Food and The Supermarket - Research Essay.

FOOD A N D T H E S U P E R M A R K E T.

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Tu t o r - A n e P i l e g a a r d - 3 8 , 1 8 1 C h a r a c t e r s .

17th December 2017

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An Investigation on Copenhagen’s commercial food interface.

Introduction.

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Food and The Supermarket.

Throughout Europe Supermarkets are the often the main interface between consumers and their food system. Embedded within our daily routines, the vast majority of the consumer market depends entirely on them for access to produce. Recognising a lack of spatial academia surrounding corporate food outlets prompts enquiry. Is there ever the chance for the relationship between food and space to be questioned within such profit driven, commercial platforms? Does supermarket materiality, detail and programming have any influence on our understanding and value of what we consume? The purpose of this report is to initiate investigation and discussion into this common interface of an urban food system.

The suggestion of the Anthropocene epoch in 2016 pushes for even better awareness of the consequences that our consumption has had on the planet. While also being a sobering reminder of how finite our resources actually are. With global population climbing towards (8.9-9.7) billion in 2050 (U.N Population Division, 2017) dependant of fertility rates, the United Nations Farming and Agriculture Organisation (UNFAO) predicts that an increase of 75% from todays production will be required. While the majority of this occurs in The Global South, the responsibility of G8/ developed counties is to lead by example and feed more with less.

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As academic discourse regarding the challenges facing food security grows we learn that it is the entirely of our food chains must be looked at. Food movements such as Organic production, slow food, urban agriculture, transport miles, food deserts, consumer diet and food waste are all topics that encompass an abundance of research in their name.

Additionally, within the architecture and design context, profound attention is given towards initiatives such as vertical agriculture, farmers markets, food banks, and akin. This report’s focus however, is to be on commercial urban food outlets. Namely supermarkets, where a somewhat un glamorous nature may see it an area of study largely overlooked by spatial academia. In light of this, it is hoped that reflection into the influence of the super systems that feed of us might open up new points of discussion.

Introduction.

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The density and accessibility of supermarket chains within the urban fabric of Copenhagen underpins the expectation that they are, for most of us, embedded within the daily routine.

The Euromonitor 2017 Report for Grocery Retailers In Denmark figures show that an 82.4% share of the market is held by chain outlets. Breaking this down further, 59.1% of this is held by just two companies, namely Dansk Supermarket, a sub company of intercontinental shipping magnate Mersk-Møller Group owning (Netto & Føtex) and FDB Group (Irma, Super Brugsen, Kvikly & Fakta). Such dominance is understandable when consumers are treated to the accessibility, consistency and in the most part affordability that these global, powerful and vertically integrated supply chains allow. Seasonal variations are accounted for by the ability source produce from both hemispheres and on shelf availability is nearly always guaranteed through precise freight logistics.

This dependance is something that’s unlikely to change considering capital backing and entrenched consumer demand. However it is due to this exact dependance and scale of business that has prompted critical gaze.

In looking to Britain as an example, where Regional Distribution Centres (RDC’s) are airport scale logistical hubs scattered throughout the countryside. An specific example in Crick is one of seventy that operates twenty four hours a day, three hundred and sixty five days a year.

It’s processes re-distribute thousands of food crates daily from ‘upstream’ supplier deliveries into ‘downstream’ orders destined for supermarket. Each time a customer buys from a within the specific region the items bar code triggers an order for to the RDC to be picked and restored on shelf by the next day. The entire system operates on fragile in-out logistics and holds no surplus provisions. The lack of reserve and extensive supply chain length makes the system completely vulnerable to any unforeseen interruption.

Truth is supermarkets across the entirety of Europe are supplied in this manner, managed by Third Party Logistic (3PL) companies that have networks spanning the entire globe. Fruits & vegetable from the plastic greenhouses in Almeria, Spain or beef reared in fenced dustbowls in Querência, Brazil. Understanding the lack of storage within inner city stores means that much of the food we eat next week hasn’t even arrived in the country yet.

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Nearly ten years ago, in her article published in The Guardian Newspaper (UK) Hillary Spurling shares the sheer scale and clandestine nature of the food systems that support our cites.

“The unprecedented scale and secrecy, makes its nature, let alone its consequences, difficult to grasp. For the first time in history, supply no longer has any clear relation to demand. Output, and the complex international infrastructure that supports it, is controlled exclusively by profit.

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The figures are staggering. Wal-Mart currently dominates the global grocery trade with profits reckoned by the UN at the start of the century to be ‘bigger than the gross domestic product of three quarters of the world’s economies’. By 2008 those profits have doubled. Five companies control 90 per cent of the global grain supply. The world tea market is in the hands of three.”

(Spurling. H, 2008) In her seminal work Hungry City (Steel. C, 2008) criticises this previously mentioned nature of contemporary food supply within Europe. Recognising that there has always been some divide between cities and the arable lands that feed them she outlines how exponentially large, complex and fragile the system now is. While recognising that there is no chance of returning to the historic notions of only consuming locally the book provides a foundation of knowledge for further investigation in the spatial aspects of our diet. As an architect and historian her audience is not intended to be food scholars. Instead it is a call to arms to those of us involved in the built environment to cast a fresh gaze on the metabolism of contemporary urbanity. While her analysis and historical research is applauded globally by scholars, specific proposals to move forward are not a strong point and miss the potency needed in a catalyst for change.

As Richard Wilk of Indiana University puts it, “The least effective chapter is the last, oriented towards the future, where Steel has few concrete solutions to offer. Correctly critical of grand utopian dreams, she asks us instead to think about food more, to consider what is in our meals and to be more mindful of how it reaches us.”(Wilk, R. 2009) Considering Hungry City a departure point suggests and seeing a general lack of spatial academia surrounding large capital food outlets. The interface and moments of exchange between the consumer and their urban food systems will thus become a focus point for study.

The scope of this will be within Copenhagen, Denmark, an example that, due to the city’s globally recognised sustainability goals may be considered among the frontier of this discourse.

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Introduction.

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In 2014 The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation outlined the Sustainable Food Value Chain Framework (SFVC). The publication forms an in depth paradigm to analyse and improve food production in any global production system. Within the report it is most briefly defined as “the full range of farms and firms and their successive coordinated value-adding activities that produce particular raw agricultural materials and transform them into particular food products that are sold to final consumers and disposed of after use, in a manner that is profitable throughout, has broad-based benefits for society, and does not permanently deplete natural resources.” UNFAO (2014) The SFVC is essentially aimed at policy makers and project leaders to facilitate a better comprehend value management among the diverse aspects within production, aggregation, processing, distribution and consumption. Using this framework for structure, the investigation will narrow in on juncture between distribution and consumption. It is in this retail component of the food chain that the consumer encounters product and makes purchasing decisions based on value and understanding of goods. It is here were the report will use an use the standpoint of spatial practitioner to investigate how a design gaze may help interpret this aspect of the food value chain.

Value is a broad based term and can be referred to with multiple semantics. For the purpose of this essay ‘value’ will avoid numerical/financial connotations of market price and instead stand for the personal worth, importance, quality and usefulness of goods.

The primary aim of this report is to open discussion on how the spatial qualities of large capital supermarkets might influence how we value what we consume. To think where things come from, what it means to us hence the effort we make to consume wisely. This will be initiated through on site investigation and documentation. It is hoped that the ideas of this may manifest prompting further thought and dialogue on the repercussions of value regarding how we use/respect food.

Firstly a series of site investigations around Copenhagen will to observe and register spatial qualities of the consumer interface with the food chain. Registrations will be in the form of sketches and photographs. Secondly a discussion into the findings and remaining gaps of these visits along with potential trajectories forward.

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Dis pl ay c ar t - Super B rugsen.

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Investigation.

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Case Study 01- Netto - Kampmannsgade, Vesterbro Netto stores are classified as discounter supermarkets and with 462 locations have the highest number of stores in Denmark. Consistently cheaper prices, very little variation, standardised store layout are hallmarks of the brand.

The first store visited is found on the corner of Kampmannsgade and Vester Fairmagsgade in Copenhagen V. The visit shown in Figure 01 was just after midday on a Wednesday.

Coming off Kampmannsgade into the intermediate space customers are ushered right and initially met with a series of manufactured products on sale. They include hair conditioner, Christmas decorations & laundry goods, a random assortment with no connection evident.

Some are piled in wire baskets and others sit in their transport packaging atop well worn freight pallets. This was also seen at the store on Nørrebrogade (Figure 02) where cans of mackerel and rødkal are positioned next to the automated gate thus forcing a quick decision.

There’s a faint whiff of the Pant machine being carried out the door. Proceeding beyond this is the green groceries section which is arrayed down the glazed facade to the street blocking the view out and in. The first encounter the the organic section which is stacked on the same shelf datum but presented in brown cardboard boxes instead of the plastic units. Above is a long graphic print of wholesome looking vegetables still covered in the earth in which they grew. A vastly different image to the washed and plastic packaged produce resting below,

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As stated previously, supermarkets are often the only interface of an otherwise clandestine system that the consumer encounters. The scope of the following investigation is to explore this interface with a focus on green grocery sections. How items are presented within space and the details of any standout elements. This narrow focus is recognised as a starting point for purposes of the essay and chosen due to fruit and vegetables having the most uninterrupted link to agricultural production. While also showing the most diversity across stores regarding display and presentation. Alongside this, most products in this section existing in their raw state having less industrial processing and packaging.

Important to recognise that design within the realms of chain supermarket is driven by the optimisation of profit margins. Store layout, display shelves, and product graphics are manipulated to steer purchasing decisions and brand impressions. While the cost embodied in implementing this infrastructure being kept as low as possible.

Out of the fourteen brands that operate across all of Denmark the case studies are a a smaller sample of those found within the inner municipalities. Four large chains and one independent store have been explored as a starting point. While clearly each store will appeal to different demographics and most likely show varying levels of good and bad practice, the visits to supermarkets are about forming a collective body of registration rather than drawing comparisons between each other.

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Fi gure 03 - N e tto K a p m a n n g a d e.

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Fi gure 04 - N e tto C h r i s ti a n h avn .

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Fi gure 05 - N e tto Bl ĂĽ g a rd g a d e.

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Investigation.

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the most striking difference being the complete uniformity of shape and size. This hints at the dichotomy between what is presented to the public and what is sold in-store. The ceiling height is around four and a half meters recalling the expansive atmosphere of a warehouse.

A 7000k fluorescent tube grid hangs 1200 below this casting a whitish-blue gleam across the plastic protecting most of the produce. A series of smaller spot lamps point at the display shelves but are drowned out by the dominant lighting grid. The combination of these along with the trolley pallets elicit impressions of speed an efficiency, this is further reinforced by the robust tacitly of the old grey tiles underfoot. The qualities found here hide any notion of process of effort in what is shown. There’s almost a sense that the setting has been hanging in time and could continue without any change or decay.

As seen in Figure 03 produce for sale that doesn’t fit on shelves is wheeled into place and stacked. Having such regard to weight loads of individual containers no doubt results in produce in the lower stacks becoming damaged and un-fit for sale. Moving out of the green groceries section, the graphic banners vanish and the racked isle programme takes over with long arrays of processed items.

These details may only reinforce what is already known about discount supermarkets. Where time and finance is not allocated for the arrangement or presentation of what is being sold. In light of this one must ask; what might these factor do to a product that, despite industrialised agrarian practice, is not something that has been produce quickly or easily?

This Netto is not unlike others that have been visited. Blågardgade, Nørrebrogade in Nørrebro and Halvtorv in Holmen were all studied finding similar sequencing, furniture and details.

While visiting the Halvtorv store in Christianhavn stock is seen piled Figure 04 up in a manner ignoring any restraints of the display system thus creating a precarious situation for any customer to approach. It’s here that it seems relevant to recall Hillary Spurling’s view on profit driven over-supply.

In the store opened on Blågardgade, in 2017 the same lighting grid and fixing were found casting a clinical hue across the grocery sections shown in Figure 05. In this newer store the steel display shelves are ‘softened’ by a adhesive faux-timber vinyl. In this particular store mirror ball style surveillance are installed throughout suggesting a notion of dis-trust between the company and shoppers.

It’s necessary to recognise that many may not actively notice or regard the detailing of a structure that supports their bananas. For chains such as Netto the priority customers are after affordability and reliability. Euromonitor’s report Grocery Retailers 2017 shows growth in this channel of 2% in 2016 and predicts continuing rising popularity of this segment. Putting forward the notion that austere spatial qualities are not a deterrent and that consumers are not bothered by such elements if it allows a financial saving.

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Fi gure 06 - I r m a - To r ve g a d e

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Fi gure 07 - I r ma - Tor vegad e

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Fi gure 08 - I r m a - G a m m e l K o n g e ve j.

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Investigation.

Within a full-service store such as Irma it’s expected to see that the chain spends more time curating the in store customer experience. The entrance doors shown in Figure 06 are made of a delicate mullion profile and low overhead clearance gives somewhat of a domestic scale.

The customer is firstly met with an arrangement of timber transport boxes holding nontypical species of apple, pears & potatoes. They’re haphazardly stacked as if just delivered from the farm and very clearly flaunting the Irma logo. Further along organic cucumbers and cabbage are displayed in a manner that noticeably demonstrates a more finite stock level shown in Figure 07. Displays are more fragmented here and space between displays is not the broad walkway found in other stores. Scattered around the grocery area are woven baskets used to store loose packets of nuts, berries, dates & fruit. This item choice with the embodied effort in time and craftsmanship ties in the with extra overall attention to detail.

The amount of produce on display in general is much less. They are laid with relative care and uses multiple different types of furniture. Many items require the more involved process of customers weighing items personally, thus inviting a moment to pause and think about how much is needed. The refrigerated displays around the periphery sit at a a datum well below an average eye prompting a downward gaze.

In the store visited on Gammel Kongevej, Vesterbro the series of up-cycled farm boxes seen in Figure 08 ware used as shelving system for fresh herbs. They have the patina of use and time and non-modular proportions result in a slapdash arrangement of products within.

Found nearby the shelving are an assortment of pre-industrial farm tools rakes, spades and a pitch-fork. To a perceptive eye it is an unmistakably shallow reference of farmyard kitsch.

But being a customer and not taking critical notice of such things, might it have any affect on perception of the product? Is such a gesture enough to signify the embodied effort in growing and harvest? The spatial programming here is once again fragmented and appears to avoid structure. The kind that might promote a longer browse amongst items rather than a get-in get-out strategy.

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Case Study 02- Irma - Torvegade, Christianhavn

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Fi gure 09 - Su pe r Bru g s e n - N ø r re bro g a d e.

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Investigation.

Super Brugsen is the sibling brand to Irma and holds a 9.9% (Euromonitor, 2017) market share behind Netto. One of the most interesting details found throughout the entire of instore visits was in the Super Brugsen on Nørrebrogade. Within the entry vestibule a small display stand holds a collection of root vegetables sourced from an organic farm in Hillerød, north west of Copenhagen. (Figure 09) The vegetables are the irregular and dirty versions only seen on print graphics elsewhere. Details about their production, the farm and farmers are also depicted for the customer. It’s an interesting strategy and while it holds definite elements of novelty and marketing there’s also an clear aspect of consumer education. The combination of such factors no doubt must be balanced to make it commercially viable. To see that the countries second most popular supermarket is beginning to work with local organic producers is promising, even though at a surface level. There’s questions to be raised about the influence on value that such narrative has on a product when used in the house hold. Is it used? or is it left in the fridge to go bad because it’s unwashed and irregular? They are questions for a more extensive and methodological survey than this, but ones that should definitely be asked. On the wall just behind the farm stand is a small chalk board citing which products are currently in season. A nice gesture but it’s somewhat off to the side and awkwardly placed under a dominant CCTV monitor. Moving past the vestibule one enters the groceries section, a linear hall with shelved displays don either side. Real timber is used on the facia and the vast majority of stock is branded clearly with the certified organic logo.

Scattered on either sides are wooden boxes with highlighted produce that protrude into the flow of foot traffic. The scale and handle details of display creates within the shelving suggests that re-stocking is done by hand, thus reducing damage, bruising and therefor waste. This was confirmed at later visit.The space here contains multiple details that clearly shows an added element of care within the Super Bruggsen’s principles and on their website is a manifesto stating commitment to local goods. Seeing that such considerations can be included within a successful commercial environment is promising and definitely an example of good practice.

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Case Study 03- Super Brugsen - Nørrebrogade, Nørrebro

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Fi gure 10 - Su pe r Bru g s e n - N ø r re bro g a d e.

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Fi gure 11 - Al d i - R a ntz a u s g a d e

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Fi gure 12 - Al d i - R a ntz a u s g a d e Page 22

Investigation.

Aldi is a global leader within the discount supermarket segment and has over 10,000 stores in 18 different counties. In Denmark the chain is Aldi Nord a regionally branch seen most commonly in Northern Europe where in store focus is on staple items with less attention towards fresh produce.

The store visited on Rantzausgade made this clear as the groceries section was not the primary zone. Instead a collection of bulk displayed products and discount bins. (Figure 11) This mass stock display generates a different experience for the customer as they become involved in the unpacking of items directly from their transport packaging. What does taking one or two items from the stack of hundreds do to an impression of value?

The fresh produce section was found tucked into the corner closet to the cashier. While selection is small, most notable was the paradox in positioning directly across from sanitary items. (Figure 12) It’s evident here that only the bare minimum needed to open the store has been added to the building structure post completion. The formwork is still visible beneath the first floor concrete slab and the lighting system is made up from exposed bulb industrial fixings that cast a cold glare. While everything is budget and cheap, one must understand that all are strategies to ensure that cost savings are passed on to the consumer.

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Case Study 04 - Aldi - Rantzausgade, Nørrebro

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Fi gure 13 - Lø s - S a xo g a d e

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Fi gure 14 - Lø s - S a xo g a d e

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Fi gure 15 - Lø s - S a xo g a d e

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Investigation.

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The inclusion of Løs Vesterbro within the investigations is for a point of difference. It’s acknowledged that the scale and accessibility of the store is not directly comparable with those previously mentioned. It does however represent a frontier of food movement regarding food security and responds directly to many of the issues raised in the introduction of this piece. The founder and owner of Løs is Frederic Hamburger, a Parisian turned Copenhagehner who has lived locally for nearly 20 years. He strongly believes that contemporary societies’ relationship with the food system is troubled. Reducing food waste, promoting organic production, sourcing locally and prompting deeper engagement with produce are all philosophies that he abides by. The store was opened in 2016 and openly represents these themes. Plastic bags are not allowed instead opting for multiple use canvas bags or glass bottle that customers can supply themselves of buy in store.

Before continuing there are some realities of the store to be acknowledged. The shop is small in scale both physically and in customer reach. Making it much easier to adopt the progressive stance that it does. It’s Success depends on a group of customers who are motivated and willing to be active in the shopping experience. For this kind of store to be scaled up requires the same of the target demographic. In interviewing Frederic he admits to this and claims that the shop isn’t going to fix anything, instead is positively optimistic that it’s a little step forward. Spatially, the most noticeable aspect of the store is the wall mounted dispensary system seen in Figure 13. This requires customers to select precisely what they need to then decant into any reusable container. As Frederic points out, there is a rich sensory experience in doing so. Focus is required as ingredients come out at a quick rate and can easily over fill. Additionally there is the risk of spillage by not paying attention to the opening of the vessel. They’re very small details but work to make consumption just the little bit less automatic. The specific nature of ingredients are all well perceived through this system too. Despite direct contact not being made, tactility is suggested through sound and the weight of the ingredients filling the container. In being solely responsible for the portion one takes and has to pay for it’s common to reconsider, take a little more or put a little back, an action lost in pre-packaged food. Programatically the layout of Løs fragmented and being crammed into the ground floor of a shop tenancy forms circulation that is unintentionally a little picturesque. Out the front of the store is set up in the same manner at the traditional grocer. See Figure 14. Timber boxes are used to hold goods and handwritten signs impose a personal scale.The fact is that this whole set up is nothing new at all and solely reminiscent of a more frugal era before mass produced plastics. Similar examples exist elsewhere in Europe; Original Unverpackt in Berlin and Unpackaged in London however they are still very much fringe initiatives.

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Case Study 06- Løs Market - Versterbro

Discussion.

Firstly, there are realistic considerations to be acknowledged. Tackling this frontier is not a matter of simply making more eloquently detailed supermarket interfaces. There’s a role for each and every price point within society in making nutrition available for all.

Trying to change this format of grocery space will only result in the cost being relayed onto customers. Is prompting agrarian narrative via farmyard kitsch a valid method to distill an understanding of embodied process? There’s potential for it to trigger thought but just as equally for it go unnoticed or fall into a basket of shallow tactics that just enrich the shopping experience within pricier stores. Maybe opportunity for a less passive approach? One of didactic in-store lessons or workshops that makes use of this space with direct engagement to customers. Jeff Risom in his lecture on ‘Food Production As A Driver of Urban Culture’ as part of the KADK Circular Economy Lecture Series stated that Eating sustainable needs to be the easiest, most convenient way - the path of least resistance. Presenting statistics of cycling in Denmark is an example - the top three reason are factors of convenience - quicker, more reliable and healthier. Only the veto least popular reasons given in the survey are out of considerations for the environment. Risom believes that the option of eating sustainable needs to share the same phenomena in being chosen purely out of convenience over moral obligation (Love, N. Personal Communication, 23rd November 2017) This consideration may pair with the notion of in-store engagement as it requires no extra effort on the customers part. Thus would become added on to the same processes of normal routine. Are there spatial programmes might be imagined in response to this?

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Referring back to the collections of details found on-site, it seems clear that they are elements intrinsically derived from the systems behind them. Signifiers or a representation of companies principles and manners of operation. Predictably, the varying stores showed different levels of care which are then inferred onto the shopping experience and products within. What is interesting about this is how this observation might be used to establish a frame work to analyse and critique the relationship between food spaces and the functions that supply them.

To look critically on the investigations, one aspect largely missing from the analysis is the imperative of a formal method. If further discussion is going to take place of behalf of the studied interfaces perhaps a more detailed look into what procured each spatial element is needed. The funding, purpose and necessity. As well as this a greater breadth is sites visited

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So what do this collection of spatial qualities impart? And what might can be gained or discussed from these observations?

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thus reducing the narrow focus of inner city living conditions. There’s also the consideration that regardless of spatial arrangement, materiality or details it is an immense and potentially impossible task to fully understand or appreciate the dimensions of gown produce in this context. Without any sort of agrarian experience or practice how can one truly form valuable links between the nuances of production and consumption.

The realisation following these visits is that analysis includes domains much broader than the spatial. The reality is that the issue is complex and like that of many of that challenges facing out time requires attention from a broad span of interdisciplinary backgrounds. In his essay Food, a Compromised Issue (2102) Dutch philosopher and governmental policy adviser Huub Dijstelbloem suggests that Latour’s paradigm of complex networks as ‘black boxes’ is parallel to our contemporary food system. Here vital dependencies, intermediate steps and cohesion between actors are then eliminated or effaced by the end of the chain. Thus resulting in in a ‘Black Box’ effect that conceals origins, processes and meanings. Dijstelbloem insists that while some have already started we must en masse continue to deconstruct the black box. Thus establishing transparency and disclosure between companies and customers within the an otherwise clandestine system. The repercussions of this will span from the personal, global-political, and environmental and are already occurring. As mentioned earlier, initiatives such as Urban Agriculture, Slow Food, The Food Movement, Locavore approach are already common subjects to academia. Although only existing on the fringes of mass consumer psyche they are indicators that some already held the desire to open the box.

Looking to the case of Super Brugsen on Nørrebrogade including and making a point of local producers could be considered as an initial move to create transparency. Defining whether it a gesture of corporate responsibility or acknowledging consumer demand is the requirement of further discussions with managerial strata of the company. There’s a chance of both, however the important element is that it sets a precedent to follow.

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There’s clearly a role to be played by both top and bottom actors within. At a lower level ideas and principles within food consumer movements can work to continue to steer demand and send hints along the supply chain. As this consumer knowledge grows it contributes to a spiralling affect. As (Latham, J. PhD. 2016) wrote “those who enter the orbit of the food movement are likely to move deeper into it. Someone who begins by buying free range eggs, perhaps for reasons of ethics, moves on to keeping chickens and perhaps to sourcing other meats more ethically or more locally. People attracted to flavourful meat or produce are likely to expand their interests into animal welfare or become locavores, and so on.”

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Discussion.

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Wendell Berry the American farming activist proclaimed that eating is an agricultural act and that Every time you make a decision about food, you are farming by proxy. (Berry, W. 1989) as if the plate were intrinsically entwined with the arable earth of the farm. While it’s a alluring metaphor and maybe a powerful catalyst for change there’s also a somewhat uncomfortable aspect. It places a large obligation on the individual consumer and potentially an unfair one. Dijstelbloem states that “The outcome of thinking in linear relationships between farm and fork is that consumers come under moral pressure to make the world a better place through their personal choices, even though they have very limited means for action within the chain” (Dijstelbloem, H. 2012) is wary of the metaphor and argues the moral burden is too high considering individual means and while enticing, it excludes the large responsibility of policy makers, global corporations and regulatory bodies.

Producers and retailers among the top of the chain are subject to change whether it’s out of corporate responsibility or business strategy to remain relevant. (Koch, H. 2017) Outlines a broad shift that in time suggests changes in the nature of production, supply lines and selling methods. The market is growing ever more savvy to the shroud around food and the large companies that bring it to our shelves. Additional to this consumers understand the gimmick in small ingredient tweaks or new ‘healthy’ options. She remarks that “To survive, the food industry will need more than its current bag of tricks. There is a consumer shift at play that calls into question the reason packaged foods exist. There was a time when consumers used to walk through every aisle of the grocery store, but today much of their time is being spent in … raw produce,” (Koch, H. 2017)

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Urban farming initiatives have great didactic traits and does well for the very few that engage

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There’s hope that this growing food movement will continue to trigger reform of the system, pushing for simple honest produce that’s understood and appreciated. Within Copenhagen, this desire for a valuable connection with food may be seen at through the strength of fringe initiatives found within the city. Examples like Ostergro, DYRK Nørrebro, SLOW Frederiksberg, Tagtomat, Miljøpunkt Nørrebro, the food precinct redevelopment at Sankt Kjelds Plads and Noma’s city farm due to open in 2018 stand for the popular recognition of food movement. If these practices grow might there be potential for supermarkets dissemination of ideas between the two. Although they distant in many ways there might be things to be learnt from the 13.9% marked ‘other’ in Euromonitor’s report.

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with it. It’s methods Present the consequential and natural limitations embodied within what we eat. Admittedly lower yields and the need for active participation make large scale hard to initiate, and realistically will never have the capacity to feed out cities. Despite this, they educate of a more wholistic approach undoubtably does good for how we understand and value what we consume. Additionally to this, such practice has lower embodied resources and far less vulnerable supply chains. As (Lim, C. 2012) States in his book ‘Food City’ “Re localising even part of the food system is about much more than just providing food. New strategies must recognise the value of creating more jobs, providing fresh fruits and vegetable to underserved communities and reconnecting people more innovatively with their food.

Cities may not need urban farms to survive, but given the social environmental and economic return that the urban food system can deliver, we should find ways of developing them.”

Conclusion.

To summarise; using Carolyn Steel’s foundation criticism of our modern food system as a departure point, then recognising a lack of spatial academia surround supermarkets has resulted in these initial investigations. The aim from this has been open up new points of discussion into the nature and operations of our food system. While recognising that it’s entire chain must be reviewed in a push for better future practice, this work has used the UNFAO’s SFVC Framework to narrow in on the moment of exchange within the retail interface. It is here where a majority marketshare, accessibility and reliability has cemented their stores both within the urban fabric of our cities and consequentially the common daily routines.

Continuing to recognise the supermarket as the most common interface to the food chain is vital to position it’s importance when looking at improving the manner in which we consume.

This reliance is the very reason that might warrant a critical gaze to with the interest of both improving methods of practice but also looking for new opportunities to make the most of this interaction between urban consumers and their food chain.

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The multitude of elements discovered throughout the investigations present diverse levels of care for the produce being sold. While the qualities in material, furniture, program all contribute to the experience one has of a product, Analysis also suggests that these details within space might be considered material representatives of the expansive networks and principles of their host company. This framework may be useful for future discussion to help analysis interfaces and systems as a whole. Especially in light of the recognition for a proper

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Pro duce boxes - Løs.

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Conclusion.

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structured working method for the next site visits to occur.

In light of this, the key realisation following these visits is that further dialogue must include domains much broader than the spatial. In order to continue filling the academic gap highlighted the greater complexity and cloaked nature of the system must be acknowledged.

Using Dijstelbloem interpretation of Latour helps establish the motivation and reason in which to continue unpacking the ‘black boxes’ of contemporary food systems. The repercussions of making the system explicit will range from our individual person relationships with food to it’s arrangement at an mass scale.

There a role for actors on all levels play too. laying the moral burden on the consumer, might be tempting but is fundamentally unfair as they have a much smaller influence within the broader system. Despite this, having awareness to the industries shortcomings and acting on this can continue to steer demand. From a top level producers and retailers face the challenges of responding to new channels of thinking and food movements to stay relevant and competitive. In looking for channels to learn from there might be valuable lessons in fringe agrarian programmes.

Keeping to the aim of this report and concluding with the prompt; how does the reader understand what their own consumption? To think where things come from, the value it has?

An therefore the effort made to consume wisely?

The on-site work can only do so much and it is hoped that the ideas of this report will manifest. At very least it’s something for the reader to ponder. We may be in an Anthropcene era now, there are tasks ahead that require focused and critical attention, our food system is one of them. To conclude in the in words of Carolyn Steel “if we simply considered food more, that would be a start.”.

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Bibliography

Spurling, H. (2008). Our recipe for disaster. The Guardian Newspaper. Sunday 8th June 2008.

United Nations DESA, Population Division. (2017). World Population Prospects: The 2017 Revision. Retrieved from: https://www.un.org/development/desa/publications/world-population-prospects-the-2017-revision.html.

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Steel, C. (2008). Hungry City, How Food Shapes Our Lives. London : Random House.

Wilk, R. (2009). Review of Steel, Carolyn 2008 Hungry City: How Food Shapes our Lives.

Retrieved from: https://www.academia.edu232908Review_of_Carolyn_steel_2008_Hungry_ City_How_Food_Shapes_Our_Lives.

United Nations FAO. (2014). Developing Sustainable Food Value Chains - Guiding Principles Rome.

Dijstelbloem, H. (2012). Food, A Compromised Issue. In Van Der Sande, Et Al. (Eds.), Food For The City (Vol. 1, pp. 58-63). Rotterdam: Stroom Den Haag and Nai Publishers.

Koch, H. (2017). A Seismic Shift in How People Eat. [online] Nytimes.com. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/08/opinion/a-seismic-shift-in-how-people-eat.html?_r=0.

Berry, W. (1989). “The Pleasures of Eating. Berry, W (Ed.), What Are People For?. New York, NY: North Point Press.

Lim, C. (2014). Food City. New York: Routledge.

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