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Daniel Baldwin Hess · Tiit Tammaru
Maarten van Ham Editors
Housing Estates in Europe Poverty, Ethnic Segregation and Policy Challenges
TheUrbanBookSeries SeriesAdvisoryEditors FatemehFarnazArefi an,UniversityCollegeLondon,London,UK
MichaelBatty,UniversityCollegeLondon,London,UK
SiminDavoudi,NewcastleUniversity,Newcastle,UK
GeoffreyDeVerteuil,CardiffUniversity,Cardiff,UK
KarlKropf,OxfordBrookesUniversity,Oxford,UK
MarcoMaretto,UniversityofParma,Parma,Italy
VítorOliveira,PortoUniversity,Porto,Portugal ChristopherSilver,UniversityofFlorida,Gainesville,USA
GiuseppeStrappa,SapienzaUniversityofRome,Rome,Italy
IgorVojnovic,MichiganStateUniversity,EastLansing,USA JeremyWhitehand,UniversityofBirmingham,Birmingham,UK
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DanielBaldwinHess • TiitTammaru MaartenvanHam
Editors
HousingEstatesinEurope Poverty,EthnicSegregationandPolicy Challenges Editors
DanielBaldwinHess
DepartmentofUrbanandRegionalPlanning, SchoolofArchitectureandPlanning UniversityatBuffalo,StateUniversity ofNewYork Buffalo,NY USA
TiitTammaru DepartmentofGeography, CentreforMigrationandUrbanStudies UniversityofTartu Tartu Estonia and OTB ResearchfortheBuiltEnvironment DelftUniversityofTechnology Delft,Zuid-Holland TheNetherlands
MaartenvanHam
OTB ResearchfortheBuiltEnvironment DelftUniversityofTechnology
Delft,Zuid-Holland TheNetherlands and SchoolofGeographyandSustainable Development UniversityofStAndrews StAndrews UK
ISSN2365-757XISSN2365-7588(electronic)
TheUrbanBookSeries
ISBN978-3-319-92812-8ISBN978-3-319-92813-5(eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92813-5
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Thepublisher,theauthors,andtheeditorsaresafetoassumethattheadviceandinformationinthisbookare believedtobetrueandaccurateatthedateofpublication.Neitherthepublishernortheauthorsortheeditorsgive awarranty,expressorimplied,withrespecttothematerialcontainedhereinorforanyerrorsoromissionsthat mayhavebeenmade.Thepublisherremainsneutralwith regardtojurisdictionalclaimsinpublishedmapsand institutionalaffiliations.
ThisSpringerimprintispublishedbytheregisteredcompanySpringerNatureSwitzerlandAG Theregisteredcompanyaddressis:Gewerbestrasse11,6330Cham,Switzerland
Wededicatethisbooktoourpatientand lovingspouses Alex,Kaidi,andPeteke.
Wealsodedicateourworktothosewho designed,constructed,andhaveresidedin Europe’svastcollectionofhousingestates. Fromthemwehavelearnedmuchabout communalliving,urbanprogress,andsocial change.
Preface Ourscholarlyengagementwithhousingestatesbeganin2012,whenwe firsttalked indepthaboutplannedresidentialdistrictsandtheirplaceandfunctionincityscapes inEuropeand,followingtwodecadesinthepost-transitionera,inEstonia,our researchhomebase.AsuccessfulapplicationforaMarieSkłodowska-CurieinternationalfellowshipfundedDanielHess’ academicstayattheUniversityofTartu (during2016and2017)andsponsoredacollaborativeresearchprogrammewithTiit Tammaru,whoalreadyworkedwithMaartenvanHamontheERCfunded DEPRIVEDHOODSproject.Duringthecourseofthefellowship,variouspublicationswereproducedthatdealtcentrallywithmodernisthousingestates,with topicsrangingfromthehistoricalevolutionofhousingestates,ambitionsfor transportandaccesscomponentsofhousingestates,andoutcomesofhousingestate renovationprogrammesandsocialandethnicsegregation.Wewerejoinedatthe UniversityofTartubyColineDalimier,fromLilleUniversity1inFrance,amotivatedstudentwhoparticipatedinaninternshipwithusinEstoniaaspartofher master ’sdegreestudies.ShedeliveredaseminartotheresearchgroupinApril2016 abouttheevolutionandafterlifeofhousingestatesinFrance.Thispresentation inspiredustothinkmoredeeplyaboutcomparingtheconditionofhousingestates acrossvariousurbancentresinEurope,andthustheideaforthebookwasborn.
Asweproceededworkingonthisbook,tragedystruckinJune2017whenthe GrenfellTowerinaLondonhousingestatecaught firekilling71people,andonlya fewmonthsearlier,officialsinMoscowhadannouncedlarge-scaledemolitionof Soviet-timekhrushchëvkaapartmentbuildings,resultinginaprojectedlossof10 percentoftheurbanhousingstock.ButwealsoknewthatvariousothernewsworthyeventswerelinkedwithhousingestatesinEuropeoverthelast2decades, includingaseriesofriotsin2015inthebanlieuesofParis.Inreaction,localand stategovernmentsinParis(andinothercitiesandcountries)havepouredbillionsof eurosintorenovationprogrammes.Throughourworkonthisbook,wetherefore seizedtheopportunitytoassessthecurrentstatusofhousingestates andto measurechangessince1990 intheirphysicalconditionandsocialstatus.We especiallywantedtocharacterisethetrajectoryofhousingestatesinvarious nationalsettingsandinvariousconditionsrelatedtotheirestablishmentinthe
decadesfollowingWorldWarII.Thisbookthusoffersatimelyoverviewofthe currentstatusoflargehousingestatesinEurope,theirtrajectoriesandfutureoutlook,whichwehavesummarisedintentakeawaylessons.
Thebookwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutcontributionsfromauthorteams fromAthens,Berlin,Birmingham,Brussels,Bucharest,Budapest,Helsinki, Madrid,Milan,Moscow,Paris,Prague,StockholmandTallinn,alongwithtwokey subject-areaspecialists.WeareindebtedtoAnnikaVäikoforherexpertassistance andendlesspatienceinpreparingthe finalmanuscriptandAlexBitterman,Susan June,BrendanSeneyandDianeIvancicforediting.Ourresearchapproachwas developedthroughconversationswithKadriLeetmaa,AnneliKährik,Petra Špačková andColineDalimier.Ourprogressbenefi ttedfrompresentationsof work-in-progressbytheco-editorsattheSeventhInternationalUrbanGeographies ofPost-CommunistStatesConference(inKiev,Ukraine,September2017),the DorpaterDozentenabendLectureSeriesattheUniversityofTartu(inTartu, Estonia,December2017)andpresentationsinHelsinkilinkedtotheURMIproject, andpresentationsatDelftUniversityofTechnologyaspartofTiitTammaru’s VisitingProfessorship.Duringtheefforttoproducethiseditedvolume,DanielHess wasVisitingScholarandDirectorintheCentreforMigrationandUrbanStudies, UniversityofTartu.
TheresearchleadingtothisworkhasreceivedfundingfromtheEuropean Union’sHorizon2020researchandinnovationprogrammeunderMarie Skłodowska-Curiegrantagreementnumber655601.Supportalsocamefromthree grantsfromtheEstonianResearchCouncil:InstitutionalResearchGrantIUT2-17 onSpatialPopulationMobilityandGeographicalChangesinUrbanRegions, InfotechnologicalMobilityObservatory,andRITA-Ränne.TheEuropeanResearch CouncilfundedthisresearchundertheEuropeanUnion’sSeventhFramework Programme(FP/2007-2013)/ERC[GrantAgreementNo.615159](ERC ConsolidatorGrantDEPRIVEDHOODS,Socio-spatialinequality,deprived neighbourhoodsandneighbourhoodeffects).DelftUniversityofTechnology UniversitysupportedthisresearchthroughtheVisitingProfessorsprogramme oftheFacultyofArchitectureandtheBuiltEnvironment.
Buffalo,NY,USADanielBaldwinHess Tartu,Estonia/Delft,TheNetherlandsTiitTammaru Delft,TheNetherlands/StAndrews,UKMaartenvanHam April2018
PartIIntroduction
1LessonsLearnedfromaPan-EuropeanStudyofLargeHousing Estates:Origin,TrajectoriesofChangeandFuture Prospects 3 DanielBaldwinHess,TiitTammaruandMaartenvanHam
PartIIThematicLensesforScholarlyInquiry
2BeyondanUglyAppearance:UnderstandingthePhysicalDesign andBuiltEnvironmentofLargeHousingEstates ..............
FrankWassenberg
3WhoIstoBlamefortheDeclineofLargeHousingEstates?
PartIIICaseStudiesofHousingEstatesinEuropeanMetropolitan Areas
4ExceptionalSocialHousinginaResidualWelfareState:Housing EstatesinAthens,Greece ................................ 77 GeorgeKandylis,ThomasMaloutasandNikolinaMyofa
5LargeHousingEstatesofBerlin,Germany ...................
6DeclineandResponse?LifecycleChangeandHousingEstates inBirmingham,England
AlanMurie
7SproutedAllAround:TheEmergenceandEvolutionofHousing EstatesinBrussels,Belgium
RafaelCostaandHelgadeValk
8TheMany(Still)FunctionalHousingEstatesofBucharest, Romania:AViableHousingProviderinEurope’sDensest CapitalCity 167
VeraMarinandLiviuChelcea
9PersistenceorChange:DivergentTrajectoriesofLargeHousing EstatesinBudapest,Hungary ............................. 191
ZoltánKovács,TamásEgedyandBalázsSzabó
10ExperienceofaPreventiveExperiment:SpatialSocialMixing inPost-WorldWarIIHousingEstatesinHelsinki,Finland ...... 215 MariVaattovaara,AnssiJoutsiniemi,MattiKortteinen, MatsStjernbergandTeemuKemppainen
11TheDiversityofTrajectoriesofLargeHousingEstates inMadrid,Spain 241 PedroUceda,DanielSorandoandJesúsLeal
12SocialandEthnicTransformationofLargeSocialHousing EstatesinMilan,Italy:FromModernitytoMarginalisation 265 PetrosPetsimeris
13Path-DependentDevelopmentofMassHousing inMoscow,Russia ..................................... 289 MariaGunko,PolinaBogacheva,AndreyMedvedev andIlyaKashnitsky
14ImpoverishmentandSocialFragmentationinHousingEstates oftheParisRegion,France ............................... 313 ChristineLelévrierandTaliaMelic
15Long-termDevelopmentandCurrentSocio-Spatial DifferentiationofHousingEstatesinPrague,Czechia 339 MartinOuředníček,Petra Špačková andLuciePospíšilová
16TheStockholmEstates ATaleoftheImportanceofInitial Conditions,MacroeconomicDependencies,Tenureand Immigration 361 RogerAnderssonand ÅsaBråmå
17PopulationShiftsandUrbanPoliciesinHousingEstates ofTallinn,Estonia ...................................... 389 KadriLeetmaa,JohannaHolvandus,KadiMägiandAnneliKährik
EditorsandContributors AbouttheEditors DanielBaldwinHess isProfessorandChairpersonoftheDepartmentofUrban andRegionalPlanningintheSchoolofArchitectureandPlanningattheUniversity atBuffalo,StateUniversityofNewYork.Heearnedadoctoraldegreeinurban planningfromtheUniversityofCalifornia,LosAngeles.Whilethisbookwasin progress,hewasVisitingScholarandDirectoroftheCentreforMigrationand UrbanStudiesattheUniversityofTartu,Estonia,wherehewasaMarie Skłodowska-CurieInternationalFellowfundedbytheEuropeanCommission.His researchaddressesinteractionsbetweenhousing,transportation,landuseandother publicconcerns,andhedevelopsnewpathwaysforunderstandingthecomplex socio-economicandethniclandscapeofcitiesandspatialinequalities.Inhis scholarship,heexploresmetropolitanformandurbanplanningpracticeandpolicy, sometimesinteractivelyandsometimesseparately,butalwaysasameansto improvecityfunctionsandurbanlife.HeisaformerFulbrightScholaratTallinn UniversityofTechnologyinEstonia,aNationalEndowmentfortheHumanities FellowatColumbiaUniversity,andwinnerofanEisenhowerFellowship.
TiitTammaru isProfessorofUrbanandPopulationGeographyintheDepartment ofGeography,UniversityofTartu.Heleadsthedevelopmentoflongitudinallinked censusesandregistersdataforurbanandpopulationgeographicstudiesinEstonia. Hewastrainedinhumangeographyandreceivedadoctoraldegreefromthe UniversityofTartuin2001.Sincethen,hehasworkedasaLecturer,Researcher, SeniorResearcherandProfessorattheDepartmentofGeography,Universityof Tartu.HehasalsoworkedasaGuestResearcherattheDepartmentofGeography, UniversityofUtah,andDepartmentofGeography,Umeå University.Currently,he isaVisitingProfessorattheNeighbourhoodChangeandHousingresearchgroupat theDepartmentOTB ResearchfortheBuiltEnvironment,FacultyofArchitecture andtheBuiltEnvironment,DelftUniversityofTechnology.
MaartenvanHam isProfessorofUrbanRenewalatDelftUniversityof TechnologyintheNetherlands,andProfessorofGeographyattheUniversityof StAndrewsintheUK.InDelft,heisHeadoftheUrbanandNeighbourhood ChangeresearchgroupattheDepartmentOTB ResearchfortheBuilt Environment,FacultyofArchitectureandtheBuiltEnvironment.Hestudied economicgeographyatUtrechtUniversity,whereheobtainedhisPh.D.with honoursin2002.In2011,hewasappointedFullProfessorinbothStAndrewsand Delft.Hehaspublishedover80academicpapersand8editedbooks.Heisahighly citedacademicwithresearchprojectsintheUK,theNetherlands,Germany, Sweden,Lithuania,Estonia,SpainandChina.Hehasexpertiseinthe fieldsof urbanpovertyandinequality,segregation,residentialmobilityandmigration; neighbourhoodeffects;urbanandneighbourhoodchange;housingmarketbehaviourandhousingchoice;geographyoflabourmarkets;spatialmismatchof workersandemploymentopportunities.In2014,hewasawardeda2million EuroERCConsolidatorGrantfora5-yearresearchprojectonneighbourhood effects(DEPRIVEDHOODS).
Contributors
RogerAndersson ChairinHumanGeography,InstituteforHousingandUrban Research,UppsalaUniversity,Uppsala,Sweden
PolinaBogacheva GloraxDevelopment,Moscow,Russia
GideonBolt DepartmentofHumanGeographyandSpatialPlanning,Utrecht University,Utrecht,TheNetherlands
ÅsaBråmå InstituteforAnalyticalSociology,LinköpingUniversity,Linköping, Sweden
LiviuChelcea ProfessorandChair,DepartmentofSociology,Universityof Bucharest,Bucharest,Romania
RafaelCosta InterfaceDemography,VrijeUniversiteitBrussel,Brussels, Belgium
HelgaA.G.deValk ThemegroupleaderofMigrationandMigrants,Netherlands InterdisciplinaryDemographicInstitute;ProfessorofMigrationandLifeCourse, UniversityofGroningen,Groningen,TheNetherlands
TamásEgedy SeniorResearchFellow,GeographicalInstituteoftheHungarian AcademyofSciences,Budapest,Hungary;AssociateProfessor,BudapestBusiness School,UniversityofAppliedSciences,Budapest,Hungary
MariaGunko InstituteofGeography,RussianAcademyofSciences,Moscow, Russia
MaartenvanHam ProfessorofUrbanRenewal,DelftUniversityofTechnology, Delft,TheNetherlands;ProfessorofGeography,UniversityofStAndrews, StAndrews,Scotland,UK
DanielBaldwinHess ProfessorandChair,DepartmentofUrbanandRegional Planning,UniversityatBuffalo,StateUniversityofNewYork,NY,USA
JohannaHolvandus DoctoralStudent,CentreforMigrationandUrbanStudies, UniversityofTartu,Tartu,Estonia
AnssiJoutsiniemi AaltoUniversity,Helsinki,Finland
GeorgeKandylis NationalCentreforSocialResearch,Athens,Greece
AnneliKährik SeniorResearcher,CentreforMigrationandUrbanStudies, UniversityofTartu,Tartu,Estonia
IlyaKashnitsky UniversityofGroningenandNetherlandsInterdisciplinary DemographicInstitute,Groningen,TheNetherlands;NationalResearchUniversity HigherSchoolofEconomics,Moscow,Russia
TeemuKemppainen DoctoralCandidate,UniversityofHelsinki,Helsinki, Finland
MattiKortteinen ProfessorofUrbanSociology,FacultyofSocialSciences, UniversityofHelsinki,Helsinki,Finland
ZoltánKovács ResearchProfessor,GeographicalResearchInstitute,Hungarian AcademyofSciences,Budapest,Hungary;Professor,HumanGeography, UniversityofSzeged,Budapest,Hungary
JesúsLeal ProfessorandChair,DepartmentofAppliedSociology,Universidad ComplutensedeMadrid,Madrid,Spain
KadriLeetmaa SeniorResearcher,CentreforMigrationandUrbanStudies, UniversityofTartu,Tartu,Estonia
ChristineLelévrier Director,Lab’urbaResearchCentre;Professor,ParisUrban SchoolofPlanning,UniversityParis-Est-Cr éteil,Marne-la-Vallée,France
KadiMägi DoctoralStudent,CentreforMigrationandUrbanStudies,University ofTartu,Tartu,Estonia
ThomasMaloutas ProfessorofSocialGeography,DepartmentofGeography, HarokopioUniversity,Kallithea,Greece
VeraMarin DepartmentofUrbanism,UniversityofArchitectureandUrban PlanningIoanMincu,Bucharest,Romania
AndreyMedvedev InstituteofGeography,RussianAcademyofSciences, Moscow,Russia
TaliaMelic DoctoralStudent,UniversityofMelbourne,Melbourne,Australia; Lab’urbaResearchCentre,UniversityParis-Est-Cr éteil,Marne-la-Vallée,France
AlanMurie EmeritusProfessorofUrbanandRegionalStudies,Universityof Birmingham,Birmingham,England
NikolinaMyofa DoctoralCandidate,HarokopioUniversity,Kallithea,Greece
MartinOuředníček AssociateProfessor,DepartmentofSocialGeographyand RegionalDevelopment,FacultyofScience,CharlesUniversity,Prague,Czech Republic
PetrosPetsimeris ProfessorofGeography,UniversityParis1 Panthéon-Sorbonne,Paris,France
LuciePospíšilová AssistantProfessor,DepartmentofSocialGeographyand RegionalDevelopment,FacultyofScience,CharlesUniversity,Prague,Czech Republic
DanielSorando Researcher,DepartmentofAppliedSociology,Universidad ComplutensedeMadrid,Madrid,Spain
Petra Špačková AssistantProfessor,DepartmentofSocialGeographyand RegionalDevelopment,FacultyofScience,CharlesUniversity,Prague,Czech Republic
MatsStjernberg SeniorResearcher,CityofHelsinkiUrbanFacts,Finland; doctoralcandidate,UniversityofHelsinki,Helsinki,Finland
BalázsSzabó ResearchFellow,GeographicalInstituteoftheHungarianAcademy ofSciences,Budapest,Hungary
TiitTammaru ProfessorofUrbanandPopulationGeography,Universityof Tartu,Tartu,Estonia
PedroUceda LecturerandResearcher,DepartmentofAppliedSociology, UniversidadComplutenseofMadrid,Madrid,Spain
FlorianUrban ProfessorandHeadofArchitecturalHistoryandUrbanStudies, MackintoshSchoolofArchitecture,GlasgowSchoolofArt,Glasgow,Scotland
MariVaattovaara ProfessorofUrbanGeography,UniversityofHelsinki, Helsinki,Finland
FrankWassenberg SeniorProjectLeader,Platform31;GuestResearcher,OTB ResearchInstitutefortheBuiltEnvironment,DelftUniversityofTechnology, Delft,TheNetherlands
Chapter1 LessonsLearnedfromaPan-European StudyofLargeHousingEstates:Origin, TrajectoriesofChangeandFuture Prospects DanielBaldwinHess,TiitTammaruandMaartenvanHam
Abstract Mid-twentieth-centurylargehousingestates,whichcanbefoundallover Europe,wereonceseenasmodernisturbanandsocialutopiasthatwouldsolvea varietyofurbanproblems.Sincetheirconstruction,manylargehousingestates havebecomepovertyconcentratingneighbourhoods,oftenwithlargesharesof immigrants.InNorthernandWesternEurope,anoverlapofethnic,socialand spatialdisadvantageshaveformedasethnicminorities,oftenlivingonlow incomes,settleinthemostaffordablesegmentsofthehousingmarket.Theaimof thisintroductorychapteristosynthesiseempiricalevidenceaboutthechanging fortunesoflargehousingestatesinEurope.Theevidencecomesfrom14cities Athens,Berlin,Birmingham,Brussels,Budapest,Bucharest,Helsinki,Madrid, Milan,Paris,Moscow,Prague,StockholmandTallinn andissynthesisedinto10 takeawaymessages.Findingssuggestthatlargehousingestatesarenowseenas moreattractiveinEasternEuropethaninWesternEurope.Thechapteralsoprovidesadiversesetofvisionsandconcreteinterventionmeasuresthatmayhelpto improvethefortunesoflargehousingestatesandtheirresidents.
D.B.Hess(&)
DepartmentofUrbanandRegionalPlanning,SchoolofArchitectureandPlanning, UniversityatBuffalo,StateUniversityofNewYork,Buffalo,NY,USA e-mail:dbhess@buffalo.edu
T.Tammaru
DepartmentofGeography,CentreforMigrationandUrbanStudies, UniversityofTartu,Tartu,Estonia e-mail:tiit.tammaru@ut.ee
T.Tammaru M.vanHam
OTB ResearchfortheBuiltEnvironment,DelftUniversityofTechnology, Delft,Zuid-Holland,TheNetherlands e-mail:m.vanham@tudelft.nl
M.vanHam
SchoolofGeographyandSustainableDevelopment, UniversityofStAndrews,StAndrews,UK
© TheAuthor(s)2018
D.B.Hessetal.(eds.), HousingEstatesinEurope,TheUrbanBookSeries, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92813-5_1
Keywords Europeancities Housingestates Neighbourhoodplanning Residentialplanning Urbanchange
1.1PointofDepartureforScholarlyInquiry Ithasbeennearly15yearssincealargeEuropeanUnion-fundedprojectcalled Restate exploredchallengesinhousingestatesthroughoutseveralEuropean countriesandservedasaclearinghousefortheexchangeofideasaboutcounteractingnegativetrendsinlargehousingestates(vanKempenetal. 2005).Sincethat time,aseriesofriotsintheParis banlieues andinthe ‘millionhomeprogramme’ suburbsinStockholmhaverevealedthatmanyproblemsremain.MajorEuropean newspapers,including TheGuardian,frequentlypublisharticlesaboutdeepsocial problemsinhousingestates,thepoorimagefromwhichtheysuffer,anddissident groupsthatresideinthem.Familieswithresourcesoftenmoveawayfromlarge housingestates,andhousingestatescontributetoincreasingsegregationlevelsin Europeancities(Tammaruetal. 2016a).Immigrationcurrentlyintroducesnew groupstoEuropeancitieswhoseinitialplacesofsettlementarelow-costneighbourhoods,ofteninlargehousingestates(Wessel 2016).Moreover,newchallenges arise,suchastheongoingageingofbothbuildingsandtheirenvironments,which necessitatesnewinvestmentsandraiseschallengesrelatedtosustainability,energy reductionandageingpopulations.Withmanycitiesoperatingonausteritybudgets andlackingcashtoinvestinimprovinghousingandneighbourhoods,nowisa goodtimetorevisitthechallengesfacedbylargehousingestatesinEuropeancities. Therearethreemajorpathwaysforrespondingtothemanychallengesthatare facedbylargehousingestates.Firstistonotinterveneandtoleavepotentialchanges tomarketswithlittlepublicinvolvement.ManyEuropeancountrieshaveinfact operatedinthiswaybyallowingstrongermarketfunctioninginthehousingsector (AnderssonandBråmå 2018).Asecondoption,fromtheotherextreme,iswholesale demolitionofapartmentbuildingsandhousingestates.Forexample,leadersin Moscowannouncedthedemolitionofastaggering7,9001950s-and1960s-era apartmentbuildings(causingdisplacementof1.6millionpeople)andreplacingthe obsoleteresidenceswithnewmodernapartmenttowers(Luhn 2017;Gunkoetal. 2018).Third,selectivedemolitioncantakeplace,ashasbeencommoninmany WesternEuropeancountriesinthelastdecadeincludingtheUnitedKingdom (Murie 2018).Thisthirdoptionfallsbetweenthe firsttwostrategiesandfocuseson moreintegratedinterventionsandmeasuresaimedatupgradinghousingestatesboth physicallyandsocially,includingbuildingrenovations,upgradingthe flats, improvingneighbourhoodsandaccompanyingalltaskswithsupportivesocial, economicandsafetyenhancements.TheFrenchgovernmenthasmadeperhapsthe largestinvestmentsamongEuropeancountriesinimprovinghousingestatesby signifi cantlyupgradingtheirbuiltenvironments(Chrisafis 2015;LelévrierandMelic 2018).Withthiscomplexityinmind,ourcentralresearchquestionasks:
Giventhepotentialforurbanpolicyandplanninginterventions,whatroledolargehousing estatesplayinthereproductionofinequalities,poverty,andsegregationinEuropeancities today?
Toexplorethisquestion,wepresentnewevidenceaboutchangesinlarge housingestatesfrom14Europeancities Athens,Berlin,Birmingham,Brussels, Budapest,Bucharest,Helsinki,Madrid,Milan,Paris,Moscow,Prague,Stockholm andTallinn(Fig. 1.1) thusenlargingandupdating findingsfromthe Restate study(DekkerandVanKempen 2004;vanKempenetal. 2005;Rowlandsetal. 2009;Turkingtonetal. 2004).The Restate studyfoundagreatdealofdiversityin theformationanddevelopmenttrajectoriesofhousingestates,stronglyinfluenced byfactorssuchascontext,buildingperiodandsize,locationandconnectedness, maintenance,obsolescence,populationstructure,stigmatisation,thelocaleconomy, publicspace,andlivability.Broadly,Europeanexperienceswithregardtohousing
Fig.1.1 Locationof14casestudycities. Source AnnikaVäiko
6D.B.Hessetal.
estatesdifferinNorthern/WesternandSouthern/EasternEuropeancountries.The constructionofhousingestatestookplaceinarelativelyshorttimeperiodin NorthernandWesternEuropeasaresponsetorapidpost-Warpopulationgrowth andsubsequenthousingdemand.Theconstructionoflargehousingestatesin EasternEuropebeganlaterandlastedlonger.InSouthernEurope,therewasa strongprivateinvolvementintheconstructionoflargehousingestatesunlikein otherpartsofEurope.Thesedifferenceslaunchedhousingestatesalongdifferent developmenttrajectories,withtheproblemofspirallingsocialstatusstillamajor problemwithmanyhousingestatesinNorthernandWesternEurope,whilethe prestigeofhousingestatesremainshigherinEasternEurope.
Theconcludingchapterofthe Restate project(vanKempenetal. 2005)is ominouslytitled “DeepeningtheCrisesorHomesfortheFuture?” Forabrighter futuretoemerge,theauthorsstronglyadvocatefordiversifiedtenureandsocialmix inmoreproblematichousingestates;thisshouldbeundertakentoprovideopportunitiesforhousingcareerswithinthedistricts,moresocialcontactandsocial cohesioninhousingestates,increasedsocialcapital,providingmorepositiverole modelsandreducedstigmainlargehousingestates.Now,sincemorethan10years havepassedsincethelastmajorpublicationfromthe Restate project,itistimelyto makeathoroughinvestigationofthechangesthathavetakenplaceinlargehousing estatesacrossEurope.Inthiscontext,wedevelopseveralpenetratingresearch questionsthatguidethecontentofthechaptersofthisbook:
• Havelargehousingestatesremaineddifferentiatedorbeguntofollowmore similarpathways?Havehousingestatesfollowedsimilartrajectoriesasthey age?Arekeydifferencesrelatedtotimeofconstruction,location,scale,density orotherfactors?
• Doestherolehousingestatesplayinsocialstrati ficationandsegregationdepend onbroadertenureandresidualisationpatternsandtrends?Hasitbecome apparentthatprivatisationhascontributedtosocialandphysicalproblemsand todifferenttrajectoriesoflargehousingestates?
• Whatisthesuccessofvariousinterventionmeasuresappliedindifferent Europeancontexts?Whatworksbest?Aretheredifferentpatternsofdemolition andrenovationacrossEurope?Whatarethekeycharacteristicsthatcouldhelp largehousingestatestobecomehomesofthefuture?
Theremainderofthisintroductorychapterisorganisedasfollows.We fi rst provideanoverviewofthecommonoriginsoflargehousingestatesinEurope.We provideadefinitionofhousingestatesandpresentevidenceaboutthevariationsin scaleandtimingofhousingestateformationinEurope.Thisisfollowedbya synthesisofkey findingsfromthechaptersinthisbook,whicharestructured aroundtentakeawaymessages.Thesemessagesconveythatfewsubstantial changeshaveoccurredinlargehousingestatesinEuropesincethe Restate project ontheonehand,buttheyalsocarefullyclarifysomeofthestrategiesforimprovementthatmighthelptosecureasolidfutureforthedwellingsandinhabitants ofEurope’slargehousingestates.Manyhousingestatesstillembodysocial democraticwelfareidealsofstateinvolvementinthelivesofworking-classpeople, andtheystillrepresentabufferbetweendownwardmobilityandhomelessness.It
maybeanimportantreasonwhylevelsofsocio-economicandethnicsegregation arestilllowerinEuropeancitiescomparedtoUScitiessincehigh-risepublic housingintheUSneverbecamepopular,asitwasconsideredtobesocialistand anti-capitalistand,asaconsequence,un-American.Themoreprominenttheshare oflargehousingestatesinanurbanhousingstock,themoreappreciatedhousing estatesarebythepopulation,asisthecaseinmanyEasternEuropeancities.
1.2FormationofLargeHousingEstatesinEurope Mid-twentieth-centurylargehousingestatesweretogreaterandlesserextents envisionedasmodernisturbanandsocialutopiasthatwouldsolvevariousurban problemsattimesofrapidindustrialisationandurbanisationinmostof Europeduringthepost-WorldWarIIbabyboom(Rowlandsetal. 2009).Inone extreme,inEasternEurope,largehousingestateswerecarefullyplannedatthe apartment,building,andneighbourhoodlevels,withanaimtoprovideworkingand middle-classfamilieswithqualitylivingenvironmentsinacost-efficientmanner.At theotherextreme,largehousingestatesarealmostabsentinAthens,wherethey wereneverseenasaninstrumenttosolveurbanhousingproblems.Mostcountries inWestern,Southern,andNorthernEuropefallsomewherebetweenthese extremes.Manyhousingestatesestablishedduringthepost-WorldWarIIdecades arenow30,40,50andeven60yearsold,andthebuiltenvironmentandinfrastructurehasdecayed,sincecheapbuildingmaterialsandeconomicalconstruction techniqueswereoftenusedtobuildhousingestatesinexpensivelyandquickly.
Physicaldecayinhousingestatestodayismatchedbyaloweringofsocialstatus andethnicsegregation.EspeciallyinWesternandNorthernEuropeancities,social problemstendtoclusterspatially,andhousingestatesareoftenthedomainofsuch clusteringsincetheyprovideaffordablehousing(relativetoothersegmentsofthe housingsector).Consequently,manyhousingestateshaveovertimebecomesites ofproblems includingsocialdysfunction,poverty,ethnicconcentrationandisolation amiddeterioratingbuildingsandpublicspaces(Bolt 2018).Whilesome housingestateseventuallybecamedysfunctionalplacesfordesperatepeople,notall housingestatesareobsolete,becausetheycurrentlyhousetensofmillionsof Europeansandtheyremainvitalpartsofcities’ housingstocks,especiallyin EasternEuropeancountries.NotallofthesehousingestatesinEuropeareproblematic,butseriousproblemsoccurfarmoreinhousingestatesthanonaverage inEurope,andespeciallyNorthernandWesternEuropeancities.
TheappealofhousingestatestoEuropeansinthepost-WorldWarIIperiodis understandable,becausehousingestateprogrammesofferedaninexpensivemodel forexpandinghousingsuppliesduringatimeofrapidindustrialisationand urbanisation.Establishinghousingestatesalsohelpedaddressseveralurgent problems:providingsheltertopeoplerelocatingtocities(includingaworkforce supportingindustrialisation,aswasoftenthecaseinEasternEurope);meeting housingneedsforimmigrantsandguestworkers(thatwasmorecommonin
WesternEurope);andprovidingreplacementhousingwhenslumclearanceprojects wereneeded(HessandHiob 2014).GovernmentsinEuropeassumedresponsibility forhousingprovisionafterWorldWarIbecauseitwasevidentthatmarket-based housingsolutionsprovedinadequate(Wassenberg 2018).Inmanycountries, especiallyinNorthernEurope(AnderssonandBråmå 2018)andEasternEurope (Leetmaaetal. 2018),egalitarianhousingproductionandhousingprovision becameoneofthecentralelementsofthewelfarestate.Newmaster-plannedresidentialcommunities(oftenfortensofthousandsofresidents)wereestablishedon theperipheryofurbancentreswherelandwasreadilyavailable.Housingestates wereoftenmeanttofunctionassemi-autonomousneighbourhoodsthatcateredto thedailyneedsofresidents,includingdaycare/kindergartens,elementaryschools, sportshalls,culture/communitycentres,andshopsandservicesallwithineasy reach.Protectionfromtrafficwasusuallyaguidingprinciplesothatinternal neighbourhoodserviceswerewithincomfortablewalkabledistance(Hess 2018).
Althoughthe fi rstmodernistapartmentbuildingsandhousingestate-like neighbourhoodsappearedinEuropeduringtheinter-Warperiod(Wassenberg 2018),wefocusinthisbookonanintenseperiodofpost-WorldWarIIhousing estateconstructionbetweenthe1950sand1980s.Awell-known ‘millionhome programme’ inSwedencharacterisestheambitionoftheperiod:onemillionnew homesinmodernapartmenttowerswerebuiltinSwedenbetweentheearly1960s andmid-1970s(AnderssonandBråmå 2018). ‘Onemillionhomes’ becamea magicaltargetinotherEuropeancountries,includingHungary(Kovácsetal. 2018), France(LelévrierandMelic 2018)andSpain(Lealetal. 2018).InNorthernEurope, nationalgovernmentsfundedandconstructedhousingestates,alsoactingas landowner,whileinSouthernEurope,housingestateswereoftenaproductof commercialrealestatemarketsand,asaconsequence,targetedtodifferentincome groups.Housingestatesincitycentresoftentargetedhigherincomegroupswhile housingestatesonurbanperipheriestargetedlowerincomegroups.Housingestates forhigh-incomeresidentsweremorecentrallylocatedthanhousingestatesfor low-incomegroups,whichweregeographicallydistributedwherelandvalueswere lower(Lealetal. 2018;LelévrierandMelic 2018).
TheevolutionoflargehousingestatesinEuropedemonstratesthetension betweenshort-termversuslong-termstrategiesfordevelopinganurbanhousing stock.Intheshort-term,housingestateshelpedtosolvetheproblemofurgent demandforhousingattimesoflarge-scaleindustrialisationandurbanisation. Housingestatesalsointroducedvastimprovementsinthequalityoflivingspace, allowingmanypeopletoleavebehindinadequatepre-WorldWarIIhousingandtake upresidenceinnew,modernapartments(LelévrierandMelic 2018).Largenumbers ofworking-classpeoplehadaccesstobetter-qualityhousinginnewhousingestates, eitherasrenters(morecommonlyinNorthernEurope)orashomeowners(more commonlyinSouthernEurope)(Wassenberg 2018;AnderssonandBråmå 2018; Lealetal. 2018).Housingestatesweredevelopedtoofferlong-termhousingsolutions,butoptimismfadedassoonasalternativeformsofhousingbecameavailable. Theusuallywell-plannedhousingestatesdidnotsurviveasideallivingenvironments;theyeventuallytransformedintoproblematicandundesirablelivingareas.
Highdensities,priorityofcost-efficientconstruction,attractivealternativehousing andmanyotherfactorsquicklydowngradedhousingestatestothebottomofthe housingladder(Petsimeris 2018;AnderssonandBråmå 2018).
1.3LargeHousingEstatesDefined Itischallengingtoconstructaconsistentdefi nitionforlargehousingestates,andwe recognisethathousingestatescontainvarioustypesofresidences:socialhousing, privatisedapartmentsandcondominiums.InsomeEuropeancities,especiallyin EasternandNorthernEurope,housingestateswerethoroughlyplannedascoherent socio-spatialensembles.InotherEuropeancities,especiallyinWesternEurope,the focuswasonsocialhousingthatismorescatteredinurbanspace.Housingestates thushavedifferentconnotationsinvariousEuropeancountries,andthisisalso reflectedbydifferencesinterminology(Wassenberg 2018).
Nevertheless,weattemptauniversaldefi nitioninthisbookinordertoclarifythe meaningoftheterm ‘housingestate’.FollowingWassenberg(2018),largehousing estatesarecomposedofgroupsofapartmentbuildingsthatare(a)distinctinform, (b)constructedasaplanned,singledevelopmentonalargescaleforalocalcontext, (c)situatedinhigh-risetowersinverticalspace,and(d)tallenough(usually fiveor more floors)thatanelevatormaylegallyberequired.Forempiricalpurposes,we definehousingestatesasareascontainingatleast1,000residencesinhigh-rise buildings,establishedbyadeveloperordevelopmentprocessbetweenthe1950s andthe1980sasacoherentandcompactplanningunit.InmostEuropeancountries,however,itisimpossibletostrictlyapplythisdefinitionusingpopulationdata, sincenationaldatasetslackgeographicandhousingdetail;nevertheless,wehave carefullyattemptedtoadheretothisanalyticaldefi nition.Citieswithcomparable dataprovideevidencethattheshareofpeoplelivinginlargehousingestatesranges fromlessthan5%inAthensto80%inBucharest,withhighersharesgenerally foundinEasternEuropethaninotherpartsofEurope.
1.4KeyFindings Findingsfrompaststudiesincluding High-riseHousinginEurope (Turkingtonetal. 2004)andthe Restate project(vanKempenetal. 2005)providein-depthevidenceof thevarietiesofchangeinlargehousingestatesinEuropethroughthemid-2000s. Arecentbookentitled Socio-economicSegregationinEuropeanCapitalCities (Tammaruetal. 2016b)documentsgrowinglevelsofsegregationacrossEurope, suggestinganincreasingoverlapofethnicandsocialsegregation,oftentobefound inlargehousingestates.Ourcurrentbookfocusesontheformationandlater socio-spatialtrajectoriesoflargehousingestatesinEurope.Thelong-termgrowthin socialinequalitiesinEurope,agrowingnumberofimmigrantsinEuropeancities
seekingaffordablehousing,aswellasthephysicalageingofapartmentbuildings formkeypolicychallengesrelatedtolargehousingestatesinEurope.
Thisbookprovidescomparativecity-andmetropolitan-levelevidenceofthe origins,trajectoriesofchangeandfutureprospectsoflargehousingestates.Weare speci ficallyinterestedintheactionsneededtorealisticallyimprovethefortunesof housingestatesexperiencingdownwardtrendsandenhancelifefortheresidents livinginthem.Part2ofthebookincludestwopan-Europeanviewson(a)built environmentsandplanning,and(b)socialandethnicchangeinlargehousing estates,focusingonthechallengesthatrelatebothtotheirphysicalcharacteristics andresidentslivinginthem.Part3iscomposedoftargetedcasestudiesofhousing estatesin14Europeancities Athens,Greece;Berlin,Germany;Birmingham, UnitedKingdom;Brussels,Belgium;Budapest,Hungary;Bucharest,Romania; Helsinki,Finland;Madrid,Spain;Milan,Italy;Paris,France;Moscow,Russia; Prague,Czechia;Stockholm,Sweden;andTallinn,Estonia inwhichauthors addressthefollowing fivequestions:
• Arehousingestatesspatiallyclusteredorscattered?
• Whichsocialgroupsoriginallyhadaccesstoresidentialspaceinhousingestates?
• Whatisthesizeandscaleofhousingestates,theirarchitecturalandbuilt environmentcomposition,theirpositiononthelocalhousingmarket,thelevel ofservicesandneighbourhoodamenities,andconnectionsbetweenhousing estatesandtherestofthecity(intermsofworkandleisure-timeactivities)?
• Howdidorhowdohousingestatescontributetotheurbanmosaicofneighbourhoodsbyethnicandsocio-economicstatus?
• Whichpoliciesandplanninginitiativeshavebeenimplementedtopreventthe loweringofthesocialstatusofhousingestates?
Theremainderoftheintroductorychapterisorganisedaroundtensynthesised takeawaymessagesdistilledfromthe16chaptersofthebook.
1.AlthoughlargehousingestatesareacommonphenomenoninEurope,large variationsexistbetweencountries.Therewerewidevariationsintheinitial conditionsandcontextsofhousingestates,andtheseplacedhousingestates alongdifferenttrajectoriesofchange.
2.Housingestatesareoftenviewedasuniversallyproblematic,butthischaracterisationistoosimplisticandtherearevarietiesoftrajectoriesofchange,evenwithin thesamecities.Somehousingestateshavedowngradedsignificantly,whileothers havebeenmoresuccessfulinmaintainingorevenimprovingtheirstatus.
3.Interventionsthataimtoreducedensitiesandimprovetherelativelocationof housingestates investmentsintransportinfrastructure,includingtheexpansionofsubwaysystems,constructionofpathwaysforpedestriansandcyclists cansubstantiallyimproveaccesstohousingestates.
4.Thepositionofhousingestatesonthehousingladderisunclear.Housing estatescouldhaveabetter-de finedrole forexample,eitherasa finalhousing destinationorasaninterimpositioninafamily’shousingcareer whichcould makeiteasiertoclarifygoalsanddesignconcreteinterventions.
5.Privatisationofcollectivespaceshouldbehandledwithcare.Thefunctionof housingestates,originallybuiltbyacentralauthorityandintendedforcollectiveownership,isstrainedwhenstructuralchangescausehousingunitstobe placedinprivatehands.Theoften-grandiosephysicalconfigurationandsocial structureofhousingestatesrequirethoughtfulmanagementofcommonspaces alsowhenapartmentsgetprivatised.
6.Itiscriticaltoimprovetheperceptionandelevatethereputationofhousing estates.Peoplehaveatendencytocreateimagesintheirmindthatmayormay notmatchreality,butapoorreputationforlargehousingestatescanfurtherhurt theirfutureperformance.
7.Interventionstrategiesforreversingthefortunesoflargehousingestatesare complex.Thefocusisusuallyonarea-basedinterventionswithanaimto improvethephysicalqualitiesofneighbourhoods,oronaccess-and connectivity-basedinterventionswithanaimtolinklargehousingestates originallylocatedinperipheralurbanspace.Moreattentionisneeded,however, onpeople-basedimprovementstrategies.
8.Manyideasaboutcontemporaryurbanlife includingsustainability,ecologicalfootprints,communallifeandthesharingeconomy,andsocialequity alignwellwiththeunderlyingprinciplesofhousingestates,whichoffers chancesforthefuture.
9.Reliable,up-to-dateandcomparabledataareneededabouttheresidentsof largehousingestatesacrossEurope.Wecannotexpectcitygovernmentsand otheractorstodefi neeffectiveinterventionstrategiesiftheycannotaccurately diagnoseproblemsandchallenges.
10.Pastmistakesmadewithlargemodernisthousingestatescouldhelpguidetheway currentandfuturecitiesareplannedinEuropeandbeyond.Alessoncanbeoffered fromtwentieth-centuryexperiencesinEuropewithhousingestates:thelarger, higherdensityandthemoreperipherallylocatedhousingareasareathigherriskof concentratingpovertyandproducingandreproducingtripledisadvantages social,ethnicandspatial throughaviciouscircleofpovertyandsegregation.
1.5TakeawayMessages Message1
AlthoughlargehousingestatesareacommonphenomenoninEurope,large variationsexistbetweencountries.Therewerewidevariationsintheinitial conditionsandcontextsofhousingestates,andtheseplacedhousingestates alongdifferenttrajectoriesofchange.
ThestandardisedgrandstructuresofhousingestatesinEuropearethechildren ofpost-WorldWarIIurbangrowth,industrialisationandurbanrenewal.Housing estatesoftenformedahigh-densityurban-industrialcirclearoundthehistoriccores ofcities(Petsimeris 2018;LelévrierandMelic 2018)butinsomecasestheywere
builttofacilitatetheredevelopmentofinner-cityneighbourhoodsofslumhousing (Murie 2018).Manyhousingestateswerebuiltoutsidetheurbancoreonperipheral green fieldspaceswherelandwascheapandwhereitwaseasytoreapeconomiesof scale,i.e.toprovidealargeamountofhousingunitsatasingleconstructionsite (Wassenberg 2018).Insomecases,theeaseofmovementofcranesonconstruction sitesdeterminedthewayhousingestateswereplanned(MeuserandZadorin 2016).
Althoughtherearefewerhousingestatesinsomecities,forexample,inAthens (Kandylisetal. 2018)orBrussels(CostaanddeValk 2018)andeveniftheyhave beenbuiltoutsidethecitycentralareasasinParis(LelévrierandMelic 2018),they arestillacommoncharacteristicinvirtuallyallEuropeancities.Despitemany similaritiesinformandfunction,largevariationsamonghousingestatesexist betweenEuropeancities.Thenumberofapartmentbuildingsbuilt,aswellasthe socialandphysicalconditionsinhousingestatestoday,relateinparttothewelfare regimethatwasprevalentinthecountriesatthetimehousingestateswereestablished.Insomecountries theformerSovietUnion,ofcourse,butalsothesocial democraticwelfarestatesofNorthernEurope collectivevisionsprevailedand communallivingandegalitariansocialconditionswereconsistentwithsocietal expectations.Inothercountries notablyinSouthernEurope collectivevision promotedprivatehomeownership,eventhroughaperiodofexpansionofsocial housingandcollectivehousingestates.Bothsocietalvisionsshapedtheformation ofhousingestatesaswellassetthetonefortheirlong-termdevelopment.
Thepeakoflarge-scalehousingconstructionvariesbyEuropeanregionaswell. InNorthern,SouthernandWesternEurope,themainconstructionperiodoccurred inthe1960sand1970s.Turkingtonetal.(2004)identifypeaksinhigh-riseconstructioninseveralcountries.Constructionslowedquicklythereafterwhenthe problemsofhousingestates suchasmono-functionality(residence),low constructionquality,spatialisolationofhousingbuiltontheperipheryofcities, deprivation,lackofsafety,problematicpublicspaces,etc. werequicklyrecognised.AnalarmbellrangafteragasexplosioninRonanPointtowerinNewham, London,in1968.CriticalpublicdebatesbeganinFrancearoundthesametime. Afterthe1981riots,theterm ‘deprivedneighbourhoods’ enteredtheFrenchpublic discourse(LelévrierandMelic 2018).Likewise,criticalpublicdebatesabout housingqualityinlargehousingestatesbeganinSwedeninthe1970s,soonafter the ‘millionhomeprogramme’ (1965–1974)housingwascompleted.
Theconstructionofnewhigh-risehousingestatesbegandecreasinginthe1970s inWesternEurope.InthesocialistcountriesofEasternEurope,theirconstruction increasedratherthandecreasedinthe1970s,andthegrowthtrendcontinuedin manycountriesuntilthefalloftheBerlinWallin1989andthedemiseoftheSoviet Unionin1991.Theprovisionoffree-of-chargepublichousingwasoneofthe cornerstonesoftheegalitarianideologyincommunistEurope.Theidealsoflarge housingestatesweremodelledfromNorthernEurope(ratherthanfromWestern Europe)becausecentralplannerswereinspiredbythegrandsocio-spatialstructures ofNorthernEuropeancities,notablySweden.Centralplannerswerelessimpressed bythepublichousing-basedapproachestohousingestateformationthatprevailed inWesternEurope.Theydevelopedvarioustemplatesforplanningtheinternal
spatialstructuresofmodernistneighbourhoods.Thesetemplatesincludeda (a)surround-typewhereasquareinner-courtyardisformedbetweenapartment buildings,(b)acanyon-typeformationwithgrandroadswithtallapartment buildingsalongbothsidesand(c)aparallelbladesformationfeaturinglongrowsof parallelbuildings(MarinandChelcea 2018).Theneighbourhoods,whichwere plannedtodelivernecessarydailyserviceswithinawalkablereach,becamethefoci ofdailylifeforpeopledespitethefactthatoftentimesnotallplannedservice facilitieswereactuallybuilt.
SomeofthemostgrandiosemodernisturbanstructurescanbefoundinEastern Europe.Moscow(Gunkoetal. 2018)andBucharest(MarinandChelcea 2018) consistofendlesshousingestatesthatarehometohundredsofthousandsofpeople. Forexample,thenumberofpeoplelivinginBaltaAlbaestate(300,000)in BucharestandintheLasnamäeestate(125,000)inTallinniscomparabletothesize ofthesecondlargestcitiesinthesecountries.InBerlin(Urban 2018),housing estatesgrewlargerintheeasternpartofthecity(thelargest,Marzahn,with100,000 people)comparedtothewesternpart(MärkischesViertel,thelargest,with35,000 people).InmanyWesternEuropeancities,onlyabout10%ofurbanresidentslivein largehousingestates.Forexample,intheParisregionaround11%ofpeoplelivein housingestates(LelévrierandMelic 2018),andinStockholmthis figureis15% (AnderssonandBråmå 2018),whilemorethan80%oftheresidentsofBucharest liveinlargehousingestates(MarinandChelcea 2018).Interestingly,though,higher sharesofpeoplelivinginlargehousingestatesdonotnecessarilycorrespondto largersocialproblems.Incitieswithahighshareofthepopulationlivinginhousing estates,theseestatesareacceptedasanormalpartoflife(MarinandChelcea 2018).
Message2 Housingestatesareoftenviewedasuniversallyproblematic,butthischaracterisationistoosimplisticandtherearevarietiesoftrajectoriesofchange,even withinthesamecities.Somehousingestateshavedowngradedsignificantly,while othershavebeenmoresuccessfulinmaintainingorevenimprovingtheirstatus.
Characteristicsandfeaturesofhousingestatesvarynotonlybetweencountries butalsowithincities.Constructionmethodsforlargehousingestateschangedover time.The firsthousingestatesweresmallerinsize,stronglyinfluencedbothby modernisthousingaimsaswellasbytheidealsoftheGardenCityconcept(Urban 2018).Asmassproductiontechniquesimprovedandinordertomeetthegrowing demandfornewhousingunits,apartmentbuildingsbecametallerandhousing estatesbecamedenserfromthe1960sonward.Thischangeisespeciallyevidentin EasternEuropeancitieswheretheconstructionoflargehousingestateslasted longer(untiltheearly1990s)comparedtoWestEuropeancities(Urban 2018; MarinandChelcea 2018;Ouředníčeketal. 2018).
Themetropolitanlocationofnewhousingestateschangedovertimeaswell.The firsthousingestateswereoftenbuilteitherasin-fillincitycentresorclosetocity centres,whilelaterhousingestateswereusuallybuiltfurtheraway,onplotsofland stillavailableforlarge-scaleconstruction.Thisimpliesthathighdensitiesand spatialisolationareoftencombinedinnewerhousingestates,makingthemless
attractiveintoday’shousingmarketcomparedtoolderhousingestates(Kovács etal. 2018).However,olderhousingestatesfaceproblemstoo.Theseproblems relatetotheirolderageandconsequenthigherinvestmentneeds,feweramenities, and,insomecases,thesmallsizeoftheapartments.Insomecities,apartments increasedinsizeandqualityovertime,bettermeetingfamilies’ needs(Ouředníček etal. 2018;Lealetal. 2018).
Figure 1.2 depictstherelativesize(measuredbycurrentorrecentresidential population)andspatialarrangementofhousingestatesasdetailedinthechaptersin thebook.High-densityarrangementsofhousingestates(inMoscowandBucharest, forexample)canbeidenti fied,andlargelyperipherallocationsforhousingestates (inMilanandBrussels,forexample)canbecontrastedwithcentrallocationsfor
Fig.1.2 Distributionofhousingestatesinmetropolitanspaceincasestudycities. Source FigurepreparedbyRaivoAunap
housingestates(inParis,forexample)andevenly-distributedhousingestates(in BudapestandPrague,forexample).Underlyingpoliticalcontextsatthetimeof housingestatesconstructionexplaintheconcentrationofhousingestatesinEast Berlin(butnotWestBerlin),andthesocialistsystemexplainsafewernumberof housingestatesthatarenonethelesslargeinsize(inTallinn,forexample,and elsewhereinEasternEurope).
Onceestablished,thebuiltenvironmentisslowtochangeduetoinertia.Initial choicesmadeaboutthephysicalcharacteristicsofhousingestates location,size, designandconstruction havehadacrucialimpactonthelong-termtrajectoryand performanceofhousingestates,evenifsocialandhousingvalueshavechanged sincethen.Asaruleofthumb,immensehousingestatesandthoselocatedinmore peripherallocationsfacehigherrisksforsocialandphysicaldowngradingthan smallerhousingestates(AnderssonandBråmå 2018;Kovácsetal. 2018;Leetmaa etal. 2018),whilesmallerbuildingtypesinhousingestateswithintheurbancore tendtoperformbetteroverthelongrun(Kovácsetal. 2018;Vaattovaaraetal. 2018).
Whiletheabsolutelocationofhousingestatescannotbechangedonceestablished,inmanycities,theirrelativelocationhaschanged;whereEuropeancities havesprawledfurthersincelargehousingestateswerebuilt,housingestatesnow oftenformamiddlezonebetweenurbancoresandlowerdensityouterrings. Transportationconnectionshaveoftenimprovedaswell(Hess 2018).Therelative spatialpositionofhousingestatescanbeimprovedmorebyfocusingontheirbetter integrationwithopportunitieselsewhereinthecitythroughtransportnetworks (LelévrierandMelic 2018).Forexample,inTallinn,somehousingestatesfacethe challengeofaloweringsocialstatus,butpeoplearenottrappedintheseneighbourhoods,thankstofreepublictransport(Leetmaaetal. 2018;Hess 2017).
Message3
Interventionsthataimtoreducedensitiesandimprovetherelativelocationof housingestates investmentsintransportinfrastructure,includingthe expansionofsubwaysystems,constructionofpathwaysforpedestriansand cyclists cansubstantiallyimproveaccesstohousingestates.
High-densityperseisnotnecessarilyasourceofproblemsanddissatisfaction forresidents;otherrelatedfactorsmaybemoredetrimental,suchaspoorenvironmentalquality,noise,lackofcommunityinvolvementorlackofsafety(Howley etal. 2009;AnderssonandBråmå 2018).Sincegentrificationhaselevatedhousing pricesincentralcitiesbeyondthereachoflargenumbersofdwellersinmany Europeancities,peopleseekalternativesinthehousingmarket,andthatcouldgear choicetowardshousingestates.Forthistohappen,measuresneedtobetakento downplaythenegativeaspectsofhigh-densityresidentialspace,toimprovethe relativelocationofhousingestatesinurbanhousingmarketsandtoinvestinthe builtenvironmentswithinhousingestates.
Therearemanyaspectsofhousingestatesthatcontributetodifferencesinthe trajectoriesofchange.Housingestatesthatarefunctionallymorediverseand providegoodjobs,servicesandleisure-timeactivitycanberelativelyattractive.For
example,Mustamäe,ahousingestateinTallinn,Estoniabuiltbetween1962and 1973,isremarkableforthelevelofland-useandfunctionalmixingthatwas originallyachievedandhasbeenmaintained.Situatedonly fivekilometresfromthe citycentreandpossessinggoodtransportconnections,ithousesapproximately 65,000people.Itsinteriorisfocusedonkindergartensandschools,anditalso containsauniversity,anindustrialquarter,shopsandservices,andotherworkplaces(MetspaluandHess 2018).Functionaldiversificationisanimportantwayto increasetheattractivenessoflargehousingestates.
Theinitialsocialcompositionmatters,too.InBrussels(CostaanddeValk 2018) andMadrid(Lealetal. 2018),forexample,theinitialsocialcompositionofhousing estatesvariedsignificantlydependingonthedeveloperandlocation.InMadrid, housingestatesinthecitycentrewereconstructedbyprivatedevelopersforhigher incomegroupswhilethoseconstructedbythepublicsectorwerelocatedmainlyon theurbanperipheryandtargetedforlow-incomepeople.Likewise,thecurrent abilityofresidentstofundbasicbuildingmaintenancemaydifferaccordingto ownershipstructure.InBrussels(CostaanddeValk 2018),privateownersareless capableoflarge-scalerenovationsandpubliclyownedapartmentsaretherefore bettermaintained.InTallinn,ethnicity(inthemajoritygroup,Estonian)ratherthan incomepredictsresidents ’ willingnesstoaffordlarge-scalehousingrenovations (Leetmaaetal. 2018).
Privateownershipofapartmentscombinedwithpovertyandhighsharesof minoritiesmayexacerbatethedownwardspiralofhousingestates.Thetrend towardsanoverlapofethnic,socialandspatialdisadvantageisgrowinginWestern andNorthernEuropeancities,andanincreasingshareofthehousingstockis privatised.Certainriskfactorscallforcautionwhenitcomestothefutureof particularhousingestatesinEasternEuropeaswell,sincethereissomeevidenceof high-incomegroupsmovingawayfromthelessattractivehousingestatesbuiltin the1980s(Kovácsetal. 2018;Leetmaaetal. 2018).Similarrisksalsoapplyto manySouthernEuropeanhousingestateslocatedonurbanperipheries,whichare characterisedbyhighdensitiesandtallbuildingsandprivateownershipcombined withmainlylow-incomegroups(Petsimeris 2018;Lealetal. 2018).
Analternativewaytointerveneistodemolishlessattractivehousingestates. Demolitionofapartmentbuildingshasbeenundertakeninthreeofourcasestudy cities:Birmingham,MoscowandParis.InParis,socialaimsdrivehousing demolitionandrenovationschemes(LelévrierandMelic 2018).Thereisan ambitiontoprovideonenewhousingunitforeachonedemolishedandtoreduce housingdensitythroughtheremovalofhigh-risetowers.Theoppositetakesplace inMoscow,whereanimmensedemolitionplanof1960shousingdepartsfroman entrepreneurialwayofthinking.Profit-drivendevelopersoperatewithinarather ruthlessrealestatemarketandsocialconsiderationsareunimportant(Gunkoetal. 2018).Thedemolishedareawillbesignifi cantlydensi fiedthroughtheadditionof clustersoftallertowers.Althoughtheirphysicalconfigurationthusbecomessimilar tothemostproblematichousingestatesinSouthEuropeancities,thesocial structurewouldbedifferentsinceinMoscow,arespectableincomeisneededto buyanapartmentinnewtowerblockstocompeteinthedynamichousingmarket
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