Madeleine Copin, Senior Deputy Head, Notting Hill & Ealing High School
Jacobean Masques
Hugo, Matilda, Hamish, Carys
How was the Jacobean Masque important in the construction of soft power?
Biology
Hans, Ariana, Jaden, Tehreem
The Geneticist's Garden and the Power of Peas
Maths
Millie, Daria, Jason, Seyoon
Why are there infinite infinities?
Physics
Amelia, Emilie, Jackie, Feo
Can nuclear bombs be used to power rockets?
Creative and Management Team
Guy, Monica, Olivia, Priya, Sophie
4
6
10
14
18
22
Audience
Economics
Agnes, Nirupama, Tom, Brian, John
Empowering girls through education
Classics
Hope, James, Preet, Adeline, Rohan
Power and corruption in Imperial Rome
Linguistics
Louis, Eliza, Martha
Does how someone speaks determine their power in society?
Politics
Felicity, Salem, Jonny, Garrick, Kieran
The Mayor of London
Art History
Carmen, Archie
What did Tatlin's Tower mean at the time, and what meanings does it have today?
Power is knowledge
" To summarise: it is a well known fact that those people who most want to rule people are, ipso facto, those least suited to do it. To summarise the summary: anyone who is capable of getting themselves made President should on no account be allowed to do the job."
- Douglas Adams
In 1958, scientists at Los Alamos explored an amusing idea: propelling rockets for interplanetary travel using controlled explosions of "small" nuclear bombs. What now seems outlandish was, at the time, a serious academic proposal. One can’t help but wonder - was it first conceived as an amusing thought over dinner, only to then become serious scholarly work? Perhaps, like the best projects, it was both. After all, there is no rule that forbids rigorous academic inquiry from eliciting a smile.
The Symposium, too, operates on multiple levels. At its core, it is a serious educational endeavor: we need to reclaim, from the dry pages of textbooks and examination specifications, the thrill of intellectual discovery. It is about overcoming challenges, tackling questions without clear answers, and refining the skills of scholarship, writing, and presentation. But it is also something more: a meeting of minds, an exercise in intellectual camaraderie, and, of course, an experience enriched by shared meals, lively discussions, and the kind of human connection that makes learning unforgettable.
Power is, of course, a weighty subject, and this Symposium does not shy away from difficult questions. Beyond nuclear propulsion, we consider Henry Higgins’ claim that accents largely determine a person’s social power, the representative authority of the Mayor of London, and the effectiveness of UK AID’s programs in empowering girls. Power can be examined across many dimensions - political, social, intellectual and personal - and, as the mathematicians confirm, connects us to infinitely many infinities.
This collection of essays, along with the presentations delivered at the Royal Society, is the culmination of months of work by students in the Spring of 2024, supported by their teachers and mentors. We are immensely proud of all involved. There is such power in this endeavor: the power of collaboration across different backgrounds, the power of engaging deeply with challenging material, and the power of standing before leading academics with confidence. And, perhaps most of all, there is power in the sheer joy of scholarship, which when nourished, energized, and celebrated, has made for the most turbonuclear of academic projects.
Ms Madeleine Copin
Senior
Deputy Head and Deputy Head
(Academic) Notting Hill & Ealing High School
Jacobean Masques
How was the Jacobean masque important in the construction of soft power, and what were the consequences of such conspicuous consumption?
The Jacobean period spanned from 1603 to 1625, during which time James the First and his wife Queen Anna ruled over England. The Jacobean masque, a spectacle filled with music, dance and acting, climaxing with the entrance of noblemen or ladies in intricate costume ‘disguises’ was particularly relevant during this period. This style of performance grew significantly in popularity during the Jacobean period, with staging concentrated in Whitehall. While these performances appeared to be just another frivolous activity of the rich upper class and monarchy, they actually played a fundamental role in the construction of royal soft power - the political tactic of shaping opinions and preferences through appeal. The masque can be seen as an example of this, a way to exert the prestige and wealth of England to subtly show visiting foreign allies and ambassadors the sophistication and power of James I and his country without overtly having to display military force.
Carys (NHEHS)
Hamish (HARROW)
Hugo (HARROW)
Matilda (NHEHS)
However, the consequences of this extravagant entertainment and clear display of elitism left lasting marks on the English monarchy and the country itself.
While these performances appeared to be just another frivolous activity of the rich upper class and monarchy, they actually played a fundamental role in the construction of royal soft power
The early 17th century saw the Jacobean masque coming to the fore. Europe in this period was characterised by expanding horizons both politically and diplomatically, with the foundations of many empires being built. Establishing and maintaining political alliances was imperative, so the utilisation of the masque as a state occasion in order to welcome diplomats, project power and maintain good relations was crucial. The audience was often a microcosm for the European political spectrum, with delegates and diplomats congregating to bear witness, aiding in the glorification of the King and often allegorically driving home a political point. The imposing, panegyric nature of the masque represented the power and authority held by the King. Even the design served to display the majesty of the King, “seated in a throne on a raised platform, directly opposite the centre of the stage, often referred to as the ‘state’”. An invitation to
Dutch ambassadors, representatives of a crucial ally during both the truce period of 1609 to 1621 and the Thirty Years’ War, to spectacles extolling the wealth, power and righteousness of the monarch would make clear to them the necessity and advantages of alliance. The purposefully exclusive nature of these events would make diplomats feel important and close with the King and court, cementing a sense of mutual purpose and spheres of influence. The King and court were subtly purchasing allegiance through personal favour, all whilst pushing a propagandised narrative. The connections made in the masque would shape the European political landscape indefinitely.
The masques of the Jacobean era acted as a tool to express the elaborate luxury and the opulent tastes of the Jacobean elite. The performances were not just simply entertainment, they were a way in which English wealth, fine taste and cultural refinement could be emphasised. The masques required a significant amount of money to create the costumes, sets, music, and choreography required to impress their audiences. This was highlighted in Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Blackness, whose estimated £5,000 cost sent out a message to rival Renaissance regimes that the Jacobean monarchy had ample funds available for mere entertainment. Everpresent in the productions were the royals; most notably, Anne of Denmark. Her collaboration with Jonson allowed her to use thematic direction to transcend simple extravagance. Queen Anne regularly used her role as presenter of court masques to intervene in diplomatic politics. Since quarrels over precedence made it virtually impossible to invite both the Spanish and French ambassadors together, the Queen could flaunt her support for Spanish Catholic interests through her masque invitations to the Spanish, thereby enraging and embarrassing the French ambassador.
her image and assert her monarchical power. One masque presented Anna as Pallas Athena, which carries clear connotations of strength, political might, divinity and wisdom, and despite credit mostly being assigned to men there have been recent scholarly suggestions that not only did the queen influence designers and writers, but that the masques were a collaborative project. This is supported by both Anna and poet Ben Johnson’s names appearing in the title page for The Masque of Blackness, and Johnson himself crediting Anna for the narrative premise in its introduction.
The connections made in the masque would shape the European political landscape indefinitely
Despite centuries of scholarship diminishing and underestimating the role of women in the Jacobean masque, the influence of Queen Consort Anna of Denmark on the genre as a whole (and its influence on her consolidation of soft political power) cannot be understated. While the limited dialogues obstruct a clear understanding of the content of the masque, it has recently been suggested that they acted as a social arena for court consolidation of power, providing women previously unseen access to political discourse and selfassertion. Queen Anna herself certainly utilised them to build
One Venetian secretary at the time even wrote that “her majesty [was] the authoress of the whole”. This would perhaps explain the focus on feminine form and female courtiers within the masque, with the masque acting as the first English theatrical work with a speaking role for a woman.
Queen Anna’s appropriation of the masque was so effective that both her husband and her son continued to adopt the masque for their political interests.
The extravagance and decadence of the masques was a very visible show of wealth to both the people of England and visiting guests. The conspicuous consumption and wealth seen within the masques can be evidenced by a miniature portrait of
an unknown woman in her masque costume painted in 1609. It depicts her wearing a bright multi-colored dress with an array of jewellery and a luxurious headpiece. The cost of a dress with many colours of that intensity would be known to the viewers, as would the expense of her jewellery. One consequence of the significant overconsumption on display at the masques was to foment anger and resentment amongst the English citizenry, who were witnesses to enormous royal spending on seemingly frivolous events. Furthermore, the wealth and decadence of the monarchy would be made clear even to those who were unable to view the pageantry due to the grandeur of the building in which the masques were primarily held, Whitehall Palace. Due to the exclusivity of these events, the dynamics and movements of the masque were not to be seen by most of the people of England, however Whitehall Palace represented an ostentatious display of monarchical pomp, wealth and status. The consequences of the masques on the monarchy could be seen to follow them into the English Civil war of 1642. This can be alluded to by the fact that King Charles I was executed in front of the Banquet Hall at Whitehall instead of Westminster, suggesting that the masques infuriated the people and allowed anti-monarchical groups and thoughts to become more prominent.
The consequences of the masques on the monarchy could be seen to follow them into the English Civil war of 1642.
In the final judgement, the elaborate themes and spectacles of the Jacobean masque are often viewed in a contemporary setting as having an underlying racial dynamic towards the performance. For example, The Masque of Blackness can be viewed as a reflection of the racialised colonial attitude which prevailed at the time due to it featuring black-faced characters. The portrayal of this in such masques often raises questions around the racial stereotypes within art and power, perhaps reflecting a level of societal racial prejudice in the Jacobean period. However, while these masques served as a tool of soft power and cultural diplomacy, it seems that they acted far more to showcase England’s wealth and artistic powers than to prevail as a racial attack. While England’s negative response to blackness in this period is familiar, literary history has failed to acknowledge that (to a lesser extent) sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Continental writings marginalise and denigrate exceedingly white complexions as well. Nonetheless, it still must be stated that the performances do reflect and perpetuate racial hierarchies and stereotypes of the time. While the intent may have been a showcase of England’s wealth and artistic prowess, the racial imagery cannot be devoid from the social context within the era.
Biology
The Geneticist’s Garden and the Power of Peas
Dominance is an inheritance pattern in genetics. What underpins dominance is the type of mutation present. We will explain why certain traits dominate by exploring the biological mechanisms of disorders such as Huntington’s disease and cystic fibrosis. This paper will focus on both Mendelian and Non-Mendelian inheritance patterns.
Genes are defined as a sequence of DNA that codes for a specific protein. Genes form the basis for inheritance and determine both physiological and biological traits (Green). In the human body, we have forty-six chromosomes made up of alleles. Alleles are different versions of the same gene. We inherit twenty-three chromosomes each from both parents. If both alleles are the same then the individual is homozygous, if they are different, then the individual is heterozygous. Dominance is used to describe the relationship between the genotype and the phenotype (Billiard et al., 2021). The genotype refers to an individual’s genetic makeup, whereas the phenotype refers to the physical characteristics expressed. The trait expressed in the phenotype, derived from the genotype, is categorised as dominant. In contrast, the trait which isn’t as strongly expressed is recessive and functionally masked. (Xing and Morigen, 2015).
Ariana
(NHEHS)
Hans
(Harrow)
Jaden (Harrow)
Tehreem (NHEHS)
these seven traits and as we investigate mechanisms of inheritance in more complex organisms, we have begun to realise that there is no one straightforward answer to the question of dominance as Mendel initially proposed. Instead, there is a vast array of molecular mechanisms that cause dominance to arise. Mendel did not realise with his experiments the complex relationship between the genotype and the phenotype that leads to the dominance of traits (Miko, 2022). Simply put, Mendel got lucky. All seven traits which Mendel analysed were coincidentally independent from each other and so Mendel was able to apply his three laws of inheritance. Nonetheless, Mendel’s keystone ideas of genetics do play a significant role in our understanding of certain dominance mechanisms.
Mendelian inheritance patterns for dominance
Mendelian genetics and its mechanisms
Our current idea of inheritance can be traced back to Gregor Mendel. Mendel observed seven traits in pea plants, including the colour and shape of peas. Mendel chose these traits because they were all independent of each other, meaning that changes to one trait would not affect the others (Veitia et al., 2018, Abott and Fairbanks, 2016). However, while Mendel’s early work may have been revolutionary, it was an incomplete truth. As our understanding of genetics has expanded from
Mendel discovered that heterozygous offspring would have the same phenotype as their homozygous parents. He also uncovered certain phenotypes and traits that could be either directly inherited from one generation to another, or be missed out, before reappearing a couple of generations later. This led Mendel to conclude that some traits could dominate over others, and hence were dominant traits, while the masked traits were recessive. From these results, Mendel constructed his three laws of inheritance, the most important being his Law of Dominance.
Dominant: Gain of Function
The term ‘Gain Of Function‘ refers to a mutation which leads to a more active protein or the acquisition of a new function within a protein. An example of this is Huntington’s Disease (HD), an autosomal dominant disorder which is caused by a mutation on chromosome 4 in the Huntington (HTT) gene. The mutation leads to the expansion of the CAG trinucleotide repeats within the gene. This results in the production of abnormal HTT proteins that have an elongated stretch of polyglutamine. Thus HTT proteins become susceptible to aggregation and accumulation of polyglutamine fragments in the cytoplasm and the nucleus, resulting in neurodegeneration. (Qoronfleh) The gain of function mechanism is involved with the mutated protein due to its toxic effects on intercellular trafficking and its interactions with vesicular and cytoskeletal proteins. The interactions of these proteins with the mutated HTT protein can lead to protein dysfunction leading to the death of some neurons (Sari, 2011). Over time, the progressive
degeneration of neurons caused by the mutated HTT proteins leads to the characteristic symptoms of Huntington’s disease.
Dominant negative mutations & loss of function
Dominant negative mutations (DNM) refers to mutations occurring in a gene, causing the creation of a mutated protein. This mutant protein affects the functional version of the protein by forming a complex with it. This causes a loss of function in the protein, which reduces its activity (Herskowitz, 1987). While DNM follows a Mendeilin inheritance pattern, DNM can only be dominant and not recessive. An example of a DNM would be Marfan’s syndrome, where a DNM mutation in one copy of the FBN1 gene causes the production of a mutated fibrillin-1 protein. This mutated protein will interfere with the function of the normal fibrillin-1 protein, disrupting the formation and organisation of elastic fibres in connective tissues. This leads
to connective tissues becoming weaker in various parts of the body. (Robinson and Godrey, 2000).
Recessive: Cystic fibrosis
An example of a recessive inherited disease is cystic fibrosis (CF), which is the most common to impact people of Northern European descent and primarily causes severe damage to the lungs and pancreas.
The pathogenic mutation which causes this disease is found on human chromosome 7, located within a large gene. It encodes the cystic fibrosis transmembrane conductance regulator (CFTR) protein. The bases on the CFTR encode for an epithelial cell protein; this therefore leads to the formation of a chloride channel in the cell membrane which is phosphorylated in the presence of ATP to open the channel, permitting 10 chloride ions to depart from the cell every minute
this mutation, which is the deletion of a phenylalanine at position 508 (Meng et al., 2017). The mutations result in the development of a generation of defective CFTR proteins, which therefore cannot be processed by the endoplasmic reticulum leading to the exclusion of its transportation to the cell membrane.
On the other hand, those proteins that are transported to the cell membrane will be dysfunctional. Consequently, the chloride ion transport will be unsuccessful and the resulting accumulation of chloride ions in epithelial cells poses an issue in water potential, as well as impaired mucus hydration and clearance (Chen et al.,2021). Due to its recessive nature, only homozygous patients display symptoms and almost completely lose the CFTR protein at the membrane. However, there is an impact on heterozygous patients despite possessing no symptoms as they have selective advantages, such as reduced water loss in diarrhoea. Accordingly, its high prevalence despite being recessive could be ascribed to the increased resistance to dehydration-causing diseases, such as cholera, which were previously major causes of morbidity. This mutation therefore shows fitness within this selection pressure (Meng et al,2017). If both parents have a normal CFTR gene and a mutated CFTR gene, the offspring will have a 50% chance of being a CF carrier and a 25% chance of having CF, as can be seen in the diagram above.
Resolving common misconceptions:
What makes genetic traits dominant and recessive
An important distinction to make is that alleles themselves are not recessive or dominant; only the traits that they express are (Miko, 2022). The dominance of a trait expressed in an individual’s phenotype depends on the proteins the alleles code for and can be directly affected by the partner allele. However, alleles do not always produce dominant or recessive traits in all genotypes, and it can depend on the situation or the combination of alleles in the genotype. An allele may produce the dominant trait in one phenotype but could then become a recessive trait in another genotype (Billiard et al., 2021).
SCD is a hereditary blood disorder that results in abnormal haemoglobin molecules that cause red blood cells to become disfigured, turning red blood cells into a sickle shape and causing organ damage. SCD is primarily caused by a mutation in the beta-globin gene (HBB) located in chromosome 11, which produces haemoglobin. When the HBB gene is mutated it produces abnormal
haemoglobin S (HbS). The molecular structure of HbS differs from normal haemoglobin in that the 6th position of the beta-globin chain is replaced with valine instead of glutamic acid, creating the crescent shape of red blood cells (Elendu et al., 2023). SCD follows an autosomal recessive inheritance pattern. Individuals who are homozygous for the HbS allele will develop a severe form of SCD, whereas heterozygous individuals (one copy being the normal allele) will have a mild form of SCD. However whilst the HbS trait may be recessive in SCD, it is a dominant trait for malarial resistance. Thus SCD is an example of how alleles themselves are neither dominant or negative, rather it is the traits which they code for which can be recessive or dominant depending on other genes.
Haploinsufficiency
Haploinsufficiency is when an organism only inherits one functional copy of a gene that is insufficient in compensating for the dysfunctional copy, resulting in impaired cellular function. The dysfunctional copy can be caused by the inactivation or deletion of an allele (Veitia et al., 2018). For example, the haploinsufficiency of the GNB1 gene coding for the GNB1 protein can disrupt signalling processes and synaptic transmissions, leading to delays in neurological development and abnormalities in the brain structure (Schultz-Rogers et al.).
Codominance
Blood groups demonstrate an alternative inheritance pattern. The blood group gene has three alleles, A, B and O, which code for the most important blood antigens. These antigens can elicit a strong immune response, which has led to many blood-transfusion related deaths (Sazama, 1990).
The A and B alleles each code for an enzyme (a glycosyltransferase) that catalyses the last and differentiating step in the synthesis of their respective antigens, building either N-acetylgalactosamine for the A antigen or D-galactose for the B antigen on an H antigen (Yamamoto et al., 1990). The O allele codes for an inactive glycosyltransferase which has no effect on the H antigen and explains its recessive nature; the presence of either an A or B allele would catalyse an additional step, overriding the O allele and expressing itself. The A and B alleles vary by just four amino acids (Dean, 2005) which result in their respective transferases. They are also codominant, both expressing themselves if present meaning O is recessive, explaining why the O blood type is a universal donor; its lack of A or B antigens will not trigger an immune response. Despite this, the O blood type is the most common due to its higher genetic abundance (Garratty et al., 2020). The A and B alleles both only appeared within the last 20,000 years.
Conclusion
Genetic dominance is not as straightforward as Mendel proposed; the relationship between the genotype and phenotype is rarely as simple in reality, and our ideas of dominant and recessive traits have evolved considerably. In truth, Mendel’s theory of genetics only applies to a limited number of inheritance patterns concerning monogenetics, in which single changes to genes at a single location can result in a qualitative change. However, most traits are polygenic and
rely on multiple allelic interactions. The variation of dominance patterns of inheritance highlights the intricate complexities of the influences genetics have on the phenotypes of individuals. Dominant or recessive inheritance patterns are often one of the first cues to understanding the mechanism of diseases. Most genetic diseases are recessive, which often means that in order to resolve the genetic disorder the broken gene must either be fixed so it functions normally or replaced. Gene therapy has the potential to provide life-changing treatments in a personalised and targeted way. For example, Casgevy was approved by the FDA as the first cell-based gene-therapy for SCD; it is a revolutionary genome editing tool which can add, remove and replace targeted areas of specific genes (Ma et al., 2023). This can be used to develop gene-therapies for CF in which the dysfunctional recessive allele is replaced (Khamsi, 2020) . Whilst these gene-therapies are in their early stages of development, there is great potential for creating and strategizing genetherapies and treatments that can better combat recessive genetic disease. This typifies how far our knowledge of genetics has expanded from the roots of Mendel’s pea plant experiments.
Maths
Why are there infinite infinities?
“The infinite! No other question has ever moved so profoundly the spirit of man; no other idea has so fruitfully stimulated his intellect; yet no other concept stands in greater need of clarification than that of the infinite” - David Hilbert
Infinity often appears to be a vague and daunting concept. However, if we establish a knowledge of cardinalities, bijections and power sets, we can use their properties to show the existence of an infinity of infinities.
The Cardinality ℵ0 Cardinality refers to the number of the elements in a set. By comparing the cardinality of two sets, we are able to gain a sense of how ‘big’ one set is relative to another. One way we can compare the cardinality of two sets is by constructing a bijection.
A bijection is a function that is both injective (one-to-one) and surjective (onto). This means each element in the domain can be paired with a unique element in the codomain. Every element is matched to a distinct element in the codomain. Therefore, if a bijection exists between two sets, they must have the same cardinality.
Natural Numbers and Integers
Consider the following the bijection,
In this way, every natural number can be mapped to a unique integer; all even natural numbers (2��) map to negative integers and all odd natural numbers (2��−1) map to positive integers (we have defined natural numbers to include 0). More specifically,
ℕ: 0 1 2 3 4 5…
Daria (NHEHS)
Jason (Harrow)
Millie (NHEHS)
Seyoon (Harrow)
For this reason, the cardinality of the set of integers and natural numbers are the same, and we can define this cardinality as ℵ0 (called “aleph null”), the smallest infinite cardinal number.
Let us now investigate the cardinalities of different infinite sets and compare these cardinalities. This shall guide our exploration of whether there are infinitely many infinities. Infinite sets of Integers (ℤ) and even integers (2ℤ) have the same cardinality
We can define the ��:ℤ → 2ℤ by ��(��) = 2��.
Proving it is injective: Suppose ��(��) = ��(��) then 2��= 2�� (since ��(��) = 2��).
So ��= ��. Therefore the function is 1-1 and injective.
Proving it is surjective: Take any �� ∈ 2ℤ so ��= 2�� for some �� ∈ ℤ
Then ��(��) = 2��= ��. Therefore the function is onto and surjective.
As f is both surjective and injective, it is bijective. Therefore these two infinite sets share the same cardinality of ℵ0
Infinite sets of Rational numbers (ℚ) and natural numbers (ℕ) have the same cardinality
We can show each pairing by creating a grid. The first row is rationals with a denominator of 1, the second row rationals with a denominator of 2, the third row rationals with a denominator of 3, etc. The numerators are integers from 1 to infinity and alternating between positive and negative. We can follow this grid in a diagonal motion and assign natural numbers to each rational number. Excluding repeats such as 2/2 as this is the same as 1/1.
ℕ:
��(��) , where �� is a natural number inputted into the function and ��(��) is written out as a decimal. We complete this for all natural numbers.
So we can clearly see that natural numbers can easily be mapped one-to-one and onto; therefore a bijection exists and all these infinite sets have the same cardinality (ℵ0).
The Cardinality ℵ1
Although ℵ0 refers to an infinite set, assuming there are different sizes of infinity the next largest infinite set will be given the cardinality ℵ1 ℵ1 is defined to be uncountably infinite. In this section, we explore infinite sets of cardinality ℵ1 in order to show that there indeed exists an infinity greater than ℵ0. We shall then proceed with a construction using power sets to show why there are an infinite number of infinities.
Cardinality of real numbers ℵ1
We note (0,1) ⊆ ℝ . We can use Cantor’s Diagonalisation argument to prove by contradiction that the cardinality of the (0,1) is not ℵ0. Thus, (0,1) is ℵ1
Theorem: The open interval (0,1) is uncountably infinite. Its cardinality is not ℵ0
Proof: Let us define a function ��: ℕ (0,1) . We make a table of
For a contradiction, let us suppose that (0,1) is countably infinite. For the interval to be countably infinite, every element in (0,1) must be listed at least once.
We shall label each digit of f(��) ��ij, where ��ij takes values from 0 to 9 inclusive, i denotes the row and j denotes the column. We shall now use this list to define a real number ��(0,1) , which was not in the list.
The infinite decimal expansion of �� will be ��=0��1��2��3��4... .
We define the following: for �� = 1, 2, 3..., ���� = ���� �� + 1
For �� 1, ��= 0×��1×��2×��3×��4 ... cannot equal the �� th number of the list, ��= 0×���� 1×���� 2×���� 3×���� 4 , as in our definition ���� ≠ ���� �� . In this way, we have formed a new number in the interval (0,1) that was not on the list [1].
This statement contradicts our assumption that the list contains every element of (0,1) , so (0,1) can not be a countable infinity. Thus, the interval (0,1) is an uncountable infinity of cardinality ℵ1 ∎
Proposition: ℝ is an uncountable infinity.
Proof: If ℝ were countable then, (0,1) would be a subset of a countable set and would be countable. This is a contradiction, as (0,1) is uncountable. It follows that ℝ is an uncountable infinity.
Let us now compare the cardinality of ℝ to that of (0,1) . If we can form a bijection between ℝ and (0,1) , it means that they have the same cardinality.
We need a function ��: (0,1) → (−∞,+∞) . A bijection between ℝ and (0,1) can be achieved with the function ��(��) = tan(��(��−1/2) ) . As a bijection has been found, (0,1) and ℝ have cardinality of ℵ1 ∎
We can note that other sets can be of cardinality ℵ1, for example powers of (0,1)
Cardinality of �� = (0,1) and �� = (0,1) ��
Schröder–Bernstein theorem: If there exist injective functions ��: A→ B and ��: B→ A between the sets A and B, then there exists a bijective function ��: A→ B [2].
The Schröder–Bernstein theorem motivates us to seek injections of I on S and of S on I
Theorem: Cardinality of I = (0,1) and S = (0,1) �� are the same.
Proof:
Injections of I on S
Consider an element �� in I �� can be mapped injectively to (��,��,...,��) on S, where each coordinate is ��
Injections of S on I
Consider an element (��1,��2, ��3..., ����) in S and write out the decimal expansions of each term. Without loss of generality, assume that all decimal expansions are non-terminating. Now, we shall split the digits into blocks called ���� . The following process will be used: begin a block when zero is seen and end the block after the last non-zero digit before zero appears again.
For example ��1 = 0.0045003807... is split into 0.0045 0038 07.... We shall denote these blocks as follows ��11 = 0.0045, ��12 = 0038, ��13 = 07 and so on [3].
We join the blocks as follows,
mapping between I and S. Thus I and S share the cardinality ℵ1 ∎
Definition: If S is a set, there the power set, P(S) , is defined as the set of all the subsets of S. For example S = {1,2}, P(S) = {{},{1},{2},{1,2}}
Theorem: For every set S, S < P(S)
Proof: Let ��: S→ P(S) be any function. As P(S) must at least have all the elements of S in it, S ≤ P(S)
For a contradiction, let us assume that f is a bijection of S on P(S) . Let us define set X, where X={s ∈ S|s ∈ ��(s) }. We note that X ⊆ S
Consider X = ��(s) for some s ∈ S. If s ∈ ��(s) then s ∈ X. This is impossible, as X = ��(s) and s ∈ ��(s) . Thus, X ∈ ��(s) This contradiction means that our assumption that f is a bijection is incorrect, so S ∈ P(S) . Therefore, S < P(S) ∎
By taking the power set of the previous set, we construct a series of infinite sets.
ℕ , P(ℕ ) , P(P(ℕ ) ) , P(P(P(ℕ ) ) )
As |P(S) | > S,
ℕ < P(ℕ ) < P(P(ℕ ) ) < P(P(P(ℕ ) ) )
Is this infinity countable? We see infinite sets of increasing cardinality. This series can continue infinitely, giving us an infinite number of cardinalities of infinity. Although we have shown there to be infinite infinities, the abiding question continues. Up to this point, we have been working with ℵ0 and ℵ1 as consecutive cardinalities. Can we be certain that there is no other cardinality between the two?
Continuum Hypothesis
This gives an injective mapping to the real numbers on I. There are injective mappings of I on S and of S on I, so there is a bijective
The continuum hypothesis (CH) concerns the cardinality of an infinite set. It was deemed important enough to be the first to be listed of David Hilbert’s famous open-ended questions and was presented at the International Congress of Mathematicians in Paris in the year 1900 [4]. It was proposed by Georg Cantor, a mathematician who played a pivotal role in the formation and advancement of set theory. After he proved that there is a bijection between
the natural number set and the rational number set, and that the real number set is strictly greater than the natural number set, he failed to devise in a formal way by what extent the real number set was greater than the natural number set. He therefore conjectured that the cardinality of the real number set is the minimum possible cardinality of an infinite set that is greater than the cardinality of the natural number set; this is the continuum hypothesis [5].
CH has been proven to be independent of the Zermelo-Fraenkel set theory of choice (ZFC) by the combined work of Kurt Godel and Paul Cohen. The former proved that CF cannot be disproved using the ZFC, whilst the latter proved that CF cannot be proven using the ZFC, thus completing the overall proof. This is a significant result as it means that none of the known mathematical methods can be used to prove CH; a reinforcing result to Godel's incompleteness theorem. As the proof itself is beyond the realm of this short research article, it is left as an exercise for the reader. Notably, one method which Cohen pioneered to prove his result was “forcing”; a standard tool in modern set theory [6]. Deservedly, he was awarded a Fields Medal in 1966 for his proof.
Although it is impossible to prove CH,
research continues into it to this day, with both for and against arguments being made. Recently, Matthew Foreman proposed that ontological maximalism (whatever can exist in some sense does exist) could be used for an argument supporting CH, as models with more sets of ‘reals’ have a higher probability of satisfying it. More notably, W. Hugh Woodin’s well-crafted argument against CH has attracted much attention since the year 2000. He proposed a new hypothesis involving a new axiom - “Star axiom” [7]. Having done this work, however, Woodin stated in the 2010s that he now believes in CH due to the ultimate L conjecture. Historically, mathematicians who preferred a controllable, predictable universe favoured CH, whilst those who preferred a chaotic, large universe were against it. Interestingly, Godel and Cohen, who both contributed to the overall proof for CH’s independence of ZFC, rejected CH.
All’s well that ends well
Thus, as illustrated through the continuum hypothesis, the idea of infinity continues to intrigue mathematicians. It incurs interlacing proofs, contradictions and paradoxes. It plays with our intuition. Although most of what is related to infinity is not always as it seems, we can at least be sure of the infinity of infinities.
Bibliography
[1] Fields, Joe. A Gentle Introduction to the Art of Mathematics, Southern Connecticut State University, U.S.A., 2018.
[2] Goldmakher, Leo. The CantorSchroder-Bernstein Theorem, Department of Mathematics and Statistics, Williams College.
[3] Hammack, Richard. Book of Proof (Chapter 13), 2009.
[5] Wikipedia contributors. "Continuum hypothesis." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 10 Jun. 2024. Web. 23 Jun. 2024.
[6] Szudzik, Matthew and Weisstein, Eric W. "Continuum Hypothesis." From MathWorld--A Wolfram Web Resource. https://mathworld.wolfram.com/ ContinuumHypothesis.html.
[7] Hugh W, Woodin, The Continuum Hypothesis, Part I, 2001.
Physics
In the 1950s, scientists and engineers in the US worked on the development of nuclear pulse propulsion (NPP). What drove the need to develop this concept, why did development cease, and could nuclear make a comeback as the power source for interplanetary travel?
Using miniature nuclear bombs to lift a rocket and propel it to the currently unreachable limits of interstellar space seems like an idea from a science fiction book. Still, scientists in the mid-19th century wanted to turn this dream into reality.
Stanislaw Ulam first proposed Project Orion in the mid-1950s, with the intention of building a rocket with small nuclear bombs as the fuel. The bombs would be detonated in space to provide thrust, and harnessing nuclear energy would mean rockets could be much heavier than before. In the wake of the success of the Manhattan Project, the development of nuclear technologies became a very relevant topic. The USSR in particular took interest, and detonated their own nuclear bomb four years after the first nuclear detonation in Los Alamos. This detonation would lead the US and the
Amelia (NHEHS)
Emilie (NHEHS)
Feo (Harrow)
Jackie (Harrow)
USSR into an arms race and a fierce rivalry over technological development. The space race would emerge from this rivalry, and a few years later the Orion project would be born. The Orion project officially began in 1958, just one year after the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 1, an event widely credited as the starting gun for the United States' rigorous dedication to space exploration. It is consequently not far-fetched to argue that the Soviet's Sputnik success considerably influenced the US's interest in funding space programs.
The concept of nuclear pulse propulsion (NPP) is relatively simple. Hypothetically, the central part of the rocket would be connected to a pusher plate, which is crucial in transferring the force generated by the nuclear explosions. The rocket would be composed of two parts, with one functioning as the payload and the other containing the fuel. The two parts would be separated by a material for shielding, such as lead. The fuel
would be a fissile material such as uranium-235, carried within a beryllium oxide channel filter. The miniature bombs would be ejected through a small opening in the pusher plate by a gas gun before being detonated. The energy released from the fission reaction would provide thrust against the pusher plate. As the pusher plate would be connected by elastic springs, this energy (thrust) would be transferred to the rocket itself, thus propelling the rocket forward. The directional bombs would detonate due to the beryllium oxide filter emitting neutrons upon heating. The pusher plate would need to be made up of a heat-resistant material materia, such as copper or steel; Dyson has proposed a plate made of Uranium-235, as it could then be cannibalised for fuel when the rocket reaches a star. Due to their high neutron capture crosssections, boron salts and polyethene could also be used to minimise nuclear fallout (important during launch). Based on initial calculations, a 150-ton proposed rocket would need 800 bombs to enter orbit (one to two bombs detonated per second). The thrust produced would allow spacecraft larger than eight million tons to be built. Were it to use this design, a rocket could carry astronauts to Saturn and back in just over half a year.
Contrary to conventional rockets, rockets which rely on NPP benefit from having a greater mass. To understand why, we must look at specific impulse. It measures how much thrust can be derived from a given mass of fuel. The main reason for this phenomenon is that the fuel can generate meganewtons of thrust and have a very high exhaust velocity, which is different from conventional rockets. Project Orion looked promising, but various factors ultimately led to its downfall.
The first issue was the period in which the reactions had to occur. A 10-millisecond gap was the maximum viable period the physicists had calculated between the explosions. To launch each bomb, a complex multi-step process was required, involving a gas gun needing to shoot devices out of a hole through the middle of the pusher plate. This had a tiny margin for error due to the nuclear nature of the bombs. In addition, it was known how the other parts of the craft relied on the continuous automated process for the nuclear reactions to run smoothly. Were any issues to arise throughout the chain of explosions, the high force created could tear the pusher plate off the spacecraft, with insufficient force to counteract the rip.
Moreover, the models for the ablation (erosion) of the pusher plate were unknown, and it was therefore unclear whether they could be completely trusted if tested. It was unknown whether the erosion of the plate could be accurately modelled in the turbulence of rapid, continuous nuclear explosions due to the ever-increasing force and heat; this soon became the most significant challenge. As Freeman Dyson stated, this would have been impossible to test accurately during the 1960s without using real nuclear blasts and equipment due to the absence of modern simulation technology.
Despite the innovative plans for nuclear propulsion rockets, there were many problems with putting the theoretical ideas into practice, ultimately hindering further development of the project.
Furthermore, nuclear fallout meant that to attempt testing was deemed unethical by many. The materials and components used for the nuclear projection were not reusable as the blast would destroy them, and they had extremely high costs. Uranium-235 costs $40 per kilogram, and 40-50 kilograms are needed for only a simple gun. Plutonium-239 costs $6.49 million per kilogram, and 6 kilograms are required for a simple implosion weapon. Over 800 individual bombs would be required to exit the atmosphere, resulting in billions of
dollars needing to be spent on a project which would release and leave traces of dangerous radiation throughout the atmosphere. This meant that nuclear fallout was another major concern impeding Project Orion. Dyson estimated that were they to use conventional nuclear weapons for the project, every rocket launched would result in an additional death due to cancer. Although this statistic was heavily disputed, it was agreed that the nuclear bombs would inevitably cause irreparable damage to the Earth. This was proved in 1959 (during the period when the USA and Soviet Union were developing and testing their nuclear weapons), when radioactive deposits were found in food and materials in the United States 14 years after the bombing of the two Japanese cities. The findings revealed the significant dangers nuclear fallout posed to society, even over multiple years. Concerns began to be publicly raised regarding nuclear testing issues. In 1963, the Partial Test Ban Treaty was signed by 126 nations, ultimately putting an end to Project Orion. Tensions between the US and the Soviet Union also meant that nuclear proliferation (potential militarisation of space, including nuclear weapons) began to become a legitimate concern. Some proposed that the challenge of the pusher plate may be solved by constructing a system that absorbed more of the shockwave, putting the
material under less stress and strain, or by increasing durability. A proposed design for the pusher plate would incorporate aerobic levers capable of responding to external pressure and compression over a larger interval of time (several milliseconds), which would reduce the damage caused per explosion. Furthermore, the durability of the plate could be significantly improved by incorporating technologies such as carbon nanotubes or even carbon fibres into its construction.
Over 800 individual bombs would be required to exit the atmosphere.
The challenge of nuclear proliferation could be addressed as a political and judicial issue. As most nuclear propulsion engines use tiny bombs in rapid succession, a law could be implemented which would only allow explosives under a certain minimal payload to be propelled on board rockets into space, thus mitigating the risk of militarising space.
However, the main problem with NPP is the fissile fuel, which is difficult to handle since it is prone to set off a runaway reaction and produces radioactive waste. The solution is to replace fissile
fuel such as uranium or plutonium with hydrogen in a fusion reaction. Scientists today have created multiple fusion engines with a net positive energy output, thus giving hope that this technology may be adapted into a rocket engine. As opposed to bombs, a fusion reaction could heat water and turn a turbine (much like a conventional nuclear reactor). This would mitigate the problem of radiation, and thus, the environmental concerns would be addressed.
Other projects have been proposed since the shuttering of Project Orion, such as Project Daedalus and Project Longshot. However, they require technologies that are still in the early stages of development. Governments have also focused on exploring our own solar system instead of interstellar space; it is therefore unlikely that attempts to use nuclear pulse propulsion to send humans into interstellar space will return in the near future. However, there are also other potential uses of NPP, such as deflecting asteroids, and this could mean that some countries start investing in a different form of rocket which relies on NPP. Overall, whilst not currently holding a place in the scientific spotlight, NPP seems like a theoretically simple yet very powerful area of technology, and has the potential to usefully serve humanity in the future.
Creative & Management Team
Audience feedback
“Pacing was appropriate to the audience. Well rehearsed and clear diction.”
“Explained the ideas really clearly. I learnt a lot.”
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Presenters advice for future
“Slightly better balance between the presenters in terms of time and detail (and answering questions!)”
“Try to always make your subject matter intelligible to a non-specialist audience.”
“Attempt to convey a little less in the time.”
“Establish the reason for looking into this problem at the outset.”
“Try to not look back at the slide too much and face the audience.”
“Don’t learn a script speak from your knowledge.”
“Be confident! You know more than we do!”
Economics
Explore the effectiveness of the Girls’ Education Challenge in supporting girls in developing countries achieving more agency in decision making.
The education of girls is of paramount significance within the 21st century; education not only empowers girls but also promotes gender equality. Educated girls are found to make more informed decisions about their health, thus allowing an improvement in their well-being. Furthermore, the education of girls provides women with the potential to earn higher incomes due to an increase in women’s participation in the formal labour market. To put this into perspective, a study recently conducted by the World Bank estimated that the ‘limited educational opportunities for girls, and barriers to completing 12 years of education cost countries between $15 trillion and $30 trillion in lifetime productivity and earnings.’ Consequently, a conclusion can be drawn that an improvement in the quality of girls’ education can contribute to economic growth. However, the struggles that come with implementing education for women in low-income countries make it harder for enhanced economic growth to occur.
The Human Capital Theory is the fundamental principle upon which this entire paper rests. The theory states that formal education is highly instrumental in improving the productive capacity of an economy. This definition designates formal education as an economic good, as it holds value for the consumer and involves opportunity cost in its production. However, education also has power at the international level. Governments have realised the power of educating their populace, and that improving their human capital can potentially be more important and have a greater effect on their productivity than improving their physical capital. Improving human capital is particularly relevant to developing nations, which tend to have a lower rate of education, especially higher education.
Agnes (NHEHS)
Brian (Harrow)
John (Harrow)
Nirupama (NHEHS)
Tom (Harrow)
labour markets is extraordinarily low at 25%. This is primarily driven by social stigma forcing women to stay at home and fulfil their traditional social role. However, due to initiatives such as the Girls’ Education Challenge, female labour market participation rose from 14% in 1990 to 23% in 2010, as the government seeks to employ the human capital theory in order to maximise its productive capacity and by extension improve the quality of life for its citizens.
‘limited educational opportunities for girls, and barriers to completing 12 years of education cost countries between $15 trillion and $30 trillion in lifetime productivity and earnings
The Girls’ Education Challenge (or GEC) was initially launched by the Department for International Development (DFID) in 2012. It began as a 12-year commitment to reach marginalised communities of girls and young women globally, becoming the largest global fund dedicated to the education of girls and young women. The GEC is the UK’s effort to ensure high quality education to millions of girls in the poorest countries in the world, including those who have disabilities or are considered to be at risk. The first phase of the GEC was completed in 2017 and managed to impact the lives of more than one million marginalised girls. The GEC is currently in its second phase, which began in 2017 and will end in 2025, and it aims to allow girls who currently benefit from the GEC’s programme to complete not only primary school, but secondary school as well as further specialist training or employment. The programme is currently active in 17 different countries and is responsible for 41 different projects which are funded through two separate windows, one of which is the Girls’ Education Challenge - Transition (GEC-T) Window that funds 27 of the 41 projects. The other is the Leave No Girl Behind (LNGB) Window which funds the remaining 14 projects and primarily focuses on targeting the most marginalised girls who are currently unable to attend school.
The main obstacle against the use of human capital theory in developing nations is age-old stereotyping based on sex. In a developing nation such as Pakistan, female participation in
To determine who the “most marginalised” girls were, both qualitative and quantitative data was collected for each girl. Although national data systems were used to identify out-ofschool children, data reliability was an issue in countries like
Ghana. Additionally, national-level stakeholders were consulted to determine the geographical areas that would benefit substantially from these projects. Many of the girls which the programme aimed to reach were married, mothers, disabled, victims of modern slavery and ‘educationally marginalised’ with little-to-no literacy or numeracy skills. The administrative education data used in the Equity Index (a combination of the Education Management Information System and household surveys) that the GEC consulted often lacked information on out-of-school children. Thus, community input was used to identify girls and provide information on their backgrounds. Education for Life engaged with traditional chiefs, women’s network groups and civil society organisations; in these focus group discussions they mapped out the village demographics, for example the wealth and education level of the children. Other data collection methods included quantitative household and school-visit surveys and assessments which allowed the GEC to determine literacy and numeracy rates amongst boys and girls. There was also the inclusion of qualitative in-depth interviews with the girls’ primary caregivers, aiding the discovery of varying perspectives towards girls’ education.
The GEC triangulated evidence to assess the project’s effectiveness, combining qualitative and quantitative data. Sources included project websites, fund manager documentation, and external technical monitoring reports. For their most recent evaluation they also included secondary analysis of quantitative external evaluation data from 2019 to 2023. They conducted primary qualitative data collection mostly through semi-structured and in-depth interviews with the girls as well as educators, trainers, local partners etc. They held focus group discussions and interviews with key informants and
involved community leaders, transition pathway providers, government officials and downstream partners. The River of Life (a qualitative method in which adolescents are asked to map out their lives using the metaphor of a flowing river) was essential to their evaluation. In an attempt to “provide critical insights into their lives”, girls noted down family and peers’ influences as well as enabling and hindering experiences. The river goes through different stages of their lives and displays the choices - or lack thereof - they have had in their lives. They also noted down any changes due to stakeholder or project influences and their aspirations (which were mostly short-term) for the future and how these might have changed due to the programme.
the freedom to make pivotal decisions, such as around marriage, remains constrained due to entrenched patriarchal traditions
Regarding the GEC’s effect on equity, these educational programs have demonstrated a significant impact; a twenty five percent increase in girls’ numeracy and literacy levels were evidenced on standardised tests. This development has been a catalyst for increased engagement in decision-making by women, indicating significant progress towards levelling the educational and political playing field between genders. Furthermore, there has been an improvement in socio-economic competencies; something which is often undervalued in the educational trajectories of girls in many African countries. Indeed, it has culminated in heightened aspirations for these girls. However, even though the education the girls have attained has equipped them with the knowledge and skills for success in their respective careers, the freedom to make pivotal decisions, such as around marriage, remains constrained due to entrenched patriarchal traditions. Furthermore, the program will require ongoing attention to ensure that all girls of all backgrounds can see themselves attending school, remaining in the educational system and successfully transitioning into higher education or
their respective jobs and careers. Working with local and international NGOs to lobby for changes in laws that limit women’s rights and autonomy, alongside leveraging international aid to support more programs that empower girls, will therefore prove instrumental.
The programs exhibited a certain degree of efficiency in translating resources into appreciable outcomes, as demonstrated by the standardised test performance and enhanced socio-economic competencies. Resources were not solely focused on academic instructions, but rather utilised across a broader spectrum of development objectives like social cohesion and fostering better well-being, thus efficiently advancing both intellectual acumen and essential life skills. Furthermore, by engaging girls with decision-making and enhancing their aspirations, it contributes efficiently to a shift in perspectives of women within patriarchal societies. Still, there is the unaddressed question of whether alternative or additional resource allocation could further enhance efficiency, for example changing the patriarchal societal norms that still impede girls’ choices (stopping adolescent marriage) or allowing more control over personal choices (behaviour and social interactions). This may include reforming legal frameworks and fostering inclusive policymaking.
As girls have more freedom and more powerful voices, communities begin to recognise the value of educated women
equitable quality education and promotes lifelong learning opportunities for all. Therefore, the twenty-five percent increase in girls’ numeracy and literacy levels robustly aligns with SDG 4’s target of ensuring that all girls of all backgrounds have access to quality education and learning outcomes. Indeed, increasing aspirations and confidence also suggests a positive trajectory toward sustainable empowerment, sustainable personal development, and an enhanced presence in the workforce. As girls have more freedom and more powerful voices, communities begin to recognise the value of educated women, which may slowly edge out patriarchal norms within their societies and create more opportunities for girls in the coming generations locally and even globally. However, as previously mentioned, the persistent societal constraints on women must be addressed to ensure long-term success in empowering women and girls. Improving labour laws and national policies that support girls’ education will undoubtedly prove to be a significant systemic change that may endure beyond immediate aid efforts.
Enhanced engagement in decision-making and the increased ambitions of girls also reflects progress towards achieving Sustainable Development Goal number 4 (adopted by all United Nations members) which calls for inclusive and
To conclude, the patriarchal stereotypes surrounding the education of young women and girls in societies remain an issue that needs to be tackled and is something that will require continuous monitoring in the long term by the GEC. However, it is important to note that the GEC has largely succeeded in providing the most marginalised girls with life-changing opportunities through its many international projects, promoting equity and doing so with a high degree of efficiency.
Classics
“Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely”: discuss with reference to the Emperor Tiberius and the rise and fall of Aelius Sejanus.
Adeline (NHEHS)
Hope (NHEHS)
James (Harrow)
Preet (NHEHS)
Rohan (Harrow)
The assertion that ‘absolute power corrupts absolutely’ was one made by English historian Lord Acton in advocating that all people should be held to the same moral standards, and that rulers who abuse their power should be rightly judged by historians. Acton wrote these famous words in a letter specifically regarding the Inquisition; however, his statement can be applied to many different instances where leaders have manipulated their power to carry out atrocities. The second Roman emperor, Tiberius, is no exception to the idea that complete autocracy engenders corruption; his public image was transformed from that of a well-respected general to an unpopular emperor, demonstrating his inability to handle such immense power. When looking at his predecessor, Augustus, who capably and skilfully appealed to the Romans and created this role of autocratic authority, the question of how far Tiberius himself was inherently corrupt arises. This can be seen in his eventual withdrawal to the island of Capri, where he neglected his duties and descended into complete debauchery. The effects of official corruption that stemmed from Tiberius’ re-introduction of unjust laws and his inability to please the public, alongside the immoral acts and decline from popularity of his general Sejanus, can ultimately be seen to exhibit just how absolute power ruins all those who come into contact with it.
The model of power in which Tiberius ruled must be considered to determine the extent of his corruption. The political turmoil that embroiled Rome from 133 BC to 27 BC, the fall of the Republic and Julius Caesar’s assassination were all factors which resulted in the rise of the emperor Augustus. Augustus’ lavish reign appealed to the Romans as he veiled his autocratic power behind the facade of a democratic republic. However, Augustus’ rule transformed Rome from a republic into an imperial empire; he established a precedent for his successors to rule with absolute, centralised power. It seems inevitable that once Tiberius became the monarchical ruler of the empire, he would become corrupted by such total power. As Suetonius and many historians have noted, Tiberius reluctantly accepted the role of emperor, instructing the Senate to ‘remember that no single man can bear the whole burden of
Empire’. Furthermore, the stark disparity between Tiberius’ rule and that of Augustus’ played a pivotal role in his absolute corruption. Augustus, who claimed to have found Rome ‘a city of clay’ and to have left ‘her clothed in marble’, commissioned many public works that made Rome architecturally worthy of its status as an imperial capital. In contrast, Tiberius ruled modestly and refused to incur expenditure on excessive and ostentatious shows of Emperor-worship, such as statues and shrines. This materially aided the empire in that Tiberius left behind 20 times the amount of wealth that he had inherited. His aversion to wasting the imperial treasury left Rome and its Empire prosperous, its power secure, and its navy strengthened. His quiet reign differed greatly from the pomp of Augustus’, leading Tacitus (a historian who recounted the lives of the emperors in the 1st century AD) to go so far as to state that Tiberius was an unworthy successor to Augustus. This is a harsh claim, and part of Tacitus’ method of constant distortion in the picture he presents of Tiberius.’ Ultimately, the role of emperor that Augustus had created was one of absolute power, and this corrupted Tiberius who did not possess equivalent political skills or charisma to his predecessor.
Tiberius’ popularity peaked in his early years as a successful general, beloved by many. Given that his popularity rapidly declined after he became emperor, one can assume that it is the lonely status and constant paranoia of the emperor which corrupts the individual. As a result, Tiberius twice withdrew from public life. One of these withdrawals involved an extended stay on the island of Capri; he fled from power to indulge in his vices and surrendered his role to the senate. This was an act of absolute volatility, and not of absolute power. Before his accession, Tiberius was able to flourish under the rule of glorious Augustus. Tiberius’ flourishing popularity as a general is
expressed by Suetonius, who includes letters written by Augustus about Tiberius dotingly claiming that he is ‘the sole defence of the Roman people’ and he is the ‘one man’ who ‘alone by his foresight has saved our dear country from ruin’. This suggests that Tiberius’ value lay in his role as general alone and not as emperor. Therefore it is not surprising that Tiberius was ill-fitted for the role of emperor, expected as he was to succeed and fill the huge shoes of such a successful and corrupt emperor as Augustus. Without the golden influence of his stepfather, Augustus, and his poets, Virgil and Horace, whom he commissioned to write poems as propaganda, Tiberius was vulnerable as emperor and thus susceptible to corruption. Therefore it becomes a question not of absolute power but of absolute volatility as Tiberius’ own insecurity forced him to act erratically. Under the influence of Augustus, Tiberius prospered, but when forced to draw out his life as emperor living in his shadow, he lived in fear of public opinion reflecting what he knew in his heart; that he was not a worthy successor. Therefore, despite him leaving the empire more prosperous than before, what defines Tiberius’ reign as so catastrophic is public opinion.
However, through the re-introduction of the maiestas trials, Tiberius’ rule is marked by his own corruption. Seen as repressions of free speech and expression by Tacitus, these treason trials ‘amounted to a form of national madness’. They were launched by Tiberius against those with whom he had personal vendettas, prosecuting any who opposed the emperor. These treason trials transcended the political sphere of Rome, directly challenging literature, media and art. Tiberius openly used a network of delatores (informers) to convict those who were seen as a threat to his rule, causing distrust and suspicion to run rampant across Roman society. These treason trials were against the law as they hinged on the citizens’ right of provocatio. Tiberius’ brutal manipulation of the judicial system
asserts that it is not the systemic model of power that can be held responsible for such personal corruption, but that the blame lies solely with Tiberius himself.
despite him leaving the empire more prosperous than before, what defines Tiberius’ reign as so catastrophic is public opinion
Tiberius’ reticence to engage with public life and bad relationship with the senate affirms his corruption by his absolute power. Tiberius rejected any imperial worship surrounding his reign, as opposed to Augustus, who, like Julius Caesar, was deified. Previous rulers had transformed their rule into one that mimicked divine power, highlighting the importance of the cult worship that surrounded the role of emperor. This was something which Tiberius refused to allow. Many cities competed to worship Tiberius; an inscription from the citizens of Gytheion in the Greek Peloponnese requests permission to offer divine honours to the imperial family of Rome. This rejection supports Suetonius’ claims that Tiberius did not enjoy good relations with the public. Moreover, Tiberius did not have a strong affinity with the plebeians. Tiberius was withdrawn and reclusive; his frugal spending did not sit well with a populace so accustomed to the opulence and generosity of Augustus. Despite his best efforts to cooperate with the Senate, Tiberius’ relationship with Roman politicians rapidly deteriorated. According to Tacitus, Tiberius viewed them as ‘men primed for slavery!’. The Senate remained sycophantic to Tiberius during his reign, yet his relations with them never achieved much renown. Tiberius’ corruption lies partly in his failure to adopt the role of princeps in the same manner as Augustus, his refusal of titles, poor interpersonal relations and his neglect of the importance of popularity.
The relationship between Sejanus and Tiberius illuminates the corruption absolute power can foment. Lucius Aelius Sejanus was born into a well-connected family; his father held the two highest equestrian offices in succession, enjoying relations
with other nobles families like the Antonii. Sejanus became joint Praetorian Prefect with his father in 14 AD, commanding two cohorts and a great part of the cavalry. Following the dispatch of his father to Egypt in 15 AD, he was left as sole prefect. Sejanus held significant influence over the state and built a strong relationship with Tiberius. Sejanus proved that he was reliable and loyal. However, his character is traduced by Tacitus, who accuses him of being corrupt and power-hungry. He exploited his access to and control of Tiberius in order to gain power for himself. Velleius Paterculus showers Sejanus with praise, calling him a ‘distinguished assistant’, who served the ‘long-standing regard’ of the people; Tiberius referred to him as the ‘sharer of my cares’. However, the level of corrupt power that Sejanus enjoyed for many years culminated in an affiliation with the murder of Tiberius’ son, Drusus. Drusus’ death left Tiberius without an heir as he entered into his late sixties, thus priming Sejanus for the throne and illuminating him in a corrupt and immoral light. When Tiberius retreated to Capri in 27, Sejanus was the centre of power. According to Dio, ‘it
was he who appeared to be emperor and Tiberius a kind of off-shore monarch’. The withdrawal of Tiberius led Sejanus to enjoy an abundance of imperial power with no restraints placed upon him. In 31, following Tiberius’ refusal of Sejanus’ request to marry Drusus’ widow, Livilla, many reports suggest that a plot was being prepared to overthrow Tiberius and allow Sejanus to assume the position of princeps. This led Sejanus to become abruptly alienated and isolated from society; he lost all support from the once-fawning Senate. The absolute power of Tiberius granted Sejanus access to a position from which he could control affairs and rapidly consolidate power; this led him into corruption and immorality.
Whilst the system of power Tiberius was placed in as emperor is largely responsible for his ultimate downfall, his own actions when introducing Maiestas trials and failing to interact with Roman society are reflective of the ability of absolute power to corrupt. Sejanus’ corruption is evident through his exploitation of his relationship with Tiberius, alongside his decline in
popularity following his involvement in the death of Drusus and plots to overthrow the emperor. In all, absolute power can be seen to have led directly to the corruption and downfall of Sejanus, whilst only being partly responsible for the corruption of the emperor Tiberius.
Bibliography
Bird, H. W., “L. Aelius Seianus and His Political Significance.” Latomus, vol. 28, no. 1, 1969, pgs. 61–98.
Boddington, A., “Sejanus. Whose Conspiracy?” The American Journal of Philology, vol. 84, no. 1, 1963, pgs. 1–16.
Suetonius, G., The Twelve Caesars, Penguin Classics, 1957.
Tacitus, P., Annals.
Weller, J. A., ‘Tacitus and Tiberius’ Rhodian Exile.’ The Phoenix, vol. 12.
Linguistics
In Pygmalion (1913) and its musical adaptation My Fair Lady (1956), a professor of phonetics espouses the view that superficial features of how someone speaks largely determines the power that they wield in society. Is this true?
In his preface to Pygmalion (1916), George Bernard Shaw writes ‘it is impossible for an Englishman to open his mouth without making some other Englishman hate or despise him’. This sense of the power which language can hold societally becomes a critical aspect of the play. Shaw also writes that Pygmalion is ‘so intensely and deliberately didactic’ and as such emphasises that Pygmalion should be viewed as informative rather than as entertainment. The play follows Eliza Doolittle, a Cockney flower girl who undergoes a transformation due to the work of Professor Higgins, a phonetician, who makes efforts to improve her social prospects. It is interesting to consider that Pygmalion was a Greek sculptor1 who fell in love with his own creations; this is paralleled by Higgins creating a new person in Eliza and therefore a comment by Shaw on the transformative power of language.
The idea that language is necessary to wield a sense of power has changed. The play acts as a mirror which reflects the times’ societal expectation; that high linguistic ability and standardisation allows one to exert power. From their first interaction, Higgins is clear in his aims for Eliza, striving for levels of overt prestige. He states, ‘I shall make a duchess of the draggletailed guttersnipe’. The juxtaposition between the words ‘duchess’ and ‘guttersnipe’ articulates the idea that for Eliza to transform it is necessary that she increase her linguistic standards. Furthermore, Pygmalion delves into the concept of prestige varieties, wherein certain dialects are deemed superior, highlighting previous societal perceptions of correctness and superiority. These vernacular views do not only place emphasis on the values of linguistic hierarchies, but they also mark the specific class distinctions that are underscored in the social fabric of the play.
Eliza (NHEHS)
Louis (Harrow)
Martha (NHEHS)
In addition, Shaw bemoans that ‘the English have no respect for their language’ as he likens the Englishman to the Frenchman. He explains that too much emphasis has been placed on literacy as opposed to fluency and eloquence and unlike most European languages2 , English is not easily accessible in ‘black and white’ to foreigners, indicative of the
prejudiced class system. Shaw claims that it is for this reason that ‘the reformer we need most today is an energetic phonetic enthusiast’ and so he cast Higgins in his own mould to be the advocate for language revitalisation. Eliza, in this instance, would not be able to contest Higgins’ success at improving her oration; the people around her perceive her to be a wellspoken, upper-class lady. Yet the matter of language extinction
1Pygmalion was a sculptor in Ovid’s Metamorphoses who fell in love with the statue of a woman he had carved out from ivory – she was named Galatea in post-classical sources.
2Here Shaw is making reference to the English language as a jumble of Romance, Germanic, Celtic, Gaelic and Scandinavian languages, as opposed to being a language straightforward to learn to someone who already speaks a Slavic, Hellenic or Romance language.
persists in today’s world as England’s last regional language, Cornish, has disappeared; in contrast Welsh, which saw a drop-off in speakers in the 19th and 20th centuries, has been revitalised, demonstrating the possibility of language revival. In a modern-day context, the ideas of class and language superiority have declined. Since 1912 the middle class has grown, leading to integration between classes and a transformation of social divisions. The impact of World War 1 was so profound that the jobs and expectations belonging to each class were no longer relevant and all of Britain was united against a common enemy. Additionally, deindustrialization forced class integration, as the services of the working class (who were key workers in the manufacturing industry) were no longer needed. By 1990, the nine million industrial workers recorded in 1970 had been reduced to four million. These changes have meant society no longer relies on the class structure which once ran the country. Therefore, a variety of dialects and languages have begun to mix, resulting in exposure and acceptance in dialects that were deemed less desirable or ‘standard’.
with the inclusion of ‘lower’ classes in traditionally ‘upper class' activities. This is often referred to by traditionalists as ‘positive discrimination’, which refers to the inclusion of people who may come from under-represented groups into milieus to which they did not previously have access.
Positive discrimination is key to representing the marginalised; in the modern era we have seen a marked rise in the variety of accents and dialects heard on the radio and television. In particular, the role of newsreaders was previously viewed as a job for those who spoke ‘The Crown’s English’. The importance of this dialect has now decreased, and the practice of newsreaders is no longer selective to those who speak in this dialect. However, this viewpoint of ‘positive discrimination’ should be treated with consideration, given the existence of negative discrimination.
The representation of the non-standard dialects in Pygmalion indicates different social statuses. There are many interactions between Higgins and Eliza which emphasise contrasts in language use between social classes, such as: Liza: “I ain’t got no mother. Her that turned me out was my sixth stepmother. But I done without them. And I’m a good girl, I am.”
Higgins: “Very well, then, what on earth is all this fuss about?”
The difference between the language and grammar used by Higgins and Eliza indicates that standardised language was a defining feature of the gulf in their social equality. Furthermore, for those watching the play in 1912, an assumption of class and wealth would have been made based of the dialects heard3; in a modern context those watching the play have to rely more on lexis and other performance features, such as costume, to gain an understanding of the presented class divisions. For example, the cockney dialect has been a feature of the London environment for some time. Its first recorded OED4 use was in 1776, but sources suggest that it was present in the 16th century. In accordance with the increase in usage of this dialect, there has been a decline in the importance of the class system. As a result, individuals who may have previously sought to distance themselves from their Cockney heritage now find themselves embracing and incorporating it into their daily lives. This goes hand in hand
Individuals from standard-speaking varieties are not inherently disadvantaged compared to those who speak non-standard English, yet in contemporary society, there remains a widespread perception that possessing education and adhering to 'standard English' offer advantages. This matter is known as accent bias; Shaw ascertains this as the defining barrier between the thresholds of social class amongst English speakers. Higgins is convinced that Eliza’s accent has established her social status and will continue to do so. A recent study concluded that there is a very established and enduring hierarchy of accents in the UK but that this bias is sensitive to context; people’s responses are more nuanced when listening to actual speech, and, perhaps more importantly, people can almost fully suppress this bias under certain conditions5. What we perceive today to be a counterfactual regarding accent bias was indeed the reality of the world in which Pygmalion was written, where Eliza’s accent directly indicates her background. Eliza’s ‘kerbstone English’ was synonymous with the lower reaches of early 20th century
3Shaw uses the expletive ‘bloody’ to signal to the audience that Eliza is of a lower social class as mitigation in the event the audience might not be able to determine her status based on the actor’s accent. 4The Oxford English Dictionary
society and the phrase echoes colonial remarks about the ‘kitchen Dutch’ spoken by slaves in South Africa; this is now known as Afrikaans6. The role of accent in the play is affirmed by Professor Higgins himself, who says that pronunciation is the ‘deepest gulf that separates class from class and soul from soul’, which is reflected in his determination to transform Eliza. Higgins teaches Eliza to speak like a lady and not to act like one, as she is perfectly capable of doing this herself; her grand remonstrance of hurling the slippers at Higgins reminds the phonetician that there is no room for his patriarchal mannerisms nor misogynistic belittling in her world.
Initially, Higgins describes Eliza as ‘a woman who utters such depressing and disgusting sounds’ and who therefore has ‘no right to be anywhere - no right to live’, which largely reflects the linguistic prejudices that existed by the end of the nineteenth century. Many of Shaw’s descriptions of Eliza amplify this argument: there is a recurring contrast in what Eliza says and how she says it.
5A study concluded by Accent Bias Britain.
When speaking to Professor and Mrs Higgins, Eliza says, ‘somebody pinched it’ and ‘what I say is, them as pinched it done her in’ which emphasises the force of her cockneyism, using the idiom, despite her eloquent pronunciation. Linguistically, her social unacceptability is due her omission of ‘h’ and double negation, which differ from the ‘Received Pronunciation’ that Higgins displays. The question of the success of Higgins’ endeavour is left as unanswered in the play: in one sense, Eliza’s linguistic alteration could be seen as successful as in Act One, Freddy Eynsford Hill bumps into Eliza and largely disregards her, yet by the end of the play he has fallen in love with her; the only difference is her adoptive RP. However, perhaps more convincingly, it can be argued that Higgins’ efforts were futile; Eliza remains ostracised by the end of the play, when she firmly tells Higgins that she has ‘forgotten [her] own language and can speak nothing but [his]’. This emphasises Shaw’s views on the superficiality of prejudice towards accent, notably how society tends to
favour apparent changes to merit acceptability.
In its essence, Pygmalion is a play about social structures and class imbalance; it urges one to question societal norms, and above all else it is principled on the unnecessary divide that has been created in our society based on how an individual uses language. Times, however, have changed, and in today’s more accepting and progressive world our reliance on language to determine social class has diminished. Whilst aspects of the play (such as language revitalisation) remain relevant in the 21st century, a shift towards a more diverse and inclusive culture in Britain has seen a decrease in the perceived importance of eloquent or ‘correct’ speech. Overall, although language plays a significant role in the modern day, it does not command the same degree of power that George Bernard Shaw illustrates it to have within Pygmalion and the society of the time.
6Afrikaans is now an official language of South Africa spoken by more than 6 million people as their first language.
Politics
The mayor of London represents more constituents than any other elected official in Europe, but their duties are arguably relatively unknown to the general public. Explore the reasons for this contrast.
The Mayor of London represents more constituents than any other elected official in Europe. The duties of the Mayor are relatively unknown to the general public; this is because the Mayoralty is overshadowed by more powerful government offices and by the Mayor’s party allegiance. However, the trend of devolution has increasingly transferred power to local government, allowing the mayor to wield considerable power. However, the relative recency of these statutes and role creation has created an information discrepancy. The public has simply not familiarised itself with the duties of the Mayor of London.
The office of the Mayor of London is consistently overshadowed by its officeholder's party allegiance. Most view the Mayor of London as simply an extension of the party leadership, with the Mayor obliged to toe party lines. Parties can use their whips to ensure the Mayor follows the party manifesto and make policies in the same ideological vein. For instance, Sadiq Khan, the incumbent Labour Mayor, has largely put in place left-wing policies; Khan has increased the Greater London Authority’s budget by increasing tax on larger properties, thereby funding free transport for school children. Boris Johnson, a member of the Conservative party, which is more right-wing, abolished the western congestion zone charge and advocated for a more powerful financial sector.
The Mayor of London enacts policies in accordance with their parties’ ideological values. Consequently, the public does not
Felicity (NHEHS)
Garrick (Harrow)
Jonny (Harrow)
Kieran (Harrow)
Salem (NHEHS)
inquire about the duties or views of the London mayor; they can look to the manifestos of the party with which the Mayor is affiliated for potential policy proposals. Electoral complacency and party loyalty result in apathy from the general population; many will vote the same way in both a mayoral election and a general election. They reason that there is no need to diversify their vote, as the candidates will follow party principles. This can be seen in the 2016 mayoral election, where the constituency of Ealing and Hillingdon voted for the Labour Party; the constituency of Ealing Central and Acton voted for Labour in the 2015 general election. The consistency in their vote is due to voters viewing the Mayor of London as aligning decisions and policies with party political ideology; as a result they feel no need to seek out additional information on the Mayor’s duties or views. Regardless of whether their voting is justified, this creates an information discrepancy regarding the duties of the Mayor of London.
The Mayor of London is not merely a glorified figurehead. The Mayor wields considerable power, influencing a wide range of people, from ordinary citizens to corporate leaders. Throughout the various mayoral tenures, there have been
numerous instances where the Mayor has had to exercise this authority and intervene. In 2005, Ken Livingstone, London's first Mayor, had to manage the aftermath of the London terror attacks. Despite his successful campaign to modernise London's transport, address environmental issues, and promote inclusivity, this crisis upset his policies. Before the attacks, Livingstone had made strides in curbing rampant Islamophobia in London. However, he faced a new challenge when it was revealed that the four men convicted of the attacks were British-born Muslims. In response, Livingstone initiated an advertising campaign and held a rally for inter-community unity in Trafalgar Square. Without the mayor's actions, racial unrest and chaos in London would have been almost certain.
More recently, the 2012 London Olympics were strongly supported by Livingstone. London's eventual victory proved extremely beneficial for the city. In the months leading up to the Olympics, the Office of National Statistics recorded a decrease of 15,000 in the number of people claiming job seekers' allowance, with 5,500 of those being from the London region. Since both Livingstone and his successor, Boris Johnson, played significant roles in bidding for and executing the Olympics, beating Paris, their decisions had a largely positive impact on the population.
One of the biggest challenges Sadiq Khan has faced was Brexit. Khan stated, "I've got a big responsibility, I've got to
make it more attractive to choose London over Frankfurt or Paris or Dublin." It is only through his efforts and initiatives as Mayor that the number of EU citizens working in London has not dwindled considerably. This includes his refined proposal for a reciprocal Youth Mobility scheme, on which (as of 19 April 2024) the EU Commission is currently seeking an internal mandate. Thus, it is through the overarching guidance and support of the London Mayor that Londoners have been positively impacted.
Additionally, as more power and funding continue to be devolved to local government, the Mayor has increasing responsibilities and decision-making powers. This is perceived as a positive change, since it allows for more effective public services and provides residents with an increased ability to have a say in decisions made. It means that the Mayor’s powers increase while in office. The Greater London Authority act, implemented in 2007 during Livingstone’s time in office, gave the Mayor more planning power in terms of housing, training and skills. The enactment of these laws, unbeknownst to the general public, created an information gap and led to a discrepancy between the knowledge of what powers the mayor has and what his duties actually consist of. Thus, the Mayor’s duties are relatively unknown to the public.
The mayoralty is overshadowed by its officeholder’s party allegiance. The public may also perceive mayoral power
as reduced or insignificant due to the office being overshadowed by powerful figures such as the Prime Minister, MPs and local authorities. With the prominence of others in leadership garnering both public and media attention, the public perceives the Mayor as inconsequential relative to the offices of state. This is in part due to a lack of mayoral engagement. The prime minister engages with the general public through PMQs and nationwide media, MPs through surgeries and local political party officials through local party membership. This direct correspondence between the people in power and the electorate develops a transparent relationship with the public. Furthermore, more mundane decisions made by local councils, such as when rubbish is collected, have a greater impact on voters’ daily lives than larger mayoral initiatives, such as Sadiq Khan’s plan to set up a London Borough of Culture competition. Mayoral initiatives resonate less with the broader public, further obscuring their power.
While the policy of devolution has certainly empowered the Mayor of London, the recent nature of the policy makes the law relatively unknown and means that most of the public remain unaware of the duties of the Mayor. This information discrepancy is exacerbated by the position of the Mayor of London being overshadowed by government offices with more power and by the Mayor’s party allegiance. The London public is simply not motivated to find out more about its Mayor.
Art History
What did Tatlin’s Tower mean at the time, and what meanings does it have today?
The Monument to the Third International, often referred to as Tatlin's Tower, was designed in 1919-1920 by Vladimir Tatlin to stand in Petrograd (now St Petersburg) along the River Neva. Tatlin’s idea came to fruition as a result of the Russian Revolution, which began in March, 1917; this led the Communists to need a headquarters for the Third International. However, the project never progressed beyond initial planning and a 20-foot-tall wooden model. The intended tower would have been constructed from mainly steel and glass, with a twin helix enclosing four interconnected geometric shapes. The tower represents the purest form of functionalism as the form of the buildings follows its function; for instance, the way the building would have moved represents the dynamic nature of the Third International. The different levels would be dedicated to various purposes, including administrative offices, meeting spaces, and a radio station. Tatlin’s Tower is undoubtedly a symbol of Soviet power and utopian aspirations; this is reflected through the tower's planned spiralling structure and imposing height. Arguably the sheer complexity of the design, coupled with the envisioned message the Tower would have projected, should not be overshadowed by its failed actualisation, especially given how much of an impact the model has had on future generations of artists, designers and architects, drawing together sculpture, architecture, art and engineering.
Archie (Harrow) Carmen (NHEHS)
to create his relief constructions in 1914; these marked a pivotal shift in his artistic approach. While Picasso's works were not overtly political, Tatlin's art was deeply intertwined with political ideology. These constructions demonstrated his focus on faktura, allowing his techniques and materials to contribute to the overall effect and meaning of his works.
Constructivism emerged as an avant-garde movement in the early 20th century, espoused by artists such as Vladimir Tatlin, Alexander Rodchenko and El Lissitzky. It aimed to integrate art with technology and industry and create functional works that could serve societal needs and promote the ideals of the new Soviet state. Its design reflected these ideas of constructivism emphasising its dynamic forms and practicality. Although the structure never came to light, it is undeniable that Tatlin had significant prowess as the design was conceptualised alongside a group of his students in 1920.
Vladimir Tatlin, who was born on the 28 December 1885, Kharkiv, Ukraine and died on the 31 May 1953 at 67 years old, was a Soviet Ukrainian architect and a former stage-designer. After Tatlin visited Picasso’s studio in 1913, he was influenced
During the October Revolution of 1917, Vladimir Lenin's Bolshevik Party took control and created the first communist state in history. By using a one-party system, the party was able to suppress competition and maintain its dominance. Joseph Stalin, Lenin's successor, rapidly industrialised and implemented collectivisation policies whilst consolidating and
strengthening his power even further.
Tatlin was tasked with the implementation of the structure following Bolshevik leader Vladimir llyich Lenin’s plan for ‘Monumental Propaganda. Monumental Propaganda was a campaign whose purpose was to brutally erase the monuments of the Tsarist period from Soviet streets. The propagandist strategy was a powerful one, hoping to slaughter the once known monuments which were idolised as martyrs for the muddied Russian reputation. Vladimir hoped to force messages of communism, such as the combatment of capitalism, whilst leading the people of Russia into aligning with a one party state aiming to cement dictatorship of the proletariat.
Prior to Tatlin's creation of the Tower, he had created spatial experiments which began in 1913, and the first Counter-Reliefs collection. The Tower was one of the many experimental prototypes exploring monumental architecture and a propagandistic symbol commissioned by the Bolsheviks ‘to glorify the Revolution’. He created a 6 metre model of his design which was exhibited in his ‘space, materials and construction workshop’; this was then moved to the Trade Union House in Moscow. In 1925, a smaller 3 metre scale model, whose spirals differed significantly from the first, was held in the International Exposition of Modern Industrial and Decorative Arts.
Tatlin believed an abstract monument would showcase a progressive, modern revolution; he opted to design a towering open structure which consisted of iron and glass, demonstrating a new era of transparency and openness in the Soviet Union. The exclusivity of such materials on monumental scale and the intricacy involved in the tower's
construction was sure to set the tower apart from competitors such as the Eiffel Tower in Paris (built on the 31st of March, 1889). Tatlin’s Tower would pioneer communist architecture, with the proposed building to reach 400m compared to the 330m of the Eiffel Tower. Whilst the tower’s design boasted significant structural complexity, such as the interlocking helixes and massive steel girder supporting the towers slant, what the tower aimed to contain was equally potent. Not only would the tower be a flagship for revolution, but it was intended to house the Third international (Comintern) or International Communist parties organisation responsible for the promotion of the revolution. Tatlin had effectively now created a citadel for the communist regime.
The tower symbolises the utopian aspirations of the communist leaders. It is an ironic testament to the early soviet states technological and economic restrictions, demonstrating both the aspirations symbolised by the tower and realities of the early Soviet state. The impact the tower had on Russian Soviet artists such as Alexander Rodchenko, who also uses strong diagonals in his photography and posters suggesting movement, shows what a large impact the tower had during its time.
Tatlin was incredibly accomplished prior to the tower's realisation. He held great prestige in his own right, a forerunner of the Constructivist movement which was aimed to create ‘a new aesthetic aligned with a new communist society’; this was aided by the foundation of building and science which was applied beyond artwork. As a Constructivist, Tatlin sought to break art down into its most fundamental parts, therefore challenging the legitimacy of established traditions. This enabled him to create an art form relevant to a rapidly changing world.
Tatlin's prior ship’s carpenter training allowed him to utilise certain techniques to complete centripetal spirals. Tatlin's Tower further embodies the revolutionary spirit of the time and advancement throughout Russia. The tower's aim to employ avant-garde design concepts and defy conventional architectural forms aligns the towers framework with utilitarian ideals, aiming to maximise benefit for the largest number of people. The design aspects of Tatlin’s tower are architecturally euphoric. Tatlin's Tower was viewed as a revolutionary break from conventional design when it was first conceived.
The industrious materials used hold powerful significance inside of the communist structure. The building would have been erected using locally sourced materials as opposed to other capitalist countries' government buildings, which were typically made of marble and featured ivory garnishings. Tatlin resented this capitalist design, opting to use iron, steel and glass which conformed to the machine age
aesthetic. This aesthetic follows the deep industrial roots, drawing comparisons to machines by using regular shapes and reflective surfaces. These materials could be found plentifully in Russia and so resonated with the working class as ‘staples of soviet industry’. This aligns with the communist approach of a socialist centralised command economy, where no one class presides over the other.
The real allure of Tatlin's tower is its sheer complexity; the tower consists of two intertwining helixes alongside four distinct cradled structures, anchored to a long girder outstretching diagonally from the base. Unfortunately, the lack of technological advancements prohibited the tower's construction, due to the landscape of post-revolutionary Russia. Whilst the tower was never built, the designs convey the spiralling nature of the building, which would have represented the constant advancement of Soviet society towards an idealised future. These cradles meant that the logistics of the regime could be
managed. This machined level of operation mirrored the stringency of the regime itself. The largest of the geometric volumes was a cube which would house the meetings of the legislature of the Comintern or Third International. Above this was positioned a pyramid hosting the Comintern executive. Higher still was a cylinder for the Comintern propaganda services. The top of the tower would be adorned by a half sphere, which suitably would hold the Comintern radio station, ensnaring the nation in an inescapable web of communist ideals. If the tower had indeed been accomplished, it would have superseded the latter 1930s broadcasting expansion which introduced a Comintern Radio Station with a power of 500 kW alongside numerous other stations powered with 100 kw.
Tatlin's Tower continues to fascinate people and remains a topic of discussion today. Due to logistical and practical difficulties, it was never completed, however its legacy lives on as a
representation of radical devotion and avant-garde creation. Tatlin's Tower is frequently discussed from the perspective of architectural history in modern discourse, acting as a reference point for conversations about the nexus of politics, art and society. Its futuristic goals and geometrically daring design continue to awe architects and artists; it provokes discussions about how form and function connect with ideology in architectural practice, exerting a powerful influence on today's art and architecture. Although the tower's proposed height has now been surpassed, (it would now place 12th amongst the world’s tallest buildings) at the time it was unfathomable. Even with today's sophisticated engineering, its practicality would be called into doubt, with many countries not sanctioning such a project in the present day.
Renewed interest in Tatlin's tower is visible today, whether in contemporary art, politics or through its influence on later architectural movements. Many recreations arose following Tatlin’s death in 1953, drawing attention to the intricate and grand design. A model built at The Royal Academy of Arts, London in November 2011 succeeded partially in capturing the original tower's monstrous size. With a scale of 1:42 the model is already huge; we can only imagine the tower’s footprint on the Soviet skyline if it had gone ahead. Similarly many interpretations have been created, such as Ai Weiwei’s (a Chinese artist and activist) recreation in 2007, Sculpture Fountain of Light; his work highlights the contrast between the
idealistic hopes of the past and the reality of today, encouraging the viewer to consider the connection of ideology and history and its power within art. His recreation draws a parallel to that of Tatlin as both use glass in order to evoke transparency and openness.
Tatlin’s Tower is an architectural phenomenon.
Tatlin's Tower, although never built, serves as a great reminder of the ambition and long lasting influence of avant-garde innovation. Its imposing shape, designed in the years following the Russian Revolution, represents not only architectural ambition, but the regime's power and future goals along with its ambitions for the advancement of Soviet society. Tatlin's Tower, limited to its sketch and other artists' recreations, represents how a powerful idea may have just as much, if not more, significance than the artwork itself, and how that notion is still extremely powerful today.
Bluntly, Tatlin's creation would have represented Soviet domination of both the people of Russia and of St. Petersburg’s horizon. Its influence still holds weight today as a catalyst for thought provoking discussions; many who hold these discussions may disagree with the Soviet ideals which led to its planning. However, there is one tuft of common ground reached every time in these discussions; Tatlin’s Tower is an architectural phenomenon.
Symposium Team 2024
Ms Madeleine Copin, Miss Hannah Fox, Ms Katie Bowness, Dr Joe Cooper, Mr Alastair Land, Mr Matthew Shoults, Dr Callum Hayes Smith, Dr Emon Keshavarz, Dr Thomasin Bailey, Mr Julian Gallant, Professor Chris Newbold, Dr Shenila Rawal, Dr Chris Cummins, Dr Lukasz Kowalik, Dr Luke Pebody, Mr Stephen Anderson, Dr Malcolm Hebron, Dr Sam Letters, Dr Richard Pearce, Mr Shayan Ali, Mr Lewis Philips, Ms Naomi Goodall, Mr Harry Sellen
Notting Hill & Ealing High School and Harrow School
