Foreword
There Is No Time to Waste: The Latinization of the United States Is Underway
Self-authorization, self-definition, multidimensionality, and truth telling are cross-cutting themes throughout Cultural Foundations & Interventions in Latino/a Mental Health: History, Theory, and Within-Group Differences, emphasizing the complexity and heterogeneity of this powerful multicultural and multiracial collective of Latina/o peoples. As the authors state, this is the “fastest-growing” sector in the United States (U.S.) population embodying heterogeneity, differences, and similarities grounded in many dimensions of history, identity, and at the same time, often viewed only through stereotypes. When preparing mental health practitioners for culturally responsive care, images of nachos, sombreros, and quinceañera celebrations are insufficient, yet they are far too common. As well, often discussed is the idea that acculturation to dominant cultural values and behaviors are an indication of adjustment and success for Latinas/os. In reality, this notion only contributes to the status quo’s assumption that ethnic minorities and immigrants must change and give up who they are in order to live the proverbial “American dream.” Adames and Chavez-Dueñas discuss the flaws and harm these perspectives have when treating or studying Latino/a individuals, families, and communities. In 2016, and heading to 2040 when Latinas/os will be 40% of the U.S. population, there is no time to waste— the Latinization of the country is underway.
Part I of the text reflects the sociocultural foundations designed to help the reader become familiar with the history, complex racial background, and patterns of immigration of Latinas/os in the U.S. This lens or approach is essential to understand fully the lived history, historical context, and the evolution of any cultural group across geographical settings and time. In this case, the authors describe the rich and complex Latina/o history beginning in the pre-Columbian era, thereby acknowledging that the Indigenous peoples whom the Spaniards exploited and annihilated were prodigious scientists, artists, and loyal family/tribal members. In other words, they were peoples with civilizations informed by science, strong spiritual beliefs, and
principles grounded in respect for self, others, and nature. Although not perfect societies, Indigenous groups were shaping history through their creativity, innovation, and determination. Their history and legacy lives on through the lifeblood of their multiracial descendants—today’s Latinas/os.
The Latina/o history is well captured by discussion of the contributions of the Aztecs, Mayans, Incas, Tainos, and Caribs, the original people of the Americas. The tragic transatlantic slave trade brought many peoples from Western Africa to the Americas, enriching the cultural and racial heterogeneity of existing Indigenous empires. In explicit terms, the authors affirm that the history of Latina/o peoples reflects their multicultural and multiracial dimensions of identity, specifically that of skin color. Chapter 2, “Skin-Color Differences Within Latinos/as,” is very powerful in this respect. Adames and Chavez-Dueñas introduce candid facts, ones often ignored or unknown among most Latinas/os today. Through the use of tables and figures, they illustrate the social stratification based on skin color in Latin America, the relationship between skin color and stigmatization, and “concealment strategies” that promote misinformation about Latinas/os. From this chapter flows many of the perspectives that need to be accounted for in the education, research, and practice of Latina/o psychology.
The attention to skin color, race, and colorism is one of the key features of this text. Far too often, skin-color privilege is simply accepted as a fact of life. However, the authors provide examples of how intergroup racial biases and internalized racism affect members of Latina/o families. Skin color, as discussed, is also embodied in the concept and reality of mestizaje (the mixing of the races), which directly leads to discrimination, marginalization, and other forms of oppression. Examples from the U.S. invasion of Mexican territory illustrates how Mexican people became tenants in their own land and also were subjected to discrimination in schools, employment, playgrounds, restaurants, and military veteran recognition. Thus colorism and prejudices based on skin color have led to both within-group and majoritygroup discriminatory and oppressive practices.
The role of skin color in the examination of immigration policies is also raised as a contributing factor to groups that have succeeded and reached the “American Dream” and those continuing to be demonized. The 2016 presidential election provides vivid testimony to the xenophobia, hate, and vagueness of knowledge about Latinas/os in the U.S. Regardless of immigration status and historical roots, Latinas/os have been and will continue to be contributors to the success of the U.S. Failure to recognize this fact suggests future leaders are out of touch. Of course, individuals in the mental health profession witness this type of demagogic behavior and discourse from educators, researchers, practitioners, and organizational leaders. Adames and ChavezDueñas provide excellent testimony about why it is important to know the stories of Latinas/os from Latinos/as who have strong and healthy racial and ethnic identities. Latinas/os are not one and the same; rather, they are multiracial, multidimensional, and complex. As the text proclaims, Latinas/ os are indeed heterogeneous in multiple ways, including ethnicity, skin color,
nationality, gender, level of acculturation, and the like. Thus to understand within-group differences requires a shift in worldviews. Adames and ChavezDueñas dedicate the second part of the text to understanding within-group Latino/a differences. As a prelude to examining differences, and consistent with Guidelines One and Two of the American Psychological Association (APA) Multicultural Guidelines (American Psychological Association, 2003; Fouad & Arredondo, 2007), readers are reminded that 1) there is a need to recognize biases and assumptions about Latinas/os, 2) question the source of these beliefs, 3) recognize how these cognitions affect their emotions and working relationships with Latinas/os, and 4) commit to becoming knowledgeable about the breadth and depth of Latinas/os so as to do no harm (APA Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct, 2010).
Part II also examines the intersection of identity development and acculturation processes, drawing from other disciplines such as anthropology and sociology. The static nature of the social construction of gender is underscored. In direct relation, the cultural concepts of marianismo and machismo are introduced as both conscious socialization processes and internalized worldviews that inform self-beliefs and expectations. The explanation of the gender spectrum in these chapters is also a refreshing approach to discussing gender orientation(s) more holistically and inclusively. Not only is this approach relevant to understanding Latinas/os, but it also provides a template for understanding people in general. As mentioned, an in-depth discussion of acculturation is also included in this section of the text. Acculturation has been associated with Latinas/os without consideration of the status of the individual and using either-or models with a focus primarily on behavior. In this section, Adames and Chavez-Dueñas review the shortcomings of these models. The authors then propose an ecological systems perspective, one that examines the complexity of acculturation processes of change. Other research on acculturation has looked primarily at ethnic identity development status as the independent variable. Of course, it is not quite so simple. These studies, as has been noted, have often been done with a limited cohort of adolescent immigrants with no consideration of their heterogeneity. Furthermore, the cognitive and emotional dissonance that occurs during the acculturation process and other contextual factors are examined, which are often overlooked in existing literature. In contrast, as the authors discuss, the ecological perspective is more embracing of how history, legislation, and political climate affect individual acculturation.
Part III of the book introduces a broad canvas to depict the multiple factors that may affect culturally responsive and racially conscious clinical practice with Latinas/os. In this section, the traditional cultural values including familismo, respeto, dignidad, confianza, and personalismo (Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002) are discussed. Adames and ChavezDueñas identify and describe eight additional cultural values: vergüenza, amabilidad, lealtad, obediencia, responsabilidad, ser trabajador, honestidad, and humildad while discussing how each value is manifested among Latinos/as. These values transcend generations, gender, age, and language
Foreword
differences. Overall, Adames and Chavez-Dueñas masterfully integrate the content presented in Parts I and II of this text to develop a culturally responsive and racially conscious treatment modality titled CREAR-CE (Culturally Responsive AND Racially Conscious Ecosystemic Treatment Approach).
In closing, the last section of the book is powerful because it provides authentic, soulful narratives prepared by graduate students and professionals trained in Latina/o psychology. The theme of awakening runs throughout the narratives of the nine essays. The narratives describe powerful emotions related to racial and ethnic identity development, reflections on personal and collective group history, and the overall responsibilities to be ethical practitioners, scholars, and advocates for systemic change. These essays should be required reading for all graduate students and professionals who believe they are fair-minded, culturally aware, and racially conscious.
Cultural Foundations & Interventions in Latino/a Mental Health: History, Theory, and Within-Group Differences is simply remarkable and to be celebrated! It is a scholarly statement about knowledge-building, honoring the shared history among Latinas/os and all humanity, confronting race, colorism, and color-blind ideologies, as well as its perpetuation by academics, while setting expectations for culturally, racially, and ethically responsive practice. Adames and Chavez-Dueñas have opened new pathways that respect and celebrate the racial and cultural diversity among Latinas/os and honor the history, individuality, and continuing contributions of Latinas/os to these United States of America!
Patricia Arredondo, Ed.D.
References
American Psychological Association. (2003). Guidelines on multicultural education, training, research, practice, and organizational change for psychologists. American Psychologist, 58(5), 377–402. doi:10.1037/0003–066X.58.5.377
American Psychological Association. (2010). Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct. Retrieved from http://apa.org/ethics/code/index.aspx
Fouad, N. A., & Arredondo, P. (2007). Becoming culturally oriented: Practical advice for psychologists and educators. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. doi:10.1037/11483–000
Santiago-Rivera, A. L., Arredondo, P., & Gallardo-Cooper, M. (2002). Counseling Latinos and la familia: A practical guide. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Acknowledgments
We are nothing if we walk alone, We are everything if we walk together . . .
We are thankful to so many people who contributed to making Cultural Foundations & Interventions in Latino/a Mental Health: History, Theory, and Within-Group Differences a reality. We want to recognize and thank those who came before us and laid the groundwork so that today we, two immigrants and first-generation College Students of Color can write these pages. We thank our Indigenous and African people from whose history and role modeling we learned to resist and persist even during the most oppressive and difficult times. Because of your struggles we live; because of your resilience we survive.
We would like to acknowledge a number of Psychologists of Color who are pioneers in the field and have mentored and believed in us. We are indebted to Dr. Patricia Arredondo for paving the way for so many Latina/o psychologists and for being an inspirational and guiding force in our careers. We owe a great deal of gratitude to Dr. Kurt C. Organista who provided invaluable feedback, countless check-ins, and encouragement throughout the process. Your attention to detail, your honest feedback, and your supportive mentorship has been instrumental in our development as scholars. To Dr. Joseph L. White, you have appeared in our lives and brought us smiles, courage, and hope. You have been a true, magical, and spiritual blessing in our lives. Thank you for the mentorship, for gently pushing us to write this book, and for believing we could do it. Lastly, we want to express our heartfelt appreciation to our academic madrina (godmother), Dr. Lillian Comas-Díaz, for inspiring us to write about our Black and Indigenous roots with love and pride. Your work, spiritual energy, and healing powers have shaped our academic careers. Thank you for blessing our work. Without each of you, our book would not have been written, completed, or produced in the form that it encompasses today.
We want to thank our graduate students and mentees Jessica G. PerezChavez, Silvia P. Salas-Pizaña, Shanna N. Smith, Robert L. Mendez, Danielle
Acknowledgments
Alexander, Minnah W. Farook, Mackenzie T. Goertz, Chelsea L. Parker, and Leah Hirsch for contributing their voices to this project. We know your journey through the realities and ugliness of racial injustice, xenophobia, and inequality has not been easy, yet you have persisted. You are the reason why we teach and love what we do. Thank you for allowing us to witness your struggles, growth, and triumphs. We also wish to acknowledge our colleagues Dr. Martin J. La Roche, Dr. Elisa Velasquez-Andrade, Dr. Hector L. Torres, Dr. Edil Torres Rivera, Cathleen Palubicki, Frances McClain, and Anita O’Conor who have provided support and encouragement throughout the completion of this project.
Lastly, we would like to thank our familia and friends who have taught us about dedication, hard work, excellence, and love of our Latino/a roots.
Dr. Nayeli Y. Chavez-Dueñas Writes
Mi familia biológica y escogida ha sido indispensable para hacer este sueño una realidad. A ellos mi mamá (Delfina Dueñas), mi papá (Pablo Chavez) hermanas (Ernestina, Araceli, María y Veronica), hermanos (Flavio, Eraclio, Gilberto, y Sigifredo), sobrinas (Janeth, Marisol, Elizabeth, Guadalupe, Anael, Edith, Aide, Itzel), y sobrinos (Carlos, Flavio, Andres, Juan, Fernando, Miguel, Jorge, Antonio, Alexis, Giovani y Victitor) les agradezco por su paciencia, apoyo y cariño y espero representar a la familia con orgullo. Mis triunfos son más suyos que míos porque las lecciones que he aprendido de cada uno ustedes me han permitido seguir adelante a pesar de las dificultades. También quiero agradecer a mi mamá Delfina Dueñas porque no podría haberle pedido a la vida una mejor madre que tu; fue a través de tu ejemplo de lucha, y determinación que aprendí el valor del trabajo y perdí el miedo a soñar con lo que parecía imposible. A ti mamá, le debo mucho más que la vida, te debo mi fuerza, mi esperanza y mi fe en un futuro mejor. To my chosen family, mis amigas y amigos who have allowed me to be me and still love me, thank you; I know that is not an easy task. I owe a special thanks to my academic brother, Dr. Adames, who has not only shaped and marked my career but also my personal life. I am very grateful to the creator for putting you on my journey. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge Dr. Joseph L. White who has been a special spiritual and paternal force who has transformed my life. Thank you Dr. White, for your selfless support, guidance, and dedication. Your example of love and dedication to the fight for social justice has left an everlasting imprint on my soul. In addition to the people who have walked and sometimes ran with me through the marathon that has taken me to this beautiful place in my career, I am grateful to the spiritual forces that have given me the strength, perseverance, and ability to get to the finish line. I am thankful to La Virgen de Guadalupe who has been a symbol of motherly love, acceptance, and pride in my Indigenous roots. I am also thankful to the God, Quetzalcoatl, who has been my companion through the twisted yet exciting labyrinths of academia. They have
Acknowledgments xix both lighted the dark roads and removed many of the barriers and shadows that have threatened to stop my steady walk, run, and sprint to the finish line. It has taken your supernatural and powerful forces to get someone from where I started, a little girl growing up in a humble Mexican family, to where I am today, a proud Mexican immigrant who is in love with her roots, works as an associate professor, is a scholar, an author, and a mentor. Gracias infinitas.
Dr. Hector Y. Adames Writes
I could not be where I am today without the unwavering support and love of so many individuals. I am indebted to my familia who were my first teachers and continue to teach me how to thrive, despite the many foreign barriers we face in a land often not welcoming of people who look, speak, and dance like we do. You have in your own special ways supported me personally and professionally. A mi mami Rosa Adames y a mi papi AngelManuel Adames cuya energía, fuerza, y cariño me han convertido en la persona que soy. Es un honor ser la inversión de su sacrificio. To my abuelita Basilia Ramos, hermana Johansi Matos, and brother Angel Adames who always see me for who I am and love me despite my flaws. To my soul sisters Dr. Janette Rodriguez, Wendy Y. Blanco, and Dr. Shweta Sharma for being soft and strong when I needed it the most throughout the years. You’re simply beautiful. To my extended family Dulce Matos, Luis Ney Matos, Luis Matos, Rosanna Matos, Deiby Marte, Alexandra De La Cruz, Jeancarlos Paulino, Carmen De La Cruz, Nancy Adames, and Zunilda Adames who have taught me the importance of honoring, embracing, and celebrating my Latino roots. “Dominicano soy, de mis raices yo no voy a olvidarme; soy de una raza tan humilde y tan grande, que de su espera se hacen rayos de sol” (Fernando Villalona, n.d.). I express my gratitude to my chosen family Dr. Arianne E. Miller, Dr. Milton A. Fuentes, Dr. Erendira LopezGarcia, Dr. Michelle S. Schultz, and Gary Scaife for patiently listening to me and my many unconventional ideas and locuras throughout the years. I cherish the many passionate debates, laughs, and tears we have shared. To Dr. Elizabeth L. Haines for her mentorship during my early academic years and her contagious passion for the study of bias, power, and privilege. A big heartfelt thank you to my academic sister, Dr. Nayeli Y. Chavez-Dueñas, for embarking on this arduous yet exciting book project journey. Your imprint on my life as a person and a racially conscious scholar is everlasting. Lastly, to every single one of you I say mil gracias and In Lak’ech . . . Tú eres mi otro yo (you are my other me).
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Preface
The latest Bureau of the Census report (2011) demonstrates that in the last decade, the United States (U.S.) has experienced an unprecedented change in its demographic makeup. Latinas/os, one of the groups contributing to this shift, are currently the largest and fastest growing ethnic minority group. As of 2010, there were 55.4 million Latinas/os living in the U.S., comprising 17% of the total population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Moreover, demographic projections suggest that the proportion of Latinas/os will continue to increase. In fact, it is expected that by the year 2030, 20% of the total U.S. population will be of Latina/o descent (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004). As the proportion of Latinas/os in the U.S. continues to grow, there will be a higher need for practicing mental health providers to be adequately prepared to meet the needs of this growing segment of the U.S. population and understand the complexities within this racial and ethnic group. Despite the increased demographic representation of Latinas/os in the U.S., there continues to be a dearth in the psychological literature that explicitly emphasizes and addresses the racially and ethnic differences within this population.
In an effort to prepare students, supervisors, and mental health professionals to effectively study, understand, and serve Latinos/as, the volume Cultural Foundations & Interventions in Latino/a Mental Health: History, Theory, and Within-Group Differences is an addition to the few books presently available in Latina/o psychology. Unlike other texts that provide broad coverage of the U.S. Latina/o population, this book is an up-to-date reference that explicitly emphasizes the racial and ethnic diversity within this heterogeneous cultural group. The volume focuses on the complex historical roots of contemporary Latinas/os, their diversity in skin color and physiognomy, racial identity, ethnic identity, gender differences, immigration patterns, and acculturation. The complexities inherent in the diverse Latina/o experience become critical elements of culturally responsive and racially conscious treatment approaches with Latinas/os. No other book covering topics related to mental health singularly addresses the complexities, within-group differences, and racial heterogeneity characteristic of U.S. Latinas/os.
The volume is comprised of ten chapters organized into four sections. Part I, “Sociocultural Foundations,” is designed to orient readers to Latina/o cultural and racial backgrounds, history, and patterns of immigration to the U.S. In order to help students and professionals understand the cultural and racial roots of Latinas/os, Chapter 1 describes and examines the history of the four main Indigenous groups: the Aztecs, Maya, Inka, and Tainos/ Caribs. A description on the legacy of each Indigenous group and their contributions to contemporary Latin American culture is provided. The devastating effects of the historic periods of the conquest and colonization for Indigenous people and their culture is also discussed, followed by a brief summary of the history of Africans in Latin America. The chapter concludes with recommendations for the integration of collective group history into Latino/a mental health by introducing and describing seven psychological strengths. Chapter 2 examines the role of skin color and colorism, a form of within-group racial discrimination, on the lives of Latinas/os. Overall, the mental health literature on racial differences within the Latina/o community and colorism is sparse. In an effort to contribute to this understudied area and highlight its significance, a concise and selective review of the history of colorism in Latin America is provided. Specifically, three historical eras (i.e., conquest, colonization, and post-colonization) are summarized. In each era, the establishment of racial and ethnic stratification and their consequences for Latinas/os of Indigenous and African descent are discussed. Connections between today’s color-blind racial ideologies and mestizaje, or the mixing of races, is underscored to demonstrate how these strategies have been used, historically and in contemporary times, to deny and minimize skin-color privilege. The chapter culminates with questions to help mental health practitioners and researchers reflect and engage in dialogue about colorism. In Chapter 3, we provide a brief overview of Latina/o history in the U.S. The chapter focuses on the immigration patterns of the four largest U.S. Latina/o groups: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Dominicans. The chapter highlights the specific features that characterize contact with U.S. These features include demand for immigrant labor, transnational labor-recruiting networks, wage differentials, and international laws and policies that have propelled individuals to emigrate from Latin America to the U.S. To help contextualize the impact that immigration has on U.S. Latinas/os, an analysis of the complex interplay between immigration policies, general public perception of immigrants, and the economic, cultural, and social contributions of Latinas/os is provided. The chapter ends by reviewing the social, economical, and psychological impact of immigration laws on Latinas/os. Part II, “Understanding Within-Group Latino/a Differences,” provides theoretical and practical approaches to understand the heterogeneity and differences within the Latina/o population, including racial and ethnic identity models, gender, acculturation, and history of immigration. In Chapter 4, the social construction of gender and the role that it has played in the lives of Latinas/os throughout history is reviewed. The chapter provides a brief
overview on how gender was introduced into the lexicon of academia as a prelude to reviewing various constructs that communicate gendered identities and expression. The chapter continues with a review of the historical development on machismo and marianismo, the two cultural gendered ideologies associated with traditional Latina/o culture. The chapter integrates information from various disciplines in the social sciences to provide a rich historical and contemporary contextual account on the effect of marianismo and machismo on the lives of Latinos, Latinas, Latin@s, Latinxs, and Queer Latin@s. The chapter concludes with treatment recommendations for Latin@s across the gender spectrum. In Chapter 5, an overview of the dynamic and complex process of acculturation experienced by many Latinas/os in the U.S. is provided. A brief history of the theories of acculturation followed by an overview and critique of the three main acculturation models, unidirectional, bidirectional, and multidirectional, are discussed. The chapter concludes with an ecological systems perspective on the acculturation of Latinas/os as a prelude to implications on the health and social mobility of Latinas/os in the 21st century. This section ends with Chapter 6, which concentrates on the development of racial and ethnic identity, two paradigms situated within the larger umbrella of the study on social identities. The definitions of terms pertinent to the study of race and culture are provided as a foundation for understanding the complexities inherent in the existing ethnic and racial identity development models and literature. The chapter also provides an in-depth view of the current models on Latina/o ethnic identity. The impact on practice and research regarding the common practice of interchangeably using race and ethnicity in the study of Latina/o social identity is discussed. Lastly, a new conceptual framework titled, C-REIL (Centering Racial and Ethnic Identity for Latinos/as Framework), which integrates both race and ethnicity in the understanding of these two social constructs among Latinas/os is provided. The chapter concludes with implications for research and practice.
Part
III, “Culturally
Responsive and Racially Conscious Clinical Practice
With Latinos/as,” offers strategies for clinicians to apply the information provided in Parts I and II of this volume. In Chapter 7, specific barriers that racially and ethnically diverse Latinas/os may experience when seeking mental health services are identified. Some of these challenges include systemic and individual barriers, which may impact access to mental health services by individuals in the Latina/o community. Overall, the aim of this chapter is to provide a framework that illustrates the factors that contribute to the maintenance of service underutilization among Latinas/os, while highlighting the impact of within-group differences (e.g., language, socioeconomic factors, documented status, skin color, physiognomy) and sociohistorical context on the mental health utilization of diverse individuals. Chapter 8 centers on helping the reader gain knowledge and understanding of traditional Latina/o cultural values that can serve to inform the development of culturally congruent treatment interventions. The chapter provides an overview of the five
main traditional Latina/o cultural values followed by a brief overview of the available research in this area. Additional Latina/o cultural values that are not as well researched or documented in the mental health and social science literature are outlined and reviewed. A discussion regarding the importance of considering Latina/o within-group differences when applying traditional cultural values to Latinas/os is offered. The chapter ends with specific ways in which providers can integrate the cultural values into mental health treatment. Chapter 9 provides a review of the literature on Empirically Supported Treatments, Evidence-Based Practice, and Culturally Adapted Psychotherapies with a particular focus on the congruence of those modalities with Latinas/os of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds. In an effort to apply the material presented in Parts I, II, and III of this volume, an interventional framework titled CREAR-CE, which stands for Culturally Responsive AND Racially Conscious Ecosystemic Treatment Approach is offered.
Lastly, Part IV, “The Impact of Latino/a Psychology on Racially and Ethnically Diverse Students and Professionals,” seeks to highlight the ways in which studying Latina/o mental health can influence the personal and professional lives of people. To accomplish this goal, Chapter 10 offers the narratives of nine racially and ethnically diverse individuals (i.e., three Latina/o, two African American, one South Asian, and three European American individuals) who have studied and applied the content presented in this volume. Each narrative outlines how learning about Latina/o psychology can lead to personal and professional growth. In closing, we hope this volume helps us all envision a healthy, welcoming, and accepting world “where many other worlds will have a place . . . the community we want to build is one where all people fit with their own languages” (Subcomandante Marcos, 2001, p. 80), their own shades of color, histories, contributions, and strength.
References
Villalona, F. (n.d.). Dominicano soy. Retrieved from http://www.albumcancionyletra. com/dominicano-soy_de_fernando-villalona___271963.aspx Subcomandante Marcos. (2001). Our word is our weapon: Selected writings. New York, NY: Seven Stories Press.
U.S. Census Bureau. (2004). U.S. interim projections by age, sex, race, and Hispanic origin. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/ipc/www.usinterimproj/
U.S. Census Bureau. (2011). The Hispanic population: Census 2011 brief. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/brief.html
1 The Diverse Historical Roots of Today’s Latinos/as
Learning From Our Past to Move Into the Future
Our people were born dignified and rebellious . . . Survival, resistance, dignity, and defiance have been the only means of survival.
–Marcos, 2001, p. 33
A fundamental aspect of self-knowledge involves individuals having a strong sense of who they are in two main areas: personal identity and group identity, which undoubtedly shape an individual’s personal history. Personal identity refers to the adoption of idiosyncratic individual attitudes, emotions, feelings, personality characteristics, and behaviors of the self. It involves the process of answering two important questions: “Who am I at the core of my being?” and “What are my personal standards, morals, and values?” (White & Cones, 1999). Alternatively, group identity is defined as the process of learning the collective group history and identifying with a larger social group of people with similar values, characteristics, worldviews, beliefs, and practices.
In the literature, collective group history has been described as having several protective functions for individuals. First, it contributes to the development of a strong sense of group membership, allowing individuals to understand and connect with their ancestral roots and cultural heritage (Parham, Ajamu, & White, 2011). Second, ancestral knowledge, skills, and achievements are transmitted to a new generation and help provide self-affirmation for Youths of Color (Akbar, 1998; White & Parham, 1983; Woodson, 1990). Such knowledge, skills, and achievements also provide Youths of Color with a blueprint with which they can begin to internalize and believe that they have
a legacy of greatness and accomplishment that they are required to continue. It is the images of greatness, which resemble them which serve to inspire young people to become the great scientists, scholars, and artists which continue to fearlessly explore the world and develop new ideas and concepts which advance themselves and the rest of humanity. (Akbar, 1998, p. 8)
Lastly, collective group history can serve to transmit the acquired immunities or knowledge regarding the successful ways that an individual’s ancestors have used to cope and navigate life’s difficulties, challenges, and transitions (Akbar, 1998).
Overall, knowledge of history is necessary for mental health providers in the therapeutic setting. In fact, mental health practitioners are trained to take a detailed personal history of their clients. The information gathered from the client’s history helps shape how providers understand the impact of past events and experiences on their client’s presenting difficulties and adjustments. This information further provides context regarding the unique ways in which clients discuss and experience problems in daily living, including their mental health symptoms. We argue that in addition to personal history, it is pivotal for mental health practitioners to learn and understand their clients’ collective group histories. Without an integration of both the personal and collective history, clinicians would be left with a fragmented and incomplete view of their clients. Unfortunately, while many providers receive training that helps them to understand their clients’ personal histories, many lack knowledge regarding the collective group histories of the clients they serve.
In an effort to help address the gap in training, this chapter aims to assist mental health providers and researchers studying or working with Latinos/ as become familiar with the collective group history of this racially and culturally diverse population. The chapter begins with a brief review of the history of the four main Indigenous groups that flourished in the Americas: the Aztecs, Maya, Inka, and Tainos/Caribs. A description of the legacy of each Indigenous group and their contributions to contemporary Latin American culture is provided. The devastating effects of the historic periods of the conquest and colonization for Indigenous people and their culture is also discussed, followed by a brief summary of the history of Africans in Latin America. The chapter concludes with recommendations for the integration of collective group history into Latino/a mental health.
The Aztecs
One of the most advanced Indigenous civilizations of the central Valley of Mexico was developed by the Aztecs, people also known as the Mexica (Ferguson, 2000; Meier & Ribera, 1993). The group who later formed the Aztec Empire is believed to have originated in a mythical place called Aztlan. This mythical place is believed to be located in what is today known as the southwest region of the United States (Ferguson, 2000; Meier & Ribera, 1993). Interestingly, in contemporary times, the descendants of the Aztecs are the numerical majority in the southwest, the very same lands where ancestors are believed to have originated from.
According to the legend, the Aztecs migrated south of Aztlan looking for their promised land. After hundreds of years of migration, the Mexica settled in the middle of a muddy island surrounded by water where they eventually
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[Contents]
64. Settling the Father’s Debt. [Story]
For similar “enigmatic phrase” stories compare Basset 2: 147–148; Rivière, 160–162; Renel 2: 82–84; 89–90; 164–165. The version, however, resembles the drolls from the Wye valley recorded in FL 16:178, 352.
[Contents]
65. Mr. Lenaman’s Corn-field. [Story]
Parkes gave me the only version I got of this good story in Jamaica; he heard it in the parish of St. Ann. Barker, 181–184, tells the same for “Farmer Mybrow,” but only to the harvesting. In Cronise and Ward, 152–159, a man tries to harvest rice in Devil’s Town. The Devil does all the work, but eventually the pot of rice runs back to the Devil. [263]
[Contents]
66. Simon Tootoos.4 [Story]
I heard this story more than once in Jamaica.
Compare Renel 2: 167–168; 283–286; Bundy, JAFL 32: 420; Parsons, Andros Island, 62–65 and 62, note 1, for references.
In a manuscript story shown me by Mrs. W. E. Wilson (Wona) which she took down from her old nurse, the same song is adapted to another story of a disobedient boy. In this tale, the boy insists upon going out late at night. He is at last captured by an ogre named “Time-an’-tootoos” who carries him off to devour. Father, mother and sister refuse his cry for help, but the brother finally hears him and comes just in time to his rescue. The song runs:
Me muma, oh, me muma, oh, Time-an’-tootoo, oh, lennan boy! Me muma, oh, me muma, oh, Time-an’-tootoo, oh, lennan boy!
Carry him go ’long, carry him go long, Hard ears baby, oh, lennan boy!
For the story, compare Parson’s Andros Island, “Disobedient Boy,” 155–156, and see Jacobs’s tale of Mr. Miacca, English Fairy Tales, third edition, revised, 171; Grimm, 42, The Godfather, Bolte u. Polívka 1: 375–377. This is the only case in which I found the same song adapted to the dialogue of two different stories.
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67. The Tree-wife. [Story]
Compare Torrend, 40–44. For the answering spittle, compare Tremearne, 210; answering tufts of hair, Theal, 131; see note to
number 15 and Bolte u. Polívka 1: 499; 2: 526–527. For beliefs about tracing something lost by means of spittle, see JAFL 2: 51, 52.
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68. Sammy the Comferee. [Story]
This curious story seems to be a cross between the Potiphar’s wife episode with which the ballad of “Young Seidal” opens, and the African tale of the lard girl who melts if exposed to the sun.
Compare Dayrell, 1–2; Tremearne, 192; Parsons, Andros Island, 125 and note 2 for references.
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69. Grandy Do-an’-do. [Story]
In a Jamaica version by P. Smith, the story takes the form of the transformed mistress (numbers 84, 87). Toad betrays the witch to her suitor and teaches him the name by pronouncing which he discovers her true nature. In another Jamaica story (P. Smith, 38–40), the monster does not harm the woman who knows his name. [264]
The story belongs to the group of fatal-name stories so popular in Jamaica. See numbers 14, 17, 23, 31, 44, 75, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93. All
turn upon name customs and superstitions such as are touched upon in Tremearne, 178–182; Renel, 2: 39–40; Theal 2: 214; and discussed in Clodd’s Magic in Names, New York, 1921; Frazer’s Golden Bough (1911) 3: 318–418. See also Bolte u. Polívka 1: 490–498, on Grimm 55.
Compare Junod, 309–313; Tremearne, 274–278; 349–350; Dayrell, 79–80; Parsons, Andros Island, 114–115; Sea Islands, 22–23.
In this story, (1) a servant, refused food unless she tells the name of her mistress, learns the secret from a friendly animal; (2) the mistress discovers the traitor and avenges herself upon him or is herself vanquished.
(1) In some African versions, girls come to wed a desirable suitor, who kills them if they cannot tell his name. One girl is polite to an old woman, who tells her the secret.
(2) In some African versions, as in number 93, the name is fatal. In Jamaica, its possession wins a reward, and the interest is likely to turn upon an explanatory ending. For the incident of singing the name, see Musgrave, FLR 3: 1: 53–54. For the bull-fight, see number 88, and compare Cronise and Ward, 55–65.
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70. Jack and Harry. [Story]
This fragmentary story belongs, with the Man-crow story of number 90, to a much longer African story which relates the adventures of a child-hero whose father, dying, leaves instructions that the child’s will
shall never be crossed. Incidents succeed one another of inhuman ingratitude and of intrepid heroism, based on the possession of magical powers, until the boy finally kills a bird-monster and performs other remarkable exploits.
Compare Tremearne, How Auta killed Dodo, 408–412; Zeltner, Histoire de Kama, 47–62.
“Harry” in this story is the counterpart of the older sister who acts as Kama’s mentor in Zeltner’s version, and of “Barra” in Tremearne. The four episodes are common to this and the Kama story,—the stolen breakfast, the insult to the sheltering old woman, and the two episodes of the breaking of the rescuing eagle’s wing, followed immediately by the abuse of the friendly tortoise. In Zeltner, the tortoise has restored the children to life. The common-place incidents of the Jamaica version are in curious contrast with the rich and varied phantasmagoria of the Senegambian tale. [265]
The flight which brings disaster to the kindly shelterers occurs in the story of Tiger’s pursuit by the “Nyams,” told by Pamela Smith, 59–65. Compare Tremearne, 344–346.
In Europe, the story of the Bear’s son in folk-tale and of Robert the Devil in romance have points in common with this story. See Grimm 90; Bolte u. Polívka 2: 285–297; as also Grimm’s Thumbling stories, numbers 37 and 45, and note (3) to number 30.
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71. Pea-fowl as Messenger. [Story]
Jekyll, 84–85, connects the animal competitors with the story of making the dumb girl speak, as in numbers 95, 96. In Milne-Home, 73–77, the animals compete to sing at the king’s dance. In African parallels, some peril is involved of which a bird is to bear warning. But in all my versions and in those given by Mrs. Parsons from Andros Island, 112–113, the birds summon the father of a new-born child. The song of one of my versions from Maroon-town runs,
Mr. Canoe-lo, Mr. Canoe-lo, I want de key of de hall door, Mistress Canoe hard labour.
Mrs. Parsons says that the negroes of Andros Island agreed that this was the most popular story on the island.
Compare Torrend, 87–88; Junod, 140–141; Dennett, 103–104; Jacottet, 108; Theal, 63–66; Renel 1: 32–34; 279–281, 282–287; Parsons, Andros Island, 112–113; Sea Islands, 106.
Peafowl’s reward gives an explanatory turn to the end of the story. In Hendricks version from Mandeville, Peafowl sings,
Mister Conna Levrin, Mister Conna Levrin, When she’s going to die, ah-h!
The husband reaches home in haste. The lady gives Pea-fowl the promised reward, and “he took the bag of gold and the silver, and in his joy he threw it right over his head, over his entire body, never remembered his two feet. That’s the reason why Pea-fowl’s so handsome all over—has such beautiful feathers and such ugly feet.”
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72. The Barking Puppy. [Story]
On the whole, the bird is a friendly spirit, the dog an unfriendly in African story. Here, as in number 28, the dog takes the place of the warning bird. The idea seems to be here that the dog, by calling his master’s name, invokes his spirit. [266]
Compare Junod, 93; Parsons, Andros Island, 165; and “The Hobyahs” in Jacobs, More English Fairy Tales, 127.
In Junod, Dove warns Hippopotamus against Rabbit; Rabbit kills Dove. The feathers give warning; Rabbit burns all the feathers but one and mixes them with dirt; then the one feather gives warning.
In Chatelain, 129, a dog warns of a murder. See note to number 73.
In Callaway, 52, a witch’s flesh is ground to powder and thrown into the water in order that it may not come back to life.
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73. The Singing Bird. [Story]
In Jekyll, 14–16, the incident of the warning bird is employed in the story of the two sisters, number 74. Version b is a poor rendering of Jekyll, 96–97.
In Theal, 217–220, the younger of two brothers secures a magic gift of cattle. The elder lets him down into a water-hole to drink and,
leaving him there, goes home with the cattle. A warning bird leads rescuers to the place. See, for the same story, Jacottet, 60–62 and note; Folk-Lore Jour. of. So. Af. 1: 139–147.
For the incident of the warning bird compare Torrend, 17; note 24–26; 166–167; Theal, 219; Renel 1: 30–31; Dayrell, 110–114; FLJ (SA) 1: 75–79. The motive is common in ballads; e.g. JAFL 20: 253.
In the Cinderella story, it is a bird who gives warning of the false bride; e.g. Callaway, 130–135. Not all birds, only certain species, are looked upon as “prophet birds.” See Cronise and Ward, 175; Dennett, 8. That these birds may be regarded in some cases as the actual soul of the murdered person is evident from Renel’s story.
In Parsons, Andros Island, 129–132, a tree sings of a murder. See Grimm 47, The Juniper Tree, and Bolte u. Polívka 1: 412–423 on Grimm 28, The Singing Bones.
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74. Two Sisters. [Story]
Jamaica versions of this popular story appear in Milne-Home, 70–72; Jekyll, 14–16; Trowbridge, JAFL 9: 283–284. Parsons Andros Island, 150–152, has equivalent versions.
The False Bride motive is very common in African story. Compare Callaway, 105–130; 303–316; Theal, 56–66; 144–147; 151–154; Jacottet, 90–99; Torrend, 66–68; Dayrell, 126.
In number 101, the true bride comes at night and sings and is detected through the words of her song. In this story, she comes at
night to suckle her child; see the Child ballad version noted [267]by Parsons, and Bolte u. Polívka 1: 76–96, on Grimm 11, Brother and Sister. In Theal, 55–66, the drowned woman comes at night to suckle her child, is watched, and a net set to catch her. In Theal, 144–147, the snare and the milk are set for the false instead of for the true bride as a test of her witch nature because no witch’s tail can escape the attraction of milk. This is like the old fable of the cat who became a lady, but betrayed her origin when a mouse ran across the floor.
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75. Assonah. [Story]
This story has some elements in common with number 90. It falls into two parts. (1) A huge beast comes daily to the house and is finally shot. (2) A boy who must discover the name of the beast learns it by chance from an old woman and wins the reward.
(1) Compare Backus, JAFL 13: 27, where the animal is a bear
(2) The connection between the first and the last part of this story, which seems to belong to the fatal name series, is lost. For the old woman as informant, compare references to number 69. For the audience, the point of the story evidently lay in the comic way in which Brown held up the imaginary monster’s skin between thumb and fore-finger and said, “No (is it not?) Assonah ’kin?” Assonah is generally supposed to be an elephant.
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76. The Greedy Child. [Story]
The idea of a water spirit who allows no one to cross a river without an offering of food, seems to be common in West Africa; e.g. Dayrell, 107–114. Jekyll, 100–101, Dry River, has a Jamaica version of this story. Compare also Tremearne, 209–210, 307–314.
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77. Alimoty and Aliminty. [Story]
For the exchange of colors see Bolte u. Polívka 1: 124–126. For place-changing and killing of the wrong victim see the same, 499–501. Compare Parsons, Sea Islands, 128.
The incident is common in African story, e.g. Tremearne, 430; Dennett, 47; Torrend, 33; Junod, 163. The setting of the story is often similar to number 23 where a parent calls upon outside aid to get rid of a troublesome child.
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78. The Fish Lover. [Story]
This story is very common in Jamaica. See Milne-Home, 91–93, and compare Renel 1: 203–204; 206–208 (origin of water-beings); Renel 2: 268–269; Parsons, Andros Island, 61, and note for references; Sea Islands, 137. [268]
In Smith, 573–584, a young man changes into a fish in order to escape the attentions of the ladies. He comes out when his mother calls him. He is finally lured out and caught in the meshes of his lover’s hair.
In Grimm 8, Bolte u. Polívka 1: 69–70, a little girl is forced by her brothers to go out and cut peat with a dull knife. Her elf-lover stretches out a sharp knife to her from the hill where he lives and tells her to call him by striking on the stone. The brothers wonder how she can cut the peat, and spy upon her. They strike the stone, take the knife and cut off the elf’s hand, who thereafter disappears.
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The story is confused in the telling. It has three parts. (1) A waterbeing helps a girl who is abused by her aunt and sent to fetch water with too heavy a jug. (2) The water-being pursues and carries off the girl, though she is locked in an iron chest. (3) The girl’s lover comes to her rescue and defeats the monster. See the next number and perhaps 99.
79. Juggin Straw Blue. [Story]
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80. The Witch and the Grain of Peas. [Story]
There are two parts to this story. (1) The witch step-mother discovers that the girl has eaten food in her house and threatens to drown her.
(2) The lover comes to rescue her and fights the step-mother.
(1) Compare Jacottet, 166–175, and Lewis, 253–255.
(2) For the fight, compare numbers 69, 79, 88, 89, 90. For the fight with eggs see number 79 and compare Fortier, 11–13. Eggs are used as propitiatory offerings to a water monster, as in Dayrell, 130, and are among the most useful objects employed for conjuring. In Zeltner, 1–6, eggs are used for magical purposes in the fight with a witch, but arrows serve as the actual weapons.
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81. The Witch at Bosen Corner. [Story]
This nursery tale was commonly recited to me by women, and a great many versions differed only in trifling respects from the pattern employed in the oldest Jamaica version on record, Lewis, 255–259.
Here the girl breaks a jug and is sent to get a new one. Three old women appear to her one after another, the last of them headless, to test her courtesy. The cat appears, the rice is cooking. The eggs to be selected are the “silent” ones out of a number of fine large ones
that cry “take me.” Out of the first egg comes the jug after which she has been sent; the other two make her fortune. [269]
P. Smith’s version, 31–34, has more direct Frau Holle incidents. The good girl fulfils as she advances the requests of the grass, ping-wing and bramble, the fruit-tree and the cow. When the old woman sends her to draw water with a basket, Turtle tells her to put a plantain-leaf inside. She selects a little ugly calabash. When she is pursued by “axe-men” (as in number 82), the things she has been kind to befriend her, as in Wona’s version of Brother Dead.
In a manuscript version in the collection of Mrs. W. E. Wilson (Wona), Yuckie and Jubba are the two daughters. Yuckie has a present of a string of amber beads. She puts them about her neck and says “bad dey behind you, good dey before you,” but this only in dream. She loses the beads in the river and is turned out of the house. On her way, she sees and greets kindly a foot and a hand, and scratches the back of an ugly old woman, without complaining of the insects which sting her. The pot of rice, the cat, and the eggs are as above. The fine eggs say “Tek me no,” the dirty ones, “No tek me.” Compare FLJ (SA) 1; 111–116, where the girls pretend to throw their beads into the water and thus deceive one girl into doing so, who has then to go down to the home of the water monster to get them back.
The variants from Andros Island, Parsons, 17–26, show no such uniformity. They are sometimes confused with the pumpkin story of Parsons, 26–27, and Milne-Home, 84–88, in which the choice of pumpkins is like that of the eggs in this story.
The theme is very common in African collections. Compare MacDonald 1:298–301; Junod, 191–192; 237–242; Torrend, 75–80; Tremearne, 307–314; 401–407; Barker, 89–94; Nassau, 213; Renel 1:50–64; Bundy, JAFL 32:406; and Parsons, Andros Island, note 1,
page 17 for further references. See Grimm 24, Frau Holle; Bolte u. Polívka 2:207–227.
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82. The Witch and the Three Dogs. [Story]
This is one of the longest stories I heard in Jamaica. The leading Maroon story-teller recited it to me in full audience, and I heard it repeated by another Maroon in much less detail. Numbers 83, 84 and 89 have points of likeness to it.
It has five parts. (1) Two brothers are out penning cattle and one, going for fire, surprises a witch in the act of feeding her family, which she carries about in her own body. (2) The witch, bent on revenge, follows them home and proposes, as a test for a husband, knocking a calabash from her head with a missile; the boy throws a frail missile and succeeds. (3) At night, the witch [270]sharpens her razor to kill him, but each time she approaches, one of his dogs warns him. (4) The boy departs with his bride, leaving his dogs chained, but he places a pot in the middle of the floor and warns his mother when the liquid in the pot begins to boil to loosen the dogs to his rescue. (5) He climbs a tree to escape the witch. She produces axes and axe-men by tapping her body and proceeds to chop the tree, which he restores magically until his dogs rush in and tear up the witch.
Compare Barker, 123–128; Callaway, 51–54; Chatelain, 103–110; Jacottet, 58; Renel 1:86–93; Theal, 46; Tremearne, 432–441; Zeltner, 61; FLJ (SA) 1:13–17; 21–25; Lenz, 15–17; Edwards, 72;
Harris, Friends, 91–100; Parsons, Andros Island, 66–70; Sea Islands, 80–88; JAFL 30:189–190; JAFL 25:259; 32:399–400.
(1) “Possessing the fire” is a sign of magic power, according to Junod, 157, note. In Edwards, “De big worrum” has fire. A father sends two sons in turn to fetch it, but as they reach after the fire the worm swallows them. The father goes with a lance that glistens, is swallowed, cuts open the worm and rescues all the people the worm has swallowed. In Renel, 88, the pursuing monster swallows people alive. Compare Tremearne, and Parsons, Andros Island, 67, 68.
In Tremearne, a hunter sees a witch knocking herself and feeding monsters all over her body. In Jacottet, an axe chops out of the body of the witch the cows which are the cause of the two brothers’ quarrel.
(2) In Barker, the episode of the calabash is attached to the story of the hunter, told in number 84. The elephant whose tail he has cut off turns into a lady and goes to find her mutilator She proposes a test similar to the test in this story. In Tremearne, the witch proposes the test, as in this story, because the hunter has seen more than he should.
(3) For this episode see note to number 83 and references. In Tremearne, the boy’s father insists upon the son’s taking a horse, a sword, and gourds. When the witch sharpens her teeth to eat the boy, the horse wakens him. In Parsons, Andros Island, 68, the boy escapes the witch’s razor by turning into a bucket of water.
(4) It is not clear how this episode of the life token got attached to the story. I do not find it in African versions. That it is fairly constant is shown in Parsons, 66, 67, 69. In the more common form of the story of the Two Brothers, with which this story has some elements in common, the life-token often takes the form of [271]a knife stuck in a
tree; see number 104. In Tremearne, 298, the treed husband has carried his flute, with which he warns his wife to loosen his dogs very much in the manner of Roland at Roncevalle. In Jekyll, 35, the water in a white saucer set in the sun turns to blood, but this is a Bluebeard story.
(5) Climbing a tree to escape an enemy is one of the commonest episodes in African flight stories. See number 89. Here it occurs combined with the axe-chopping contest and the rescue by dogs, who rush in at the end and tear the pursuer to pieces. In Tremearne, the woman transforms herself in various ways before the dogs succeed in killing her. They then devour every drop of her blood. In number 104, the dogs are restrained from taking part in the fight with the witch by being chained by the witch’s hair. This episode is also of frequent occurrence in American Indian lore. See Parsons, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 54:1–29 (1922).
In some cases, e.g. in Theal, Zeltner, Harris, 85–90, and in FLJ (SA), the tree-cutting episode occurs independently of the rescuing dogs.
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83. Andrew and his Sisters. [Story]
The story appears in Milne-Home, 114–120.
Compare Chatelain, 145–151; 103–111; Renel 1:77–81; 2:261–265; 265–267; Ferrand, 119–122; Torrend, 159–163; Tremearne, 432–441; Callaway, 53; Theal, 124–126; Cronise and Ward, 178–186; Dennett, 52; Barker, 97–101; Junod, 144–148; Edwards, 92–93; Parsons, Andros Island, 44.
See numbers 82 and 86. It is the imitative “Sharpen me razor” song which makes the story successful with an audience.
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84. The Hunter. [Story]
The story is popular in Jamaica and is told interchangeably of man or woman wooer.
Compare Barker, 123–128; Cronise and Ward, 261–262; Tremearne, 292–293; FL 22:457–458; Harris, Friends, 91–100; Parsons, Andros Island, 65 and reference note 3.
The point of the story is voiced in Nassau, 15; “If you find a friend, it is not well to tell him all the thoughts of your heart. If you tell him two or three, leave the rest.” In Cronise and Ward, the man reveals all his resources for transformation but the last, which is “dat t’ing wey turn fas’ fas’ pon top de wattah.” In Tremearne, FL 22, he starts to say the word for “ring” (zoba) gets as far as “zop” and is interrupted. In Barker there is a further Delilah turn to the story. He escapes twice by transformation; [272]finally the witch gets his god, while he sleeps with his head in her lap, and burns it. Before it is quite consumed, it turns him into a hawk and he flies away.
In Harris, the version follows the story of the witch and the three dogs as in number 82
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85. Man-Snake as Bridegroom. [Story]
Besides the last number, three other types of monster marriage stories are common in Jamaica, all of which, though versions overlap or vary, follow a fairly fixed pattern. They may be distinguished as the Snake husband, the Devil husband, and the Bull husband.
The Snake husband story is very common. Besides the half dozen here set down of the many versions offered me, seven Jamaica stories already collected follow the general pattern with more or less exactness. See Lewis, 291–296, Sarah Wintun; Milne Home, 54–55, The Sneake; 46–50, De Sneake an’ de King’s Darter; Bates, JAFL 9:121, The Yalla Snake; Jekyll, 26, The Three Sisters; 102–104, Yellow Snake; 65, Tacoma and the old Witch Girl.
The story has three parts. (1) A difficult young lady refuses all suitors, but falls in love with a Snake dressed as a handsome man. (2) He has borrowed his fine parts and on the journey home drops them one by one, becomes a Snake, and takes her to his home. (3) Her brothers hear her song of distress and rescue her just as the Snake is about to swallow her. These elements are fairly constant in modern Jamaica versions.
(1) “The pick and choose” idea occurs in Bates’s, all Jekyll’s and all my versions, although the idea that fine clothes do not make the man is also emphasized.
For the “pick and choose” motive, compare Zeltner, 85, where the girl refuses to marry anyone but “un homme n’avant aucune ouverture;” Nassau, 68, where she will have no man with “even a little bit of a blotch on his skin;” Tremearne, FL 22:346, where he
must have “not one blemish;” and Christensen, 10, where the girl refuses to marry anyone with a scratch on his back. In none of these cases does the husband take the form of a Snake. Compare also Jacottet, 126–159, where are recorded five snake-husband stories, four of which are enchanted beast stories (two of the “Beauty and the Beast” type and two of the “Yonec” type), and the fifth is a good and bad-mannered girl story, none of which use the “pick and choose” motive.
(2) The borrowed clothes appear in both Milne-Home’s versions, in Bates’s, in two of Jekyll’s and in two of mine. In Milne-Home, [273]the story ends with the dropping of the clothes; in Jekyll and in two of mine, the monster carries her to his den or “stone-hole.”
The clothes-borrowing idea occurs in Cronise and Ward, 178–186, where “half-man” borrows his other half; in Dayrell, 39; Fortier, 71; Hollis, Masai, 201–202; Parsons, Andros Island, 48 iv, 49 v, 50 i, 53 iv, and in Sea Islands, 46.
(3) In Jekyll, 102, and all my versions, the girl’s song for help and the answering swallowing song furnish the main interest of the story; and the rescue by the brothers follows in Jekyll and in my two versions. In my third version, the Snake swallows the girl while her parents are sleeping. In Lewis’s much earlier story, a jealous sorceress gives her step-daughter over to a great black dog named Tiger, who takes her away to his den. She sings until her hunter brothers hear her song, rush in and rescue her
In Renel 1:275–277, a girl weds a beast in disguise, because of his handsome clothes, is carried away to his hole, and finally attracts her mother’s ears by her song of lamentation. In other African stories of monster marriages, the song is entrusted to a bird messenger.
For the rescue, see Jekyll’s Bluebeard story, 35–37; Bleek, 61–64; Christensen, 10–14; and numbers 83 and 86.
Evidently the story has become fixed in Jamaica out of a number of different elements and does not depend upon a common source. The lesson to the over-fastidious girl, ridicule of her fear of the ordeal of marriage, and the old setting of the rescue by hunter-brothers, are drawn together into a coherent story. It is the song that makes the story popular.
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86. The Girls who married the Devil. [Story]
The flight from a Devil husband has also taken on a fixed form in Jamaica in contrast to the number of variants related on Andros Island and the much more complex versions known in Africa. It is possible that this is true only for the localities visited.
The story has three parts. (1) A girl marries a handsome man against her little brother’s warning. (2) The man, who is usually the devil, carries her home, accompanied in secret by the brother, locks her up, and sets a cock to watch her. (3) An old woman befriends her, they feed the cock with various grains and finally escape over the river in the Devil’s magic boat, pursued by the Devil.
Jekyll, 148–151, The Devil and the Princess, has a version of this story.
Compare Zeltner, 85–90; Nassau, 68–76; Fortier, 68–75; [274]Jones, 82–88; Chatelain, 99–101; Barker, 97–101; Jacottet, 160–166;
