference.

Thank you to Alica Hinds, who has loudly cheered me on and stuck by my side through the highs and lows of this incredible journey. I commend your patience for listening to me rant about disaster relief housing for two years straight. You were always there when I needed a helping hand, and this couldn’t have been done without you.

And to Steven Forney, for constantly reminding me that there is so much more to life than school and work. Thank you for reminding me to enjoy this sidequest.

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Hurricane Aftermath

Photo by Al Diaz / Miami Herald via AP

Abstract Each year, 14 million people are displaced as a result of natural disasters around the world. This is happening because global warming and climate change are increasing the frequency and severity of natural disasters around the world.

Those affected by these events are forced to relocate, abandoning not only their physical belongings, but their sense of home, security and community as well. Climate refugees often relocate to urban centers as they generally provide the best economic opportunity and have an increased capability to absorb communities and provide relief.

Orlando is a large, centrally-located city within the hurricane belt, making it a key location for climate refugees of post carribean-based hurricanes. However like many other urban centers, Orlando suffers from a severe shortage of affordable housing. To address the lack of available housing for climate refugees, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) finds empty lots on the outskirts of the relocation city and provides temporary mobile housing units there for 18 months. These are often tightly packed together, roughly 300 sq. ft. in total size, and intended to house entire families.

Developing disaster relief communities on the outskirts of cities hinders the successful integration of those displaced by limiting their access to basic needs and city resources, such as jobs, transportation, food and water. Research shows that there is a large amount of vacant, government-owned land in major urban cities. Orlando contains over 500 acres of such land, and these parcels can be analyzed to identify the best location that matches the 17 goals of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre’s sustainable development goals for climate refugee based communities and housing.

The goal of this project is to develop a prefabricated disaster relief housing community by utilizing the existing urban fabric of Orlando, focusing on three main areas of concern: 1. Community integration of climate refugees and city residents.

2. Easy access to basic needs and city resources, such as jobs, transportation, food, and water.

3. Prefabrication as a means of rapid response and ease of constructability on site.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 5

00

Front Matter

01

Introduction

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Precedent Studies

0.0 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.2

Title Page Acknowledgements Abstract Table of Contents Table of Figures

2.1 Problem Statement 2.2 Background of the Problem

2.1 FEMA Mobile Housing Units & FEMA City 2.2 NYC Emergency Housing 2.3 AbleNook Modular Dwellings

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Defining the Parameters of Disaster Housing

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Disaster Housing for Orlando

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Conclusion

3.1 Overview 3.2 The What & The How 3.3 The Where

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6

Site Selection in Orlando The Site Programming the Site The Module The Building The New Story of Those Displaced

5.1 Conclusion & Overview 5.2 Moving Forward 5.3 List of References

i 2 4 5 7

11 13

27 33 39

45 49 53

58 69 81 87 95 113

117 119 121 6

LIST OF FIGURES

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1-01: Global Surface Temperatures* 1-02: Carbon Dioxide Variation Over Time* 1-03: Natural Disaster Events by Extreme Weather* 1-04: Story of Those Displaced 1-05: Katrina’s Diaspora* 1-06: Current Strategy

14 14 14 20 22 24

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2-01: FEMA City in Punta Gorda* 2-02: FEMA Mobile Housing Unit* 2-03: FEMA Trailer Sticker* 2-04: FEMA Lots & Housing Units* 2-05: NYC Emergency Housing Prototype* 2-06: Construction of Housing Unit* 2-07: Interior of Housing Unit* 2-08: Emergency Housing on Site* 2-09: AbleNook Prototype* 2-10: AbleNook at Remote Site*

28 29 32 32 34 36 36 37 40 42

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3-01: Cortex Shelter Concept Idea* 3-02: UN SDG’s 3-03: The What & The How Goals 3-04: CLT Construction 3-05: The Where Goals

46 48 50 52 54

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4-01: Figure Ground of Orlando 4-02: Sunrail Locations 4-03: Professional & Skill Based Jobs 4-04: Retail & Service Based Jobs 4-05: Hospitals & Healthcare Facilities 4-06: K-12 Schools 4-07: Overlayed Areas 4-08: Hotspot Area & Site 4-09: Site Information 4-10: Site Adjacencies 4-11: Site 4-12: Buildable Area & Setbacks 4-13: Building Footprint 4-14: Pedestrian Street 4-15: Pedestrian Street Programming 4-16: Streetfront Programming 4-17: Second Floor Elevated Walkway 4-18: Programmatic Matrix 4-19: Site Boundary Axonometric 4-20: Site Grid Axonometric

58 60 61 62 63 64 66 67 70 72 74 74 75 75 78 78 80 82 84 84

5-01: Streetfront Render

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4-21: First Floor Programming Axonometric 4-22: Elevated Walkway Axonometric 4-23: Housing Masses Axonometric 4-24: Housing Units Axonometric 4-25: Modular Grid 4-26: Housing Unit Types 4-27: Community Unit Types 4-28: Housing + Community 4-29: Flat Packed Components 4-30: Facade Options 4-31: Site Plan 4-32: Building Assembly 4-33: First Floor Plan 4-34: Second/Third Floor Plan 4-35: Streetfront Render 4-36: Elevated Walkway Render 4-37: Farmer’s Market Render 4-38: Unit Balcony Render 4-39: Typical Housing Render 4-40: The New Story of Those Displaced

85 85 86 86 88 89 90 91 93 94 96 98 99 101 104 106 108 110 112 114

Figures annotated with an (*) are not owned by the author.

Citiations and credit are listed on 5.3 List of References 8

Astrodome Stadium After Hurricane Katrina Photo by Carlos Barria at Reuters

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01 Introduction 1.1 Problem Statement Per year, 14 million people are displaced as a result of natural disasters around the world.¹ As a result, climate refugees commonly relocate to major urban centers as they often provide the best economic opportunity, while also suffering from a shortage of available housing. Current disaster relief housing strategy places temporary units on vacant land in the outskirts of the city, away from existing infrastructure and future planning. This leads to those displaced struggling to find available jobs, access to public transportation, K-12 schools for children, and reliable means of healthcare and medication.

The purpose of this Masters Research Project is to investigate methods of utilizing the existing urban fabric of Orlando to provide disaster relief housing to climate refugees displaced by natural disasters. The specific research questions are: 1) How can disaster relief housing integrate climate refugees within the urban fabric?

2) How can the urban fabric be utilized to provide for those displaced?

3) What methods of fabrication and production can be used to allow for rapid response in the event of a disaster?

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The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2018. Pg 10.

Aftermath of Hurricane Charlie Photo by Andrea Booher in the FEMA Public Library

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1.2 Background of the Problem Climate Change and Severe Storms As the world continues to become more urbanized and populated, humanity’s impact and influence on the environment becomes increasingly more important.

Since the Industrial Revolution, developed nations have become dependent on fossil fuels as its main energy source, resulting in the steady rise of carbon based emissions being released into the atmosphere.² As the world population rises and developing nations continue to rapidly grow, carbon emissions and greenhouse gases are expected to steadily increase.³ These emissions have a direct correlation to rising global temperatures, which impact the climate and weather systems across the world.⁴ As shown in Figure 1-01 and Figure 1-02, greenhouse gases and carbon dioxide emissions are contributing to climate change and global warming. Climate change is under scientific consensus and is the reality of human intervention.

The global dependency on fossil fuels as an energy source has contributed to the increase of greenhouse emissions which has shown to have a direct correlation in global temperatures.⁵ Since the late 19th century, global temperatures have increased by 2 degrees Fahrenheit and global CO2 emissions have increased by 34 billion tons. ⁶ ⁷ Greenhouse gases and the resulting rise of global temperatures has resulted in an adverse effect on our climate and weather systems by increasing the total amount of water vapor in the atmosphere.⁸ Water vapor traps heat on the surface and as it cools, it rises into the atmosphere, turning into water droplets. As more water droplets begin to accumulate, they begin to form into a cloud and with enough water droplets, a storm is formed and the water is dissipated back onto the surface.

Once back on the surface, the water vapor is able to trap more energy and the system continues.⁹

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This cycle is amplified by greenhouse gases and carbon emissions warming the planet, which allows for more water vapor to be present in the atmosphere.10 With more water vapor present, the frequency and severity of storms in Earth’s weather patterns is also increased. These weather systems are more common and notable along the equator, where temperatures are higher and high intensity storms and hurricanes often occur due to increased water vapor.11 The amount of severe storms and hurricanes have become more common over the past century.

The International Disaster Database has reported a steady increase in recorded natural disasters over the past century and expect this trend to continue as global temperatures and greenhouse emissions increase.12 The average number of recorded natural disasters from extreme weather has increased from a total of 2 in 1940 to a total of 84 in 2018 (Figure 1-03).

The Atlantic ocean is one of many locations on Earth where severe storms frequently develop.

Dry, hot Saharan air from East Africa collides with cool, moist air from South Africa off the coast of Cape Verde. Powerful winds are created as a result, known as the African Easterly Jet, and is a significant contributor to the Atlantic Hurricane season. Since 2001, there have been 136 documented hurricanes in the Atlantic with 62 of them being classified as a category 3 or higher.13 While hurricanes and tropical storms can originate in different locations and travel much different paths from the average, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) has created a climatological area of origin and typical hurricane tracks by month. These paths show that as the hurricane season progresses, storms become more unpredictable and cover a larger potential area.14

Throughout the Atlantic Hurricane season, the Caribbean Islands, Florida, and bordering states are consistently within the likely prevailing tracks, leaving them at a high risk of impact each year. Caribbean targeted hurricanes have historically caused catastrophic damage to the islands. In the 21st century alone, reported hurricane damages of Caribbean impacted countries and islands exceeds 450 billion dollars.15 Due to the rapid development of hurricanes and fairly unpredictable path of travel and severity, it is difficult for Caribbean islands to properly prepare in time before a storm hits.

Hurricane severity is measured in 5 categories using the Saffir-Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale by sustained wind speed. Category 1 and 2 storms range from 74 mph winds to 110 mph winds and often result in minor damages and loss of power for several days to weeks. Severe storms from category 3 to category 5 range from 111 mph and upward and result in potential catastrophic damage and in the most severe cases, leave the area uninhabitable for weeks or months.16 In these cases, city roads and airports become inaccessible due to storm surge and flooding, making deliveries of basic human needs such as food and water difficult. Homes are often destroyed and cannot be rebuilt, forcing the disaster victims to relocate.

Popescu, Luca. (2017). Pg. 52 Ibid 4 Karl, Trenberth. (1999). Pg. 102 5 Popescu, Luca. Pg. 55 6 NASA. 2017. (giss.nasa.gov) 7 Ritchie, Roser. 2018 (ourworldindata.org) 8 NASA. 2020. (climate.nasa.gov) 9 Earth Observatory. 2020. (earthobservatory.nasa.gov) 10 NASA. 2020. (climate.nasa.gov) 11 Ibid 12 Ritchie, Roser. 2018 (ourworldindata.org) 13 NHC Data Archive, 2019. (nhc.noaa.gov) 14 NHC Tropical Cyclone Climatology, 2019. (nhc.noaa.gov) 15 NOAA Storm Data, 2019. (nhc.noaa.gov) 16 NHC Saffir-Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale, 2019. (nhc.noaa.gov)

Figure 1-01: Global Surface Temperatures & Carbon Dioxide Concentration from 1860 to 1995. (Karl, Trenberth. 1999, pg 102)

Figure 1-02: Carbon Dioxide Variation Over Time (climate.nasa.gov)

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Figure 1-03: Number of Recorded Natural Disaster Events by Extreme Weather. (Graphic by Ritchie, Hannah, Roster. 2014. http://ourworldindata.org. Data from EMDAT (2019)).

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Displacement and Urban Capacity The Nansen Initiative’s Protection Agenda defines disaster displacement as: “Situations where people are forced or obliged to leave their homes or places of habitual residence as a result of a disaster or in order to avoid the impact of an immediate and foreseeable natural hazard. Such displacement results from the fact that affected persons are (i) exposed to (ii) a natural disaster situation where (iii) they are too vulnerable and lack the resilience to withstand the impacts of that hazard.” 17 Per year, around 14 million people are displaced as a result of natural disasters.18 This number is expected to increase as the rate of natural disasters rises. Those displaced often lose their home, assets, and accessibility to basic needs and are forced to relocate. Cross border climate refugees who relocate across national boundaries are often unreported, leaving those displaced with little protection or assistance.19 Predicting the risk of displacement and creating relocation strategies are often unavailable due to how quickly and random natural disasters can occur. 20 The aftermath of these natural disasters results in a sudden displacement of communities to major urban cities. Due to the frequency of major hurricane impacts in the Atlantic, the rate of climate refugees as a result of hurricane damages is high. It is common for climate refugees to migrate to major urban centers due to their accessibility of basic needs and economic opportunity. Those who seek refuge to the United States that are not citizens often see no assistance or relief, and are offered no housing or other assistance.

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The time of displacement varies depending on the severity of damages, ranging from weeks to several years. An example of this occurred in 2017, when Hurricane Maria hit Puerto Rico as a category five storm. The damage was catastrophic and due to the complete loss of infrastructure and basic amenities, approximately 160,000 Puerto Ricans came to the continental United States, with an estimated 60,000 people coming to Florida.21 22 Even after two years since Hurricane Maria hit, Puerto Rico has still not fully recovered and many of those affected are still living in the Orlando area. This sudden surge of climate refugees to the Orlando area only exacerbates the preexisting urban issues that the city currently faces.

The central Florida area is currently experiencing a rapid rate of urbanization over the past few decades.

Orlando’s population grew the most out of any metro area in Florida accordingly the US census data from 2000 to 2012, increasing 34.2% over that time period. Additionally, Orlando is suffering from a severe affordable housing shortage, ranking the worst out of the largest 50 metropolitan areas in the United States.23 According to the National Low Income Housing Coalition, the Orlando area currently has 13 affordable rental homes for every 100 low-income renter households. 24 Florida as a state also ranks first where low-income renter households are severely cost burdened, at 80%.25 In cases where renting is an option, Orlando ranked first nationally as the biggest increase of rent in 2018.

Zillow reported that rents in Orlando increased by 4.4 percent, beating second place Riverside, California, by 0.5%.26 The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. Pg. 10.

Ibid. Pg. 45 19 Ibid. Pg. 45 20 Ibid. Pg. 45 21 Hinojosa, J., Roman, N., Melendez, E. (2018). Pg. 2 22 Ibid. Pg. 1 23 The Gap. 2019. Pg. 8 24 Ibid. Pg. 8 25 Ibid. Pg. 8 26 Zillow 2018. (zillow.mediaroom.com) 17

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Aftermath in Puerto Rico Photo by Roosevelt Skerrit

Living in the Superdome

Photo by Andrea Booher in the FEMA Public Library

The lack of affordable housing options paired with a steady population increase in Orlando is a complicated and multifaceted issue. This issue is only further complicated as climate refugees often seek shelter in central Florida after severe storms and hurricanes.

Many urban areas like Orlando are ill-equipped to react to a sudden surge of displaced climate refugees. With an extremely high affordable housing shortage in Orlando, those displaced struggle finding appropriate housing. There is an inherent lag between the housing needs of climate refugees and the ability to construct or provide affordable units, despite their being a large number of vacant land in the urban setting. In a study of 70 cities across the United States, an average of 15% of the city land was deemed vacant. 27 For example, in Orlando on South Orange Blossom Trail, between State Road 50 and State Road 528, there is 468 acres of land that are vacant, of which 228 acres are owned by government entities.28 With the most stringent land use of that area at 12 dwelling units per acre, this land has the potential to conservatively place 2,736 homes.

Using vacant land for conventional construction methods does not provide fast enough housing for those displaced. According to the 2014 Survey of Construction from the Census Bureau, the average completion time of a standard single family home is around 7 months. 29 This time frame is unacceptable for climate refugees without a home. A new method of construction or means of prefabricating housing must be implemented to provide adequate housing in a timely manner.

OBT Next (2017). Pg. 24 Ibid. Pg. 22 29 US Census Bureau. (2014) 27

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The Current Story of those Displaced The story of those displaced (Figure 1-04) starts with the home and the severity of the natural disaster. Many buildings within the US hurricane belt have adopted a set of building codes that take hurricane wind loads into account. These building codes are most stringent in areas where hurricanes are more likely to occur, such as Miami-Dade, and become less strict moving north.

However these building codes do not prevent natural disasters from causing damage. A storm could become so severe that building systems cannot properly function. In other cases, storms can travel to areas where hurricanes are uncommon, causing damages to buildings that aren’t hurricane rated due to their location.

For those who become displaced, their home is destroyed to a point where they are forced to relocate elsewhere. In these scenarios, they often have lost everything and have to leave their communities and support networks.

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The time of displacement varies depending on the severity of the disaster. In some cases, the entire city’s infrastructure becomes damaged and inoperable, taking months or years to restore functionality. In these cases, residents look for housing elsewhere, typically in urban centers due to their access to resources and their potential economic opportunity.

Figure 1-05 shows the distribution and diaspora of 1.36 million FEMA applicants after Hurricane Katrina hit in 2005. This data strongly suggests that after a disaster hit, many migrate to major urban cities. Most applicants who applied for aid through FEMA after Hurricane Katrina stayed within the southeastern region of the United States.

However, data also shows that many traveled well outside the southeast, with thousands going to locations like Boston, Washington DC, or Los Angeles. Most importantly, data shows that a large majority of those displaced travel to some urban city post-disaster.

Figure 1-04: Story of Those Displaced

As aforementioned, it is difficult for urban cities to absorb a large population surge post-disaster.

As a result, the government has established a temporary housing strategy for those displaced to attempt to provide housing relief to climate refugees while they figure out what is next.

It is difficult to track and collect accurate data of where climate refugees resettle. Additional research still needs to be completed, but data does suggest that about half of those displaced return to their original home after a major disaster.30 This means about 50% of those displaced stay in their relocated area and become permenant residents.

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Sastry, N. and Gregory, J. (2014). Pg. 753

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Figure 1-05: Katrina Diaspora

Graphic by Matthew Ericson, Archie Tse, & Jodi Wilgoren at the New York Times

Current Housing Strategy of Displaced Victims There are a multitude of family types that are displaced as a result of natural disasters.

Some are large families with grandparents and grandchildren. In other situations, it may be a single person or someone with a physical disability. Each family is unique in their situation and may or may not require specialized care.

The current housing strategy of the government is one size fits all (Figure 1-06). Every family, regardless of size and age, are placed into a single prototypical housing unit. This unit is about 300 square feet and is meant to house up to six people for up to 18 months. This unit is provided rent free, with the exception of utilities.

After this 18 month period, the temporary housing is reclaimed by the government and the family is on their own.

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The government must find a site somewhere within the city to place the temporary housing units. Sites that are typically chosen are located on the outskirts of the city on unplanned, vacant land or parks that the government owns. Once the plot of land is chosen, the government attempts to fit as many units onto the single site as possible, to maximize the amount of housing units.

Figure 1-06: Current Strategy

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FEMA Housing Photo by MLU Services

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02 Precedent Studies 2.1 FEMA Mobile Housing Units & FEMA City The amended Disaster Relief Act of 1974, now the Stafford Act, permitted the United States Government to provide disaster relief aid through FEMA, with presidential approval. Government funds would be released to FEMA where they could then provide housing solutions to those affected by disasters.

Specifically, Title IV of the Stafford Act permits the use of government funds to be used for housing purposes.31 32 33 This money is able to be used as a rent voucher, pay for motel/hotel fees, pay for damages, and in only the most extreme cases, provide manufactured housing units. This strategy was implemented as a result of the catastrophic damages from Hurricanes Andrew, Charley, Rita, Sandy and Katrina.

The process of acquiring a manufactured housing unit required submitting an application to FEMA. From there, a FEMA adjuster would visit the property to assess the damages of the existing home. If the adjuster believed that the damages were significant and that housing was needed, the application would be approved and put on the waiting list. In the extreme scenarios where infrastructure and local housing were extremely limited or non-existent, a manufactured housing unit would be distributed. These units would only be provided to locations where utilities were already on site, which in cases of extreme disasters, were rare. In these situations, FEMA would construct housing parks on existing vacant land where they would subcontract out the construction and installation of the trailers (Figure 2-01).

Stafford Disaster Relief Act, 1974.

FEMA National Disaster Housing Strategy. (2020). Pg. 1 33 Ibid. Pgs. 11-19 31

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Figure 2-01: FEMA City in Punta Gorda Photo by Rob Mattson at The New York Times

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Figure 2-02: FEMA Mobile Housing Unit Photo by Mariel Carr with the Science History Institute

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Once the trailer is on site and built to specifications (Figure 2-02), the power company would need to go to the trailer to hook up the electrical utilities.

Once all these processes are completed, a FEMA inspector must have a final inspection of the unit to approve it for occupation. The standard length of stay in each of these units was 18 months, but this could be extended with presidential approval depending on the severity of the natural disaster.

After the allocated time of stay, the units were to be given back to FEMA for cleaning and reuse.

There were two different size configurations distributed by FEMA, a trailer and a mobile home that were sized 14’ by 22’ or 8’ by 32’ respectively.

These units typically were sized for a family of four, but maintained a relatively small footprint. The construction of the trailer was made of plastic, aluminium and particle board to keep construction costs inexpensive. Propane tanks were provided for heating purposes, and phone, internet, and cable hookups were constructed as well, but hookups of these services must be installed by a local provider.

There were many criticisms of the FEMA mobile housing units. The first one was the process of obtaining a unit took an extremely long time due to the required government inspections before being approved. Due to the trailer being subcontracted out, the general contractor of the trailers wanted to reduce costs as much as possible with construction, and ultimately used cheap materials. This led to poor sound and heat insulation, and eventually Formaldehyde. 34 35 36 Browne, 2015.

Nigg, Barnshaw, Torres. 2006.

36 Sobel, Leeson, 2006.

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After nearly 14,000 health complaints of occupants in these trailers, the CDC conducted an investigation and reported that they were not safe for occupation due to formaldehyde as a result of faulty construction practices and substandard building materials. This led to a class action lawsuit against the contractors in which they settled for 42.6 million dollars. As a result, FEMA in 2010 began to sell the trailers to the public for 2,000-4,000 dollars accompanied with a sticker, “NOT TO BE USED FOR HOUSING” (Figure 2-03).37 38 Before the health issues were recognized or understood, FEMA heavily relied on and used these mobile housing units for disaster relief (Figure 2-04). An example of this was in 2004 after Hurricane Charley hit Florida and FEMA responded by providing a large disaster relief housing community on the outskirts of Punta Gorda. This was 550 temporary housing units over 90 acres, which cost about 21 million dollars.39 This disaster relief community was successful in providing housing relief to those displaced and without a home, but was disastrous in many other regards.

One of the main issues with FEMA city was its location. Being located on the outskirts of the city, access to public transportation was challenging. Many families had limited means of transportation, which made finding available nearby jobs difficult. Due to the lack of available jobs in the area, paired with limited access to transportation, many residents turned to selling drugs as a means of income. This resulted in FEMA city becoming synonymous with crime and unsettled the residents of Punta Gorda.40

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The housing units were provided to those displaced rent-free, having the occupants only to pay for electricity, water, and sewer. However, this was the extent to which FEMA provided assistance.

Many families could not fit all of their belongings inside a single housing unit, so they were forced to pay for storage fees. Families would have to pay this cost to store their belongings until they decided to leave FEMA city or they were forced out after the 18 month period. Landlords in Punta Gorda understood the potential surge in demand for affordable housing in the city, and price gouged rental units far above market price throughout the city. As a result, many of those displaced could not afford new homes within Punta Gorda and were forced to look out of the city for their future housing needs. This was extremely difficult for many residents of FEMA city because they could not afford time off work to look for a new home.

This cyclical process made many residents feel trapped.41 Life within the mobile housing units was extremely challenging. The units were treated as ‘one size fits all’, forcing families of six or greater to live in a single 300 square foot unit. Several residents also had medical needs and had trouble accessing medication and healthcare needs due to FEMA city’s location. While FEMA had good intentions for those displaced as a result of Hurricane Charley, providing housing was not enough. Many needed additional assistance or aid, which was not provided.42 Browne, 2015.

Nigg, Barnshaw, Torres. 2006.

39 FEMA City (2007) 40 Ibid.

41 Ibid.

42 Ibid.

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Figure 2-03: FEMA Trailer Sticker Photo by Nick Shapiro with the Science History Institute

Figure 2-04: FEMA Lots & Housing Units

Photo by Patrick Salisbury for The New York Times

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2.2 NYC Emergency Housing Completed in 2014, Garrison Architects designed the New York City Emergency Housing Prototype for the NYC Office of Emergency Management (OEM) and Department of Design & Construction (Figure 2-05). Initially a schematic design for the “What if NYC...” competition in 2008, the design prototype investigated a post-provisional housing unit to address the proposed hypothetical question, “What if NYC were hit by a Category 3 Hurricane?”. They hypothetical became a reality when Hurricane Sandy hit New York and New Jersey, resulting in 70 billion dollars in damages.

Almost two years later, Garrison Architects were given a 1.1 million dollar contract by the US Army Corps of Engineers to execute their original design concept. The prototype was completed and installed for testing in Brooklyn on April 26th, 2014.

Since its installation, it has been tested in short, five-day intervals to test its livability.43 The design concept from Garrison Architects was to develop a prototypical shelter that provided disaster victims housing that was deployable in the urban fabric. The prototype allowed the flexibility to provide ‘shelter in place’ so that victims were able to remain within their communities during the rebuilding process and maintain their support networks. The flexibility and modularity of the prototypical units allows them to be deployable within the urban fabric, such as vacant lots and public spaces.44 43 44

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Garrison Architects (2014) Ibid.

Figure 2-05: NYC Emergency Housing Prototype Photo by Garrison Architects

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Each unit is constructed offsite using prefabricated materials (Figure 2-06).

Standard production and fabrication time for each individual unit is about two months, with the expected average yield of 20,000 units per year. When needed, the units would then be trucked to the site which takes approximately two days. Once at the site, the unit is then craned from the truck to its final location, which takes about 14 hours. Once placed on site, it is then hooked up with mechanical, plumbing and electrical services. This process typically takes about two weeks. After all utilities are installed, the trailer is then inspected to make sure it meets code. The overall timeline from building the prototype unit until occupation is about three months.

The units are able to be stacked up to four stories high and connected horizontally to create row housing on full city blocks if needed. The module wasn’t built just for New York City as the unit also abides and follows some of the United States most strict zoning requirements, including ADA requirements for first floor units. Second, third and fourth story units are accessible via an exterior stair system connected to each of the units.

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The interior of each unit is completely fitted out and furnished during its initial construction (Figure 2-07).

Basic amenities such as a microwave, oven, and refrigerator are provided as well. Due to the modular nature of construction, the base design is expandable from a standard one bed / one bath to a larger three bed / one bath unit. This adaptable design is able to meet the needs of varying family size as needed. The goal of these disaster relief units was to become livable full time units when needed.

The housing units are also designed to be sustainable, designed completely with recyclable materials.

Exterior glazing has been designed to have integrated shading elements to minimize heat-gain.

Additionally, in specific locations and where needed, solar panels are able to be installed on balconies or rooftops to aid in the city’s power usage and be more selfsustainable (Figure 2-08).45 45

Ibid.

Figure 2-06: Construction of Housing Unit Photo by Garrison Architects

Figure 2-07: Interior of Housing Unit Photo by Garrison Architects

Figure 2-08: Emergency Housing On Site Photo by Garrison Architects

The post-disaster housing prototype has several limitations however. Instead of being a standard shipping container module of 8 feet wide, Garrison Architects went with a 12 foot wide module. Due to this, transportation methods become increasingly more limited.

Additionally, because the units are constructed completely off site and shipped, only one unit is able to fit on a truck for delivery. This hinders the amount of units that are able to be rapidly deployed at a single time.

The initial construction time is also time consuming when compared to the timeline of disasters. Because the housing unit is completely fabricated and constructed before being shipped, each unit takes approximately two months to build. This would mean that if a disaster were to happen, these units would have to be permanently prepared, stored, and ready for deployment immediately following a disaster to be effective.

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2.3 AbleNook Modular Dwellings Ablenook is a portable, prefabricated shelter created by architects Sean Verdecia and Jason Ross (Figure 2-09). After hearing stories of Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Sandy survivors, they decided to design a solution to address the recurring problem of disaster relief. Using initial startup money from their college University of South Florida, they created an initial prototype to test their design’s feasibility. After determining that their initial mock up was a success, they advertised their campaign and prototype on Kickstarter to generate funds to launch the unit into the market.

Verdecia and Ross’s design concept was to create a quick, deployable shelter to disaster victims.

The intent was to keep the prefabricated shelter as modular as possible, allowing multiple units to be transported at a single time on a truck bed by flat packing the entire unit. With this method, they had to ensure that the shelter was able to be assembled quickly. By design, their smallest unit of 64 square feet was able to be assembled in just two hours, with their larger units at 400 square feet being able to be completely constructed just within a day’s time. This would allow the entire process of procurement, shipment, and on site assembly to be less than 4 days.46 46

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Ablenook (2020)

Figure 2-09: AbleNook Prototype Photo by AbleNook

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The prototype was designed to be a shelter in place (Figure 2-10), allowing individuals to stay near in their existing communities and not lose connection to any of their support networks regardless of location. Once on the site, the unit does not need any heavy equipment or power tools to assemble as the biggest individual component is 4 feet wide by 8 feet tall. Like a set of LEGOs, the standard kit of parts is infinitely expandable, allowing the space to have limitless applications. Verdecia and Ross state that the space can serve as a home, but also a classroom, business center, or any other type of programmatic space as the interior is just as modular as the exterior. The overall price of the unit is expected to be lower than the FEMA Mobile Housing Unit construction cost, with higher quality materials. Energy is provided via solar panels located on the roof and stored in the battery located within the unit. Verdecia and Ross are currently investigating methods for water collection and filtration within the unit as well, but that has yet to be fully implemented.

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Figure 2-10: AbleNook at Remote Site Photo by AbleNook

Ablenook is a step in the right direction for disaster relief housing. It’s primary focus is rapid response housing that is also flexible for the given situation. The prototype addresses temporal housing issues that are often associated with climate refugees. Ablenook is still in its infancy however, and can be expanded and developed further to better address the needs of displaced communities, as its current primary focus point is on the individual.47 47

Ablenook (2020)

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Flooded Streets

Photo by Staff Sgt. Daniel J. Martinez

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03 Defining the Parameters of Disaster Housing 3.1 Overview As outlined in Chapter 2, there have been many different variations of disaster relief housing (Figure 3-01). While the housing component is essential in providing disaster relief, there are many other additional parameters that must be addressed. As shown in FEMA city, simply providing rent-free housing is not enough. The success of disaster relief housing goes beyond the unit. So what are the parameters for disaster relief housing? What makes a disaster housing unit successful?

The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (iDMC) was established in 1998 and is an organization that collects data and provides analysis on displacement globally. The iDMC helps policy and decision makers to take action and reduce the risk of future displacement and improve lives of those that are already displaced. They are one of the global leaders in understanding displacement and providing information from local to global levels. Their recommendation for addressing displacement is for communities and national entities to follow the United Nations seventeen goals of sustainable development.48 48

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International Displacement Monitoring Centre, (2018).

Figure 3-01: Cortex Shelter Concept Idea Photo by Cutwork & Cortex Shelter

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In 2015, The United Nations adopted the 2030 Agenda of Sustainable Development, which are seventeen goals that emphasizes a holistic approach to achieving sustainable development.

As such, the iDMC recognizes that all seventeen goals mentioned by the United Nations are directly applicable and important when addressing displacement. “Beyond the need to improve humanitarian responses to disasters, more investments must be made at the national and international levels in sustainable development, peacebuilding, addressing the impacts of climate change and disaster risk reduction.” 49 These seventeen goals highlight the key, fundamental factors that are needed for sustainable development (Figure 3-02). As such, a disaster relief community should attempt to address as many of the sustainable development 49

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International Displacement Monitoring Centre, (2018). Part 2.

Figure 3-02: UN SDG’s

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3.2 The What & The How Two of the seventeen sustainable development goals suggest that disaster relief communities should aid in the city’s contribution toward a sustainable future and should utilize existing industries or infrastructure to support their construction (Figure 3-03). The built environment is a large contributor to global warming and disaster relief communities should attempt to minimize their carbon footprint. Additionally, the transportation of the housing units should be heavily considered as well. Large, pre-built units are less efficient in delivery than prefabricated components.

Across the wide array of structural systems that are available, cross laminated timber has one of the lowest carbon footprints and is able to be rapidly manufactured and shipped when needed.

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Figure 3-03: The What & The How Goals

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trees are a renewable resource & store carbon

seeds can be planted to replace those that were harvested

CLT can be created & used for buildings storing the carbon during their lifetime

CLT Manufacturing Cross laminated timber (CLT) are prefabricated panels that consist of multiple sheets of wood layered in alternating directions. This structural material has been used all over the world and can exceed heights of twelve stories (Figure 3-04).

One of the main benefits of CLT is that it is a renewable resource. Older trees that have reached their carbon limit are harvested for manufacturing. The resulting CLT panels can be created and used for buildings, in which they will continue to store carbon during its lifetime.

Once a tree is harvested to be manufactured, seeds can be planted in their place to create a cyclical process. Manufactured panels and structural members are able to be flat packed and shipped as needed.

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Dothan, Alabama has recently constructed a new CLT manufacturing center, one of the largest in the eastern United States. With Donthan, Alabama being centrally located in the U.S. hurricane belt, it has the potential to be expertly utilized to supply CLT for disaster relief. This manufacturing center has the ability to deliver CLT panels to anywhere within the hurricane belt within a day’s drive.

Using the standard dimensions from the manufacturing plant, a modular unit can be created and shipped in large quantities. The single unit can be stacked in all three directions, creating an expandable, flexible, and adaptable module that can fit into its context as needed.

DOTHAN, ALABAMA Largest CLT manufacturing plant on the east coast, located at the center of the U.S. Hurricane Belt.

Using the standard dimensions from the manufacturing plant, a modular unit can be created. The single unit can be stacked in all three directions, creating an expandable, flexible, and adaptable module that can fit into its context as needed.

Figure 3-04: CLT Construction

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3.3 The Where A large portion of the sustainable and developmental goals are achievable in an urban setting. Fortunately, Orlando is developed enough to have city-wide access to clean water / sanitation, food availability, and energy access. However, four particular goals standout of the seventeen as they have a direct correlation on choosing the site location.

Finding a site that is nearby or achieves all four of these goals in an urban setting will allow for sustainable growth of the other thirteen.

(Figure 3-05).

These four goals are crucial when locating and choosing a site. The most critical goal that must be achieved is proximity to public transportation, as it allows access to the entire city’s resources

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Figure 3-05: The Where Goals

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04 Disaster Housing for Downtown Orlando 4.1 Site Selection in Orlando As a large, centrally-located city, Orlando is often a key destination for displaced victims of major hurricanes in the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico. This is because downtown areas and major urban centers typically provide the best economic opportunity and resources for individuals. However, as exemplified in FEMA City, the process of site selection for disaster relief housing often places them in locations that are underutilized, large parcels of land, and are typically located on the outskirts of cities away from key necessities.

One of the goals of this thesis is to change the methodology in which sites are selected by placing climate refugees as close to important necessities as possible, while building vertically to utilize smaller vacant lots that are often present in urban centers.

Using the design parameters that were outlined in Chapter 3, the city’s fabric can be assessed and analyzed to find the best suitable site location for disaster relief housing and victims within the urban context. This information is provided through open-source data by the city of Orlando and imported into geographical information system (GIS) software. The GIS data can then be exported out as colored overlays onto a base Orlando figure ground map (Figure 4-01) to find geographical hotspots of each individual parameter.

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Figure 4-01: Figure Ground of Orlando

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As outlined in Chapter 3, public transportation, available job opportunities, healthcare and medication access, and proximity to public schools are key components when locating a site to maximize the opportunity for those displaced.

Public transportation is one of the most important parameters as it facilitates travel throughout the city, providing displaced victims access to the city’s resources. The Sunrail is a public train that runs along the north-south corridor of Orlando, stopping at key destinations throughout the city (Figure 4-02). These Sunrail stops then allow for easy access to public bus routes that are then able to take them east-west.

Using GIS data alongside information from public job postings and associated databases, like Monster and Indeed, employment opportunity hotspots are able to be laid out and graphically overlayed.

While the variety of jobs within the city is quite eclectic, this data was placed into two principal categories: Professional & Skill based jobs and Retail & Service Based Jobs.

These are then graphically represented as potential economic and employment opportunities for disaster relief victims (Figure 4-03 & Figure 4-04).

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Additional key resources, like hospitals and schools, are important to take into consideration for those who are displaced.

Orlando, as shown in Figure 4-05, has a small amount of hospitals located in downtown areas. Access to these facilities are important for checkups and medications to maintain good health and overall well-being.

For displaced families with children, access to nearby schools is essential. Fortunately, as shown in Figure 4-06, Orlando has many K-12 schools spread ubiquitously throughout the urban fabric.

Finding a readily available site that is nearby or adjacent to as many of these parameters as possible maximizes the opportunities available to those displaced.

Climate refugees who relocate to Orlando often arrive with nothing and their sense of home is destroyed. Their network of relationships and connections that they have built up for years in their hometown is non-existent after they are displaced. Addressing as many of their needs as possible reduces the stresses of relocating while providing the best foundation to move forward.

Figure 4-02: Sunrail Locations 56

Figure 4-03: Professional & Skill Based Jobs

Figure 4-04: Retail & Service Based Jobs

Figure 4-05: Hospitals & Healthcare Facilities

Figure 4-06: K-12 Schools

Once each of the individual parameters has a graphical diagram associated with them, they are then overlaid on top of one another to identify overlapped areas. The ideal site would have all parameters closely together with a centrally located Sunrail station.

Examining Figure 4-07, most of the design parameters are concentrated toward downtown Orlando and the Lake Eola area. Using this information, a highlighted region can be created to narrow down the ideal site list further.

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Figure 4-07: Overlayed Areas

VACANT, GOVT OWNED

Figure 4-08: Hotspot Area & Site

Within the highlighted region of Figure 4-08, every vacant lot is analyzed and ranked for its disaster relief housing capability. The vacant lot should ideally be government owned to avoid transactions and deed transfers of privately owned land. The ideal site should be within a quarter mile walking distance to the nearest Sunrail station and located near a major bus route. All required resources for those displaced should be readily accessible within a ten minute car or bus ride, such as: hospitals, clinics, schools, and job opportunities.

Out of the dozen sites located within the highlighted region, one particular site located toward the northern edge held the highest ranking. Located just two miles north of central downtown Orlando, the government owned site is approximately four and a half acres located in an up and coming community. The size, proximity to resources, and accessibility to the Sunrail make this site the prime candidate for disaster relief housing.

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4.2 The Site The site selected is 180,000 square feet of vacant, government owned land located just slightly north of Downtown Orlando with no planned future development (Figure 4-09).

Public transportation is available through the bus route located on site or the Sunrail station that is within a quarter mile. Additionally, the site is located about a half mile away from the major interstate I-4, which acts as the main artery for cars throughout central Florida.

Hospitals, diagnostic centers, and pharmacies are located less than half a mile north of the site in the Health Village. The site is on many public school bus routes for K-12 students, with nearby access to many parks, museums, and science centers nearby. Additionally, there are a multitude of job opportunities throughout this area of Orlando with varying skill levels.

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Figure 4-09: Site Information

Located to the north of the site is the Health Village of Orlando, where many diagnostic centers, pharmacies, and healthcare facilities are located.

To the east of the site is where many educational and science based venues are located, such as the Orlando Science Center, Orlando Repertory Theatre, and the Orlando Museum of Art. On the west side of the site, many restaurants, bars, and local businesses line N Orange Avenue, which directly connects Winter Park and Downtown Orlando (Figure 4-10).

The site is located in the center of these three programmatically dense areas. As such, the site and the housing program should be influenced by all these parameters to integrate cohesively within the city. The disaster relief housing should connect these three programmatic zones for the city while also integrating those displaced.

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Figure 4-10: Site Adjacencies

Site (Figure 4-11) Directly to the north across Princeton Street is the Ronald McDonald house and a Diagnostic Center. To the northeast is the Orlando Science Center, which has an elevated bridge that connects to a parking garage that is located east of the site on Camden Road. To the south is a large park, Lake Formosa, and a future performance theater that is currently under construction. Immediately to the east of the site is Alden Road and a variety of local businesses and restaurants.

Buildable Area & Setbacks (Figure 4-12) The site already has a sidewalk that is located approximately three to eight feet away from the street curb, depending on its location. To increase pedestrian walkability, the sidewalk and setback is pushed to twenty feet around the entire site.

Within the new setback perimeter, the modular grid described from Chapter 3.2 is placed on the entire area, which is the standardized CLT dimensions from the CLT manufacturing plant in Dothan, Alabama.

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Figure 4-11: Site

Figure 4-12: Buildable Area & Setbacks

Figure 4-13: Building Footprint

Figure 4-14: Pedestrian Street

Building Footprint (Figure 4-13) Due to the orthogonal shape of the modular grid and the curved lot shape, the site is built to the setback as much as possible, which allows for the site corners to be open for public gathering spaces. Along the major intersection of Princeton and Alden Road, the building footprint is step-backed multiple times for pedestrian walkability and to create a softer edge along the busy corridor.

Pedestrian Street (Figure 4-14) The building footprint is then bisected to create a pedestrian street that aligns with Bedford Road. The pedestrian road connects the health village and Sunrail station that is located to the north of the site to the future performance theater located to the south by Lake Formosa.

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Pedestrian Street Programming (Figure 4-15) With the pedestrian street connecting the performance venue and the Sunrail station, it is then activated with social programming such as bars, farmer’s market, community gardens, and wineries.

Streetfront Programming (Figure 4-16) The streetfront spaces are programmed to match and mimic the existing site conditions. The spaces located on the north toward the health village are focused on health and fitness related programs, such as a gym and a yoga studio. On the east streetfront, a parking garage is placed to match the existing one across Camden Road. The southeast spaces are programmed to match the museums and science centers that are nearby with spaces such as a maker studio and a library. To the west, a cafe and restaurant are placed to match the existing local businesses and shops along Alden Road.

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Figure 4-15: Pedestrian Street Programming

Figure 4-16: Streetfront Programming

Second Floor Elevated Walkway (Figure 4-17) Above the first floor spaces, a second and third floor elevated walkway connects all the housing units together into a semi-private public space.

Entrances and stairs are located at each of the three locations, one to the north from the health village side, one to the east from the museums and science centers, and one to the east from the local businesses and shops in the area. The elevated walkway bridges the disaster relief victims to the existing community.

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Figure 4-17: Second Floor Elevated Walkway

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4.3 Programming the Site Once the site conditions are understood, the programmatic elements of disaster relief in an urban context must be addressed. What type of spaces do those displaced need?

Additionally, what type of programmatic elements would the city respond to on the streetfront level to cohesively blend within the surrounding context?

Using the 17 goals that the IDMC set out as outlined in Chapter 3, some key programmatic elements can be determined for those displaced (Figure 4-18). Fortunately, many aspects of the 17 goals are easily accessible within the city, such as energy, sanitary, clean water, access to food, etc. After the housing unit is provided, the buildings can begin to focus on secondary needs for those displaced. Community and social spaces for the housing units are key to integrating them with one another and engaging them to the city. Additionally, to ease the burden and stress, a FEMA office and representative is built to help each family transition into the community and out of the community when they are ready.

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After their basic needs are met, many secondary and tertiary needs are those that are shared with those in the city. These types of programmatic elements are placed on the street level, programmatically oriented toward matching the existing context. A restaurant for example may want fresh vegetables, fruit and herbs from a nearby garden or farmers market. This same location could be used for displaced victims to go grocery shopping.

These types of shared spaces are meant to encourage interaction and engagement between those displaced and the people of the city to foster integration.

Figure 4-18: Programmatic Matrix

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With the programmatic elements understood, a series of massing axonometrics were created to further understand the site conditions and establish form (Figures 4-19 through 4-24). Starting with the site boundaries, the 20’ x 20’ modular grid is placed onto the site.

Programmatic boxes scaled to ideal sizes are then created and oriented on site toward program adjacencies of the existing context.

Public and community centric programs were placed along main circulation corridors to maximize gathering spaces.

Once the streetfront programmatic masses were placed, the elevated walkway was added to connect all three major roads to the semiprivate housing community. These housing masses were placed along the perimeter of the elevated walkway to maximize exterior view to the city while also creating a more private space in the elevated walkway. Finally, the units are inserted inside the housing masses and the facade is articulated to match the exterior views and the interior program.

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Figure 4-19: Site Boundary Axonometric

Figure 4-20: Site Grid Axonometric

Figure 4-21: First Floor Programming Axonometric

Figure 4-22: Elevated Walkway Axonometric

Figure 4-23: Housing Masses Axonometric

Figure 4-24: Housing Units Axonometric

4.4 The Module (Figure 4-25) The structural grid is made of modular CLT beams and columns from Dothan, Alabama. Using the standardized 20’ x 20’ dimension, a three dimensional grid is able to be created on the site. These CLT members are quickly shipped and assembled on site as needed. Once constructed, exterior and interior panels are assembled on site. Standardizing the structural grid allows for uniformity across all the components which speeds up construction and allows for each unit to be prefabricated ahead of time.

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Figure 4-25: Modular Grid

Figure 4-26: Housing Unit Types

Housing Units (Figure 4-26) The 20 x 20 CLT module allows for the opportunity to create a variety of housing units within the structure. Unlike the 300 square foot FEMA trailers, living spaces for those displaced should reflect and adapt to the size of the family. For families of four or five people, a 1200 square foot three bed / two bath option is available.

For single occupant units, a 400 square foot one bed / one bath option may be perfectly adequate. Each resident is able to control their living needs and have a home that fits them.

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Figure 4-27: Community Unit Types

Community Units (Figure 4-27) Similar to the housing units, the community units are flexible spaces that are able to adapt to the city’s and resident’s needs. These programmatic elements can vary from a community garden space whose produce goes to local restaurants and residents, to a fitness and yoga center. The interior finishes and exterior walls are provided as a template for the city to occupy as needed. For this thesis, the community spaces focused heavily on providing additional relief to those displaced while maximizing on contextual programming of the nearby area to integrate the existing community.

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Figure 4-28: Housing + Community

Creating adaptable structural modules allows for the opportunity to create a large variety of different spaces (Figure 4-28). For those displaced, family sizes range from a single person to a large family of six or higher. In all cases, their housing should reflect and adapt to their needs accordingly. For small size families, a studio unit or a one bed / one bath unit may be perfect. For larger families, like two adults and two children, a unit with three beds and two baths may be more comfortable.

The adaptable module also allows for flex, communal spaces as well. The interior spaces can be fit out into a large variety of different programs, such as a computer lab, restaurant, cafe, garden, etc. These public spaces are allowed to be used by residents living in the housing units or the people of the city as needed. The integration of those displaced and the new community in which they now live in is crucial moving forward.

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Figure 4-29: Flat Packed Components

Flat Packed Components (Figure 4-29) Both housing and community units are able to be quickly assembled and disassembled as needed. All individual components of the facility are prefabricated, designed-to-fit pieces that are all manufactured off site and arrive prebuilt. These pieces are then able to quickly attach and assemble to the CLT construction based on the module size. These components are then able to be flat packed, allowing multiple units to be shipped on a single truck.

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Figure 4-30: Facade Options

Facade Options (Figure 4-30) Due to CLT construction, the facade is interchangeable and customizable depending on the configuration and location of each unit. Each facade type is a prefabricated panel that is able to quickly attach and detach to the CLT structure as needed. Units with a view may opt to have a balcony or small terrace with planters while other units may wish to have more privacy and have limited glazing or a closed panel. The flexibility in the exterior panels allows the facade to react to the surrounding context and the occupant’s desire.

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4.5 The Building (Figure 4-31 through 4-39) The final building layout consists of four, sixstory housing structures that contain a total of 15 studio units, 40 one bed / one bath units, 25 two bed / two bath units, and 25 three bed / two bath units. Connecting all of these buildings is an elevated walkway that acts as a communal gathering place for residents of the structure.

The elevated walkway has three exits to the city: one to the north toward Princeton Street, one to the south towards North Lake Formosa Drive, and one to the west towards Alden Road. At the streetfront level, the perimeter spaces react to the context, programmatically being dictated by the site’s surroundings.

Each corner of the site is open for pedestrian walkability and gathering spaces, specifically on the southern areas along North Lake Formosa Road. With the future performance venue under construction, the site acts as a communal space for those visiting the area and an integration point for those currently living on site.

The site is meant to be for the city as much as it is for those who are displaced. The streetfront programming should bolster local businesses in the area while also providing individual opportunities for employment, education, and general well-being. For the residents of the disaster relief community, the building fosters the sustainable development goals while providing additional relief and assistance toward their next steps of recovery.

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Figure 4-31: Site Plan

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Figure 4-32: Building Assembly

Figure 4-33: First Floor Plan

First Floor Plan 01.

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Restaurant Cafe Winery Brewery Covered Plaza Garden Farmer’s Market Maker Space Computer Lab Library Parking Utility Spaces Fitness / Gym Men’s Locker Women’s Locker Yoga Bike 100

Figure 4-34: Second/Third Floor Plan

Second/Third Floor Plan 1. Elevated Walkway 2. Entrance Lobby 3. Housing 102

Figure 4-35: Streetfront Render

Figure 4-36: Elevated Walkway Render

Figure 4-37: Farmer’s Market Render

Figure 4-38: Unit Balcony Render

Figure 4-39: Typical Housing Render

4.6 The New Story of Those Displaced (Figure 4-40) Using this approach to disaster relief housing, what is the new story of those displaced?

The building itself is a permanent structure, but as mentioned in Chapter 1, about 50% of those displaced end up going back to their original home which is something that cannot be controlled. This means that after a disaster, once the housing is filled and 18 months pass, the building would be half vacant. The unfortunate reality is that the hurricane season is a yearly process, and disasters will continue to happen. As people begin to leave to go back home or find a new home within the city, another disaster will cause a new population to become displaced and forced to relocate again. This is a constant cycle.

The housing units outlined in this thesis will conform to the requirements of the Stafford Act and be provided for 18 months to displaced victims. During this time, a FEMA office and agent will assist each household with finding new affordable housing either within the city or elsewhere. In this method, FEMA resources are better allocated to help and provide aid to victims. One of the major complaints out of FEMA City was that once they received housing they received no help in what to do after.

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Figure 4-40: The New Story of Those Displaced

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05 Conclusion 5.1 Conclusion & Overview Internal displacement is a complex, multifaceted topic that is difficult to address. This thesis attempts to address the housing needs of those displaced by integrating them into the fabric of our urban centers.

These locations often provide the best economic opportunity through potential jobs and have an established infrastructure to support a variety of needs of those displaced. By utilizing underdeveloped, urban plots of land with prefabricated, modular construction, a series of housing units and community focused spaces can be quickly built. This housing unit will not only be able to provide shelter for those in need, but is also able to provide new local businesses and address specific community needs. The integration between the existing community and those displaced create a symbiotic relationship, making each integral to the other (Figure 5-01).

Disaster relief, despite its good intentions, can go horribly wrong if it only serves as a means to provide shelter. There are many other variables and needs of those displaced that must be addressed as well.

Disaster relief housing should attempt to integrate harmoniously with the existing urban fabric to give those displaced the best chance at recovering.

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Figure 5-01: Streetfront Render

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5.2 Moving Forward This thesis explored disaster relief housing in a single, specific urban context and addresses only those displaced by hurricanes in the United States. However, displacement is a global issue and millions are impacted by its effects yearly.

These disasters are not specifically limited to hurricanes. Other natural disasters such as wildfires, earthquakes, flooding, and warrelated efforts cause displacement globally.

The iDMC states that over 30 million people a year are displaced every year. In this context, examining Downtown Orlando for hurricanebased displacement is only a small fragment in a much larger issue.

Moving forward and advancing this thesis further, there are many avenues that can be explored and investigated. Orlando is one of many major urban cities in the United States hurricane belt.

Looking at the diaspora map of Hurricane Katrina, cities like Atlanta, New Orleans, and Houston experience heavy displacement migration in response to hurricanes. This thesis could be expanded to become a prototypical urban response for major cities in the hurricane belt.

Due to hurricanes being a yearly occurrence, US displacement will continue to occur and urban disaster relief housing units will continually be filled as a result.

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Hurricane-based displacement doesn’t just stop at the hurricane belt. The diaspora map from Hurricane Katrina also suggests that those displaced often spread to major urban cities around the entire US. Boston, Los Angeles, Denver, and Chicago all received thousands of climate refugees in the aftermath of Katrina. A similar disaster relief housing strategy that this thesis explores could be implemented in major cities nationwide.

The lifecycle of disaster relief housing does not need to continually focus on providing relief to those displaced by hurricanes. Each city experiences their own unique forms of displacement and disaster housing could be flexible in that regard. For example, California could provide disaster housing relief to those affected by wildfires or earthquakes.

Disaster relief housing does not need to permanently stay as disaster relief. After the units have served their purpose, these units could then be converted into affordable housing for the city, which urban centers often have a severe shortage of. A building can potentially be constructed in response to disaster relief housing and then later transition into affordable housing for the city.

While this thesis focuses on being as empathic as possible to those displaced, it is also important to remember that the city is also impacted.

Further research and investigation should be done on the impact on the city as a result of implementing disaster relief housing in an urban context. The community focused programs and spaces on the streetfront could be a larger component in the overall building footprint.

These types of spaces can act as ‘gifts to the city’ from the federal government for using their land to provide disaster relief.

Whether it be providing and preparing infrastructure for disaster relief housing in one specific location, or establishing a prototypical typology that is able to be implemented nationally/globally, there are many directions that future research can go. Regardless of context, the housing must be sensitive to the context it occupies and those displaced.

The ‘gifted’ spaces can even be pre-built or constructed before a disaster even occurs. The first or second floor could be commercial and community driven spaces for the city and house the basic infrastructure to support housing units above the podium when needed. Like LEGO pieces, prefabricated components are able to attach on top of the podium when relief is needed.

Additionally, the units do not need to stay as permanent housing components. Due to the modular, prefabricated nature of the structure, the housing elements can be converted into commercial spaces, offices, or even temporary stay units such as a hotel or an AirBnB.

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4 (2017): 52-66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26234014.

Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act, Public Law 93-288, as amended, 42 U.S.C. 5121 et dwq., and Related Authorities https://www.fema.gov/media-library-data/1519395888776-af5f95a1a9237302af7e3fd5b0d07d71/StaffordAct.pdf Sastry, N., and Gregory, J. (2014). The location of displaced New Orleans residents in the year after Hurricane Katrina. Demography, 51(3), 753–775. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s13524-014-0284-y Sobel, Russell S., and Peter T. Leeson. “Government’s Response to Hurricane Katrina: A Public Choice Analysis.” Public Choice127, no. 1/2 (2006): 55-73. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30026772.

The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) (2018). “Disaster Displacement - A Global Review, 2008-2018” Accessed September 22, 2019. http://www.internal-displacement.org/sites/default/files/publications/documents/201905-disaster-displacement-global-review-2008-2018.pdf US Census Bureau. (2014) “Survey Of Construction”. Census.Gov. Accessed May 3 2020. https://www.census.gov/econ/overview/co0400.html.

Zillow. “Rent Growth Accelerates Going into 2018”. December 21, 2017.. Zillow Mediaroom. Accessed May 3 2020. http://zillow.mediaroom.com/2017-12-21Rent-Growth-Accelerates-Going-Into-2018.

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FIGURES & IMAGES

(In order of appearance)

Hurricane Aftermath Al Diaz/Miami Herald via AP. People walk through a neighborhood destroyed by Hurricane Dorian. September 5, 2019. Digital Image. “Hurricane death toll in Bahamas at 30 as aid begins to land”. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://apnews.com/dbe1ca34069140d982aecffe98c8c26f Astrodome Stadium After Hurricane Katrina Photo by Barria, Carlos at Reuters. “Superdome After Hurricane Katrina”. September 4, 2005. Digital Image. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://fortune.com/2016/08/25/top-ten-fema-funded-disasters/ Aftermath of Hurricane Charlie Photo by Booher, Andrea in the FEMA Photo Library. August 16, 2004 “Aerial Image of Destroyed Homes in Punta Gorda”. Wikipedia Commons. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hurricane_Charley#/media/File:Effects_of_Hurricane_Charley_from_FEMA_Photo_Library_7.jpg Figure 1-01 Global Surface Temperatures Karl, Thomas R., and Kevin E. Trenberth. “The Human Impact on Climate.” Scientific American 281, no. 6 (1999): Pg. 102. Digital Image. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26058527.

Figure 1-02 Carbon Dioxide Variation Over Time Graphic by NASA. Climate Change: How Do We Know?. Digital Image. NASA. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://climate.nasa.gov/evidence/ Data for graphic by Luthi, D., et al.. 2008; Etheridge, D.M., et al. 2010; Vostok ice core data/J.R. Petit et al.; NOAA Mauna Loa CO2 record.

Figure 1-03 Natural Disaster Events by Extreme Weather Graphic by Ritchie, Hannah, and Max Roser. 2014. “Natural Disasters”. Our World In Data. https://ourworldindata.org/natural-disasters Data for graphic by EMDAT (2019): OFDA/CRED International Disaster Database. Universite catholique de Louvain - Brussles - Belgium Aftermath in Puerto Rico Photo by Skerrit, Roosevelt. “Morning After Hurricane Maria” September 19, 2017. Digital Image. Wikipedia Commons. Accessed May 1, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Morning_after_Hurricane_Maria_(37372721465).jpg Living in the Superdome Photo by Booher, Andrea in the FEMA Photo Library. August 24, 2015 “Living in the Superdome”. Digital Image. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://whowhatwhy.org/2015/08/24/corruption-and-contempt-the-hidden-story-of-hurricane-katrina/ Figure 1-05 Katrina’s Diaspora Graphic by Matthew Ericson, Archie Tse and Jodi Wilgoren at the New York Times. 2015. Katrina Diaspora. Digital Image. New York Times. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/imagepages/2005/10/02/national/nationalspecial/20051002diaspora_graphic. html?module=inline Data for graphic: FEMA, Census Bureau, Queens College Sociology Department.

FEMA Housing FEMA Temporary Housing Community at Getty. Digital Image. MLU Services. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://www.mluservices.com/fema-temporary-housing-communities Figure 2-01 FEMA City in Punta Gorda Mattson, Rob from The New York Times. “FEMA Village” September 16, 2005. Digital Image. “Comeback After Charley”. Accessed May 1, 2020. http://extra.heraldtribune.com/2014/08/08/10-years-charley-recovery-rebirth/ Figure 2-02 FEMA Mobile Housing Unit Photo by Carr, Mariel with the Science History Institute. “Where Have All the Trailers Gone?” August 27, 2015. Digital Image. Wikipedia Commons.

Accessed May 1, 2020. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Fema_trailer_2_Mariel_Carr_Chemical_Heritage_Foundation_Video.jpg Figure 2-03 FEMA Trailer Sticker Photo by Shapiro, Nick with the Science History Institute. “Where Have All the Trailers Gone?” August 27, 2015. Digital Image. Wikipedia Commons.

Accessed May 1, 2020.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:NickShapiro_FEMA_Trailer_Sticker.jpg Figure 2-04 FEMA Lots & Housing Units Photo by Salisbury, Patrick for The New York Times. “FEMA Sets Date for Closing Katrina Trailer Camps” November 29, 2007. Digital Image. New York Times. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/29/us/29trailer.html Figure 2-05 NYC Emergency Housing Prototype NYC Emergency Housing Prototype. Digital Image. Garrison Architects. Accessed May 1, 2020. http://www.garrisonarchitects.com Figure 2-06 Construction of Housing Unit Construction of Housing Unit. Digital Image. Garrison Architects. Accessed May 1, 2020. http://www.garrisonarchitects.com Figure 2-07 Interior of Housing Unit Interior of Housing Unit. Digital Image. Garrison Architects. Accessed May 1, 2020. http://www.garrisonarchitects.com Figure 2-08 Emergency Housing Unit Emergency Housing Unit. Digital Image. Garrison Architects. Accessed May 1, 2020. http://www.garrisonarchitects.com Figure 2-09 AbleNook Prototype AbleNook Prototype. Digital Image. Ablenook. Accessed May 1, 2020. http://www.ablenook.com Figure 2-10 AbleNook at Remote Site AbleNook at Remote Site. Digital Image. Ablenook. Accessed May 1, 2020. http://www.ablenook.com Flooded Streets Staff Sgt. Martinez, Daniel J. Guarding Texas: State, Federal Agencies Respond to Harvey. September 31, 2017. Digital Image. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://www.147atkw.ang.af.mil/News/Photos/igphoto/2001805540/ Figure 3-01 Cortex Shelter Concept Idea Cortex Shelter Concept Idea. Digital Image. Cutwork Studio. Accessed May 1, 2020. https://cutworkstudio.com/cortex-shelter

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