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Populism Around the World

A Comparative Perspective

PopulismAroundtheWorld

PopulismAroundtheWorld

AComparativePerspective

UniversityofOttawa

Ottawa,Ontario,Canada

ISBN978-3-319-96757-8ISBN978-3-319-96758-5(eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96758-5

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© SpringerNatureSwitzerlandAG2019

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DanielStockemer PopulisminArgentina

WolfgangMuno PopulisminFrance

GillesIvaldi

PopulisminthePhilippines

AdeleWebbandNicoleCurato

PopulisminPoland

BenStanleyandMiko

PopulisminTurkey

S.ErdemAytaçandEzgiElçi

PopulismintheUnitedStates

MatthewGreenandJohnKennethWhite

DanielStockemer

Introduction

’tthinkthereisawaypoliticallytobeatthe “Insurgent MovementOfPopulism” (TonyBlair 2016)

Populismisontherise.Inthetwenty- firstcentury,wehavebeenexperiencinga populisttide.Populistleadersareubiquitous.Theyareinpowerintheworld’smost powerfulcountry,theUnitedStates;theyformgovernmentsinregionalhubssuchas Poland,thePhilippines,aswellasVenezuela,andtheythreatensomeofthemost establishedWesterndemocraciesincludingFranceandItaly.Asaveryserious challengetomodernliberaldemocracy,populismisalsooneofthemostresearched topicsinmodernpoliticalscience.Amongothers,researcherstrytotacklethe followingresearchquestions:Whatispopulism?Isitarhetoricalstrategy,tactic, orideology?Howcanwemeasurepopulism?Whyareweexperiencingapopulist zeitgeistnow?Whoarethesupportersofpopulistmovements?Whatdopopulistsdo toappealtothemasses?Integratingitselfwithinthisgrowingresearch,thisedited volumeaimsatcomparingpopulisminvariousnationalcontexts.Doespopulism manifestitselfdifferentlyoralikeincountriesasdiverseasthePhilippines,Turkey, andtheUnitedStates?Answeringthisquestion,thisbookcomparespopulismin Argentina,France,thePhilippines,Poland,Turkey,andtheUnitedStatesacrossfour dimensions:(1)Whatisthehistoryanddevelopmentofpopulistpartiesandmovementsintherespectivecountry?(2)Whoarethetypeofcontemporarypopulist actorsandmovementsinoursamplecountries?(3)Whatarethe(rhetorical) strategiesandtacticstheyuse?(4)Whoarethevotersandsupportersofthese populistpartiesandmovements?

Thisintroductionwillsituatethebookwithinthebroaderpopulistliterature.It willshortlyretracethemaindefinitionaldebatesandprovideashorthistoryof populisminsomeoftheworld’sregions.

D.Stockemer(*)

UniversityofOttawa,Ottawa,ON,Canada

e-mail: stockem@uottawa.ca

© SpringerNatureSwitzerlandAG2019

D.Stockemer(ed.), PopulismAroundtheWorld, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96758-5_1

Idon

1DefiningPopulism

Populismisoneofthemostedgytermsinthesocialsciences.InthewordsofMudde (2017,1),itisan “essentiallycontestedconcept” wherethe “properuseofwhich involvesendlessdisputesabouttheirproperuses.” ForWeyland(2017,1), “it threatenstoescapeanyanalyticalgrasp.Assoonasscholarsareconfidentthat theyhaveencircleditwiththeirdefinitionalsnares,itresurfacesinadifferentform inanothercorneroftheimpenetrablejungleofpolitics.” Themaindefinitional controversyisbetweenpopulismasadiscourseorstrategyandpopulismasa (thin)ideology.Followingthediscursivetradition,Kasin(2016,18)treatspopulism as “acreed,astyle,apoliticalstrategy,amarketingploy,orsomecombinationofthe above.” Throughsuchalens,populistdiscourseisaframeofanalysisthroughwhich meaningisconstructedbasedaroundthefamiliarpreceptsofanti-elitismandpeoplecentrism(Aslanidis 2016,93).

Forothers,suchasMudde(2004,543),populismis “anideologythatconsiders societytobeultimatelyseparatedintotwohomogeneousandantagonisticgroups, ‘thepurepeople’ versusthecorruptelite,andwhicharguesthatpoliticsshouldbean expressionofthegeneralwillofthepeople.” Threeessentialconceptsexistwithin thisdefinition:thepeople,theelite,andthegeneralwill(Mudde 2017,4).The peopleareimaginedaspureandauthenticandreflectanidealizedself-perception, i.e.,AmericaasChristian(Mudde 2017,6–7).Theeliteisregisteredasthecorrupt andevilremainder,whichfrustratesthepeoplebecauseoffavoringspecialinterests orforeign/immoralideals(Mudde 2017,3–7).Thegeneralwillisdrawnfromthe desireforacongruencebetweenthepureandhomogenouspeoples’ commonsense andgovernmentpolicy(Mudde 2004,546–547).Allinstitutions,rules,andproceduresthatstandinthewayofsuchdirectexpressionofthegeneralwillare conceivedasliabilities(Rooduijn 2016).Insuchaworldview,thepoliticalsystem isviewedasinherentlyopposedtothewillofthepeople;itisinherentlytiedtothe whimsoftheelitesandmustbechallengedtoonceagainworkinservicetothe commonman(Canovan 1999,3).

Throughsuchathinideologicaldefinition,populismisilliberalandanti-pluralist asitclaims “exclusivemoralrepresentation.” Itrepresentsaformofidentitypolitics insofarasitdefinesanexclusivepeoplethatdismissanimmoralorspurious remaindertobeexcluded(Müller 2017,1–6,101–103).Twoadditionalfeatures characterizethisideationaldefinition:(1)thepopulistleaderbecomesthebridge betweentheunsatisfieddemandsandtheprocessofrepresentationwhichcoalesces thedemands(Valdivielso 2017,299–300)and(2)the “people” whobecomea politicalsubjectasframinguncoverstheirexploitationand/orantagonismwiththe corruptelite.1

1 Similarly,Ostiguy(2017,1–5)advancestheideaofscriptpopulism:thescriptreadsasfollows: “Thereisamajorityof ‘thepeople’ (thepueblo),inthemajority ‘Typicallyfromhere,’ whose authenticvoiceisnotheard,andwhosetrueinterestsarenotsafeguarded.Theyfaceathree-way coalition,comprisedofanefarious,resentedminority(theobjectofgreatesthatred),atoddswith

2AShortHistoryofPopulism

Anystudyofpoliticalhistorywillshowthatpopulismhasalwaysbeenthere(Mudde 2004,548).AccordingtoHawkinsetal.(2017),thehistoryofpopulismdatesback tothelateRomanRepublicwithitspoliticalpolarizationbetweenthe Populares, whofavoredthepeople,andthe Optimates ,whofavoredthearistocrats.Thecradle ofmodernpopulismliesinthreeseparatemovements:theUSPeople’sParty, Russia’sNarodniki,andFrench’sBoulangism.TheUSPeople’sPartiesinthe 1890swasathird-partyforceattemptingtopryapartUSpoliticsbycastigatingthe DemocraticandRepublicanpartiesastooclosetoeachotherandtootiedtospecial interests(Kaltwasseretal. 2017,3).Inparticular,thefarmersintheAmericanWest andSouth,whowereindireeconomicstraits,wereresponsivetothemessagethat thepoliticalestablishmentwasnotlookingaftertheirinterestsbecauseithaditsown agenda.Topopulists,theanswerwasplain. “Getridof ‘theplutocrats,thearistocrats,andalltheotherrats’ installthepeopleinpower,andallwouldbewell” (Canovan 1999,3–4).Inthe1860s,theRussianNarodnikimovementemphasized “goingtothepeople” tofomenttheoverturningoftheestablishmentandanantitsaristrevolution(Kaltwasseretal. 2017,4).FrenchBoulangismduringthe1890s championedtheworkersandthenation.Itwashostileoftheparliamentaryregime andcampaignedfortheinstallationofaradicalplebiscitaryrepublicanism.What unitesthese “historic” examplesisthecelebrationofandlegitimationofthe “true commonpeople”:adirectappealtothevirtuouspeopletoopposeanentrenched establishmentandabeliefthatdemocraticpoliticsneededtobeconducteddifferentlyandclosertothepeople(Kaltwasseretal. 2017,5).

Buildingontheseearliermovements,modernpopulismremergedafterWorld WarIIindifferentpartsoftheworldatdifferentpointsintime.InWesternEurope, populismemergedinitsright-wingformwithneo-fascistelementsintheafterwar period.Forexample,inFrance,PierrePoujade’santi-tax,pro-businessowner,antistate,andpro-FrenchAlgerianmovementemergedasasuccessfulpoliticalcontenderinthe1950s[e.g.,inthe1956 firstroundoftheFrenchpresidentialelection PierrePoujadegained11.5%ofthepopularvote(Kitschelt 1995;Stockemer 2017, 7–8)].InItaly,theNationalSocialMovement,stressingnationalism,law,andorder, aswellashostilityagainstminorities,emergedinthe1950s,establishingitselfasthe fourthlargestpartyinthe1960s.Bythe1980s,mostEuropeancountrieshadsome right-winggad flyparty,allofwhichexposedstrongpopulistelementssuchasthe rejectionofthemainstreamelite,hostilitytowardforeignersandtheEuropean Union,aswellassomeformofnativism.Whiletheprecisecausesoftheirubiquity aredisputed,plausibleexplanationsfortheirriseincludethedegradingeconomic conditionsontheEuropeancontinent,the “silentrevolution” ofvaluesfavoring multiculturalism,andtheerosionofnationalsovereigntytriggeredbyEuropean integration,thusprovokingeconomicandculturalfear,aswellasinsecurity

‘thepeople’;hostile(andverypowerful)global/internationalforces;andagovernmentinlinewith thatminority.Thissituationisasourceofmoralindignation” (Ostiguy 2017,5).

(Kaltwasseretal. 2017,8).Inthetwenty- firstcentury,theradicalpopulistrighthas becomeamajorplayerinpoliticallifeinWesternEurope,garneringupwardof20% ofthevoteincountriesasdiverseasAustria,France,andSwitzerland.

The1970sand1980ssawanothertypeofpopulismemerginginWesternEurope, left-wingpopulism.Focusingoneconomicparity,thePanhellenicSocialistMovement(PASOK)notonlyrepresentedthedebutofsocialistpopulismbutalsothe first timeinEuropeanpost-WorldWarIIhistorythataleft-wingpopulistforcebecame majoritarianinaWesternEuropeancountry.Infact,thecharismaticleadershipof AndreasPapandreoudominatedpoliticsinAthensinthe1970sand1980s,fortwo decadesafterthedictatorship.InotherWesternEuropeancountries,thepolitical landscapesawanexplosionofnewgreenandnewpoliticspartiesintheearly1980s. Theseparties “despisedpoliticsandthepoliticaleliteandclaimedtorepresentthe peopleasawhole” andtheir “commonsenseanddecentvalues” (Mudde 2004,548). Yet,inthe1990sand2000s,thesegreenandprogressivepartiesbecamepolitically mainstream,embracingpoliticalandsometimeseconomicliberalismandentering coalitiongovernmentswithtraditionalcenter-leftandcenter-rightgovernments. This,inturn,providedanopportunityforthecreationandbreakthroughofasecond generationofleftistpopulistmovements,leftistgrassrootsmovementspushedbythe youngergenerations.Infact,incountriessufferingfromeconomicandsocial hardshipsuchasSpainandItaly,partiessuchasPodemosortheFiveStarMovement emergedasstrongforcesintheseconddecadeofthetwenty-firstcentury,winning upwardof20%ofthevoteinelections.Inothercountries,suchasFrance,this renewedleft-wingpopulism,whilealsosupportedbyyoungpeople,manifested itselfmoreinitstraditionalformpushedbytraditionalelites(i.e.,JeanLuc MelanchoninFrance).

InEasternEurope,populistforcesonlyemergedafterthefalloftheBerlinWall. Theriseoftheseforcesstronglyalignedwithgeneraldissatisfactionwiththe politicaleliteandanti-corruptionintheaftermathofdemocratizationintheearly 1990s.Inparticular,inthe1990sand2000,inacontextoframpantcorruption, populistforcespositionedthemselvesasdefendersoftherevolution.Theyargued thattherevolutionhadbeenstolenfromthepeoplebyacorruptpoliticalclass.As such,thesepopulistforceshavearguedthat “againstthepoliticalclassstandthe peoplewhointhetraditionofbothpoliticalpopulismandantipoliticshaveahigher moralstaturethantheamoralpoliticians” (Mudde 2000,47).Overtheyears,populist partiesinEasternEuropeaddednationalism,ananti-immigrationplatform,and (soft)Euroscepticismtotheiragenda,thuscreatingawinningformula:aformula thatthePolishLawandJusticeParty(PiS)andViktorOrban’sFideszparty embracedtogainandconsolidatepower.

ClassicalpopulisminLatinAmericastemsfromtheonsetoftheGreatDepressionperiod(andabruptmodernization)withsignificanteconomicdeclinesparkinga legitimacycrisisanddemandsforpoliticalincorporation(Knight 1998).Fromthe 1940stothe1960s,thisledtotheemergenceofcharismaticandquasi-authoritarian populistleaderswho,through “claimsforequalityofpoliticalrightsanduniversal participationforthecommonpeople,”“articulateda ‘radicaldiscourse,’ constructed aheterogeneousclassalliancesandmobilizedexcludedsectorsofsociety”

(Kaltwasseretal. 2017,5).LeaderslikePeroninArgentinaandVargasinBrazil stressednationalistdevelopmentalism;theincorporationoftheworkingclassinto theeconomic,social,andpoliticalfabric;andthesuppressionofdemocraticopposition(Kaltwasser 2012,198).Asthecontinenttransitionedoutofmilitaryruleinthe 1980s,populistslikeMeneminArgentinaandFujimoriinPeruadaptedtoneoliberalismtoattacktheeconomicmismanagementofthestate(Kaltwasser 2014).At leastinpartasaresponsetothisneoliberalturnofsomepopulistpartiesonthe continent,radicalleftistpopulismreemergedinthetwenty-firstcenturytooppose free-marketpoliciesandinternationalcapitalistexploitation(Morales,Chavez, Correa)(Stavrakakisetal. 2016).Thisformofstate-centered,pro-peasantnationalist,authoritarian,andanti-Americanpopulismhasbecomemajoritarianinanumber ofcountries,includingVenezuelaandPeru.

InNorthAmericapopulismhasmainlyfolloweditsleft-winginclusionaryform inMexico(itwascoupledtherewithstrongindigenousmobilization).IntheUnited States,populismhasrathermanifesteditselfinitsexclusionaryright-wingversion, mimickingradicalright-wingpartiesinEurope.AndinCanada,populismhas largelybeenabsentfromthepoliticalscene.

InCentralAsiapopulismispresentinmanyhybridandautocraticcountries.The twomostfamousexamplesofpopulist(semi)authoritariangovernmentsarePutin’s RussiaandErdogan’sTurkey.InRussia,inthe2000s,Putinadoptedapopulist framethatdelegitimizesactionsotherthanthosetakenbythestate.Pushingconservativetraditionalvalues,PutinpropagatestheunityofthepeopleagainstWestern aggression,multiculturalism,andthepro-Westerndomesticeconomicandintellectualelites,whoaccordingtoofficialdiscoursearecorrupted.InTurkey,Erdogan pusheshisIslamicandautocraticrevolutionwiththehelpofapopulistframethat glorifiestheTurkishpeopleandnation.Thisformofpopulismisstronglylinkedto theappealofthe(rural)masses.

FinallyintheAsiaandPacificregion,populismhasbeenlesspronouncedthanin EuropeandLatinAmericabutstillcomesupinmanyforms.Mostexistingcases eithertaketheformofthenativistright-wingpopulismseeninEuropeortheformof themoreinclusiveLatinAmericanpopulism(Mof fittandTorney 2014).Yet,they canalsotaketheformofsomereligiouslyinspiredpopulism,wherethecommunity ofbelieverssubstitutesIslamicfollowersfortheconceptofthe “people.” Various IslamistpartieshavepushedthisversionofpopulisminIndonesiasincethe1950s.A prominentexampleofamoreleft-winginclusivepopulismisThaksinShinawatra’s ruleinThailand.Presentinghimselfasapersonaofthecommonpeople,canvassing ruralvoters,andopposingthetraditionalelitesprovedsuccessfulforthispopulist leader(i.e.,in2005,hewon58.7ofthepopularvote).Incontrast,populistpartiesin AustraliaandNewZealandresemblemorethecontemporaryradicalright-wing partiesfoundinWesternEurope.Forexample,thecharismaticleaderofthe AustralianOneNationparty,PaulineHanson,enjoyedsomeelectoralsuccessin the1990sandagainin2016embracingaplatformdecryingmulticulturalism, indigenousrights,andAsianimmigration(Mof fitt 2017,124).

Thisshorthistoryofpopulismhasshownthatpopulismisubiquitous,itexistsin allcontinents,anditismalleabletoallpoliticalideologies.Itcanexistalongside

fascism,nativism,socialism,andevenneoliberalism.Yet,ifwebelievethedominantideologicaldefinition,thereshouldalwaysbeapurepeople,whoareoppressed byacorruptedelite,andanexpressionofthe volontégénérale. Beyondthesecore commonalities,thisbookisinterestedinabroadercomparisonofpopulismin diversecontexts.Howisthehistoryandmanifestationofpopulismdifferentin variouscontexts?Whoarethecurrentpoliticalpopulistsinimportantcountries? Arethestrategiesthesepopulistactorsusedifferentorcomparable?Arethevoters andsupportersdifferentorthesame?ThroughsixcasestudiesfeaturingArgentina, France,Poland,thePhilippines,Turkey,andtheUnitedStates,thiscollectionof essaystriestoanswerthesequestions.Todoso,eachcountrycontributionfollows thesamestructure;thatis,itretracesthehistoryofpopulismintherespectivecountry anddiscussescontemporarypopulistactors,the(rhetorical)strategiestheyuse,and thevotersandsupporterswhosupportthesepopulistparties.Theconcluding contributionthencomparespopulismacrossthesesixcountriesillustratingwhatis similarandwhatisdifferentacrossnationalcontexts.

References

Aslanidis,P.(2016).Ispopulismanideology?Arefutationandanewperspective. PoliticalStudies, 64(1),88–104.

Blair,T.(2016).Idonotthinkthereisawaytopoliticallybeatthe “InsurgentMovementof Populism” . RealClearPolitics.AccessedJuly31,from https://www.realclearpolitics.com/ video/2016/06/28/tony_blair_i_dont_think_there_is_a_way_politically_to_beat_insurgent_ movement_of_populism.html

Canovan,M.(1999).Trustthepeople!Populismandthetwofacesofdemocracy. PoliticalStudies, 47(1),2–16.

Hawkins,K.,Read,M.,&Pauwels,T.(2017).Populismanditscauses.InC.RoviraKaltwasser, P.Taggart,P.OchoaEspejo,&P.Ostiguy(Eds.), TheOxfordhandbookofpopulism (pp.267–286).Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Kazin,M.(2016).TrumpandAmericanpopulism. ForeignAffairs,95(6),17–24. Kitschelt,H.(1995). TheradicalrightinWesternEurope:Acomparativeanalysis.AnnArbor,MI: UniversityofMichiganPress.

Knight,A.(1998).Populismandneo-populisminLatinAmerica,especiallyMexico. Journalof LatinAmericanStudies,30(2),223–248.

Moffitt,B.(2017).PopulisminAustraliaandNewZealand.InC.RoviraKaltwasser,P.Taggart, P.OchoaEspejo,&P.Ostiguy(Eds.), TheOxfordhandbookofpopulism (pp.121–139). Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Moffitt,B.,&Tormey,S.(2014).Rethinkingpopulism:Politics,mediatisationandpoliticalstyle. PoliticalStudies,62(2),381–397.

Mudde,C.(2000).Inthenameofthepeasantry,theproletariat,andthepeople:Populismsin EasternEurope. EastEuropeanPoliticsandSocieties,15(1),33–53. Mudde,C.(2004).ThepopulistZeitgeist. GovernmentandOpposition,39(4),541–563. Mudde,C.(2017).Populism:Anideationalapproach.InC.RoviraKaltwasser,P.Taggart, P.OchoaEspejo,&P.Ostiguy(Eds.), TheOxfordhandbookofpopulism (pp.27–47).Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress.

Müller,J.W.(2017). Whatispopulism? Philadelphia,PA:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress.

Ostiguy,P.(2017).Populism:Asocio-culturalapproach.InC.RoviraKaltwasser,P.Taggart, P.OchoaEspejo,&P.Ostiguy(Eds.), TheOxfordhandbookofpopulism (pp.73–100).Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress.

Rooduijn,M.(2016).Simplystudyingpopulismisnolongerenough. NatureNews,540(7633), 317.

RoviraKaltwasser,C.(2012).Theambivalenceofpopulism:Threatandcorrectivefordemocracy. Democratization,19(2),184–208.

RoviraKaltwasser,C.(2014).LatinAmericanpopulism:Someconceptualandnormativelessons. Constellations,21(4),494–504.

RoviraKaltwasser,C.,Taggart,P.,Espego,P.O.,&Ostiguy,P.(2017).Populism:Anoverviewof theconceptandthestateoftheart.InC.RoviraKaltwasser,P.Taggart,P.OchoaEspejo,& P.Ostiguy(Eds.), TheOxfordhandbookofpopulism (pp.1–24).Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press.

Stavrakakis,Y.,Kioupkiolis,A.,Katsambekis,G.,Nikisianis,N.,&Siomos,T.(2016).Contemporaryleft-wingpopulisminLatinAmerica:Leadership,horizontalism,andpostdemocracyin Chávez’sVenezuela. LatinAmericanPoliticsandSociety,58(3),51–76.

Stockemer,D.(2017). TheFrontNationalinFrance:ContinuityandchangeunderJean-MarieLe PenandMarineLePen.Cham:Springer.

Valdivielso,J.(2017).Theoutragedpeople:Laclau,Mouffe,andthePodemoshypothesis. Constellations,24(2),296–309.

Weyland,K.(2017).Populism:Apolitical-strategicapproach.InC.RoviraKaltwasser,P.Taggart, P.OchoaEspejo,&P.Ostiguy(Eds.), TheOxfordhandbookofpopulism (pp.48–72).Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress.

PopulisminArgentina

1Introduction

“Populism” hasbeendefinedandusedinmanyways.Thereseemstobeno consensusonwhatpopulismisorwhichcharacteristicsdefinepopulism.Inan earlysocialsciencecontribution,IonescuandGellnerdiscussedmanyapproaches intheireditedvolumein1969,butdidnotsettleonadefinition.Almost50years later,MuddeandKaltwasserstillseepopulismasanessentiallycontestedconceptin socialsciences(IonescuandGellner 1969;MuddeandKaltwasser 2017;seealso Weyland 2001).Taggart(2000:5)describespopulismas “chameleonic,” andinhis recentessay,Müller(2016:2,emphasisintheoriginal)states, “wesimplydonot haveanythinglikea theory ofpopulism,andweseemtolackcoherentcriteria.”

Ontheotherhand,Panizza(2005:1)criticizesthe “clichétostartwritingon populismbylamentingthelackofclarityabouttheconcept.” Althoughheconfirms thecontestationofpopulism,heclaimsthatitispossible “toidentifyananalytical corearoundwhichthereisasignificantdegreeofacademicconsensus” (ibid.1).

ThisisespeciallytrueforLatinAmerica,wherepopulismisseenasarecurrent characteristicofpoliticsandhasbeenstudiedfordecades(see,e.g.,Germani 1978; DiTella 1985;Freidenberg 2007).Historianslinkthephenomenonofpopulismto caudillismoincolonialandpostcolonialtimes,wherelocalbossesorregional warlords,moreorlesscharismatic,exercisedpoliticalpowerinusuallyremote areas(seeChapman 1932;WolfandHansen 1967).Inthetwentiethcentury, politicianslikeGetúlioVargasinBrazil,JoséMariaVelascoIbarrainEcuador, LázaroCárdenasinMexico,andJuanDomingoPerónhavebeencalledpopulists. Thesepoliticiansshapedtheeraof “classical ” populisminthe firsthalfofthe

W.Muno(*)

FacultyofEconomicsandSocialSciences,UniversityofRostock,InstituteofAdministrative andPoliticalSciences,Rostock,Germany

e-mail: wolfgang.muno@uni-rostock.de

© SpringerNatureSwitzerlandAG2019

D.Stockemer(ed.), PopulismAroundtheWorld, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96758-5_2

twentiethcentury,dominatingtheircountriesaspresidents.Inthelatetwentieth century,anewwaveofpopulists,so-calledneo-populists,appearedonthepolitical stage.ThepresidentsFernandoCollordeMelloinBrazil,AlbertoFijimoriinPeru, andCarlosMeneminArgentinaareexamplesofneo-populists,combiningpopulism withneoliberalpolicies.Lately,inthebeginningofthetwenty-firstcentury,athird waveofpopulismsurgedoverLatinAmerica.HugoChávezinVenezuela,Evo MoralesinBolivia,RafaelCorreainEcuador,andNéstorKirchnerandCristina FernándezdeKirchnerinArgentina,allpresidentsintheircountries,representanew left-wingpopulistwave.

Asthisshortandinconclusivelistshows,Argentina,inparticular,canbeseenas anexampleparexcellenceforpopulism.JuanDomingoPerón,probablythemost importantArgentinepoliticianandaleadingpolitical figurebetweenthe1940sand the1970s,waspresidentfrom1946to1955and1973to1974.Hefoundedthe PeronistmovementandthePeronistpartyPartidoJusticialista(PJ),bothinfluencing andattimesdominatingpoliticsinArgentinauntiltoday.Lateron,PeronistpoliticianCarlosMenem,presidentinArgentinafrom1989to1999,becamethemost prominentneo-populistinLatinAmerica.Recently,NéstorKirchnerandhiswife CristinaFernándezdeKirchnerassumedpresidenciesfrom2003to2007(Néstor) and2007to2015(Cristina),representingamoreleft-wingpopulistPeronism.

Thischapterwillanalyzepopulistactors,agendas,andstrategies,aswellasthe linkagemechanismswhichconnectpopuliststothepopulation.First,Iwillshowthe historyofPeronistpopulisminArgentina;second,IwillanalyzethePeronistparty asthemainpopulistactor;third,policiesandstrategiesofPeronismareunder scrutiny;andlast,Iwilldiscusspopularsupportandthelinkagemechanisms.

2TheHistoryofPopulisminArgentina

Thefounderand firstleaderofPeronismwasJuanDomingoPerón.Hispoliticalrise startedwithamilitarycouponJune4,1943.Perónwaspartoftherebels’ innercircle andbecamesecretaryofworkandsocialaffairs(SecretaríadeTrabajoyPrevisión Social)inNovember1943andthenvice-presidentin1944.Themilitarydictatorship followedanationalisticeconomicpolicy,andPerónimplementedsomeimprovementsforworkerslikehigherwages,socialsecurity,andaminimumwagewithin theframeofamilitarydictatorship.Additionally,hestartedlegalizingunions.He personallysupervisedthisprocessandcreatedapersonalrelationshipwithloyal officialswhileatthesametimebanningopposingunions.

Afterrunningforthepresidencyin1946andbeingelectedwith52%ofthevotes, JuanPerónestablishedthePeronistmovement,whichhaspolarizedanddominated Argentinepoliticssincethen.Perónwassupportedbypartsofthemilitary,the church,andsomelocalstrongmen,butthebackboneofPeronismwasformedby organizedworkersandunions.TheArgentinehistorianTulioHalperinDonghi calledhisregimeapure “model” ofpopulism(HalperinDonghi 1993,ontheera ofPerón,seeLuna 1993).

DuringPerón’sreign,thePJwonparliamentaryelectionsin1948,1951,and 1954,withmorethan60%ofthevotesandhadmajoritiesinbothchambersofthe parliament,thechamberofdeputiesandthesenate,whichrepresentstheprovinces. However,evenalltheelectoralvictoriesandthepopularsupportdidnotallowPerón tostayinoffice.Aftereconomictroublesanddissonanceswiththemilitaryandthe church,hewasoustedin1955andwentintoexile.Inthefollowingdecades,thePJ waseitherbannedorseverelyrestricted.ThisconstraintrenderedpoliticsinArgentinaan “impossiblegame” (O’Donnell 1973);Peronistsalwayswoninelections; thusanti-Peronistschoserepressionandcoupsd’état,whichledtopoliticalinstability(seeCavarozzi 1986).After18years,Peróncamebackandwonthepresidency againbutdiedafter1yearinoffice,leavingbehindeconomicturmoilandpolitical chaos.

Perónleftapoliticalmovementwhichwaspowerfulbutdividedintoseparate factions.In1983,Argentinareturnedtodemocracyafterdecadesofpoliticalinstabilityand7yearsofthemostbrutalmilitarydictatorshipinSouthAmerica.The Peronistunions,stillthebackboneofPeronism,hadlostpoliticalweightunderthe lastdictatorship[e.g.,aroundone-thirdofalltheestimated30,000deathsduringthe militaryregimeconsistedofunionists;seeLópezLevy(2017:13)].

Underthesecircumstances,thePJlostthe firstpresidentialelectionsafterdemocratization.Yetthenewpresident,liberalRaúlAlfonsínofUniónCivícaRadical (UCR),wasundergreatpressure.Themilitaryopposedeffortsoftransitionaljustice, theunions,stillrepresentingthePeronistopposition,initiatedseveralgeneralstrikes, andtheeconomywasmarkedbycrisisandhyperinflation.Additionally,thePJstill representedamajorityinthesenate,andmanygovernorsoftheprovinceswere Peronists.Afteraheavyintraparty fighting,CarlosMenem,governorofthepoorand remoteprovinceLaRioja,becamethePeronistcandidateforthefollowingpresidentialelection.Theelectionsof1989signifiedthecomebackofPeronism:Menem wonthepresidentialelectionwithalmost50%;thePJhadtheabsolutemajorityin thesenateandwasthestrongestfactioninthechamberofdeputies.

Onceinoffice,Menemsurprisedeveryonewithaneoliberalturn.Heprivatized statecompaniesandliberalizedandderegulatedtheeconomy whichwasacompleteturnaroundvis-a-vistotraditionalPeronistpoliticsandhispromisesinthe electoralcampaign(seeMuno 2005;Weyland 1996) illustratingtheprogrammatic flexibilityorideological “thinness” ofpopulism.

Menem’ssecondtermwasmarkedbyincreasedintrapartyrivalries.In1999, PeronistcandidateEduardoDuhalde,formervice-presidentofMenemandgovernor oftheprovinceofBuenosAires,lostouttoanallianceofliberalsfromUCRand Peronistdissidents,butthenewgovernmentstruggledwiththeaftermathof Menem’seconomicstabilizationpolicy,whichledtothesevere financialcrisisin 2000/2001.Menem’ssuccessor,liberalpresidentFernandoDelaRúa,couldnot managethe financialcrisis,andeconomicproblemsledtomassiveprotests,street fightingwiththepolice,looting,andpoliticalunrest(seeCorrales 2000;Schamis 2002).DelaRúaresigned,andafterfourinterimPeronistpresidents(amongthem Duhalde),NéstorKirchnerbecamepresidentin2003,andduringthefollowing 12years,Peronismruledagain(seeLevitskyandMurillo 2003).

3PopulistActorsandParties

Peronismmeanspopulism,althoughnoteverypopulistinArgentinahastobea Peronist.Peronismversusanti-Peronismconstitutesthemostimportantcleavagein Argentinepoliticsandsociety(seeTorreandDeRiz 1991).Themostimportant populistactoristhePeronistparty.PerónfoundedtheWorker ’sParty(Partido Laborista)in1946,renamingitthe “Peronistparty” (PartidoPeronista)in1947 and “JusticeParty” (PartidoJusticialista,PJ)in1950,thelatterstillbeingoneofthe mostimportantpartiesinArgentinatoday,despiteseveralpartysplitsand factionalism.

Peronismhaschangedovertimeandsohastheparty,whichhasalwaysbeen alignedwithseveralothersocialgroups,formingapopulistPeronistcoalition.

Asmentionedabove,thebackboneofPeronismweretheunionsandorganized workers.Peronisminitiallymeanttheinclusionofnewsocialgroupssuchasthenew industrialworkers,intothepoliticalsystemunderPerón’spersonalleadership.Perón wasnotpartofthetraditionalpoliticalelite,andhecultivatedwhatBarr(2009) called “antiestablishmentpolitics,” i.e.,rhetoricalappealsinoppositiontothe establishedelite.Animportantroleinthiseffortwasplayedbyhiswife,EvaDuarte dePerón,called “Evita.” Ofveryhumbleorigin,shebecameanactressandradio starlet,supportingPerón’spoliticalambitionswithmediaappearances.Later,she organizedthewomen’sorganizationwithinthePeronistpartyandhelpedin establishingvotingrightsforwomeninArgentina.Partsofthemovementwanted hertorunasvice-president,butshediedofcancerin1952attheageof33.As first lady,sheinitiatedthefoundation “EvaPerón,” acharityorganizationforthepoor andusedpublicappearancestocultivateherimageasan “angelofthepoor,” giving moneyandpresents,visitingillpeople,andkissingandhuggingchildrenandlepers (onEvitaseeDujovneOrtiz 1995).EvaPerón’searlydeathfosteredaquasireligiousmystificationof “Evita,” whichisenduringuntiltoday.Everyday,fresh flowersareplacedonhergrave,andpicturesofher(andPerón)aresoldonevery cornerinBuenosAires.

ThecleavageofPeronism/anti-PeronismhasdominatedArgentinepolitics.Perón (andPeronism)cultivatedthiscleavagebyspreadingtheimageofadown-to-earth leader,theCaudillo,usingthelanguageoftheordinarypeople,andhavingnothing incommonwiththesophisticated,vainbabblersofaEuropeanizedelite.Hestaged himselfastheleaderofthe “real” people,representingthetruewillofArgentineans. AspecialArgentineterm, “descamisado” (meaningshirt-sleeved),isveryimportant fortheunderstandingofPeronism. “Descamisados” werepoorpeoplewhocouldnot affordjackets,sotheyworeplainshirtsatworkwithrolled-upsleeves.Joiningthe Peronistunions,theseimpoverishedandunderprivilegedworkerswerePerón’schief supporters.Atpublicevents,PerónandPeronistofficialstookofftheirjacketsand rolleduptheirsleeves,showingthattheytoowere “descamisados.”

Yet,thePeronistcoalitionchangedunderMenem.Menem’sneoliberalturnwas accompaniedbyanalliancewithpro-neoliberalgroups,theconservativeliberal partyUnióndeCentroDemocrático(UCD),andrepresentativesofbigcompanies

whoservedinthecabinet.Theneoliberalneo-populismledtointraparty fissures,in whichthetraditionalunionistpartywingparticularlyopposedtheneweconomic policies.Menemstrategicallyandintentionallyweakenedtheunionwingby supportingalternativecandidatesandpoliticianswhowereloyaltohimandin favorofreformingthesocialsystem,thustakingcontrolawayfromtheunions. Theseeffortsresultedinachangeofthepartystructurefromalabor-basedpartytoa clientelist,urbanmachine-basedparty(seeGibson 1997;Levitsky 1998, 2001a, b). Clientelismnowworkedthroughthepartyratherthanthroughunions.Inlinewith thepartytraditionofclientelistdistribution,Menemsucceededinkeepingthepoor inhisnewPeronistcoalition.

PeronismundertheKirchnerschangedagain.In2003,whenNéstorKirchnerhad beenelected,thepartywasinopendisarray,illustratedbythreeseparatecandidates, representingdifferentfactions.Severalindependentcandidatesranaswell.Kirchner, alignedwiththeofficialpartyleaderandformerinterimpresidentDuhalde,created hisownelectoralplatform,thevictoryfront(FrenteParalaVictoria,FPV),a commonwayforPeronistcandidates.NéstorKirchnerwasprovincialgovernorof theremotesouthernprovinceSantaCruzandadefenderofleft-wingPeronism.In the firstroundofelections,Menemreceived24.5%ofvotesandKirchner22.4%. Peronistcandidatesaltogethergotmorethan60%,whichrevealsthestrengthand relevanceofPeronismbutalsoitsfractionalization.

TheArgentinepublicconsideredKirchneraweakpresidentwithlimitedlegitimization,sincehewasnotelectedbyamajorityinrunoffelectionsbutonlywon becauseofthewithdrawalofhiscompetitor.ThePeronistpartywasindisarray,and theArgentineeconomystillsufferedfromyearsofcrisis.Despitealltheseinitial problems,NéstorKirchnermanagedtoconsolidatehispower,andaneweraof Peronism,Kirchnerismo,hadstarted.

ToovercomeresistanceandthefractionalizationofPeronism,NéstorKirchnerat firstreachedouttopoliticiansfromdifferentpoliticalpartiesliketheso-called RadicalesK,agroupofpoliticiansfromUCRsupportingNéstor,amovecalled “transversalism” (Romero 2013a).Later,Kirchnerismoestablishedcontroloverthe partyandabandonedtransversalism,butthisinitialtrans-partylineapproachboosted Néstor ’spopularity.

Additionally,Kirchnerismoforgedallianceswithnewsocialmovementslikethe unemployedworkers(piqueteros)andhumanrightsgroups.Healsorenewedtheties withtheunionsagain.Someofthesegroupsbecame “staunchallies” ofthegovernment(KaeseandWolff 2016:53,seealsoRetamozoandBastiano 2017).Néstor Kirchnerincreasedhislegitimacyandsupportandestablishedaleft-wingpopulist Peronistgovernmentfor12years.

In2007,NéstorKirchnerdecidednottorunagain;insteadhiswifeCristina FernándezdeKirchnerwaselectedaspresidentwith45%ofvotes,alternatingpower withherhusband(LevitskyandMurillo 2008).Acrucialmomentwasreachedin 2010duringthepreparationsforthefollowingpresidentialelections:theKirchners werestillundecidedonwhetherCristinaorNéstorshouldrunforreelection,when Néstorsurprisinglydiedofaheartattack.Kirchnerismousedhisdeathpolitically. Schamis(2013:173),forexample,speaksofa “politicalcanonization” anda

“liturgy,” turningNéstorintoapoliticalmartyrinlinewiththePeronisttraditionof PerónandEvita.InOctober2011,CristinaFernándezdeKirchnerwasreelectedina landslidewith54%ofthevotes.Hersecondtermwascoinedbyeconomicdecline: theGDPfellby1%in2012,increasedby2.4%in2013,butfellagainby2.5%in 2014;inflationroseupto38%inthesameyear,andthe fiscaldeficitgrew. Consequently,publicsupportdropped from80%approvalathightimesto two-thirdsofdisapproval(Murillo 2015).Evenworse,thesituationaggravated duetonewintrapartydisputesaboutthesuccessionofCristinaFernándezde Kirchner,whichultimatelyledagaintoapartysplit.Inthepresidentialelection 2015,DanielScioli,formervice-presidentunderNéstorKirchnerandgovernorof theBuenosAiresprovince,wasthecandidateforKirchnerismo’sFPV,whereas SergioMassa,mayorofTigre,ranonaright-wingPeronistplatform.Andthird, AdolfoRodriguezSáa,formergovernorofSanLuis,formerinterimpresident,and alreadypresidentialcandidatein2003,ranasathirdPeronistcandidate.Intheend, conservativecandidateMauricioMacriwontherunoffelectionsagainstScioli, becauseMassarefusedtoclosePeronistranksinthesecondround,andmanyof Massa’sconservativevotersoptedforMacri(seeLupu 2016).Macri,formermayor ofBuenosAiresandpresidentofthefamousfootballclubBocaJuniors,the first conservativepresidentelectedeversinceuniversalsuffragehadbeenintroducedin 1916inArgentina,endedtheKirchnerera.

AlthoughCristinaFernándezdeKirchneriscurrentlyunderheavypressureand accusedofcorruption,thismaynotbetheendofKirchnerismo,andcertainlynotthe endofPeronism.

First,Kirchnerismowasandisafamilyproject.NéstorKirchnerandCristina FernándezdeKirchnerwerecompared(andusedthiscomparisonasapolitical image)withPerònandEvita.NéstorKirchnerwaspresidentfrom2003until2007, andhiswifeandpoliticalpartnerCristinaFernándezdeKirchnerbecamepresident between2007and2015.ShehadalreadybeendeputyinSantaCruzandsenatorfor theprovince,aswellasfortheprovinceofBuenosAiresinthesenate,before becomingpresident.Néstor ’ssisterAliciawasMinisterofSocialDevelopment,a positionsheheldthroughoutthethreetermsoftheKirchnerpresidencies.Since 2015,shehasbeengovernoroftheProvinceSantaCruz,theKirchner ’sold stronghold.NéstorandCristina’ssonMáximofoundedtheinfluentialPeronist youthmovementLaCámporain2009,supportinghismother ’spresidency,and hasbeennationaldeputyofSantaCruzsince2015.Electoralstudies findasolid supportofKirchnerismoamongthelesseducatedandresidentsofthepoorsuburbs ofBuenosAires, “thankstothesocialpoliciesofredistribution” (Murillo 2015). Furthermore,linkstosocialmovementsstillexist,asdotherenewedlinksof Peronismtotheunions.

AlthoughPeronismhaslostthepresidencyanditsmajoritiesinthesenateandthe chamberofdeputies,itisstillamajorparty,governing13outof23provinces. Notableisitspoliticalfragmentation:ononesidethereistheleft-wing Kirchnerismo,ontheothersideistheconservativegrouparoundMassa,which wasabletoincorporatemostoftheMenemists,andthen finallythethirdgroup aroundSáa,representingarural,traditionalsectorofPeronism.Itisveryprobable,

asMurillo(2015:57)states, “thatifanotherPeronistiselectedaspresident,anew Peronistcoalitionislikelytobeformed.”

4PopulistAgendasandStrategies

AsPeronismandthePeronistcoalitionchangedovertime,sodidthepoliciesand strategies.Despitesomepolicychanges,populistelementsprevailedthroughoutthe Peronistgovernments.

UnderPerón,leadershipwasextremelystrong.Hepresentedhimselfandwas seenbyhisfollowersas “fatherofthenation,” anaturalbornleaderwhosewords wereunchallengeable,andwhoseauthoritywassacrosanct(seeWaldmann 1993). Oppositionalpoliticianswerethreatened,thepresswascontrolled(theoppositional journalLaPrensawasshutdown),andthewholeofpoliticallifewasorganized accordingtotheleadershipprinciple,centralizingdecision-makingpowerinthe handsofPerón.Thisauthoritarianleadershipprincipleimpliedanotherpopulist element:anti-institutionalism.Formalinstitutionsliketheconstitutionwereof limitedimportance,whiletheparliamentandthejudiciarybecameanappendixof thepresidency.AverygoodexampleofthispolicyishowPerónbroughtthe SupremeCourtintoline.Thiscourtwasastrongholdofconservativeopposition andworkedagainsthim.Perónarguednopowershouldactindependentlyofthe people’swill(whichhe,ofcourse,embodied);therefore,thecourtsshouldsubordinatetothepeople’ssenseofjustice,defactotohisauthority.Inordertogetridof unrulyjudges,PerónorganizedtheirimpeachmentbythePeronist-dominatedand compliantParliamentandappointednew,loyaljudges(seeWaldmann 1981).

Perónembarkedonanationalistic,state-centeredeconomicpolicy,a “statecenteredmatrix” whichischaracterizedeconomicallybystateinterventionsanda corporatistmodelofgoverning,withthestatebeingthemaincoordinator(Cavarozzi 1997).TheincorporationoftheworkingclassintothePeronistmovementandthe Peronistpartyandsocialreformsaimedatimprovingthelifeofworkerswere essentialforthelegitimizationandsupportoftheregime.

Animprovedsocialsecuritysystemandhigherwagesassuredthesupportofthe workingclass.Asmentionedabove,Perónstartedsocialreformsassecretaryof laborandcontinuedaspresident.Heextendedthepensionsystemtoencompass workers,introducedpaidholidays,reducedtheworkschedule,andimproved healthcareforworkers.In1951,morethan70%ofthelaborforcewereincluded inthesocialsecuritysystem.Structurally,aconservativewelfarestatewas establishedwithbothemployersandemployeescontributing(seeFaustetal. 2004).Manyofthenewbenefitswereadministeredbytheunions,andonlyloyal memberscouldgetaccess,creatingaclosedshopandstewardshipsystemwhich strengthenedthepositionoftheofficialsandpavedthewayforclientelism.Perónas thehighestpatroninstalledloyalofficialsinthecontrolledunions.Theseofficials controlledanddistributedthepublicservices,hencebecomingpatronsonalower level(orratherbrokers)inthenameofPeronism.Aclientelistlinkagemechanism

constitutedacrucialelementfortheestablishmentandstabilityofPeronistpopulism. Additionally,Peróndecreedwageincreases.Somestudiesestimatearisebymore than60%duringPerón’spresidency(seeMuno 2005).Allthesedistributionsof benefits,togetherwiththeaforementionedemotionalbonds,madePerónthemost popularpoliticianinArgentinaandprobablyuntiltoday.

Menem,however,surprisedeveryonewithaneoliberalturn.Heprivatized, liberalized,andderegulatedtheeconomy,whichwasacompleteturnaroundcomparedtotraditionalPeronistpoliticsandhispromisesmadeinthecampaign(see Muno 2005;Weyland 1996).This ficklenessrevealstheprogrammatic flexibilityor ideological “thinness” ofpopulism.Drasticmeasuressucceededinstabilizingthe economy.Thepeggingofthepesotothedollarimmediatelyendedhyperinflation andspurredeconomicgrowth,whichrenderedMenempopularamongthepublic.

Heusedthispopularitytolegitimizehisoverridingtheparliamentandthe judiciary,whichshowstheanti-institutionaliststandofpopulists.Oneindicatorof thisanti-institutionalismisprovidedbythepresidentialdecrees(seeFerreiraRubio andGoretti 1998).Menemuseddecreesofemergency(decretosdenecesidady urgencia)excessively.Heissued261emergencydecreesand22,537ordinary decreesinhis10-yearpresidentialterm morethanallpreviousArgentinepresidentshadissuedtogether.Inthesametime,theparliamentonlypassed1536laws.

Inaddition,likePerón,Menemmanipulatedthejudiciary(seeLarkins 1998; Helmke 2002).Immediatelyafterassuminghisoffice,heforcedthegeneralprosecutortoresignandproposedtoincreasethenumberofSupremeCourtjusticesfrom fivetonine.Thesenatehadtoagree.Itsmeetingwasveryturbulent:accompaniedby threatsandirregularities(untiltoday,itisnotclearwhetheronlythesenatorsoralso someassistantsparticipatedinthevote),butthe finaldecisiononlytook8seconds (McGuire 1997:257).TwojusticesoftheSupremeCourtresignedinprotestafter thedecision,givingMenemthepossibilitytonominateatotalofsixfriendsand followers.Throughouthisterm,Meneminfluencedandweakenedtheindependence ofjudiciarybynominatingandpromotingloyaljudgesandremovingcriticalones. Additionally,Menemtriedtocultivatehisimageasacharismaticleaderinthe public.HistorianLuisAlbertoRomerowrote: “Menemknewhowtocommunicate effectivelywithpeopleingeneral,regardlessoftheirpoliticalaffiliationsand withouttheneedtoorchestratethecomplexmachineryofstreetprotest.Insteadof speakinginthePlazadeMayo,hehadonlytogiveinterviewsontheradioorvisit themostpopulartelevisionprograms,opineonthemostdiversetopics,andhereand theremakeapresence.Inthatrespect,underMenem,thecountryfullyenteredthe eraofmassmediapolitics.” (Romero 2013b:300).

TheeconomicstabilizationandtheclientelistlinkagemadeMenempopular.In 1994,hemanagedtochangetheconstitutionandwasreelectedinMay1995with 49.9%ofvotes.ThePJhadanabsolutemajorityofseatsinbothchambersof parliament,andPeronismcontrolledmostoftheprovincialgovernments(see Muno 2005).Menemruledfor10years.

NéstorKirchnerstartedasaweakpresidentandhadtoconsolidatehispower. Severalfactorswerecrucial.First,afterthesevereeconomiccrisis,theeconomyand thesocialsituationrecovered.MeasuresalreadytakenbyPresidentDuhalde

revitalizedeconomicgrowth,andthecurrencyhadbeenstabilized.NéstorKirchner choseDuhalde’sministerofeconomy,RobertoLavagna,ashisownministerto continuerecoveryandupholdtheimageofstability.Later,Kirchnerismopursued the “neodesarrolista” economicpolicyofadevelopmentalstate,relyingonacommodityboom,renationalizationofformerprivatizedstatecompanies,pricecontrols, subsidies,andtraderegulations(Wylde 2011).Anexpansionarysocialpolicyand risingminimumwagesledtoconsiderablesocialimprovements.Theminimum wagerosefromUS$70in2003toalmostUS$600in2015,theminimumpension from150pesosin2003to2165pesosin2013,theaverageannualeconomicgrowth surpassed6%between2003and2013,andthepovertyratedroppedsignificantly frommorethan50%in2003toaroughlyestimated20%bytheendofKirchnerismo (LópezLevy 2017).Aconsiderablepartofthesesocialexpenditureswereagain channeledthroughclientelistdistribution,eitherviathepartymachine,likein Menem’stime,orthroughthesocialmovementsandtheunions,whichwereagain incorporatedasinPerón’stime.

Second,NéstorKirchnerpresentedhimselfasanantiestablishmentpolitician, comingfromaremoteprovince,asdidMenemat first,butunlikeMenem,Néstor claimedtobehonest,determined,andserious(PetrasandVeltmeyer 2016:72).In hisinauguralspeech,heemphasizedthisimageandpromisedthechangetowarda “normal” and “serious” Argentinaasa “nationalproject” (quotesafterWolff 2007). Kirchnerismothuscreatedadualismof “thepeople” (elpueblo)againsttheenemy (“losenemigosdelpuebloargentino”).TheordinaryArgentinepeoplefavoredthe nationalprojectofchangeandrecovery,whereasthe “enemies”—themilitary dictators,theprivatesectorthatprofitedfromprivatizationandneoliberalismin the1990s,andtheIMFandinternational financialinvestors sabotagedthismission (Biglieri 2010).

Athirdfactorwastheincorporationofhumanrightsissuesasacentralpartofthe nationalagenda.Decadesaftertheendofthemilitarydictatorship,themostbrutal humanrightsviolationshadnotbeenpunished.Rather,amnestylawscreated impunidad fortheperpetrators.OneofNéstorKirchner ’s firstpoliticalactionswas theannulmentoftheseamnestylaws,andthedayaftercomingtopower,hemetwith thelegendaryandemblematichumanrightsgroup MadresdePlazadeMayo.The Madres hadstartedtoprotestagainstthemilitarydictatorshipimmediatelyafterthe coupandcontinuetodosountiltoday,demandingjusticeandanendtoimpunitybut especiallyclari ficationaboutthefateoftheirdisappearedandmostlykilledchildren andgrandchildren.TheyendorsedKirchner ’shumanrightspolicyandbecameloyal alliesofKirchnerismo.Theresultsofthishumanrightspolicywereimpressive:the SupremeCourtsupportedKirchner ’sannulment,and755accusedhavebeensentenceduntilMarch2017(Torrasetal. 2016).

Withthispolicyrecord,NéstorKirchner ’spopularitywasboosted,andhe managedtoovercomehisinitiallyweakposition.Kirchnerismoachievedmajorities inthefollowingelectionsandgottightcontroloverthePJ.Schamis(2013:173) criticallysummarizestheevents: “KirchnersoughttocuttieswithDuhalde,andthe opportunitytodosowastheOctober2005midtermelections.Afteremerging victoriousfromthiscontest,Kirchnersackedallindependent-mindedmembersof

hisCabinet(includingRobertoLavagna,whohadbeenresponsiblefortheeconomic recovery),exploitedhisweakenedoppositionbyco-optingleadersfromother parties,playedonregionalandfactionaldivisions,andblatantlyemployedthe government’s fiscalresourcestogreasethewheelsofPeronistpartypolitics.” Additionally,anti-institutionalismgainedmomentum.Powerwasconcentratedin theexecutive,andthejudiciaryandtheparliamentweretreatedasappendicesofthe executive,aswastypicalinPeronism.Shortlyafterhiselection,NéstorKirchner forcedsixjudgesoftheSupremeCourttoresignsincetheywereloyalMenemists, andKirchnerwantedtogetridofthem.Initiallyinstallingindependentandwellrespectedjudges,thislookedat firstsightlikeanimprovementcomparedtothe Menemstyle,butKirchnerismosoonmisusedtheJudicialCouncilwhichisresponsibleforrecruitingjudges.In2006,thesizeofthecouncilwasreduced,thus increasinggovernmentalinfluence.Governmentsupporterscouldblockanynominationsincethen.In2013,25%offederaljudgeshipswereleftblankbecause Kirchnerrefusedtoact(Manzetti 2014:182). “SimilartoMenem,” Manzetti (2014:181f.)wrote, “theKirchnersmanipulatedtherulesofthegametosubordinate thejudiciarytotheirownagenda.”

TheCongresswassimplybypassed.Aftertheelectionsof2005,Peronismhadan absolutemajorityinbothchambersofparliament,andloyaldeputiesacceptedall movesmadebythepresident,abdicatingtheirrightstocontrol.JustlikeMenem, Kirchnergovernedviaemergencydecrees.Duringhis4½ yearsinoffice,Néstor Kirchnerissued249emergencydecrees,almostasmanyasMenemdidwithin 10years(Manzetti 2014:180).Congressalsodelegatedspecialemergencypowers tothepresident,thuscompletelygivingupbudgetarycontrol.ThePeronistdeputies justdecidedtofollowtheirnew,powerful,andverypopularpresidentwithoutany scruples atraditionalbehaviorinPeronism(seeChernyetal. 2010).

CristinaFernándezdeKirchnercontinuedpopulistredistributivepolicies.Notableprogramswere “FutbolparaTodos” and “MilanesaparaTodos” (LópezLevy 2017).The firstinitiativedeprivedprivatetelevisioncompaniesfrombroadcasting Argentinefootballaccordingtoapay-per-viewsystemin2009.Thestatetelevision presentedfootballforfree,whichwaswidelycheeredforinArgentina.Thegovernmentpromoteditasagestureforthepeople,butinfact,itwasaboutaprofound conflictwithindependent,criticalmedia(seeKitzberger 2012). “Milanesapara Todos” subsidizedmeatsothatArgentinianscouldaffordtoeatcheapescalope. Theprogramwasaccompaniedbyamassivepubliccampaign ineverysupermarketsignsshowedtheprogram,andthegovernmentwaspraisedforit.Additionally, aspartofaprogressive,left-wingagenda,andagainstresistanceoftheCatholic Church,CristinaFernándezdeKirchnerbolsteredwomen’sandLGBTrights(López Levy 2017).Contraceptiveswerenowfreelyavailable,sexeducationwasimproved, andin2010,gaymarriagewasintroduced.Inaddition,averyprogressivegender identitylawwasadoptedin2012.

5ThePopularAppealofPopulisminthePopulation

PeronismisprobablythemostimportantpoliticalmovementinArgentinehistory. Sinceitsfoundationin1945byJuanPerón,Peronistsgoverned35outof73yearsas presidents,almosthalfofthewholeperiod.UnderPerón,Peronismachievedmore than60%ofthevotesinpresidentialandparliamentaryelections.Afterhistime, wheneverfreeelectionsweretakingplace,Peronistsgotbetween30%and59%in nationalelectionsandregularlygovernedmanyoftheprovincesandcitiesthroughoutthecountry.Thisdatashowstheimportanceofanddocumentspopularsupport forPeronism.

Popularsupporthasbeensecuredthroughthemobilizationandinclusionof subalternsectorsofsociety:Perónmobilizedthepoorworkers,the “descamisados,” organizedinloyalandcontrolledunions,whichbecamethebackboneofPeronism. Menemalignedwithneoliberaleconomicgroupsandweakenedunioninfluencebut achievedpopularsupportbythepoorthroughtheclientelistpartymachine.The Kirchnersinitiallyalignedwithsocialmovementsandpartsoftheunionsbutlater, aftergainingcontrolovertheparty,alsousedtheclientelistpartymachinefor clientelistredistribution.Thismobilizationandinclusionofsubalternsectorsof societyseemstobeaspecialfeatureofLatinAmericanpopulism.Muddeand Kaltwasser(andmanyothers)distinguishanexclusionaryEuropeanfromaninclusionaryLatinAmericanstyleofpopulism(MuddeandKaltwasser 2012).

Accordingtosurveys,thePeronistvoterispoorerandlesseducatedthanthe averageArgentinean(DiTellaandDubra 2018).Intheirhistoricalanalysisofthe socialbasesofpoliticalpartiesinArgentina,basedonecologicaldata,Lupuand Stokes(2009),forexample,identifyPeronismasthe “partyofthedescamisados (shirtless)andthepoor.” Theyidentifytwokeyfactorsexplainingthissolidsupport. Onereferstoclientelism Peronistsdistributed “clientelisticbenefitstokeysegmentsoftheelectorate,” andtheotherexplanationreferstoidentitypolitics—“the mystiqueofJuanandEvaPerónwaswovenintoworking-classpoliticalculture” (ibid:82).

Clientelisminitiallyworkedthroughthealignedunions;later,thepartymachine wasinthecenterofdistribution.TheorganizationalstructureofthePJisdominated byanetwork,withtheso-calledUnidadesBasicas(UBs)atthecenter.Formally,the UBsaresimplylocalpartyoffices,butinreality,thelocalrepresentativesarebrokers intheclientelistnetwork.LevitskycountedaroundoneUBper2000inhabitantsin thesuburbsofBuenosAires,twopersquarekilometer(Levitsky 2001a:40).The UBsorganizepartymeetingsandcooperatewithsportsclubs,neighborhoodassociations,andothersocialorganizations.DuringLevitsky’sresearch,96%oftheUBs wereengagedinsocialactivities morethantwo-thirdsdistributedfoodandmedicine(69.6%),56.3%organizedchildcare,52.7%socialandculturalactivities, 45.4%elderlycare,and25%helped findingjobs.

InhisstudyonPeronistnetworksinthesuburbsofBuenosAires,theArgentine sociologistJavierAuyero(2001)analyzedthefunctioningofthissystemindetail. TheheadoftheUBwasamilitantofthepartyorarepresentative,a “broker” (orpunter)or “gatekeeper” betweenalocalbossandthepeople.Thelocalbosscould bethemayororadeputyinthelocal,regional,ornationalparliament,havingaccess toorcontrollingstatefunds.Thesefundswerenotdistributedviatheofficial bureaucracybutthroughtheUBs.Thisorganizationresultedin “theincreasing overlappingofpartyandstatenetworks ” (Auyero 2001:118).Inarecentstudy, CalvoandMurillo(2013)gathereddataaboutthesenetworks.Accordingtoa survey,thePJhasthelargestnetworkofactivistsinArgentinawith291,000 supporters(0.766%ofthepopulation),twiceasmuchashasthesecondmost importantparty,theUCR,withonly160,000or0.42%.Otherpartieshardlyhave anyrelevantnumberofactivists.Inthissurvey,0.48%ofthewholepopulation reportedtoreceivegiftsfromthePJ,whichismorethantwoandahalftimesmore thanthosereportinggiftsfromtheUCR(0.19%ofthepopulation).Othersurveys reportthatbetween1.7and7%ofArgentineansreceivegifts(Stokesetal. 2013). Especiallyinruralprovinces,anotherstrategytosecuringpopularsupport,nextto providinggifts,ispublicemployment,organizedthroughthesepartynetworksand denotingpatronage.Insomeruralprovinces,morethanhalfoftheworkforceis publiclyemployed,defactobythegovernorandhispartymachine.Thelasttime PeronismgovernedBuenosAires,thenumberofpublicemployeesquintupled.

ClientelistredistributionthroughthePeronistpartynetworksthuscreatesa centrallinkage,whichbindsthepeople,especiallyinrural,poorprovincesandin thepoorersuburbsofBuenosAires,toPeronism.

Thesecondfactorisidentitypolitics,respectively,thepoliticalcultureof Peronism,whichcreatesasecondlinkagebetweenPeronismandsupporters. Peronistpoliticiansconstantlyuse “we” rhetorictocreateasenseoftogetherness amongthePeronistsandreiterateemotionalbonds.ThespeechesofEvitaandPerón fromthebalconyofthepresidentialpalacewithmassesofpeopleatPlazadeMayo (theplaceinfrontofthepresidentialpalace)listeningandcheering(airedbyradio) aswellastheirpublicappearancesandmediapresencestartedwithaPeronist identityformationandreproductionwhichtheArgentinesociologistJavierAuyero (2001:133)calledinclusiveinterpellation.Peronistpoliticianscontinueapolitical styleinthetraditionofPerónandEvita,a “Peronistpublicperformance” (Auyero 2001:121).Femalepoliticiansandbrokersinthenetworksinvokethememoriesof Evitaandimagesofherasthe “bridgeoflovebetweenPerónandthepeople,” imitatingEvitainappearance,speech,andlook(likedyedhair);Auyero(2001:40) calledthisreificationoftheEvitamyth “performingEvita” (seealsoNavarro1982). Thequasi-religiousmystificationof “Evita” hasbeencomplementedbyamystificationofPerónand,tosomepart,bythe “politicalcanonization” and “liturgy” after NéstorKirchner ’sdeath,makingNéstorapoliticalmartyrinlinewiththePeronist tradition(Schamis 2013:173).

Allofthiscreatesan “affectualnarrative ” ofPeronism(Ostiguy 2017:75); Levitsky(1998:459)speaksofa “deeplyrootedPeronistidentityandsubculture.” Ostiguy(1997:31)quotesaPeronistmilitant: “Peronismisafeeling.Itissomething

youfallinlovewith.” Ostiguyapproachesthis “affectualnarrative ” ofPeronismwith theconceptof “high” and “low,” includingsocial,cultural,political,andsymbolic elements: “high” iselitistandmeansformal,rule-oriented,educated,andcivilized, while “low” referstotheordinarypeople,meaningraw,informal,andhumble (Ostiguy 2017).Thus,the “affectualnarrative ” reiteratesthedichotomouspopulist differentiationbetween “theelite” and “thepeople,” enrichedwithpersonalistand quasi-religiouselements.This “affectualnarrative” inducesa “we”-groupfeelingand asenseoftogethernessamongPeronists,whichcomplementstheclientelistnetworks.Bothoftheseimagesevokelong-enduringandstabletiesbetweenPeronism andpeople.

6Conclusion

PeronismclearlyexhibitsthecharacteristicsofpopulisminLatinAmericaas mentionedbyRoberts(1995),includingpersonalism,popularsupport,political mobilization,anti-institutionalism,anti-elitismorantiestablishment,clientelistredistribution,andanamorphous,eclecticideology.Yetoverthe70-yearperiodof Peronism,therehasbeenaconsiderabledegreeofvariation(Table 1).

Perón,Menem,andtheKirchnersallexhibitedahighlypersonalistic,moreorless charismaticpatternofleadership.Theywereundisputedleadersofthepartyandthe movement(NéstorKirchneratleastafterhissuccessfulpoliciesandelectoral victoriesinthemidtermelections).Additionally,apersonalistcultemergedaround Evita,Perón,andNéstorKirchneraftertheirdeaths.Personalismisadeeply entrenchedelementofpoliticalcultureinLatinAmericaandespeciallyinArgentina, linkedtopronouncedformsofso-calledhyper-presidentialism,andanextremely powerfulinstitutionalsettingoftheArgentinepresident.Formally,presidential powerisexertedthroughdecreepower,informally,throughthecompliantsubordinationofthelegislativeandjudiciary(see,amongothers,onhyper-presidentialism Nino 1996).Deputies,judges,andthepublictendtofollow “their” presidentwithout hesitation.

Leadersarelegitimizedthroughtheelectionbythepeople;thus,theleader representsthetruewillofthepeople,the “volontégénérale,” andcanberegarded asakindof “législateur” intheRousseauiansense(onRousseauandpopulismsee MuddeandKaltwasser 2017:16ff.).Thepoliticalagendaishencea “national mission,” loyalsupportismobilizedtop-down,andoppositionisseenasillegitimate oreventreasonous:oppositionpoliticians(ortheelite,themilitary,theIMF,or whoever)areconsideredas “enemies.” This “Manichaeandistinction” (Muddeand Kaltwasser 2017:7)hascoinedallthreevariantsofpopulisminArgentina,creating ahighlypolarizedpoliticalatmosphere.

Anti-institutionalismandantiestablishmentareadditionalcharacteristicsofpopulismwhichweclearlyidentifyinallthreevariantsofArgentinepopulism.All candidatespresentedthemselvesas “outsiders” fromordinaryoriginsorremote provinces,andthereforenotlinkedtotheEuropeanized(andhencecorruptand/or

Table1 PopuliststrategiesinArgentina:Perón,Menem,Kirchnerism

CharacteristicsPerónMenemKirchnerism

PersonalismPronouncedleadership principlewithPerónas undisputedleaderofthe movementandparty; leadershipcult,especiallyafterPerón’sand Evita’sdeath,combinedwithhyperpresidentialism

Popularsupport andmobilization

Antiinstitutionalism

Poor(“descamisados”) andworkersasmass supportersmobilizedin thepartyandorganized inunions;top-down controlofunionsas backboneofthe movement

Veryhigh;subordinationofjudiciary,parliament,andmedia

AntiestablishmentSelf-stylizationof Perónasanordinary manofhumbleorigin andespeciallyofEvita asagirlofverypoor origin

SocialpolicySocialreforms;developmentofaconservativewelfarestate; clientelistredistribution

Pronouncedleadership principle,Menemas undisputedleaderofthe partycombinedwith hyper-presidentialism

Coalitionwithneoliberaleconomicgroups, andthepoorthrough clientelistparty machine

Initiallyweak;later Kirchnersas undisputedleadersof thepartycombined withhyperpresidentialism;after NéstorKirchner ’s death:personalistic cult

Socialmovements (piqueteros,human rightsgroups),and unionsasmasssupporters,laterthepoor throughclientelist partymachine

High;subordinationof judiciaryandparliament;rulebydecree

Self-stylizationasman fromaremoteprovince thereal,rural Argentina

Dismantlingofwelfare statethroughneoliberal reforms;clientelist redistributionthrough partymachine

Initiallyweak,later veryhigh;subordinationofjudiciaryand parliament;effortsto controlthemedia

Self-stylizationas ordinarypeoplefroma remoteprovince

Socialreforms; clientelist redistribution

EconomicpolicyDevelopmentalist, nationalist NeoliberalDevelopmentalist, nationalist

Owncompilation

decadent)eliteinBuenosAires(see,asalreadymentioned,Barro 2009).Allleaders neglectedorbypassedinstitutionsofaccountability(suchasanindependentjudiciaryandtheparliament)andmanipulatedrulesofprocedureorlikeMenemandthe Kirchners,ruledbydecree.Perón,however,hadcompletecontroloveracompliant parliamentthatwaswillingtopushthroughhisagendaandthushedidnothaveto relyondecrees.Additionally,bothPerónandtheKirchnerswereespeciallyhostile towardtheindependentpress.

The “amorphousoreclecticideology” (Roberts 1995)orthe “thin-centered ideology” (MuddeandKaltwasser 2017:6)becameparticularlyvisiblewiththe differenteconomicturns.Peronismwasdevelopmentalistandnationalistunder

Perón,whoestablishedaconservativewelfarestate,neoliberalunderMenem,and developmentalistandnationalistagainundertheKirchners.UnderPerón,Peronism wasgenerallyratherconservativewithaffinitiestofascism(seeGermani 1978) whileliberalineconomictermsandconservativeinsocialissuesunderMenem anddefinitelyleft-wingprogressiveundertheKirchners,asseen,e.g.,regarding LGBTrights.AsCasulloandFreidenberg(2017:297,emphasisintheoriginal) wroteaboutPeronism, “Ratherthanhavingnoideology,itcanbesaidtohavehad serialideologies. ”

Clearly,thesocialbaseofPeronismisformedbythepoorasshownbynumerous studies.TherearetwocentrallinkagemechanismsbindingthepoortoPeronism: first, clientelistredistributiontosupportersand,second,identitypoliticsviaan “affectual narrative ” ofaPeronist “we”-groupandsenseoftogetherness. “We”-rhetoricsand ritualizedpublicperformances,aswellasthemystificationofPerónandEvita,foster aspecialPeronistworking-classpoliticalculture.Bothfactorsenabledlong-enduring andrelativelystabletiesbetweenPeronismandsubalternsectorsoftheArgentine society.Therefore,PeronismconstitutesastablepopulistforceinArgentina,and, althoughcurrentlyinopposition,itisnotunlikelythatitwillreturntopoweragain. PopulismhasbeenanessentialelementofArgentinepoliticsandaconstitutivepartof LatinAmericanpolitics.Itisveryprobablethatpopulismwillkeepthisstatusdueto thehistorical,social,political,economic,andinstitutionalsettinginArgentinaand LatinAmericaandduetotheamorphousandchameleoniccharacterofpopulism.

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So far as the land extended, bird life prevailed; the species being the snowy owl, the snow-bunting, and the ptarmigan. Full collections were made of all the birds frequenting Smith Sound; and our naturalists had the satisfaction of discovering the long-sought-for breeding-haunts of the knott and sanderling.[13]

Few species of marine fish were obtained, but “an interesting small salmonoid” was met with in fresh-water lakes as far north as lat. 82° 35’. A fine collection of marine invertebrates was secured by dredging and trawling; and the character of the sea-bottom from Baffin Bay up to lat. 83° 19’ N. was accurately ascertained by a series of careful soundings.

In the department of botany our naturalists were rewarded by the discovery of between twenty and thirty species of phanerogamic plants between the parallels of 82° and 83°. Much richer and more varied results were obtained in the cryptogamic flora.

Geologically, the facts arrived at were of the utmost value. “The whole west coast of Smith Sound, from Cape Isabella to Cape Union, has been fully surveyed and mapped, and large collections have been made both of fossils and rock-specimens; while the sledge-parties which explored the shore of the Polar Basin, both to east and west, brought back sufficient material to determine the geological character of the country. Silurian limestones, richly fossiliferous, were the prevailing rocks along Smith Sound. Miocene deposits, including a twenty-foot seam of coal, were found as far north as lat. 81° 44’. From the shales and sandstones of this formation a beautiful series of leaf-impressions were collected, illustrating the characteristic flora of the epoch, and presenting a remarkable demonstration of the existence of a temperate climate within five hundred miles of the present Pole at a comparatively recent geological time. Not less important are the indications of great recent changes in the elevation of the land afforded by the discovery of thick post-pliocene deposits, lying at a considerable elevation above the sea-level, and containing fossils similar to the existing marine fauna. Lastly, very interesting and suggestive observations have been made on glaciation and ice-action in general.”

This, of course, is but a summary, and a very brief and condensed one, of researches which have evidently been of the highest importance. And it might almost be said of the late expedition, that even had its geographical discoveries been less valuable, its scientific results would have entitled it to a foremost place in the annals of Arctic Enterprise.

Our record of Arctic expeditions will fitly close with a sketch of the cruise of the Pandora, a screw-yacht commanded by Captain Allen Young, which left England in the summer of 1876, in order to open up communications with the Admiralty expedition.

CHART

SHOWING THE DISCOVERIES OF THE BRITISH POLAR EXPEDITION 1875–76.

[From Map accompanying Official Report published in “Nature.”]

Captain Young left Upernavik on the evening of the 19th of July, and stood away to the northward—in bad weather, and with the wind blowing a gale. Through vast fields of ice he threaded his way, sometimes under sail, sometimes under steam, until, on the morning of the 24th, he found his ship completely surrounded, in lat. 75° 10’ N.

No time was lost in endeavouring to effect an escape by charging the ice at full speed,—again and again returning to the onset; and a slow but steady progress was being made, when the field in which

they were held fast, drifting before the gale, “collided” with a group of grounded bergs, and exposed the little vessel to such severe pressure, that preparations were made for abandoning her. Provisions, ammunition, camping and travelling gear, all were made ready, and the boats were lowered as far as possible at the davits. Meantime, heavy charges of gunpowder were used to blast the ice where it pressed the ship most severely; and the bergs taking a different direction, the Pandora began to recover herself, and before night settled down nearly to her usual level. In the darkness of the night, with the wind howling, and the snow and sleet driving in heavy showers, she moved ahead with the pack; and in this way continued her progress until the 27th, when the weather cleared, and Captain Young discovered that he had advanced right into the heart of Melville Bay, with no water in sight. Full in view were Capes Walker and Melville, the Peaked Hill, and huge glacier-streams embedded in the intervening valleys. All around was one vast monotonous sheet of rugged ice. It was not until the 29th that the Pandora, after many hairbreadth escapes, got into open water, in lat. 75° 50’ N., and long. 64° 55’ W. While thus imprisoned in the grasp of the floe, the explorers killed only one Polar bear, four seals, and a few little auks.

In a clear sea they now stood away to the westward, passing Capes Dudley, Digges, and Athol, and other headlands familiar in the records of Arctic adventure. At noon on the 31st, when off Wolstenholm Island, another gale overtook them, increasing rapidly to almost hurricane fury. This was an unpleasant experience; for the deck was washed by heavy seas, and it was with the greatest difficulty they avoided coming into collision with the icebergs which drifted rapidly through the snow and spray.

Reaching Cary Island, they landed to examine Captain Nares’ depôt of provisions, and found it in good preservation. The cairn had not been visited since Young’s call at the island on the 10th of September in the previous year. Afterwards they made for Sutherland Island, where they found a record of the American explorer, Captain Hartstene, dated August 16, 1855. It is with a curious feeling that, in these regions of almost perpetual winter, the voyager comes upon such faint memorials of men who, like him,

have dared all the perils of ice-floes and icebergs, and adventured into seas far beyond the track of ordinary commercial enterprise.

On Littleton Island, a record of the expedition was found. The document was dated July 28, 1875, and signed by Captain Nares; and it indicated the course about to be taken by the ships under his orders. Owing to the ice-encumbered condition of the straits, however, Captain Young could not follow it up; and instead of crossing to Cape Isabella, he resolved to examine the coast in Hartstene Bay, in order to seek a harbour for the relief-ship which the Admiralty had intended to send out in 1877, in case of the non-return of the Polar Expedition. This was found on the 4th of August, not far from the Eskimo settlement of Etah, and named after the Pandora. It would seem to offer every advantage as winter quarters for Arctic discovery-ships; the surrounding hills are “dotted with Arctic hares, appearing like snow-balls on the luxurious vegetation.” The little auk breeds in thousands on the cliffs, eider fowl and guillemots haunt the waters, and the adjacent valleys and pastures are frequented by reindeer.

Captain Young next made for Cape Isabella, which he reached on the 6th of August. Watchful eyes soon discovered a large cairn on the summit of this headland. A boat was lowered, and the contents of the cairn soon obtained, while despatches and letters for Captain Nares’ expedition were left in their stead. Then the Pandora steamed to the northward; but, owing to the adverse winds and the accumulated ice, could make no way, and was forced back to Cape Isabella. Another attempt was made to the eastward, and for several days the gallant little ship crossed and recrossed the straits, through the pack, always beset with ice, and frequently enshrouded in impenetrable fogs. No fewer than three times was she compelled to take shelter in Pandora Harbour. On the 19th she was driven back to the northward of Littleton Island, and Captain Young and some of his officers took the opportunity of visiting the Polaris camp. Nothing remained of the house erected by Captain Buddington except a few broken boards. The rocks were strewn with pieces of metal, fragments of clothing, and other waifs and strays. The cache in which the retreating party had deposited their books and instruments

was also examined; but the only relics were a brass bowl of a seveninch compass, a tin tube, and parts of a telescope. Some cases and casks, containing records for the use of Captain Nares, were securely placed among the rocks on the western point of the island; and Captain Young then returned to Cape Isabella.

Finding nothing here of any interest, and convinced that no travelling or boat party had reached that position from the Polar ships, the Pandora bore away to the northward under canvas. “It was very dark and thick,” says Captain Young, “but sufficiently clear to enable us to avoid the heavy ice. By nine .. we were up to Lecomte Island, when we were stopped by a fog until eleven o’clock, when I could see from aloft that the main pack extended across the straits into Rosse Bay. We were in a lake of land water, with closepacked and heavy ice all round, from south to north, and again closing on the land from the eastward. Our only chance of moving seemed to be through a narrow lead or slack place, running first to the east-north-east, and then again apparently towards the east coast. We entered the pack, and succeeded by five .. in again escaping into the land water in Hartstene Bay.” Such are the experiences of twelve hours in the ice-clogged waters of the North! But we need not delay the reader with these minute particulars, notwithstanding their interest as illustrative of the nature of the struggle waged with so much persistency of purpose by the Arctic explorer. The sea was now covered everywhere with ice and bergs. Storms were of frequent occurrence; and the wind and wave beaten Pandora was forced back into Baffin Bay

Here, on the 28th of August, her captain could see that the solid ice had filled the straits and the head of the bay right across to Cape Alexander. The way north being thus obstructed, Captain Young resolved on proceeding towards Upernavik, in North Greenland, hoping to find that the last ship had not already sailed for Denmark, and in that case to send an officer home with despatches, while the Pandora returned to Smith Strait.

On the 29th she was off Hakluyt Island, and steered for Bardin Bay in Whale Sound. On entering the bay, a summer tent could be seen, and some Eskimos, with their dogs, running to and fro,

evidently with the view of attracting the attention of the visitors. Captain Young accordingly landed, with some of his officers, and accompanied by Christian, his Eskimo interpreter. The natives met them with the utmost confidence and fearlessness, assisting to haul their boat up on the shore. They were ten in number, and all members of one family. Food appeared to be plentiful with them, but they were profuse in their thanks for some walrus-flesh given by Captain Young. Their manners were frank and communicative, and they showed considerable vivacity, rejoicing over the results of a very good hunting season. Neither European ships nor white men had they seen for years; but they said that an old man, who, with his family, inhabited Northumberland Island, told of two ships which had passed to the northward “last summer.” How lonely must be the life led by these poor savages! Never gladdened by the sight of a sail; but, year after year, shut up in their frozen solitudes, and without any other object or purpose before them than to obtain just enough food to avoid a premature and miserable death!

Among their treasures Captain Young observed a ship’s bucket, half the top of a mahogany table, the paddle of a Greenlander’s kayack, much ice-worn, and a piece of packing-case marked “Lime juice—Leith;” all of which, they said, had drifted into the bay at different times from the southward. These people seemed to Captain Young of a kind and simple disposition, while they were evidently robust and healthy. All that they had—and it was little enough—they freely pressed upon their visitor; and when asked what present they would like, their chief selected only some gimlets and a fifteen-foot ash oar. The latter, he said, would split up into spear-shafts; the former he wanted for boring bone and ivory. Captain Young, however, gave them several other useful articles; accepting in return some narwhal horns, specimens of their pot-stone cooking-kettles, and of the iron pyrites which they used for striking fire. An exchange of dogs also took place; five of the dogs belonging to the Pandora being given for three of the finest bear-hunting and tame dogs of the Eskimos.

At Upernavik, the Pandora, after a stormy and dangerous passage, arrived on the evening of September the 7th, but found that

the last ship had sailed for Europe. As there were no means, therefore, of communicating with England, and as, without such communication, Captain Young did not feel authorized to winter in the North, a supply of fresh water wars taken on board, and the ship steered for home. From the 15th to the 21st she tarried at Goodhav’n, in Disco Island. In Davis Strait she encountered large quantities of heavy Spitzbergen drift-ice, and weathered a severe south-easterly gale. On the 16th of October, in lat. 54° 38’ N., and long. 44° 30’ W., she sighted the Arctic ships, Alert and Discovery, and hastened to communicate with them. They kept together until the 19th. On the following day, the Pandora was buffeted by another hurricane; but the rest of her voyage was accomplished in safety, and was marked by no incidents of importance.

Here, for the present, terminates the record of British enterprise and adventure in the Arctic World. It is difficult to believe, however, that the nation will rest until the “heart of the mystery has been plucked out,” the Secret finally mastered, and the British flag hoisted on that remote point which is conventionally known as the N P.

Agaricus muscarius, 139.

INDEX.

Agassiz, experiments of, 116.

Alectoria jubata, 137.

Aletsch glacier, the, described, 47

Algol, or Medusa’s Head, 39.

Arctic Highlanders, 12.

Arctic night, the, characteristics of, 32–34, 93–95.

Arctic region, extent of, 13, 14.

Atmospheric phenomena, 31.

Auk, the, described, 97, 98.

Aurora Borealis, the, phenomena of, 27; theory of, 29.

Baffin, discoveries of, 227

Barents, adventures of, 266–269.

Barrens, the, region of, described, 16.

Bear, Polar, natural history of the, 85–93; hunting seals, 86; voracity of, 88; affection for its young, 88, 89.

Beechey, Captain, quoted, 45, 46, 55.

Bell, quoted, 78.

Bellot, Lieutenant, quoted, 123

Bennet, Stephen, voyage of, 228.

Berkeley, quoted, 140.

Birds, migrations of, 11.

Boötes, constellation of, 40.

Bremer, Frederika, quoted, 138.

Brewster’s, Sir David, experiment with polarised light, 111.

Buddington, Captain, adventures of, 308–311.

Burrough, Stephen, voyage of, 222, 223.

Button, Captain, voyage of, 227

Bylot, Robert, voyage of, 227.

Carlsen, Captain, voyage of, 270.

Cladonia rangiferina, 137

Clarke, Dr., quoted, 203.

Clavering, Captain, referred to, 12.

Cochlearia, or scurvy-grass, uses of, 139.

Coleridge, quoted, 69.

Constellations, northern, list of, 37.

Cooley, Mr., quoted, 230.

Corvidæ, the, natural history of, 160.

Cryptogamous plants of the north, 141, 142.

Crystallization, process of, 108

Cygnus musicus, 161.

D’Almeida, Count, quoted, 205, 206.

Davis, Captain John, voyages of, 224, 225.

Dolphins, the, natural history of, 82, 83.

Dorothea, the, narrow escape of, 55.

Dufferin, Lord, quoted, 166, 167, 172.

Eider ducks, the, natural history of, 103; in Iceland, 104.

Eskimo dog, the, description of, 190.

Eskimo, the, hunting the walrus, 68, 69; hut of, 76.

Eskimo kayak described, 182.

Eskimo seal-hunt, an, described, 77, 78.

Eskimo sledge, the, described, 192–196.

Eskimos, the, boundaries of, 175; character, manners, customs, and clothing, 179–196.

Falcon, the, natural history of, 160.

Faraday, ingenious experiment of, 111.

Felinska, Madame, quoted, 211.

Fish in the Arctic seas, 106.

Flora of the Arctic lands, 19.

Fox, Luke, voyage of, 228

Fox, the Arctic, natural history of, 151–153.

Fox-trap, a, described, 152.

Franklin, Sir J., overland journey of, 231; last expedition of, 231; relics of, discovered, 233, 235, 236.

Fritillaria sarrana, the, properties of, 142, 143.

Frobisher, Sir Martin, voyage of, 223.

Frobisher Strait discovered, 223.

Gale, an Arctic, described, 70.

Gârds of Lapland, described, 207.

Germania, the, expedition of, 245–265.

Geysers, the, phenomena of, 165–167

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, death of, 224.

Glacier-ice, peculiarities of, 112.

Glacier in Smith Strait, 124, 127; of Sermiatsialik, 128, 129.

Glaciers, characteristics of, 47; motion of, 113–115; phenomena connected with, 115–118; of the Arctic regions, 118–133; of Spitzbergen, 120, 123

Godhav’n, 167.

Grampus, the, natural history of, 83, 84.

Greenland, scenery on the coast of, 22.

Guillemot, the, described, 96, 97.

Gull, the, described, 103.

Hall, Captain, expedition and death of, 271, 272.

Hansa, the, voyage and loss of, 245–251.

Hans the Hunter, 186–189, 284.

Hare, the Arctic, 154.

Hartwig, Dr., quoted, 15.

Hayes, Dr., quoted, 25, 35, 43, 49, 50, 59, 87, 95, 96, 124, 125, 127, 128, 138, 152, 153, 186, 191, 192, 244; Arctic expedition of, 244, 245.

Hearne, quoted, 183.

Hecla, the, and the Fury, danger of, 56.

Hegemann, Captain, 245.

Hekla, eruption of, 164

Henderson, Dr., quoted, 172.

Hill, Mr., quoted, 213, 214.

Hobson, Lieutenant, discovers Franklin relics, 234–236.

Holland, Mr., quoted, 173.

Hore, Mr., voyage of, 222.

Hudson, Henry, discoveries of, 225–228.

Humboldt Glacier, description of, 131–134, 238.

Hutchinson, Captain, quoted, 205.

Icebergs, their dimensions, 41; their magnificent appearance, 42, 43; danger to navigation from, 44, 123; breaking up of, 49; range of, 50, 51; in Baffin Bay, 124.

Ice-fields, extent and character of, 54, 56, 57.

Ice-flowers, characteristics of, 108.

Iceland, dimensions of, 162; history of, 162; volcanoes of, 163; dreary landscapes of, 164; geysers of, 166, 167; houses and churches of, 170; travelling in, 172; horses of, 173.

Iceland moss, uses of, 138, 139.

Jacobshav’n, 168.

Jakut merchants, the, enterprise of, 217. Jakuts, the, as bear-hunters, 212; manners and customs of, 216, 217.

James, Captain Thomas, voyage of, 228.

Joe the Eskimo, with Captain Tyson, 278, et sqq.

Kamtschatka, fisheries of, 212; the dog of, 214, 215.

Kamtschatkans, the, characteristics of, 213, 214

Kane, Dr., quoted, 15, 32, 33, 34, 42, 68, 73, 74, 88, 91, 92, 131–134, 149, 153, 184, 185, 237, 239, 242, 243; Arctic explorations of, 237–244.

Knots, the, habits of, 11, 12.

Koldewey, Captain, referred to, 12; voyage of, 245.

Lagopus, the, 161.

Lamont, Mr., quoted, 60, 62.

Lapland, divisions and extent of, 197; climate of, 197; inhabitants of, 197; the reindeer in, 200; sledging in, 201; an interior in, 204, 205.

Lapp dialect, the, 206.

Lapp hunters, the, boldness of, 202.

Lapps, the, dress, manners, and customs of, 198.

Lapps, the Mountain, character of, 199, 200 Lapps of West Bothnia, 206, 207.

Laube, Dr., quoted, 252.

Lemming, the Arctic, 154.

Macmillan, Dr., quoted, 135, 136, 137, 141.

Markham, C., quoted, 10, 175, 225, 226, 273.

Marten, the, 155.

Martins, M. Charles, quoted, 119, 120, 121.

M’Clintock, Captain Sir Roderick, quoted, 148, 151, 181, 265; voyage of, 234.

M’Clure, Sir Robert, quoted, 81; discovers North-West Passage, 233.

Mecham, Captain, quoted, 146, 150.

Mer de Glace of Greenland, 127, 128.

Merganser, the natural history of, 99.

Milton, Lord, and Dr. Cheadle, quoted, 158–160.

Moonlight in the Polar World, 26.

Moraines, described, 115

Moravian mission-stations in Greenland, 179.

Mosses in the Arctic regions, 139.

Musk-ox, the, natural history of, 149, 150.

Mustelidæ family, the, in the Arctic regions, 155.

Nares, Captain, expedition of, 314, et sqq.

Narwhal, the, natural history of, 82.

Newfoundland colonized, 224.

North-West Passage, utility of, 9.

Novaia Zemlaia, temperature of, 21

Osborn, Admiral Sherard, quoted, 44, 81, 84, 85, 87, 146, 151, 232, 236, 237.

Ostiaks, the, manners and customs of, 211, 212.

Ostrownoje, trade at, 220

Oxyria, the, uses of, 141.

Pack-ice, description of, 53.

Parry, Captain, quoted, 44, 46, 56, 230; voyages of, 228, 229, 230.

Payer, Lieutenant, voyage of, 270, 271.

Penny, Captain, voyage of, 232–234.

Phænogamous plants of the north, 141.

Phocidæ, the.—See S.

Plant-life of Spitzbergen, 142; of Kamtschatka, 142, 143.

Pleiads, the, 39.

Polaris, the, voyage of, 271–313.

Polecat, the, in the Arctic regions, 156, 157.

Pole-Star, the, position of, 36.

Poole, Jonas, voyage of, 228.

Puffin, the, natural history of, 99.

Quenes, or Finns, the, 206.

Rae, Dr., finds relics of Franklin, 233. Red snow, phenomenon of, explained, 135.

Refraction, phenomena of, 31

Regelation, what it is, 111.

Reikiavik, description of, 168, 169.

Reindeer, the, natural history of, 144; usefulness of, 145; food of, 146; and wolves, 147; in Siberia, 218, 219.

Reindeer moss, 137.

Rendu, Bishop, quoted, 114

Richardson, Sir J., quoted, 145.

Rock-hair, 137.

Rorqual, the, 80.

Ross, Sir James, quoted, 145.

Ross, Sir John, voyages of, 228, 231.

Sabine, Sir Edward, quoted, 10.

Sable, the, natural history of, 156.

Samojedes, the, superstitions of, 208, 209; manners and customs of, 210, 211

Schaïtan, an Ostiak idol, 211.

Scoresby, Dr., quoted, 44, 106, 186.

Seal, the, natural history of, 71–73; flesh of, 73, 74; different genera of, 75.

Sermiatsialik, glacier of, 127, 128.

Shepherd, Mr., quoted, 104.

Skaptá Jokul, eruption of, 165.

Smew, the, natural history of, 100

Smith Sound, route by, 228.

Snow, formation of, 108.

Snow-crystals, described, 109.

Snow-line, limit of, 20.

Somerville, Mrs., quoted, 30, 107.

Southey, quoted, 136.

Sporidesmium lepraria, 140.

Spring in the Arctic regions, 34.

Starakis, the, described, 98

Stephenson, Captain, of the Discovery, 314.

Summer in the Arctic regions, 36.

Swan, the wild, natural history of, 105; the whistling, 161.

Tadebtsios, or Samojede demons, 209.

Tadibe, the Samojede priest, 209.

Tchuktche, the, manners and customs of, 220.

Temperature of Arctic winter, 33.

Tennyson, quoted, 105

Thingvalla, the, in Iceland, 168.

Thorne, Dr. Robert, Arctic exploration proposed by, 222.

Tripe de roche, 137, 138.

Tundras, the stony, described, 15, 16.

Tungusi, the, characteristics of, 219, 220.

Tyndall, Professor, quoted, 47, 48, 108, 109–111, 112, 113, 115, 117, 118.

Tyson, Captain, narrative of, 278–308.

Unknown Region, extent of, 10.

Upernavik, described, 176.

Ursa Major, constellation of, 36; description of, 37, 38.

Waigatz, island of, 208

Walrus, the, natural history of, 63; courage of, 64; gradual decay of, 67.

Walrus-hunt, a, described, 68, 69.

Walrus-hunting, how carried on, 60; proceeds of, 62.

Ware, quoted, 37, 38.

Whale, the, natural history of, 78; characteristics of the Greenland, 79, 80; the Razor-backed, 80.

Whalebone, what it is, described, 79.

Whale-fishery of the Eskimos, 81

Whirlwinds of the north, 31.

Willoughby, Sir Hugh, loss of, 222.

Wolf, the Arctic, natural history of, 148. Wolverine, the, cunning of, 157; anecdotes of, 158–160.

Wooded zone of the Arctic regions, 143. Wrangel, Admiral von, quoted, 20, 81, 218, 221.

Yakutsk, temperature of, 26.

Young, Captain, cruise of, in the Pandora, 334

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Tringa canutus of ornithologists.

[2] Abies alba et nigra.

[3] Larix Canadensis.

[4] Pinus Banksiana.

[5] Abies Sibirica, Larix Sibirica

[6] Tyndall, “Forms of Water,” p. 137.

[7] The name given to a plain of ice near Mont Blanc

[8] Scoresby calculated that it would require 80,000 persons, labouring continuously from the creation of man to the present day, to count the number of organisms contained in two miles of the green water.

[9] So called from its circular form, and because the surface of the leaf is marked with curved lines

[10] A more moderate estimate says 1300 persons.

[11] The Academy, November 4, 1876, p 453

[12] “Here let the billows stiffen and have rest.” C.

[13] The scarcity of animal life in the remote North is shown by the small quantity of game shot by the sportsmen of the expedition after reaching winter quarters: six musk-oxen, twenty hares, seventy geese, twenty-six ducks, ten ptarmigan, and three foxes.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1 Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected silently

2 Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original

3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have been retained as in the original.

4. Where appropriate, the original spelling has been retained.

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